AMENDMENTS TO THE FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT LIMITING CIA INTERVENTION IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES

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• Publication Date: August 1, 1974
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NO. 12
23 AUGUST 1974
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
1 August 1974 -
AMENDMENTS TO THE FOREIGN
ASSISTANCE ACT LIMITING CIA
INTERVENTION IN THE INTERNAL
, AFFAIRS OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES
HON. MICHAEL HARRINGTON
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 31, 1974
Mr. HARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I
ma offering amendments to the Foreign
Assistance Act limiting CIA covert op-
erations which manipulate and inter-
vene in the internal affairs of foreign
countries.
I consider the Foreign Assistance Act
the natural piece of legislation for at-
taching these amendments. For there
can be no doubt that when the CIA
intervenes in the internal affairs of for-
eign countries, the CIA is usurping Con-
ress' role and responsibility for formu-
lating foreign policy. Such executive
abuses of power must now be ended.
In the last couple of months, particu-
lar attention has been given to unlawful
CIA intervention into this country's do-
mestic affairs. CIA intervention into the
domestic affairs of foreign countries is
simply the other side of the coin end
deserves equal congressional attention.
Such intervention is equally illegal and
is a?manifestation of the same drive for
unchecked power on the part of the ex-
ecutive branch of Government. .
This committee should feel a particu-
lar obligation to limit CIA activities
which intervene in the internal affairs of
foreign countries. As reported in the
Washington Post on October 21, 1973,
CIA Director Colby in hearings on the
Chilean coup told me that he would not
testify before this committee to specific
CIA operations. Yet, it is this committee
which formulates foreign policy. If the
CIA will not tell us exactly how
and in what respects the CIA is in-
fluencing foreing policy, this commit-
tee's only choice is to prevent the CIA
to the extent possible from anyway af-
fecting foreign policy determinations.
The CIA now enjoys the best of both
worlds. It tells of its intervention in for-
eign policy only to those Members of
Congress either not interested or experi-
enced in formulating foreign policy; on
the other hand, it tells those Members
Interested and experienced in formu-
lating foreign policy that CIA meddling
into foreign affairs is none ig their busi-
ness. This clearly cannot continue.
I envision these amendments as only
a first step in regaining for the Foreign
Affairs Committee power over the CIA's
direction of foreign policy. Certainly,
full support should be given to that part
of the Bolling committee reforms which
give the Foreign Affairs Committee some
oversight powers in regard to the CIA.
Independently, it is also necessary to
work for reform which will create a CIA
oversight committee which would in-
clude members of Foreign Affairs and
would have the necessary powers to pre-
vent CIA abuses of its charter.
According to President Truman, whose
administration created the CIA, the
agency was intended to gather, central-
ize and analyze intelligence and was
never intended to to be a "peacetime
cloak-and-dagger operation." The Na-
tional Security Act of 1947 authorizing
the CIA gave it permission to engage
only in those activities "related to in-
telligence." Yet, the evidence is clear
that the CIA in conjunction with the
National Security Council has taken upon
itself the role of directing a secret for-
eign policy distinct from the one au-
thorized by CongreSs. ?
Almost from its inception, the CIA has
arrogated to itself the power to secretly
intervene in the internal affairs of for-
eign countries. According to a series of
artcles written collectively by the New
York Times correspondents Tom Wicker,
Max Frankel, Bud Kenworthy, and
John Finney and published in the Times
from April 25-28, 1966, in the early 1950's,
the CIA funded defeated Chinese Na-
tionalists and encouraged them to raid
Communist China-. .Iii Guatemala, the
article noted that the CIA has admitted
that it funded and engineered the revo-
lution against the Communist-oriented
President Jacabo Arbenz Guzman. As is
well documented, the Bay of Pigs opera-
tion was planned by the CIA.
According to the Times, it is now doc-
umented that the IA operated the Phil-
lipine campaign against link allerniw';.
The CIA organized an unsuccessful coup
against President Sukarno of Indonesia
in 1958. According to Vincent Marchet-
ti's book, "The CIA, the Cult of Inlolh-
gence," the CIA spent an eXCen::j ye
amount of energy in hunt lug down Cit,'
GIACVeril in 1966-67. All of these opera-
tions clearly affected this country's for-
eign policy.
In Chile, according to an April 6, 1973,
Washington Post article by Laurence
Stern quoting knowledgeable official
sources, major intervention by the CIA
helped to defeat Allende in the 1964 elec-
tion for President. The CIA funded trade
unions, farmer organizations, st mien I.
groups, and the media in order to defen t,
and discredit Allende. According to testi-
mony given before a Senate subcommit-
tee and printed in the October 21, 1973,
Washington Post, the CIA earmarked
$400.000 to support anti-Allende news
media shortly before the election. In tr,s-
timony before this coin! n Mee anti
printed in the Washington Post, Director
Colby refused to say that this money was
not spent. The latest CIA manipulative
attempt exposed by the press and ad-
mitted by the Government was t he fak-
ing of a letter to Bangkok government by
1
a CIA agent.. The agent accredited the
letter to a guerilla leader in order to
discredit him.
CIA interference in other countries'
internal affairs through military assist-
ance has also been egl.egious and docu-
mented. The CIA has now admitted that
it armed, trained, and olvrated an array
of Meo tribcomen in Laos ? duriirr the
1960's. The Times articles on April 25-23.
1966, documented that the CIA supplied
.pilots, mechanics, and aircraft to time
government of Moise Tshombe in tile
Congo.
CIA involvement in training the mili-
tary and police forces of other Countries
has also recently come to light. In Jack
Anderson's column of October 8. 1973, he
exposed the existence of papers possessed
by Senator ABOUREZK which documented
that the CIA was training foreign police-
men under the auspices of AID in a re-
mote desert camp in Texas. Foreign
countries being trained included Chlie.
Brazil, Guatemala, the Dominican Re-
public. Bolivia, and Uruguay. The CIA
taught these policemen the use of explo-
sives, electric priming, electric firing de-
vices, explosive charges, and booby traps.
That the CIA is still involved in these
operations today is evident. A pattern of
intervention in the internal affairs of
foreign countries has been clear since the
creation of the CIA. There is no reason to
believe that the CIA has suddenly
stopped these activities. Moreover: ac-
cording to Marchetti, 1,800 CIA agents
are still working in the covert activities
unit of the CIA-engaged in financing
youth, labor, cultural groups, operating
clandestine radio propa gouda outlets,
and conducting hare-scale efforts to i?-
fluence foreign elections, Andrew Hamil-
ton, former program analyst for the Na-
tional Security Council, reported in the
September 1973 edition of the Progressive
that according to informed sources the ?
1fr71 CIA budi:et couttnwd at nl,out $100 ?
, m ll'211 for cove) t operation in 1971.
' Fins it should he briefly noted that
pot only is there the abundance of evi-
denre Mentioned previously tieing. the
CIA to the formulation of foreign policy.
but there is also evidence that seine CIA
f un dine comes direct ly from FAA money.
there are the police trAning pro-
grams already mentioned. Marchett?i re-
ports in his book that AID's Public Safety
Division regularly provides cover for CIA
operatives all over time world. In addition,
the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee revealed that the Loatian war
was financed from the budgets of AID
and DOD.
These amendments to the Foreign
Assistance Act limiting CIA activities
offer Congress an opportunity to reassert "-
those powers, which through neglect,
have been usurped by time CIA.
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HE NEW YORK TIMES, THUR,SDAY, AUGUST 15, 1974
xcerpts From the Draft of Hou_se judiCiary
Special to The New York Timex
WASHINGTON, Aug. 14-
Following are excerpts from
the draft of the final report
by the House Judiciary Com-
mittee that contains facts
?supporting Articles I, II and
Ill of impeachment of former
President Nixon:
ARTICLE I
Conclusion
After the Committee on
the Judiciary had debated i
whether or not it should rec-
ommend Article I to the
House of Representatives, 26
of the 38 members of the
committee found that the evi-
dence before it could only
lead to one conclusion: That
Richard M. Nixon, using the
powers of his high office,
engaged, personally andl
through his subordinates and
agents, in a course of con-
duct or plan designed to de-
lay, impede, and obstruct the
investigation of the unlawful
entry, on June 17,1972, into
the headquarters of the Dem-
ocratic National Committee:
To cover up, conceal and pro-
tect those responsible; and
to conceal the existence and
scope of other unla?rful cov-
ert activities.
This . finding is the only
one that can explain the
President's involvement in a?
pattern of undisputed acts
that occurred after the break-
in and that cannot other-
wise be rationally explained.
The President's decision on
June 20, 1972, not to meet
with his Attorney. General,
his chief of staff, his counsel,
his campaign director, and .
his assistant, John Ehrlich-
man, whom he had put in
charge of the investigation
-when the subject of their
meeting was. the Watergate
matter.
[2]
The erasure of that portion
of the recording of the Presi-
dent's conversation with
Haldeman, on June 20, 1972,
which dealt with Watergate
-when the President stated
that the tapes had been un-
der his "sole and personal
control."
131
The President's public de-
nial on June 22, 1972, of the
involvement of members of
the Committee for the Re-
election of the President or
of the White House staff in
the Watergat burglary, in
spite of having discussed
Watergate, on or before June
22, 1972, with Haldeman,
Colson and Mitchell-all per-
sons aware of that involve-
ment.
[4]
The President's refusal, on
July 6, 1972, to inquire and
inform himself what Patrick
Gray, acting director of the
F.B.I., meant by his warning
that some of the President's
Panel's Final Report on Impeachrifen't
aides were "trying to mor-
tally wound" him.
151
The President's discussion
with Ehrlichman on July 8;
1972, of clemency for the
Watergate burglars, more than
two months before the return
of any indictments.
[6]
The President's public state-
ment on August 29, 1972, a
statement later shown to be
untrue, that an investigation
by John Dean "indicates that
no one in the White House
staff, no one in the Adminis-
tration, presently employed,
was involved in this very
Bizarre incident."
[7]
The President's statement
to Dean on September 15,-
1972, the day that the Wa-
tergate indictments were re-
turned without naming high
C.R.P. and White House offi-
cials, that Dean had handled
his work skillfully, "putting
your fingers in the dike every
time that leaks have sprung
here and sprung there,' and
that "you just try to button
it up as well as you can and
hope for the best."
[8]
The President's discussion
with Colson in January,
1973, of clemency for Hunt.
[9]
The President's discussion
with Dean on Feb. 28, 1973,
of Kalmbach's upcoming tes-
timony before the Senate se-
lect committee, in which the
President said.. that it would
be hard for Kalmbach be-
cause'"it'll -get out about
Hunt," and the deletion of
that phrase from the edited
White House transcript.
[10]
The . President's appoint-
-ment in March, 1973, of Jeb
Stuart Magruder to a high
Government position when
Magruder had previously
perjured himself before the
Watergate grand jury in. or-
der to conceal C.R.P. involve-
ment.
[11]
The President's refusal to
act on Dean's statements of
March 13, 1973, that Mitch-
ell and Haldeman knew
about Liddy's operation at
C.R.P., that Sloan has a com-
pulsion to "cleanse his soul
by confession," that Stens
and Kalmbach are trying to
get him to "settle down," and
that Strachan had lied about
his prior knowledge of Wa-
tergate out of personal loy-
alty: and the President's
reply to Dean that Strachan
was the problem "in Bob's
case."
[12]
The President's discussion
on March 13, .1973, of a plan
to limit future Watergate
Investigations by making
Colson, a White House "con-
sultant without doing any
consulting," in order to bring
him under the doctrine of ex-
ecutive privilige.
[13]
The omission of the discus-
sion related to Watergate
from the White House edited
transript, submitted to the
Committee on the Judiciary,
of the President's -March 17,
1973, conversation with
Dean, 'especially in light of
the fact that the President
had listened to the conversa-
tion .on June 4,. 1973.
[14]
The President's instruction
to Dean on the evening of
March 20, 1973, to make his
report on Watergate "very
incomplete,' and his subse-
quent public statements mis-
representing the nature. of
that instruction.
. [15]
The President's instruction
to Haldeman on the morning
of March 21, 1973, that
Hunt's price was pretty
high, but we should buy the
time on that.
[16]
The President's March 21
statement to Dean that he
had "handled it just right,"
and contained it," and the
deletion of the above com-
ments from the edited White
House transcripts.
[17] ?
The President's instruction
to Dean on March 21, 1973,
to state falsely that payments
to the Watergate defendants
had been made through a
Cuban committee.
[18]
The President's refusal to
inform officials of the De-
partment of Justice that on
March 21, 1973, Dean had
confessed to obstruction of
justice and had said that
Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and
Mitchell were also involved
in the crime. "
[19]
The President's approval on
March 22, 1973, of a shift
in his position on executive
privilege "in order to get on
with the cover-up plan," and
the discrepancy, in that
phrase' in the edited White
House transcript.
[20]
The President's instruction
to Ronald Ziegler on March
26, .1973, to state publicly
that the President has "ab-
solute and total confidence"
in Dean.
[21]
The President's actions, in
April, 1973, in conveying to
Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Col-
son and Kalmbach informa-
tion furnished to the President
by Assistant Attorney General
2
Petersen after the President "
had assured Petersen that he
would not do so. ?
[22]
The President's discussion,
in April, 1973, of the manner
in which witnesses should
give false and misleading
statements.
[23]
The President's lack of
clemency to Mitchell, Magru-
der and Dean.
[24]
The President's lack of full
disclosure to Assistant Attor-
ney General Henry Petersen
between April 15 and April
27, 1973, when Petersen re-
ported directly to the Presi-
dent about the Watergate
investigation.
[25]
The President's instruction
to Erhlichman on April 17,
1973, to give false testi-
mony concerning Kalmbach's
knowledge of the purpose of
the payments to the Water-
gate defendants.
? [26]
The President's decision to
give Haldeman on April 25
and 26, 1973, access to tape
recordings of Presidential
conversations, after Assistant
Attorney General Petersen
had repeatedly warned the
President that Haldeman was
a suspect in the Watergate
investigation.
[27]
The President's refusal to
disclose the existence of the
White House taping system.
[28]
The President's statement
on May 25, 1973, that his
waiver of executive privilege,
announced publicly on May
22, 1973, did not extend to
documents.
[29]
The refusal of the Presi-
dent to cooperate with Spe-
cial Prosecutor Cox: The
President's instruction to
Special Prosecutor Cox not
to seek additional evidence
in the courts and his firing
of Cox when Cox refused to
comply with that directive.
[30]
The submission by the
President to the committee
on April 30, 1974, and the
simultaneous release to the
public of transcripts of 43
Presidential conversations
and statements which are
characterized by omissions of
words and passages, mis-
attributions of statements,
additions, paraphrases, dis-
tortions, non-sequiturs, de-
letions of sections as "ma-
terial unrelated to Presiden-
tial action." and other signs
of editorial intervention: the
President's authorization of
his counsel to characterize
,these transcripts as "accu-
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rate:" and the President's
public statement that the ,
tanrscripts. contained "the ?
whole.story" of the Watergate.
matter.
In addition to this evidence
there was before the commit-
tee the following additional
evidence.
? [1]
Begirming immediately
after June 17, 1972, the in-
volvement of each of the
President's top aides and po-
litical associates, Haldeman,
Mitchell, Ehrlichman, Colson,
Dean, LaRue, Mardian, Mar-
grader, in the Watergate cov-
er-up.
[2]
The clandestine payment
by Kalmbach and LaRue of
more than $400,000 'to the
Watergate defendants.
[3]
The attempt by Ehrlich-
man' and Dean to interfere
with- the F.B.I. Investigation.
[4]
The perjury of Magruder,
Porter, Mitchell, Krogh, Stra-
chan, Haldeman and Ehrlich-
man. ?
In addition to this evidence,
there was ,before the com-
mittee a record of public
statements by the President
between June 22, 1972, and
June 9, 1974, deliberately
contrived continually to de-
ceive the courts, the Depart-
malt of Justice, the Congress
and the America.. people.
On August 5, 1974, the
President submitted to the
Committee on the Judiciary
three additional edited White
House transcripts of Presiden-
tial conversations on June 23,
1972, which confirm the find-
ing that from shortly after
the break-in on June 17, 1972,
President Nixon personally di-
rected his subordinates to
take action designed to delay,
impede and obstruct the in-
estigation of the Watergate
break-in: to cover-up, con-
ceal, and protect those re-
sponsible: and to conceal the
existence and scope of other
unlawful covert activities.
In violation of his consti-
tutional duty to take care
thet the laws be faithfully
executed, contrary to his
trust as President and un-
mindful of the duties of his
high office, the President
adopted a course of conduct,
which caused illegal surveil-
lance for political purposes,
and the concealment of re-
sponsibility for that surveil-
lance: obstruction of justice:
perjury, destruction of evi-
dence?all crimes. For more
than two years, the President
engaged in a course of con-
duct which involved deliber-
ate, repeated and continued
deception of the American
people.
The committee finds the
President's course of conduct
to be to the great prejudice
of the cause of law and jus-
tice and subversive of our
Constitution: and the commit-
tee recommends that the.
House of Representatives ex-
ercise its constitutional p 'reprove
power to impeach Richard M,
Nixon.
ARTICLE II
Article 11 charges that
Richard M. Nixon has vio-
lated his constitutional duty
to take care that the laws
be faithfully executed and
the obligations he assumed
when he took the constitu-
tional oath of office as Pres-
ident. The article is based
upon the constitutional
standards governing the
President's conduct of his
office, and charges that he
has misused powers that
only a President possesses.
Using the powers of the
office of President of the
United States, Richard M.
Nixon, in violation of his
constitutional oath faithful-
ly to execute the office of
President of the United
States and.to the best of his
ability, preserve, protect,
and defend the Constitution
of the United States, and in
disregard of his constitu-
tional duty to take care that
the laws be faithfully exe-
cuted, has repeatedly en-
gaged .in conduct violating
the constitutional rights of
citizens, impairing the due
and proper administration'
of justice and the conduct of
lawful inquiries, or contra-
vening the laws of Govern-
ment agencies of the execu-
tive branch and the purposes
of these agencies.
Five areas of misconduct
are included -within the ar-
ticle, each of them suffi-
ciently substantial to war-
rant impeachment. Each in-
volves repeated misuse of
the pov.Trs of the office. of
President, over a continued
period. Each focuses on im-
proprieties by the President
that served no national pol-
icy objective and cannot be
justified under the most ex-
pansive view of the dis-
cretionary or inherent pow-
ers of a President. Each
Central to Article II is the
charge tha tthe President
misused the power of the
Presidency-. He misused thtse
powers by directing or au-
thorizing his subordinates to
seek to interfere with the
administration and enforce-
ment of the Internal Revenue
laws in order to advance his
political interests, contrary
to the constitutional rights
of citizens. He misused his
powers by authorizing the
Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion and the Secret Service,
as well as agents of his own
office, to undertake and con-
tinue electronic surveillance
and investigation of citizens
for which there was no law-
ful purpose; by permitting
or authorizing the use of in-
formation obtained from this
surveillance for purposes that
.were beyond the authority of
his office; and by permitting
a secret investigative unit
within the office of the Pres-
ident to engage in unlawful
and covert activities, in vio-
lation of the constitutional
stantial reason to suspect
that they were interfering
with the -proper administra-
tion of the law. He knowingly
misused the executive power
to interfere with the proper
and lawful functioning of
agencies of the executive
branch, including the Depart-
ment of Justice and the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency.
In some of these instances
his attempts to misuse execu-
tive agencies proved un-
successful. The impeachment
process is designed to deter-
mine whether the President
is fit to remain in office, -not
whether he should be pun-
ished for past misdeeds. In
this connection, a violation
of the President's duties the
objective is no less serious
because the improper objec-
tive is not achieved. [foot-
note: the applicable principle
was stated by Supreme Court
Justice William Johnson in
Gilchrist v. Collector of Char-
leston, 10 F. Cas. 355 365'
(No. 5, 420) (C.C.Z. S.C.
1808):
If an officer attempt an?
act inconsistent with the
duties of his station, it is -
presumed that the failure
of the attempt would not
exempt him from liability to
impeachment. Should "a Pres-
ident ?head a conspiraty for.
the usurpation of absolute
WASHINGTON POST
17 August 1974
Claim Made
By McCord
:* Against U.S.
United Press International
James W. McCord Jr., con-
victed Watergate burglar and
former security chief for the
?Committee for the Re-election
:of the President, has claimed
'damages of $1 million from the
White House and $1 million
from the Justice Department.
In a 13-page memo ad-
dressed to the President and
the Attorney General and en-
titled "Federal Tort Claims
Against the Government," Mc-
Cord claimed that his civil,
power, it is hoped that no
one will contend that defeat-
ing his machinations would
restore him to innocence.]
ARTICLE III
- Conclusion
The undisputed facts, his-
toric precedent, and applica-
ble legal principles support
the committee's recommenda-
tion of Article III. There can
be no question that in refus-
ing to comply with limited,
narrowly drawn subpoenas?
issued only after the commit-
tee was satisfied that there
was other, evidence pointing
to the existence of impeach-
able offenses ? the President
has interfered with the exer-
cise of the House's function
as the "grand inquest of the
nation." Unless the defiance
of the committee's subpoenas
under these circumstances is
considered grounds ? for im-
peachment?it is difficult to
conceive any relevant evi-
dence necessary for Congress
to exercise its constitutional
responsibility in an impeach-
ment proceeding. If this were
to occur, the impeachment
power would be drained of its
vitality. Article III, there-
fore, seeks to preserve the in-
tegrity of the impeachment
process itself and the ability
on Congress to act as the ulti-
mate check on improper pres-
idential conduct.
'rights had been violated. The
claim was contained in the
memo, but was not filed as a
court action.
It was dated Aug. 14 and
mailed to the White House.
"By deliberately withhold-
ing" Watergate evidence, Mc-
Cord said, "President Richard
Nixon committed extreme pre-
judice against McCord, deny-
ing him a fair trial, due pro-
cess and equal protection of
the law, and denying other
constitutional and civil rights,
privileges and immunities
'guaranteed him under the Con-
stitution."
McCord was the electronics.
expert on the team that broke
into Democratic National Com-
mittee headquarters in the
Watergate complex June 17,
1972. He was convicted in the
original Watergate trial in
battery, 1973.
rights of citizens. He failed
to perform his duty to see
that the laws were applied
Ciwtednit
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08:
The New York Times Book Review/August 18, 1974
The C.I.A. and the
Cult of Intelligence
-RDP77-00432R0_00100330001-0
me New York Times Book Review/August 25, 1974
Best Seller List
General
This
By Victor L. Marchetti and John D. Marks. ? Week
434 pp. New York: _
Alfred A. Knopf. $8.95.
By WILLIAM MILLER
Victor Marchetti and John Marks took as the
frontispiece of their book the motto inscribed on the
wall cf the C.I.A. -headquarters in (Langley, Va.:
"And Ye Shall Know the Truth; And the Truth Shall
Make You Free." Ironic, since their book "The C.I.A.
and the Cult of Intelligence" is the first book cen-
sored -with court sanction before publication in the
Republic's 198- years. This edition includes blank
spaces. where 168 passages, 27 derived from identifi-
ably classified sources, have been-deleted by court
order. An additional 177 passages, printed in bold
face type, were reinstated by` the courts'.
. The court applied no test of the merits of classifi-
cation, accepting only the fact of it. The reader has
no way of knowing whether deleted material would,
in truth, "cause grave and irreparable injury .to the
United States." The book's legal history and actual
merits raise separate .but -related questions. There
have been many other exposes of the , C.I.A., and
there is considerable scholarly litera-
ture on intelligence services available.
With the exception of some details'
and what may be in the deleted por-
tions, there is little new information
in the Marchetti-Marks book.
Effective bureaucracies that require
operational- secrecy are uneasy part-
ners with egalitarian democratic gov-
ernment and ideas of individual liberty.
Marchetti and Marks agree there is no
alternative to their precarious Coexist-
ence. This hook represents a serious
breakdown in the internal discipline
of the agencies so dependent upon
discipline and secrecy. The authors
accept responsibility for the contents
of their book and argue that failure
to publish would itself adversely affect
national security, as the failure of the
press to publish information about the
Bay of -Pigs was, in the end, against
the national interest. Thus they come;
indirectly; to the larger questions of
conflict of institutional issues.
Both authors held sensitive intelli-
gence positions, and had, indeed,
signed agreements pledging not to dis-
close confidential information learned
in the employ of the Government. (Jus-
tice Department lawyers, arguing for
the C.I.A., claimed the issue was not
censorship and the First Amendment,
but a simple breach of contract suit.)
In the context of Watergate Wash-
ington there have been repeated ex-
amples of unquestioned loyalty to the
Executive -personally or to organiza-
tions such as the C.I.A. specifically,
that were in violation of the Constitu-
tion and other laws of the land. As a
political gesture based on their under-
standing of constitutional responsibil-
ities Marchetti and Marks deliberately
violated bureaucratic loyalties.
The claim of "national security,"
- Last
Week
Weeks
On List
ALL THE PRESIDENT'S MEN, by Carl Bernstein 1 13 --
and Bob Woodward. (Simon & Schuster, $8.95.)
Here's how it all began .. .
23
THE MEMORY BOOK, by Harry Lorayne and Jerry
Lucas. (Stein & Day, 87.95.) Ingenious exercises
for jogging your memory.
3 THE GULAG ARCHIPELAGO, by Aleksandr I. 2
Solzhenitsyn. (Harper & Row, $12.50; also avail-
able in paper, $1.95.) Raw, impassioned attempt to
wrench the secrets of Soviet prison life into the
light of history.
4 ALIVE: The Story of the Andes Survivbrs, by Piers 4 18
Paul Read. (Lippincott, $10.) A moving, true story
of young men pushed to their limits.
YOU CAN PROFIT FROM A MONETARY CRISIS, 5 27
by Harry Browne. (Macmillan. $8.95.) Mr. Browne
has.
.6 PLAIN SPEAKING, by Merle Miller. (Putnam's, 6 31
$8.95.) Candid, taped reminiscences by Harry Tru-
man on his life and contemporaries.
7 THE WALL STREET GANG, by Richard Ney. 3
(Praeger, 86.95.) Advice for the small investor on
beating the stock-market insiders at their own
game.
8 THE CIA AND THE CULT OF INTELLIGENCE, 9
by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks. (Knopf,
$8.95.) Revealing insights into the world of intelli-
gence and clandestine activities.
,
V TIMES TO REMEMBER, by Rose Fitzgerald Ken- 7
nedy. (Doubleday, $12.50.) Mama Rose has her 21
turn and supplies the Fitzgerald side of the story.
10 THE WOMAN HE LOVED, by Ralph G. Martin. 10
(Simon & Schuster, $9.95.) Gossipy but balanced 2
story of the romance of the"Windsors.
foisted alongside unreviewable classi-
fication, is being battered now from
many -directions. Washingtonians are,
adept at reading between the lines
of Congressional hearings when long
passages are deeted by the executive
branch on "national security" grounds.
Lately the world has been treated to
the - bowdlerized Presidential tran-
scripts. The Pentagon Papers and the
Ellsberg cases were clear warning that
the Nixon Administration intended to
press its 'claim of exclusive right to
determine ."national security." Thus
the court test of pre-censorship for the
first time in our national history with
this book was presaged by other
events. In the preface, Marchetti ob-
serves, with remarkable detachment,
"I cannot help wonderink if my govern-
ment is more concerned with defend-
ing our democratic system or more
intent upon imitating the methods of
totalitarian regimes in order to main-
tain its already inordinate power over
the American people."
While the underlying issues of cen-
sorship, accountability, conflict of
loyalties, and balance between na-
tional security and constitutional proc-
esses are compelling and have made
the Marchetti-Marks book an item of
national political interest, it also pro-
vides revealing insights into the world
of intelligence and clandestine activi-
ties. The authors systematically lay out
the anatomy of the intelligence com-
munity which employs over 150,000
people and spends more than $6-billion
annually. The C.I.A. itself spends ae
relatively small proportion ($750 mil-
lion) for a- staff of 17,000.
The authors briefly document the
activities of the principal parts of
the intelligence community and con-
William Miller is staff director of the Senate Special
Committee on national emergencies and delegated
emergency powers.
4
dude that technological collection
such as satellite reconnaissance, while
most expensive, seems necessary and
worthwhile. But, most money goes
to the service intelligence agencies
and to the National Security Agency.
They concentrate on the clan-
destine activities of the C.I.A., re-
peatedly pointing out that the
agency's problems are the result of
disproportionate emphasis on clandes-
tine activities, to the detriment of the
analytic sections, Beyond counter-
espionage, "the dirty struggle in the
back alleys of the world" Dean Rusk
said, _Marchetti and Marks find mini-
mal benefits from the agency's dirty
trick operations, with the least yield
coming from behind the Iron Curtain,
where the need for information is
greatest. The recital of clandestine
activities, despite the deletions, is an
'interesting historical record of the
range of American efforts to influence
affairs of other nations. The list of
operations in Cuba, in Chile, Iran,
Vietnam and Bolivia (the -last the melo-
-dramatic hunt for Che Guevara), won't
surprise regular newspaper readers,
though the details could have come
from spy novels.
-The best parts of the book are the
analysis of intelligence activities by
purpose, organization and cost. The
critique of the oversight committees
in Congress will not reassure those
who believed there were adequate
safeguards and institutional checks on
the intelligence community. The com-
mittees met rarely and were regularly
diverted from systematic budget - and
program reviews by the gimmicks
and showmanship of the agency di-
rectors.
Despite the 168 deletions there is
enough information to give thoughtful
citizens and Congressmen enough facts
and reasons to press for new statutory
guidelines to control American intelli-
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
The New York Times Book Review/August 18, 1974
Without Cloak ,
Or \Dagger
The Truth About the New Espionage.
By Miles Cope/and.
351 pp. New York.:
_ Simon & Schuster. $8.95.
,By MICHAEL BURKE
The C.I.A. seems to have concluded that stone-
walling it simply won't wash any longer?not after
Watergate. They must now drop a veil a little to
quell mounting public apprehension. To that end
"Without Cloak or Dagger" is a virtual manual of in-
telligence technique. It tells all you always wanted to
know about spying but didn't know whom to ask.
Secret writing is effective. Clandestine radio is safer -
than commonly supposed. Clandestine penetration of
Russia and China is now accomplished with ease.
C.I.A. officers engage in a considerable amount of
adultery but never pad expense accounts. C.I.A. is
now out of the brothel business. .
Less definitively but clearly there emerges from
? Copeland's book the shadow group of elitists who
control the C.I.A.?"the old boy net," powerful enough
to chew up and spit- out_an unwanted Director of
Central Intelligence, as they did James Schlesinger_
? C.I.A. is the devil we don't-know. Copeland's aim
is to convey a "fundamental understanding" of the
central Intelligence Agency and to correct popular
misconceptions. In the proCess he surfaces the
Agency's deepest dilemma, reveals the ominous reach
of an operation called Octopus and discloses the
C.I.A.'s ambition to become a body as untouchable
as the Supreme Court. -
The author's credentials are well established. He
has been a senior C.I.A. officer and remains an old
boy in good standing. His book, then, -ten "the truth
about intelligence" as a member of the old-boy net
sees it. Espionage is but a small part of intelligence,
the clandestine dirty tricks part, but apparently it is
as ineradicable as the, world's oldest profession.
The .C.LA.'s relationships with the F.B.I. are uneasy;
civility at the top drops off sharply to hostility. They
are combative with Defense, cool with State. But
the pure professional camaraderie shared by the C.I.A.
the Russian K.G.B. and the British S.I.S. is- warm,
even cozy. A diplomatic gathering in Beirut, Vienna
or La Paz will find senior intelligence officers gravi-
tating toward one another, drawn by some mutual
chemistry, chatting easily and ignored by regular
diplomats. These are the management types?senior
enough to "come out," to operate without the pre-
tense of cover. --
If it isn't already, the C.I.A. may soon become the
-world's most powerful Government agency. Opera-
tion Octopus,' designed to deal with terrorist groups,
is the world's largest repository of personality data.
To the C.I.A.'s information, foreign intelligence serv-
ices have added their own; they fear that, in their own
countries, public outcry against this massive invasicn
of privacy might force destruction of such informa-
tion.
"As the Agency's power increases, so does the
public's fear of us," one Agency official said.
This is the C.I.A.'s dilemma: How to remain pow-
erful, anonymous, secret and at the same time win
public confidence. Through Miles Copeland, the old-
boy net is saying: We know the enemy; we know
how to deal with him; we are incorruptible. Though
you don't know us, you can trust us implicitly.
The Agency maintains it .demonstrated its incor-
ruptibility by rejecting White House efforts to mis-
use it in connection with Watergate. It has also
demonstrated its fierce sense of autonomy by quickly
disposing of Schlesinger.
Although Faith and Trust are usually, placed in
people, Copeland tells us nothing of the men and wo-
men who populate the C.I.A. They are, in truth, just
like you and me---except that they live in a strange,
private -world -sealed off from the rest of us by the
covert nature of their work. They play by their own
rules, hence develop a perspective that tends to dis-
tort their view .of the overt world. They are at un-
ending war, with.an enemy?Communism.
Copeland gingerly mentions idealism. in fact there
is little room at the* C.I.A. for idealism, only prag-
matism. And technique.
- The old-boy net, the C.I.A.'s first generation, has
lived its whole life in a clandestine world. Its defense
is impregnable; its instinct for self-preservation tenaa
tious. For its members to tell anyone anything is an
unnatural act. -To reveal something of themselves
and their activities, as the public. temper seems to
demand, will be a wrenching experience.
Intelligence is. a serious piece of the nation's busi-
ness--too important to be left exclusively to 'the
spooks. 11;
Michael Burke, now, president of Madison Square
Garden, lived the life in wartime O.S.S., filmed as
"Cloak and Dagger."
gence operations, to ? assure that
whether overt or concealed such opera-
tions serve the nation's real security
needs within constitutional processes.
As the Bicentennial celebrations
approach we can only hope the cere-
monies will celebrate the continued
existence of a strong, open, constitu-
tional government rather than the
continuation of growing practices of
rule by secret cabal, so much a part of
the Watergate eta, and so well docu-
mented in "The C.I.A. and the Cult of
Intelligence." Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP$7-00432R000100330001-0
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
WASHINGTON POST
17 August 1974
'Disinformation' on CIA, or the
Unintentional Indictment
[ Book World
WITHOUT CLOAK OR DAGGER: The Truth About
the New Espionage. By Miles Copeland
(Simon Ss Schuster. 351 pa. $8.95)
?
Reviewed by
Thomas. B. Ross
? The reviewer is Washington
bureau chief of The Chicago
Sun-Times and the co-author
of "The U-2 Affair," "The In-
visible Government" and "The
'Espionage Establishment."
. Miles. Copeland, an old
CIA hand, has E. Howard
Hunt's penchant for adven-
ture, intrigue, conservative
geopolitics and the games
grown boys play. But Hunt,
when not living out his fan-
tasies at the Watergate or
Dr. Fielding's office, was
turning them into fiction, so
labeled. Copeland, on the
other hand, has subtitled his
second book "The Truth
About the New Espionage."
The problem is that Cope-
land concedes he has
changed names and situa-
tions to protect the agency
and his comrades in arms.
The reader is thus left with
the problem of guessing
when the author is present-
ing fact and when he is
presenting fiction or, on a
more subtle level, when the
old CIA operative is practic-
ing the fine, professional art
of "disinformation" to de-
ceive the "opposition" and,
incidentally, the reader.
The problem is com-
pounded by the fact that
Copeland assertedly did not
submit his manuscript to
the CIA for clearance, yet
the agency has not chal-
lenged its publication. By
contrast, the agency took an-
other important CIA man,
Victor Marchetti, on a long
ride through the courts to
stop or censor his recent
book, "The CIA and the
Cult of Intelligence."
Why such permissiveness
toward Copeland when he
purports to be dealing with
the innermost secrets of the
CIA? Perhaps it is because
he is loyal and uncritical
and Marchetti is not. Cope-
land takes the orthodox line
that those who Tun the CIA
are "incorruptible," that
much of what they do
should be taken on faith,
and that there is more than
enough control of the
agency by Congress and the
White House.
But there is an inner con-
tradiction in the argument.
Copeland contends, on the
one hand, that the House
and Senate subcommittees
on the CIA are kept fully in-
formed of the agency's activ-
ities. On the other hand, he
concedes that no. one in the
CIA hierarchy will "tell even
those Congressmen on the
'watchdog' committee more
than they 'need to know.' "
It's like President Nixon
judging what evidence the
House Judiciary Committee
needed to pass judgment on
him.
? Copeland takes an insid-
er's pleasure in the _ cute
practices of John M. Maury,
until recently the CIA offi-
cer in charge of congres-
sional relations. "Maury, a
Southern gentleman of
great charm, has a simple,
formula," Copeland writes.
"When appearing before
committees; he provides a
carefully worked-out, story
that contains no untruths,
yet reveals no information
that would damage the
Agency should it leak out to,
the public. With dema-
gogues, he takes them aside
and tells them.'nothing, and
lots of it, and with an air .of
great secrecy.' Finally, with
the most respected Con-
gressmen, he tells them the
whole truth, thefeby passing
on to them the responsibil-
Ity for deciding whether or
not what he confides should.
go any further."
But even when "the most
respected Congressmen"?I
assume he means respected
by the CIA for their unwav-
ering support?take excep-
tion, Copeland concedes
they do not necessarily pre-
vail. He complains bitterly,
at one point, about some
smart-ass kid in 'Support"
. who complied with a con-.
gressional demand that the
CIA obey official policy on
chemical warfare by de-
stroying the agency's supply
of chemical agents. The
proper procedure, Copeland
explains, is to "lose the pa-
pers" or "concoct an excuse
plausible enough" for not
carrying out a "stupid or-
der" from ?Congress or the
White House.
Copeland suggests that in
a similar way the "old boy
net" dealt with a new boy,
James H. Schlesinger, dur-
ing his brief tenure as direc-
tor of the CIA. Schlesinger
sought to make the CIA "re-
sponsive to the needs of .the
White House," Copeland ex-
plains, but "The only result
of his firings and attempts
at reorganization was to
force most of the espionage
branch to go underground
where he "couldn't find it,
thus crippling his ability to
govern."
Copeland speculates that
the CIA took even more
drastic action against the
form e r President's men
when they repeatedly
so'fight to use the CIA for
political purposes. He theor-
izes that James McCord was
6
a double agent for the' CIA
and that he purposely
botched the Watergate job to
expose the illegal activities
of the White House plum-
bers.
It does not appear to have
crossed Copeland's mind?
or Richard Helms' for that
matter?that it might have
been simpler and more effi-
cient, not to mention more
democratic, for the agency
to have gone to one of its
"respected Congressmen"
and exposed the dirty tricks.
? Copeland's blind spot on
Watergate is reflective of a
general myopia about the
problem of running a secret
intelligence organization in
a free society. He tried to
_write an apologia but pro-
duced an indictment.
PLAYBOY
AUGUST 1974
BOOKS
If the CIA could kill men and move-:
ments as well as it can kill books?such.
as TIv.! CIA and ihe Cult of lntellivence (Knopf),
by Victor Marchetti and John Marks?:
the Cold War long ago would have
turriod into a rout and we would havei
1),!.:11 able to dismantle our conventional
military organizations and go back to
rai:.ing families. crops. hell and other 1
natural things. Trouble is, we Ameri-1
t?ever really had much aptitude for !
the kind of dirty work that comes pretty
much as second nature to the Russians.
Instead of steely-eyed K.G.B. operatives
do their work without remorse or
romance. we hired buffoons like E. How-
d Hunt. with his feverish imagination
I is taste for good living. So we got
1.:1V of Pigs.. Operation Phoenix and
other disasters as part of the deal.
Iii short, we got an organization (insiders
call it The Agency or The Firm or even
Vtither, and they usually whisper the
wards in tones of grave awe) that can kill
a lot of people without improving any-
thing. A very bad bargain.
But when word of this book reached
CilA headquarters in Langley. Virginia,
sleuths went right ,to work. (inciden-
tally. the lavish CIA- li-eadquarters was
:it one time "secret- and the highway
&-\:ts leading to it either were not
.1::?Iked at all or were maiked by signs'
?NC:Te. intended to mislead. This, in
of the fact that everbosly in Wash-
tm.ton scho was ;those school age how
what that building and what scent
on there. But the :igerlcr has never been
deterred by ridicule over its obsession
with secrecy. When the building was:
under construction, the contractor who
was installing the air conditioning
needed to know how many people his
machinery would have to cool. Sorry.;
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
buddy, he was told, but that's classified.
tie did the best he could. but the system
never worked properly. The agency took
hint to court and lost?as usual.) Any-
way, nobody in the CIA was -nappy
about it when it was learned that Mar-
chetti, a CIA veteran, had a book in
mind. Since lie'd signed some Oaths
about not revealing classified intelli-
gence material, they slapped an injunc-
tion on him. Marchetti, his publisher
and the A.C.L.U. argued that this was
prior restraint and in violation of the
First Amendment. Not so, said the
DAILY WORLD New York
Communist daily
3 August 1974
vee,
judge. It's a contractual matter, just
like bank loans and alimony. After
several complicated appeals, Marchetti
won?sort of.
You wouldn't know it to read this
book. It looks as if it was put together by
a printer stumbling down the road to
dipsomania: The pages are a blinding
mixture of plain type, boldface and
large areas of white space with DELETED
stamped over them. Those are the parts
that are still under litigation. The bold-
faced portions represent deletions orig-
inally insisted upon by the CIA that the
courts have allowed to be published. If
the stuff that belongs on the white parts
is as "damaging" as the stuff that ap-
pears in boldface, then these ruthless
minions of sabotage and espionage are
more chary of their virtue and reputa-
tion than the average spinster from Mo-
bile. Which is to say that though this
is a good book?what there is of it
(perhaps ten percent of the original was
deleted and will be restored in later edi-
tions)? it's not one that adds.in.any con-
siderable way to our fund of knowledge
about the CIA. TThe deletions themselves
are probably the most dramatic message
in this book.
By George Morris
....1??????10?1110....
?
major developments in which the AIFLD
. played a role during his years with the CIA.
In 1964, trainees of AIFLD. as its director
; boasted, had an important hand in the m
. (r
: tary overthrow of the liberal Jao Boulart
/el u regime in Brazil. The dictatorship that
took control then is still in power and is the
major base for fascism in Latin America
today.
Simultaneously,? in 1964, the CIA-led
operation in Chile successfully prevented
Salvadore Allende from winning the presi-
dency then. The Washington Post, in a story
that also appeared in the April 7, 1973, Los
Angeles Times, noted that that 198-1 oper-
ation was under the direction of Cord Mey-
er, who directed the CIA policy of setting
up labor, student and cultural fronts since
the early CIA years.
' In the 066-67 CIA scandal, Cord Meyer
figured prominently. And last February.
during the long coal miners' strike and the
general labor upsurge in Great Britain.
Cord Meyer was headlined when he was
, found, as the Guardian noled, in a "plush
pan in swank Eaton Place directing the
operations of CIA men "studying" the sit-
uation there. The entire British press
raised a cry against the CIA invasion. The
London Times observed, "From Washing-
ton, Britain must now be beginning to took
like a Central American banana republic."
.a Who's Vo in Multinationals. ? requires sending in troops as we. did in And also in the mid 60.s. it no one for.-;et.
Re-
The AIFLD receives at least 33 million Vietnam and the Dominican Republic.' the U.S. troops entered the Dominican
annually, almost-all, of it from the U.S.. The U.S. policy, he added, "has the effect public to protect a fascist military clique.
government, piped through the Agency for of strengthening minority governments A spokesman for Agee in the United
International Development (AID). (In 1965, which perpetuate great wealth for the few
States ig to arrange for a U.S. publish-
a similar agency for operations in Africa and widespread poverty for the rest. It has er) also hinted that Agee will tell of CIA
was. set up ? the Afro-American Labor the result of strengthening injustice." assassinations of agents, referring to a
Council ? and in 1963 the Asian-American Thomas Braden, a top CIA official in the specific case "involving the use of a truck
Institute for Free Labor Development was early 50s, revealed how, soon after it was to run over a recently utilized local CIA
h corn:
established: George .1',Ieany is chairman of established M 1947 operative whose mission ad been, the CIA had need of a
each.) "labor cover" and how that problem was pleted." In its July 3, 1974 issue, The New
? Concerning the AIFLD, J. Peter Grace, solved by the quartet then running the, York Times said "such allegations were
head man of the huge Grace & Co. con- AFL's affairs ? Meany. Matthew Woll. widely rumored for .years." E.g.. its own
glomerate, is chairman of the board and David Dubinsky and director Jay Love-
correspondent, Terence Smith, wrote from
Joseph Beirne, until recently the president stone. Of course Braden approved that role Saigon in August 1969 that "according to
of the Communications Workers of Amer- of the labor bureaucracy and defended also reliable sources, more than 150 double
r-e
ica, is secretary-treasurer. Business ex- the CIA and its disruptive role of splitting agents have been caught and execeti"
ecutives and top union heads are on the European unions; the CIA phony "founda-
by the CIA's Green Berets. Other observers
board of directors. - tions" through which it piped millions to have written like reports.
Much evidence has been uncovered and the labor, student, cultural and other coy-
Agee should be able to tell about the
has been published in the mass media show- ?ers for CIA operations: and the eventual abortive CIA-led Bay of Pigs invasion in
and
. ing that, in effect, all three of the outfits CIA-induced split in the World Federation nvhich E. Howard Hunt (of Watergate
Ellsherg break-in fame) had a leading part
are CIA covers and that their hundreds of of Trade Unions which resulted in CLA-spon-
- she has made three trips to Cuba since
labor operatives were 'directed by Jay sorecl and financed splinter "anti-Commun-
19n9 in connection with research for his
Loy-stone, until July 1 the director of the . ist" unions in France. Italy, Greece and
book. And undoubtedly lie will also be abi,
AFL-CIO's Internationl 4=88 p6p=t-. other_civv4
iNj131?" lease . rykiRrau+GG43,2.Rocle aitT115030 Vb. on the CIA's role in Chile
merit. eee trch ro? ast eptem er when Allende was tner-
tai ',nay
Meany's appearance as a witness be-
for Senator J.W. Fulbright's Foreign Af-
fairs Committee in August 1969 led to the
introduction of Some of these data, and
some two dozen published documents were
gathered by a Senate Sub-committee even
earlier. But with the backing of President
Richard Nixon and the continuing flow of
AID funds, the Meany-Loyestone-Beirne
clique ignored the exposures and charges,
claiming that they were functioning in ac-
cordance with the government's anti-com-
munism policy.
Agee, however, is the first important
CIA insider to talk and, as he told 'news
services in his telephone interview, he is in
a position to reveal "what we did in Latin
America-, why we did it, why I quit and why
I decided to write about it." Also, indicat-
ing ?the course his exposure will follow,
Agee added, "What we did in Latin Amer-
ica, and and what we do in so many other
countries in the third world, is similar to
what the United States did in Vietnam ..
The agency's job is to keep the level of
insurgent activity below the point which
J;\1 ?
ill the Central Intelligence Agency'
succeed in blocking publication in the Uni-
ted States of a book exposing its worldwide
network of operations?. Philip B.F..Agee.
who wrote the book Penguin Publishers is
putting out in England where he now lives,
was with the CIA for 14 years; holding re-
sponsible positions in Latin America until
1969. Recent investigations into the role
of the CIA in the Watergate affair have
"blown" that agency's "cover" in much of
Latin America as a result of disclosures
that have necessitated a change in the en-
tire structure of its operations. ? !
The Agee defection is especially ,sig,ni-i
cant for the labor movement because, ac
cording to reports of a telephone press in-
terview with him, he used as his cover the
American Institute for Free Labor De-
velopment (AIFLD). This organization,
? set up in 1962 for the professed purpose of
combatting "Communism" in Latin Amer-
ica, is supported jointly by the AFL-CIO
bureaucracy and top executives' of scores
t, corporations whose names read like
7
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dered and his Poputar Unity government
overthrown by the fascist junta.?
The CIA will surely try every trick in
its hook to stop publication of Agee's book
in the United States. It tried to prevent the.
issuance of a book by Victor ailacchetti. a
'former agent, and succeeded in holdinsup
publication for a long time by legal actions.
Finally it forced many deletions and wa-
tering down before it was printed. And
Marchetti's aim was only some liberal re-
forms in the CIA!'
It is an interesting coincidence that,
the very week the -U.S. public heard about
the Agee defection and his forthcoming
book, the AMID was the subject of a meet-
ing in San Jose, California, of the Santa
Clara ? County Central Labor Council
(SCCCI.C). Last December an Emergency ?
Committee to Defend Democracy in Chile
was set up at a conference in San Jose,
and material subsequently compiled by
the committee's chairman. Fred Hirsch
(member of the Steamfi tiers and Plumbers
Local 393), was widely distributed. This
report was titled "An analysis of Our AFL-
CIO Role in Latin America. or Under the
Covers with the CIA."
At its July 1 meeting. on the basis of
the Hirsch pamphlet the SCCCLC adopted
a resolution declaring AIFLD "against the
best interests of the labor movement in
Latin America and the United States," and
called on Meany, chairman of AIFLD, "to
reaffirm the integrity and high purpose
of the AFL-CIO."
Meany, disturbed by the publicity for
the Hirsch pamphlet and the resoiution,
sent William C. Doherty,- Jr., director of
AIFLD, and his assistant Jesse Friedman
to Santa Clara to "straighten out" the
Council members. Doherty and Friedman,
armed with an 11-page answer to the
kirsch p mabiat, eveded the real charge-3
"AIM) is a front for the U.S. Stale De-
partment," Doherty argued. He.fmned and
blustered, an observer told me, but "lie was
20 years late in his rhetoric." He stiii used
the old red herring ? labor's "obligation
to fight Communism" and "Cuba is just SO
miles from our shores." He also used in-
vectives against the Daily World and
George Morris, apparently still disturbed
by my Kiii7 book "CIA and American Labor"
(International Publishers). He asked the
Council to reconsider the resolution, bat the
idelegates refused and instead, according to
my informant, they "tore the pants off
Doherty," asking questions which he
ducked and evaded.
Delegates were particularly interested
in the fact that some 95 multinationals sup-
port AIFLD and its indicated CIA connec-
lions. "We'll take money from the devil ;
himself if it :vitt help us organize unions for'
the workers of Latin America," Doherty
said.
To which a delegate from -Service Ern-i!
ployes Local 715 responded, "The one thing.
I have learned in the labor movement is.
never to take money from the bosses. This:
really blows my mind." And asked why;
AIFLD-supported unions were permitted:
to operate in Chile since the outlawing Of.
? Chile's main trade union Movement (CUT),
Doherty admitted the AIFLD ;vitt stay:
there aS long as there is a chance to "help.
our trade union brothers." To which Coun-
cil delegates ebserved that the AFL-CIO is
much involved in military dictatorships in
Latin America "but does little organizing:
work in the United States," pointing out:
that the AFL-CIO's domestic organizing
staff has dwindled from 4:10 to about CO.
Vika tharzazigge Wfferry.exo.noniad
d its Elgin
By Jack Anderson
The Central Intelligence
Agency has admitted in an ex-
traordinary private letter to
Sen. J.W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) tht
the agency has penetrated the
police forces of friendly foreign
countries.
The remarkable confession by
CIA Director William Colby
came in the course of a discreet
but intensive lobbying effort to
keep alive U.S. support for for-
eign police programs.
Colby-told Fulbright that the
"relationships" built up with
Volicemen through these pro-
grams had been highly useful
In "obtaining foreign Intelli-
gence" from foreign constabu-
laries.
The friendly foreign cops, like
national police evezywhere, are
privy to their nation's darkest
secrets. And while Colby does
not say so, our government
sources tell us the foreigners
are not above trading a national
secret or two for a little CIA
cash.
Colby, in his message to Ful-
bright, delicately skins the mat-
ter of corrupting foreign police,
conceding only that the liaisons
bring the CIA vital information
on "illicit narcotics traffic, In-
ternational terrorism and hi-
jacking."
! Colby's "covert lobbying was
directed against a bill by Sen.
James Abourezk (D-S.D.) th0
would kill U.S. aid to foreign po-
lice and prison operations. The
measure was drafted after
shocking abuses were disclosed
in South Vietnamese prisons
constructed with the U.S. tax-i
payers' funds.
The CIA director, who. as atop
U.S. hand in Vietnam saw the
abuses first hand, said, never-
theless, that the Abourezk
measure would "appear to re-i
strict activities.,, by the CIA."'
The main cutback would be in
"obtaining foreign intelligence
information" from friendly espis
onago services and agents
"within national police forces..
.," Colby went on.
Sonao of the agents in foreign
police forces, Colby indicated,
had been developed during
"specialized training and oth
support" given by the CIA.
Colby's lobbying proved Wee-
g?-?-st.t she conclusion of the conference, an
embarrassed Do'hcrty disclosed, in answer
to a Inent question, that his sentry is ailas-
Cii0 a year plus expenses ? which he didn't
estlina le.
The signifiaance of the Santa Clara con-
frontation is that it was labor's first
chal-
lcnge to the use of a !al..eir cover for the
C. In a Lasie sc:r..e, it is a challenge to
those, like hie:.?rei and oSsocintes in the
AFL-CIO baireatioracy, who oppose the pal..
icy of detente. How sable can detente be
if there is en "invisible government" fi-
nanced by billions ? net just millions;
with a network of secret operation centers
circling the globe; with manpower, air-
lines, space techniques sufficient to over-
threw and set up governments; with the
ability to create incidents and undermine
and blast treaties for peaceful relation-
ships? There are even accusations of as-
sassinations at the instigation of secret
plotters, and widespread belief persists
that Peesideat John Kennetiy
at,:-.1 in retaliatian for his tn.:Tea:neat ae
Cuba foil-J.:jag the Bay of Pitts inzinent.
President Lyrition
to an article in the Atlamie oath!y (Jon.
1073), based en an interview with Lea ..lanet
said, "I never believed Ostvaid acted ahene.
though I can accept that he pulled the tr,a
ger." Johnson said that when he took et
Hee, he found "We had been eneratize
damned l',Ierder, Inc. in the Catiiiteeen;
Johnson. observed Janos. apparently refee
red to the fact that a year earlier "a CL-S
hacked assassination team had been
up in Havana."
Agee may throw some light on that, :she
THE WASHINGTON POST
Armisy Aagast IFIW
I
five. In secret session, the com-
mittee permitted the CIA to go
/on supporting foreign pollee op-
erations.
Insiders suspect that Colby's
effort to defeat the Abourezk
'provision was actually aimed at
!preserving the International
Police Academy, an institution
dear to the hearts of the spooks.
. According to Victor Marchetti
and John Marks, authors of "The
CIA and the Cult of Intelli-
gence," the agency has funded
training of foreign police at the
academy and recruited spies
there.
Colby himself wrote to Abour-
ezk last January that the acad-
emy, ostensibly run by the State
-Department had "called on us
in the past for some support for
their program. But," he added,
"all such support has been ter-
minated."
We also reported last Septem-
ber that the CIA was involved in
a Texas bomb school where the
academy trained foreign police-
men ? on explosive devices. A
State Department official 1ater
admitted the CIA provided
"guest lecturers" for the course,
which has now been moved to
Ed gewood Arsenal, Md.
Footnote: Both the CIA and
the 'academy say no CIA funds
are now going into the school.
Colby has also personally said
'support by the CIA for the
school has been terminated.
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A.SHEICIT011 STAR
3 AUG 1974
3
Li
? ? ? ? e ? or -e ease 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
e Author (That
By Tam Dowling
Star-News Staff Writer
17-ZWICK ISLAND, Del. ? The bathers
wander in from the beach to buy a morn-
iag paper, to grab some suntan lotion, to
ourchase a rubber swan for junior. They
come to the Fenwick Beach Shop in flip-
flops, the brown cleavage fading into white
inside women's bathing tops, the men's
-.dies as red as lobsters inside their
snbuttoned beach shirts.
A red rubber ball rolls down the Fen-
s-sick Beach Shop's middle aisle, apparent-
ly chucked by the brown-as-a-berry 5-year-
on:l in the rear of the store. A reporter, who
has more important matters at hand, flicks,
the ball back, soccer style.
"I've followed the Watergate case as
close as anyone but Nixon," says James
McCord, standing in front of the folding
bridge table that displays 40 copies of his
book, "A Piece of Tape. The Watergate
Story: Fact and Fiction."
A FISTHE7:', and his son approach in cu-
riosity. At first the man's face says: Hey,
aren't you . . .? Then it registers recogni-
tion. His five-year-old son stares up dumb-
ly, wearing a denim beach hat on which is
printed: "State Prison 04U2."
"What will happen?" a woman asks
McCord breathlessly.
"He'll be impeached and removed."
"What about Gerald Ford?"
"'S. don't know him," McCord allows.
so it goes. Jeb Stuart Magruder
had we eelrftrecedented distinction, through
videcata.pe, of being the first behind-bars
jailbird to appear on the Cavett and Today
sitrees. Whatever happens to Nixon, a $1
million advance on his book is assured,
alcag with an hour-long book-plugging shot
en the Today, Tonight, Tomorrow, Yester-
day and the Happy Days to Come shows.
And so here is McCord, the Watergate
bugger himself, standing in the near
empty aisle of a beach shop, flogging his
book o oanaided by Budweiser and Straw-
berry Hill towels, b.: ach balls, plastic hair
curl ,er coolers, comic book racks
and a sunglasses steed.
Ne. that there's ay anomaly here. The
IittlL-y always has it toughest. That is
ane,.7.:'atergatehs apt lessons. The
rub a ,F are sent to eet in the can by Sirica.
ce.o gerts a',.onger sentence and a lousi-
? r been deal than Magruder. Kleindienst
eets a lecture. Nixon is being urged to re-
, ign so he can still keep his six-figure-
tour asks McCord in a
voice that shudders with
promise, as if bearing an
invitation to dinner chez
Agnew in some by-gone
Ocean City era.
"Nothing," says James
McCord.
"Do you think you could
do Welch's from 7 to 9 to-
night?" breathes the news
agent. "They're dying for
you." Welch's is a drug
store in Ocean City, where
McCord admits to having
sold SO books a few weeks
ago.
A handful of tourists
drifts up tentatively.
"How did you get involv-
ed?" asks a bald man in a
bathing suit.
"Through Liddy," says
McCord. "He talked me
into it."
"Were you actually in
the Watergate itself?" the
man continues, the quaver
at meeting a celebrity
blending in his voice with
an indefinite recollection
of the events of June 17,
1972. -
"Yes."
s -year-government pension and benefits.
t yen a constitutional republic has its hei-
archical prerogatives.
McCORD, WHO is currently out of the
stir on appeal, seems sanguine about his
iudicial fate, positively bullish about his
?ook. Perhaps men accept their lot accord-
'rig to their station ? as in a monarchy.
cCord says he is the author-publisher-
istributor-publicist of "A Piece of Tape.".
e has been to 15 cities so far in his "auto:
raph party" tour, appearing largely, it
.eerns, in drug stores and out-of-the-way
ick-knack shops. He says the first edi-
ion of 15,000 paperbacks at $3.95 is sold,
ecessitating a second printing of 25,000
opies. James McCord stand's
cretary adc,ee
"What are you doing tonight?" the local there, amid the suntan lo- Hoese pre-e5 .-e,
ti,..at pre ;.clit 1.ord con,ici. Democratic party's "Ji-aterpte,
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()ices. He said 1:e lead co idea
ews agent in charge of the book-signing tios and styrofoam beer ;red alfair 'deplorable."
"HOW DO YOU feel
about impeachment? I'm
highly confused," says an
older woman in a one-
piece.
"I'm for it," says
McCord.
"What do you think of
the Mitchell-Stars trial?"
says a man, holding an in-
fant who stares bug-eyed
at a box of Chiclets he's
rattling.
"As far as the Mitchell-
Stens case goes," James
McCord says, "I don't
know the details well
enough to know what the
evidence was."
"One final question,"
says the man, hungry for
insider's knowledge. "Will
the Senate convict?"
"I think the Senate will
be affected by the House,"
says James McCord, just
as smoothly as Joseph
Alsop.
"Can I listen to what
you're saying?" says a fat
man with a moustache, si-
dling over.
"Is there a question on
any subject I can an-
swer?" asks McCord affa-
bly.
Lo
coasters. The assured, sto-
lid author. In two hours of
conversation with a re-
porter, he is unfailingly
prudent, meticulously po-
lite, fundamentally remote
in the style of a man ob-
sessed by caution and a
fine regard for detail.
,LIDDY, THE pathologi-
cally loyal soldier, makes
sense. Hunt, the ineptly
romantic CIA second-story
man, is a plausible Water-
gate burglar. But McCord
the finicky dotter Of bu-
reaucratic I's and crosser
of T's, the shrewd legalis-
tic master of options and
self interest ? is an enig-
ma. Even his book ? a
singularly impenetrable
327-page volume of mas-
sive details and passion-
less grudges ? sheds no
eRde
Lo eiy)
light. His prose is so stiff
and correct that H. R.
(Bob) Haldeman is refer-
red to throughout as Rob-
ert Haldeman.
Just the same, McCord
has books to sell. "Here,
take a look at it," he urges
a man, who will, if all goes
well, become the 10th cus-
tomer in two hours of
work.
A buxom, freckled
woman bustled into the
beach shop. "Oh, Mr..
McCloud," she sighs. "Mr.
McCloud, my daughter
said you were here and I
had to come and meet
you."
James McCord smiles
and hands her over a
book. It's not the Today
Show, but even the little
guys in Watergate have to
get by, somehow.
n'7V YORK T.IIM
19 AUG 12.74
Hunt Says Seven Cartons
Had No Rockefei 'or Data
By JOIN M. CREWDSON
seo-e..1 to Ter :seer I.:or..., Teat ei
MIAMI, Aug. 18?E. Howaedi In an interview, Mr. Hunt.
Hunt Jr. said today that, as far! who is free pending an appeal
as he knew, the seven myste-, of his coeviction in the Water-
ri01.13 cartons stored in his gate :natter, recalled that in
White House office after the; the fall of 1971 he was ap-
Watergate break-in in ?Juneel eroacteed by a woman assist-
1972, contained hundreds of, ant to Charles W. Colson, then
copies of a hook-length criti-i a special counsel to forme:
clsm of television news report-I President Richard M. Nixon.
Lag but no information concern-1 He said the woman had
ing former -Gov. Nelson A.' asked Mr. Hunt, then a mem
-
Rockefeller of New Yc-rk. I ?
ber of the White House's s.pe-
Mr. Hunt, one of the seven ? cial investigations unit known
men who pleaded guilty or were, as the "pluntbers," whether she
convicted in the original Water- mint store seven bulky car-
gate break-in case and who is toes in his quarters in .the
now a Miami resident, termed Executive Office Building, next
a "total absurdity' recent ree door to the White House.
ports that the boxes had con- ?-tr. Hunt said that he had
e-orese evidence that Mr. Rocke- agreed, and that the cartons
feller, who is under considera-, were moved into his office,
Lion for the Vice-Presidential' contained only a desk
nomination, had financed dem- and a small, two-drawer safe.
c;nstrations at the Democratic Five of the se'..en cartons,
1972. - house, were sealed.
:It 1-searing the name of a took-
National Convention here in
The White House charged Ir Hunt said, but the two..
yesterday that the "tip con-
cerning theapparently non ex-
istent clocuments, which re-
.
others contained copies of a
book by Edith Elton. a televi-:
sion critic. entitled "The Nev...s:
pettedly came to as at.ent.en Twisters."
a week a;;o, was.. a hoax de- Mr. Hunt said that he had
signed "t discredit Mr- Rocks- left the cartons unteeched, and
ft='11..r and. th=rhY attempt t? that they were in place
1.*ctrr-ove 1-1-0111 corsidera- when he made his last
tion" for the Vice-Pres:dency- to the office on Jur...e 19. 1972,
two days after the =success-
3. F. terhorsc, the tkillite
f I ' ? k-in att?not at the
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'whatever became of them. ?
Th s former Cenral Intelli-
gence Agency operative con-
ceded that the flve closed
-cartons, which he said appear
:to have been sealed. by the
'publisher of Miss Efron's book,
.,`Inight have; unbelmomest to
him, contained some other ma-
Sterials of which "I was. an in-
.'nocent holder."
? But he dismissed the possi-
:bility as "ridiculous," in view of
.his close association with Mr.
"Colson, a fellow Brown. Uni-
versity alumnus. and a:so the
sensitive nature Of Els tasks as
'a member of the White House
plumbers.
, Information made 'available
-last summer to the Senate
'Watergate corrirnie'nee about
campaign "dirty oricks" in-
-eluded 'testimony that Mr. Col-
son had appropriated S.000 in
-funds belonging to the Corn-'
mittee for the Re--e;ection of
the President to purchase quan-i
titres of the Efron book. The;
book contended tha: teielelsiorn
news reporting was sometimes
distorted, a public reeeition then
:favored by _the. White House,.
with the intention of putting
the yob/me onto the best-seller
lists, The Colson effort was
unsuccessful.
Roy Sheppard. a al.eo,'ner of
Mr. Nixon's 1972 campaign;
staff, reportedly told the Water-I
gate committee earlier this!
year. that, a few days after;
the June 17 break-:n, h ehadi
been directed by Mr. Hunt's!
wife, Dorothy, to go to the Ex-
ecutive Office Building and takei
away. several cartons of docu-1
merits.
Conflicting Versions
Committee sources recalled:
tcday, however. that they had.
been told at least two conflict-
ing versions about what oce
curred thereafter. frensr. that Mr.:
materials, and then that he had
?shipped them out of Washing-
ton by way of the Railway Ex-,
press Agency.
One Senate invesaiaator said
that Mn Shepparel's account'
had never been cerna-:;orated by,
the committee staff, which,
among other things, determined
that the sign-in book from the
Executive Office Building for
the period in question did not
bear any indication that Mr.
Sheppard had ever been a visi-
tor there.
!The source said that Mr.
;Hunt, when queried about the
!matter, gave the committee.
staff the account about the
Efron book that he repeated in
the. interview today. The source
added that the Watergate com-
mittee, which conducted an ex-'
tensive inquiry into campaign
sabotage and plans for demon-
strations at the Democratic,
convention, had never come.
across Mr. Rockefel:er'S name
in any context.
Mr. Hunt said that the only
materials in his office when he
left it for the last time on June
19, 1972, had been the seven
cartons, some old newspapers,
and a small safe. He added that,
he had never heard of Mr. Shep-
pard, who could not be reached
for comment today.
The safe did contain sensitive
documents. Mr. Hunt said, but
nothing relating even indirectly
to Mr. Rockefeller. Those items,
which included reports on ani
investigation of Senator Edward
M. Kennedy and the Interna-
tional Telephone and Telegraph.
Corporation, falsified "diplo-
matic cables" and two personal.
telephone registers, were re-
moved later in the week after
:the Watergate break-in by johm
W. Dean '3d, then the White!
House counsel.
Some of the documents were.
given to L. Patrick Gray 3d,:
at the time the acting director
of the Federal Bureau of Inves-
tigation, who later destroyed.
them. Mr. Dean reportedly dis-
posed of two notebooks.
The apparently erroneous:
tip regarding the "Rockefeller
papers" was provided last Sun-.
day to Philip W. Buchen, the',
new White House counsel, by'
Hamilton A. Long, a retired'
Wall Street la-yer who for-
merly headed a conservative,
.Philadelphia publis'e corn-,
pany, the American fieritagej
Education Corporation.
Mr. Long, who was describedi
by Mr. Buchen today as about:
70 years of age, has written a
number of conservative tracts,.
including one, published in the.
nineteen-fifties; entitled, "Per-
mit Communist-Conspirators to!
? be Teachers?"
Mr. Buchen sal dthat Mr.
Long Cold him that he had also,
been in touch with the staffs!
of two Senators about the in-
formation purported to have!
been in Mr. Hunt's office, Rob-
ert P. Griffin of Michigan, the!
Republican.whip, and Cowell P.
Weicter Jr. of Connecticut, a
member .,of 'the Watergate
commottee.
Mr. Long was described by;
several sources close to the.
Hunt affair today as an ac-
quaintance of H. J. O'Brien, thei
o,,vner of a Washington, D.C.4
photo copy company and also'
a close friend of Mr. Sheppard.;
10
THE ECONOMIST AUGUST 10,1914
Watergate in Russia
umnimgmewr
The Russians have started to be told
about Watergate at last: Mr Nixon's
confession on Monday that he knew
about the cover-up all along got five
paragraphs in Pravda on Wednesday.
But the men who run the Soviet press
are not going to find it easy to explain
the fall of Mr Nixon. So far they have
dribbled out the story in tiny fragments,
spattered with strange ? foreign terms,
and there has been no attempt to ex-
plain the origins of the business or how
the American :..:onstitution works. The
ordinary reader would have to be a
genius to guess what it was all about.
On Monday, for instance, the reader
of Pravda could learn in a snippet on
the third page of his paper that Vice-
President Ford, while believing in the
innocence of President Nixon, expressed
his preference for a procedure of censure
(the word translated into Russian)
rather than that of "impeachment"
(the English word simply transliterated,
as in the title of this article, into
Cyrillic characters).
It is true that, for some time now,
Soviet propaganda has dropped its origi-
nal line, which suggested that any attack
against Nixon was an attack against the
policy of detente. The Soviet govern-
ment realised that the matter was
serious, and that such an identification
of relations between the two countries
with relations between their respec-
tive leaders, was getting dangerous. A
series of ...Aides this week in Pravda
and Izvestia about detente did not
mention Mr Nixon's name once. But
conditioned reflexes die hard, and other
reports appearing elsewhere have con-
tinued to show a strong bias against the
critics of Richard Nixon. On July 29th
Moscow radio, broadcasting in English,
gave the impressions of a Russian who
had just visited the United States. He
was puzzled by the fuss about Water-
gate, since "according to the recent
Gallup poll 53 per cent of the American
people . . . find the Watergate coverage
excessive, unfair and misleading". But
then, he explained, he saw the offices of
the Washington Post, and in one of them
was a poster saying: "Watergate, the gift
that keeps on giving." "Keeps on giving
what and to whom?" he asked, and
meant it to sting.
No doubt, even with the best of
coverages, it would not have been easy
to explain to the Soviet people the opera-
tion of the American constitution, or the
role performed by a hard-hitting press.
But Soviet commentators will now want
to show that Watergate was not merely
a wicked plot against coexistence. After
their contorted and mysterious ref-
erences to it so far, they will find that
difficult.
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
17 July 1974.
t-liaid
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-111 CIA- _Ayala
BY HARRY ROSITZKE
Many recent events highlight the
C.ilemma that confronts the government
in dealing with secret and sensitive infor-
mation. Among these events is the publi-
cation of a new book about the Central In-
felligence Agency which contains 168
blank spaces marked "Deleted."
Written. by Victor Marchetti and John
'alarks, "The CIA and the Cult of Intel-.
agence" is at expose of the CIA's covert:
operations abroad and, as such, has been,.
the subject of prior restraint in the courts:
In effect, it has been censored by the very
agency whose activities it portrays.
?The government action was based on
Marchetti's violation of his CIA contract
to keep secret what he learned during his
career with the agency. But, of course, the
broader issue is the right of free speech
and free press?and the related concept of
"openness" in government.
There are two and, So far as I can see,
only two categories where absolute limits
ate essential on what can be .openly di-
villged about American intelligence oper-
ations. These involve certain activities
that cannot be Carried out if they are not
kept secret. In such cases, therefore, the
issue is not secrecy but whether these ac-
fia hies should be pursued at all,
?
One category is the code-breaking work
of the National Security 'Agency, a sepa-
rate organization in the Defense Depart-
Mena The restriction against even a faint
hint that a particular code has been bro-
ken must be absolute. if the NSA breaks a
foreign government's code, we can read
its most secret military or diplomatic
communications, as we were able to do af-
ter breaking the Japanese code before
Pearl Harbor. But if it leaks out that a
cert code has been broken, that code
wib;)e discarded and a source of vital
info; mat ion closed off.
Tho second category involves our actual
espionaee work abroad. The CIA's foreign
intelligenee agents have, been recruited.
over the years to provide the government
with essential information that cannot be
procured by legitimate means. These
agents are operating in foreign countries
under conditions requiring utmost securi-
ty, and knowledge of their identities is
narrowly restrieted even within the CIA.
Such safeguard: are mandatory if there
is to be an Arne! lean espionage service. -
Even the fairest implication that the
American intell:zence service cannot be
1
Stamped 'Top Secret,
depended on to keep its agents' names se-
cret would cause the CTA to lose the ser-
vices of many of its present agents and
make the recruitment of new ones next to
impossible. Only fools and frauds would
venture their well-being for an intel-
ligence service that cannot protect them.
The alternatives are simply these: a se-
cret foreign intelligence service, or no in-
telligence service at all. Both in breaking
codes and recruiting agents, secrecy is a
.practical i m p er-a t i v e, not something
vaguely desirable-in the dame of "national
security." ,
However, after the information has
been gathered, I see no reason, as a
ground rule, not to encourage openness.
Most classified material, once screened for
accuracy, could be made public without
imperiling the nation's security.
It is often argued, of course, that even
the most general. revelations concerning
our intelligence-gathering capabilities are
? Harr'y Rositzke worked for the Office of
Strategic. Services and the Central Intel-
ligence Agency for 26 years, before retir-
ing in 1970. He is the author of two books,.
"The U.S.S.R. Today" and "Left ,On!"
not in the public interest. In fact, Many
contend it is actually desirable to culti-
vate uncertainty .about how complete or
precise our intelligence is.
But within the world intelligence com-
munity,? all the -major countries have a
pretty good idea of other nations' capabili-
ties. 'What is missing are the specific or
unique facts that tell' who, how .and
where. ?
The amount of detail that might go
into -public reports remains to be deter-
mined; indeed, it could only be made on
an individual case' basis. The real point is
that no information is being disseminat-
ed at present, and that is not in the public
interest.
? Here are three types of now-secret in-
formation gathered by intelligence orga-
nizations that could be publicly revealed
with some degree of usefulness:
? ?Satellite photographs. Our orbiting
satellites are making superb photographs
of the earth's surface: I see little reason
why they should not be published. Yet,
oddly, these pictures are treated like top-
level secrets, apparently to keep the Rus-
sians from knowing how good they are.
However, it is precisely in the field of
science and technology, from photogra-
phy to guidance systems, that more and
more American scientists are urging com-
plete openness. Perhaps it is time for
America to take the lead in global free-
dom for all scientific knowledge.
? ?National intelligence estimates. The
major task of the CIA is to make objective
estimates of strategic trends or situations
in the world -to assist policymakers in
reaching decisions. These estimates are'
the top of the intelligence iceberg?the fi-
nal distillation of weighted facts from the
vast amount of raw data flowing into
Washington.
A few estimates have- been leaked over
the years, most recently in the Pentagon
Papers, and their official release would be
a sensible and desirable step toward open-
ness in government. Whether the topic is
the number of Soviet missiles, or trade
prospects with China, or trends in world
oil, objective estimates would be of dis-
tinct value to Congress, the media and the
public in broadening their knowledgeable
participation in discussions of 'foreign
affairs. ?
There is one danger ? that the White_
House would release only estimates that
support its policies and would suppress
those that do not. The politicization of in-
telligence is a running hazard that cannot
be totally avoided.
?Current intelligence reports. Another
useful device for keeping Congress and
the public better informed would be the
publication of occasional "situation re-
ports" on significant events abroad, These
would be balanced, factual statements on
what Is going on: the developments that
led th White Nouse to declare a global
military alert, for example. or the facts
behind a looming crisis in the Near East,
or the meaning of China's new Cultural
Revolution.
In regard to this kind of now-secret
-data, .there are no built-in limits on open-
ness. All we really need to do is to make
sure that published material does not lead
to identifying a broken code or unmask-
ing an agent abroad. Any limits beyond
'these are likely to be motivated by the de-
sire to avoid "embarrassment,' to cover
up the clash of bureaucratic opinion, or to
preserve; an aura of omniscience for the
executive. Since any such limits are man-
made, they can he unmade by pressare
from Congress and from the people?and
the sooner the better.
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11
PARADE ? JULY 21, 1974
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by Lloyd Shearer
WASHINGTON, D.C.,
he Central Intelligence Agency is
iuffering from a badly tarnished
image, and its new director, William
Egan Colby, 54, is charged with bur--
fishing it.
? This is no easy job, since over the
years the CIA has generated on the
domestic front- a closed, mysterious,
excessively secretive and sinister image.
It has also violated the legislation of its
origin.
Created in 1947 specifically to gather
"Foreign Intelligence," it has inter-
vened in American student organiza-
tions. It has trained about 50 police of-
ficers from a dozen American cities in
intelligence theory and technique.
? And worse yet,-from a public rela-
tions viewpoint, it has stupidly involved
itself in the domestic scandals of the
.Nixon Administration by furnishing
equipment to E. Howard Hunt Jr. to
help break into and burglarize the Bev-
erly Hills office of Dr. Lewis Fielding,
psychiatrist of Daniel Ellsberg of Pen-
tagon Papers notoriety.
The CIA also provided Hunt with
false identity equipment so that he
could fly to Denver and.try to talk Dita
Beard into denying that she ever wrote
the infamous ITT memo, coupling a
favorable anti-trust Justice Department
ruling with the promise of a $400,000
contribution to the Republican cam-
paign fund of 1972. Moreover, it al-
lowed its personnel to prepare a psy-
chological profile on Ellsberg for the
White House.
Leading participants
And two of its former employees, E.
Howard Hunt and James McCord, were
leading characters in- the Watergate
fiasco, to say nothing of the four Cu-
ban-Americans who were hired to do
the actual dirty work.
Overseas, of course, where most of
its clandestine as well as overt activities
take place, the CIA has hired merce,
naries in Southeast Asia, overflown the
Soviet Union, dropped agents into Red
China, structured its own airline out of
Taiwan, conspired to overthrow various
regimes in various parts of the world
from Iran to Cambodia to Cuba, and in
general, has consistently intervened in
the domestic affairs of -foreign nations.
With that agency background of con-
troversial hits and misses, Director
Colby has his image-changing work cut
out for him. He is approaching it with
care and vigor. He is inviting newsmen
to lunch with him, to ask questions, to
visit CIA headquarters in Langley, Va.,
where the access road now bears a sign,
plainly lettered CIA. It used to say Bu-
reau of Public Roads. He even allowed
PARADE to interview his wife, the for-
mer Barbara Heinzen, a delightful
woman with printer's ink in her blood
who helped put him through Columbia
University Law School by working as a
'department store copywriter and editor
of a New York State labor publication.
Soft-speaking and low-key, Colby, a
24-year unpretentious veteran of the
spy business, believes in opening up
the CIA without disclosing its secrets.
He is allowing the TV networks to
take a guided tour of the agency. He is
permitting his men to identify them-
selves over the telephone instead of
switching the caller to an extension
number. He is preparing succinct in-
telligence summaries instead of pon-
derous, bulky reports and forwarding
them to interested parties with a phone
number to call in case they need more
detailed information.
Conscious of public opinion
He is aware of the mounting public
criticism which holds that his 16,000-
man agency is spending approximately
$750 million of the taxpayers' money
each year without enough public ac-
countability through the various Con?
-
gressional subcommittees charged with
tracking the CIA. And he is mindful of
inadequacies in the agency's recruiting
program, especially of minorities.
"What we're looking for,", he ex-
plains, "are young men and women
who are interested in intellectual and
technical pursuits. Intelligence is tech-
nical these days. We're in the market
for something like 130 specialist disci-
plines, running all the way from nuclear
physicists to financial economists. We
need every kind of specialty to help in
our total 'intelligence process.
12
"We especially need women- and
blacks. We don't have enough of them
as professional intelligence officers. A
few months ago I -gathered together ill
the middle managers in the agency and
gave them a very direct talk. I told
them I, wanted to see the number of
blacks and the number of women in
-responsible jobs rise sharply..?
Opportunity and challenge
"We also need," Colby concedes,
"some fellows who will run some clan-
destine operations for us. They have to
be fellows with a little bit of adventure
in their spirit and frequently quite a lot
of courage. But I'm not going around
saying, 'Join the CIA instead of the Fish
and Wildlife Service.'And I'm not go-
ing around saying, 'Join the CIA and
save, the world.' People who want an
interesting, fascinating challenging ca--
reer can find it in the CIA, and that in-
'cludes those who are more student
than activist, those who are more ac-
tivist than student, those who are mOre
?the engineer than liberal art buff.
We're wide open for the person who
believes we have an essential function
to perform."
_ According to Colby, the primary
function of the CIA is apple-pie simple:
"We gather information from all over
the world in order to learn as much as
we can about foreign problems so that
we can decide what to do about them.
"We have various ways of gathering
information?reading newspapers, tak-
ing photographs, listening to electronic
noises in the atmosphere,-and employ-
ing clandestine activity where it's essen-
tial. We gather the information, analyze
it, think about it, come to some judg-
ment or estimate the situation and relay
it to the national leadership, executive,
legislative, and indirectly, even to the
public so that the' U.S. can make in-
formed judgments and decisions."
Colby, who will finish his first year as
director of the CIA on Sept. 4 this year,
believes the agency is indispensable,
"because I do not think the U.S. today
can afford the luxury of being blind in
the world or of hoping to learn enough
of what's going on through the public
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press and other media."
He knows, he says, that the U.S. has
no intention of invading the Soviet
Union and is sure the Soviet Union has
no intention of invading us. "But I think
the Soviet Union has a philosophy
which holds that America is run by an
imperialist conspiracy, a class society
and that there must be, according to
their doctrine, a revolution, a change
in our- society.
"It's a religious belief, ai id from time
.to time the Soviets have engaged in
the process, of trying to encourage it
along.
"America has gotten into several
wars in this century, started by people
who thought we either would not or
could not-stand up to them. Kaiser Wil-
helm thought we would not join World.
War I. Adolf Hitler was quite certain
that we would stay out of World War
II. Josef Stalin thought we would not
fight in Korea and Ho Chi Minh cer-
tainly felt we could not stop his effort
to take over South Vietnam. Where
people realized we not only could but
would fight?for example, in the Berlin
Crisis, the Cuban Missile Crisis?we
have had no war. Having a CIA is like
having insurance. You pay for it, but
hopefully it's worth it."
- Head of 'black operations'
Bill Colby, 5 feet 11, thin, trim, with
pale- blue myopic eyes helped by
glasses, is a lawyer by training. He looks
like a -lawyer, also like a teacher, a
minister, a banker, a doctor, anything-
except what he is?the nation's .chief:
?spooksman who for years was deputy
director of the CIA's clandestine or,
"black operations" directorate.
He was born in St. Paul, Minn., in
1920, the only child of Elbridge Colby,
an Army officer. He was reared at var-
..:
inus Army posts, spent three years of
his youth (1929-32) in Tientsin,. China,
tntered Princeton in 1936 and was
graduated four years later. He entered
Columbia University Law School but
left after his first year to join the para-
chute corps.
"He had to memorize the eye chart
in order to get in," his wife reveals.
"But he memorized one line back-
wards. When he took the eye test, he
cited the letters incorrectly. He wanted
so badly to get in, however, that they
looked the other way and the examin-
ing officer said, 'So long as you can see
the ground we'll take you."
Colby served as a staff lieutenant in
the 4-62nd Parachute Artillery Battalion
(he had attended the ROTC at Prince-
ton} and was fired when a new com-
mander joined the 462nd and replaced
the old staff with a new one. Lieutenant
Colby found himself in a replacement
pool, which he didn't like. When an
officer came through, looking for vol-
unteers for an overseas operation, code-
named JEDBURGH, j43191.16cjik1kieRei
13
ieered, thus becomini a member of
Gen. William Donovan's intelligence
service, the Office of Strategic Services.
As a member of the JED's, Colby para-
chuted in uniform to help resistance.
groups in France during the weeks fol-
lowing the Allied landing.
.. ? -
He was so cool and outstanding in
action that he was chosen despite his
young age, 24,, to command a group
of Norwegian-American paratroopers
charged with sabotaging German rail-
way operations in Norway. According
to Harris Smith, an historian of the OSS:
"The drop was finally made from Amer-
ican aircraft staffed by inexperienced
crews in late March, 1945. Two of the
planes crashed and ten OSS men were
killed. Colby and those OSS men who
did reach their destination were forced
, to operate with a minimum of supplies;
the American planes had dropped their
equipment a bit off target?in Sweden.'
_ College s.weetheart -?
?
Discharged from the Army as a ma-'
jor, young Colby married Barbara
Heinzen whom he'd dated in .1941
when she was a junior at Barnard Col-
lege and he a first-year. law student at
Columbia. -
They' were married. in St. Patrick's
Cathedral on Fifth Avenue, and then
Colby reentered Columbia Law. Before*
he was graduated he went to work for
'Maj. Gen. Bill Donovan's prestigious
New York law firm, Donovan, Leisure,
Newton, Lombard and-Irvine, many of
whose members had served with him in
the OSS.
In 1949 after a two-year stint with the
Donovan firm, Colby joined the Na-
tional Labor Relations 'Board in Wash-
ington. He wasn't particularly happy or
fulfilled asa lawyer, and one evening
he remarked to his wife, "I don't know.
1- just don't want to go through life sav-
ing $100,000 a year for American Can
some other corporation."
Call of the CIA
When the Korean War broke out, Bill
Colby; an adventurer by heart, joined
the Central Intelligence-Agency. Under
one guise or another he has been with
the agency ever since, generally fighting
communism.
In Stockholm from 1951 to 1953 he
was listed as a foreign serviee attach?
In Rome from 1953 to 1958, where he
was unofficially known as "one of Clare
Boothe Luce's boys," he was officially
carried as "first secretary and special
assistant to the ambassador." In Rome
where his wife reCalls, "we lived five
of our loveliest years," Colby worked
underground to prevent the Italian
Communist Party from winning a ma-
jority in Parliament.
Came next his first three-year stint in
Vietnam, ostensibly as first secretary of
the AritsgrocaRc4mtasyi Anit
vt?'-ud432R
RAnsfiY,Hri-NWYri) Asra.Pro y was, ot
course, much more than that. He was
probably the shining light of the intelli-
gence community, performing so well
in his situational assignments and vari-
ous cloak-and-dagger assignments that
he was brought back to CIA headquar-
ters in Washington and appointed chief
of its Far Eastern Division.
The most controversial segment of
William Colby's intelligence career
concerns his involvement in the Viet-
namese pacification program known as
"CORDS," an acronym for "Civil Oper-
ations and Revolutionary Development
Support." One part of this program was
the operation code-named Phoenix.
Just as .he was about to become chief
of the CIA's Soviet operations in 1968,
Colby was sent back to Vietnam on the
request of Robert Kamer, a former CIA
man, and given ambassadorial rank. He
was placed in charge of_South Vietnarn's
overall pacifica,ion program, sup-
posedly designed -to ?vin the hearts and
minds of the people."
Abuses during Phnix
The Phoenix portion of the p:-. ram,
which aimed to neutralize the Vie'-ng
infrastructure, involved the captie:>.
imprisonment; defection, and murder
of the Vietcong. There were abuses in
its execution, and as Colby conceded
in February, 19'0, to the Senate- Fc:eign
Relations Committee, "..?: l_wocid not
want to testify that nobody was killed
wrongly or executed in this kine of a
program. I think it has probably hap-
pened, unfortunately." But there are
excesses in all wars; and it seems rn,:oi-
festly- unfair to brand Colby a "nit .5
murderer and war criminal" which ;eat -
done by those in the intelligence co,- -
munity who last year opposed his al.,
pointment as CIA director. No one ever',
called.him such names in World War II
when he was killing Germans. And few
people realize how chaotic "Phoenix"
was until he took it over.
Colby does not look or act like an
exquisitely sensitive man, but during
the period of his Senatorial confirma-
tion, when posters bearing his photo
with the legend, "mass Murderer and
war criminal," were tacked to posts and -
walls in Washington, D.C., he was
deeply hurt. One night he drove home
to the unpretentious house he owns in
Springfield, Va., a capital suburb, plain-
tively asked his wife, "How does it
feel being married to a war criminal?"..
"My heart went out to him," Barbara
Colby recalls, "because if ever there
was a good, decent man who has served
his country and his family?Bill has
served every President from Franklin D
Roosevelt to Nixon?well, it's Bill."
Although Colby is a Nixon appointee,
he, unlike so many others, is not about
to follow orders blindly or to traffic
Vvith White House types like Ehrlichman
s' OT361815-tught to compromise
t e t in the Watergate coverup,
"I will do the proper and legitimate
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20 August 1974
things under the statute that CIA has
been charged to do," he says. "And if
I'm asked to do something beyond that
legal authority, then I won't do it. I'll
resign."
In line with that, Colby recently sup-
ported an amendment to the National
Security Act of 1947 which originally
authorized the founding of the CIA.
The amendment was introduced by
Sen. William Proxmire (D., Wis.) to
protect the CIA from abuses emanating
from the political system. It limits the
CIA to its basic mission of collecting
foreign intelligence and closes a loop-
hole in the 1947 act which permitted
the agency to get itself so disastrously
involved in domestic intelligence.
Under 'Colby's regime the CIA is not
only projecting a more open and can-
did image, it is undergoing a structural
transformation. Colby has abolished
the 10-man Board of National Estimates
founded in 1950 and replaced it with a
group of national intelligence officers,
each charged with preparing a series of
short-term intelligence assessments of.
their special areas. He has reduced the
number of covert, so-called "black
operations" largely because satellite
equipment is so sophisticated today
that it can photograph and relay far
more reliable information than that
provided by an agent dropped by plane
or landed by submarine on foreign land:-
: A practicing Roman Catholic, a pillar
in community affairs, a hard-working
(Saturdays until 3 p.m.) civil servant
who earns $42,000 a year, a good and..
understanding father to his four sur-
viving children?a fifth died early this
year of epilepsy?a loving and dutiful.
husband, William Colby has been a
professional intelligence-officer for half
his adult years.
No flag lapel pin ?
The United States is indeed fortunate
in having him. As a lawyer he could be
earning three times in civilian life what
he earns in government service. "But it
wouldn't give me the satisfaction," he
says, "that I find in this job." Colby
wears no flag pins in his lapel to dem-
onstrate his patriotism. It goes much
deeper than that.
Foreign-Policy Advice
By Ronald Steel
SARATOGA' SPRINGS, N.Y.?Presi-
dent Ford tells us that he will remain
true to the foreign policy of Richard
M. Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger. The
media applauds and Congress sighs
with relief. This is one area, perhaps
the only one, where. continuity is
hailed as a good thing.'
So it would seem, at any rate. The
Nixon-Kissinger team restored the
broken dialogue with Peking, ham-
mered out a military disengagement
in the Middle East, negotiated- an ac-
cord for waging the Vietnam war
with local proxies instead of G.I.'s,
and established a new coziness with
Moscow. For this it has won, and de-
served, high points.
Mr. Kissinger, having emerged
slightly tarnished, but intact, from the
Watergate debacle, is the superstar of
the new Administration. It is not sur-
prising that President Ford has af-
firmed his confidence in his predeces-
sor's Secretary of State. Having never
shown any particular interest in for-
eign affairs, and eager to assuage as
many anxieties as possible, Mr. Ford
will be. almost irresistibly tempted to
leave that side of the ledger to Henry.
It is an understandable temptation,
but it should be zoided. The problem
is not Mr. Kissinger's abilities but
the message he has used and the val-
ues that underlie them. Like the Presi-
dent he so lately served, Mr. Kissinger
is indifferent to ideology, obsessed
with secrecy, and mesmerized by the
game of power politics.
This has led him into a number of
curious adventures in realpolitik, most
lately revealed in the Cyprus war. Un-
willing to antagonize the military junta
in Athens, and detesting President Ma:
karios, he refused to condemn the
gangster regime under Nikos Giorgia-
des Sampson. When democracy was
restored in Greece, he winked at the
Turkish invasion of Cyprus, preferring
part of the island "safely" under Anka-
ra's control to an undependable neu-
tralist Government. Defended as "real-
ism" this policy of expediency has in-
volved terrible suffering in Cyprus
and has weakened Greece's fragile
democratic Government.
Support for the brutal Pakistani re-
pression of the Bengalis; financial and
military aid to the dictatorships in
South Korea, South Vietnam and, until
recently, Greece; indifference to the
repression of minorities and dissidents
14
in the Soviet Union?all of this has
been carried an in the name of a higher
realism, as though a nation's values
could be detached from the foreign
policy it pursues. The notion that the
end justifies the means was, after all,,
the essence of Watergate.
Mr. Ford is President today because
the stench of that mentality became
too great: In trying to leave behind,
Watergate' S corruption, we will have
learned little if we dismiss from for-
eign affairs the moral values, that
have been receiving such heady reaf-
firmation these last days. Foreign pol-
icy is not merely a. method of manipu-
lation. Nor is it the waging of war
by othee means. It is the expression
of a nation's values.
Domestic problems are urgent, but
foreign affairs cannot be pt on the
back burner. Nor can they be left to
Henry to orchestrate as he sees fit.
His successes, while impressive, are
nonetheless tenuous.
The link with China depends on.
Peking's quarrel with Moscow. The
d?nte with the Kremlin, while desir-
able, so far involves mostly American
money for Russian promises. And in
Vietnam, of course, the war goes on.
President Ford has an opportunity to
take a fresh look at a foreign policy
apparatus that has been shrouded in
secrecy, to seek other views on issues
raised or left unreloved.
Relations with Japan, compounded
by neglect and even contempt, are at
a critical point. The time for a less
domineering role toward Western Eu-
rope, and for the withdrawal of Amer-
ican troops, is long overdue. The
specter of famine and the intensifying
misery of much of the Third World are
pressing closer to home. Overhanging
all is the persistent commitment to a
policy of global intervention that has
never been seriously re-examined since
the onset of the cold war.
Perhaps Mr. Kissinger, who has
shown little interest in these matters,
has a secret bundle of answers. But his
skill has always been as a negotiator
?not as an innovator. With Mr. Nixon
gone, his game of realpolitik, with its
emphasis on expediency and flashy
deals, may prove to be neither very
_realistic nor long-lived. Mr. Ford.
would be mistaken if he assumed that.
the present foreign policy consensus
will hold up and that everything will
be all right if he just leaves it to Henry.
Ronald Steel is author of several books
on foreign policy.
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BALTIMORE NEWS AMERICAN
9 August 1974
(-1
7i
'1:71
By JOHN P. WALLACH
News American'Bureau
WASHINGTON ? Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger, who
once asked Gerald R. Ford to
participate in his Harvard
. seminar, is Ii1:ely to emerge in
the , new administration with
even more power and autono-
my to shape the nation's for-
eign ? policy.
This assessment is based on
several factors ? President
Nixon's unwavering confi-
dence in Kissinger, the only
member of his original inner'
circle to survive unscathed by
Watergate, and the demon-
strated successes of Kissin-
ger's policies in Indochina, the.
Soviet Union and China.
But above all is Ford's can-
did recognition of his own for-
eign affairs shortcomings and
of Kissinger's expertise. Kis- ?
singer was said to have been
the first administration offi-
cial asked to stay on by the
new chief executive.
Kissinger was tentatively
approached almost two
months ago, sources here re-
vealed, and readily accepted..
One example of Kissinger's
new power is his current per-
sonal campaign to salvage U.
S.-Gra:: relations from years
of Nixon administration sup-
of the military regime
4 rs
4 4L! e
./ 2
? :: ? ?
.? ?
lYE y
IIItctbu
ciA ri fat
312s..4:1?Ul. Lib
there, now that a civilian de-
mocracy has been restored.
Kissinger also is expected to '
launch new initiatives towards
Cuba, which were impossible
aslong as Nixon needed con-
servative congressional. Sup-
port In his impeachment fight.
Ford's foreign policy rec-
ord ,as a House member, was
one of consistent support for
Israel, for the United Nations
and for administration initia-
tives to defuse tension with
the Soviet Union and Com-
munist China.
In fact, Kissinger made the
arrangements for Ford to be-
come one of the first members
of Congress to visit Peking
after Nixon went there in Feb-
ruary, 1972.
But Ford was also very i
much his own man in foreign
affairs. He vigorously/ support-
ed the Cooper-Church Amend-
ment in 1970 that would have
cut off all funds to continue
the war in Cambodia and sub-
sequently voted to prevent the
I '? ' - ? e-e-i?f:.
? s a n 'Kissingerreportedly'
tried ' to persuade Ford that
fornier New York Governor
Nelson Rockefeller, who was
Kissinger's boss before he
joined the Nixon achninistra-.
tion, . would be an excellent
vice presidential choice.
Pentagon from transferring
lends from other military pro-
grams to continue the bomb-
ing of Cambodia.
Apart. from his appearance
in 1E.59 as a lecturer at one of
Kissinger's 'Harvard
semi-
nars, Ford has had little di-
rect contact with the secre-
tary. State Departemnt
officials disclosed that prior to
the current crisis, Kissinger
had only been asked to brief
Ford once ? about two weeks
ago?on foreign policy mat-
ters.
The former vice president,
of course, participated in
White House breakfast meet-
ings with congressional lead-
ers that Kissinger regularly
addressed and received daily
briefings as vice president
from the Central Intelligence
A aency.
But in private conversations
Ford frequently has been the
first to concede his foreign
peiicy inadequacy.
; In fact, for just those rea-
Rockefeller is well-known by
U. S. allies and Communist
adversaries, Kissinger is said
to have argued, and could
provide valuable conthuityin
the foreign affairs field.
? Nixon's strong reliance on
Kissinger appeared confirmed.
by the disclosure that in the
final days of his presidency
the outgoing chief executive
spent more time with his sec-
retary of state than with any
other official, including Vice
President Ford.
State Department sources'
revealed that Kissinger had
spent more than four hours
with Nixon Thursday and that
Nixon had asked Kissinger t9
thoroughly brief Ford on cur-
rent foreign policy- 'develop-
ments only a few hours before
he announced his resignation.
Kissinger reportedly had ?
urged Nixon after Monday's
cabinet meeting to make a,
quick decision about resigna-
tion because any delay might
contribute to the uneasiness
among U. .S. allies or. might. I
:
spark ? a crisis- in one of the
..world's many trouble spots.
Kissinger was said to have
stressed at the Cabinet session
that unity among administra-
tion officials was essential to
present a picture. of stability
during the turbulent transition
of power. Without such a dis-
play of unity, foreign powers
might be tempted to exploit
America's passing weakness, -
Kissinger said: .
To this end, Kissinger
recommended that for the in-
Lenin changeover period the
cabinet be kept intact and all
appointed officials overseas,
including ambassadors, be al-
lowed to remain at their pests
despite the formality of resig-
.nation letters.
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BALTIMORE SUN
9 August 1974
Allied Dispute over European Security Conference
Brussels.
After apparently patching up
their differences over the Otta-
wa declaration on Atlantic prin-
ciples, the United States and its
European allies may be headed
for a new dispute over .the pace
and progress of ? detente ? with
Communist countries.
The problem revolves around
soporific negotiations now under
way in Geneva over European
security and such diverse issues
as the inviolability of frontiers,
magazine subscriptions to Com-
munist countries and people like
Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
? 0 ?
For the most part these topics
have not fired public opinion on
either side of the Atlantic. But
they did threaten to ignite a new
controversy when Henry Kissin-
ger passed through Brussels on
his return from the Moscow. sum-
mit. Only some fast talking by
the 'American Secretary of State
defused a potential eeplosion by
some of America's stanchest al-
lies. But the underlying differ-
ences of opinion still exist and
will have to be resolved in the
coming months if another At-
lantic shouting match is to be
avoided.
The Europeans were extremely
agitated over what they saw as
a betrayal at the recent, Nixon-
Brezhnev summit over the dead-
locked European Security Confer-
ence. In the summit communi-
que they read in black and white
what they had feared: that the
American and Soviet desire for
showcase achievements had con-
verged to seek a quick wrapup
BALTIMORE SUN
21 August 1974
By DAVID FOUQUET
to the security conference. The
United States and the Soviet
Union "expressed themselves in
favor of the final stage of the
conference taking place at an
early date." The statement also
declared that "substantial prog-
ress" had already been made
and that "documents of great in-
ternational significance" would
be produced at the talks.
This summit enthusiasm did
not square with the "disappoint-
ment at the small progress" ex-
pressed by the European Commu-
nity foreign ministers a few weeks
earlier. Nor did it mirror the
statement accepted in Ottawa
just a few days earlier by all the
NATO allies including the United
States. That communique spoke
of the "uneven" progress at the
Geneva East-West talks and the
"patience" needed to achieve re-
sults. ,
? a 0
Secretary Kissinger was able
to convince his European col-
leagues in Brussels and in his
subsequent tour of capitals that
he and President Nixon had not
committed themselves to any date
or setting for the windup of the
European Security Conference.
Nevertheless reports issuing from
the private meeting indicate a
major divergence of views be-
tween Kissinger and some Euro-
peans.
Putting it diplomatically Bel-
gian Foreign Minister Renaat
Van Elslande commented that
the Moscow declaration indicat-
ed that "bilateral views may
have progressed beyond the al-
liance views" on the Geneva con-
ference.
Having been dragged reluctant-
ly and skeptically after years of
refusal into the Soviet-proposed
gathering, the Europeans want
some tangible results. The War-
saw Pact first proposed such a -
Pan-European conference in 1966
in order to, in Western eyes, seek
confirmation of the status quo
in Europe and split the United
States from its European allies.
Hesitant, the Western Europeans
? set a number of preconditions to
be fulfilled before they would sit
down to discuss European secur-
ity. Largely through the West
German Ostpotitik and U.S.-
Soviet rapprochement, the pre-
conditions were met and the talks
started in Helsinki in 1972.
? ? 0
The subsequent negotiations
have dealt with three major
"baskets" or areas political-
military measures, economic and
technical co-operation between
East and West and "the free ex-
change of peoples and ideas."
Every one of the 35 states in-
volved has its pet issues. For
instance West Germany, hoping
to preserve the possibility of a
German reunification, hopes to
gain recognition for the doctrine
of the peaceful change of fron-
tiers. Romania, seeking to main-
tain its economic independence in
the face of Soviet domination, is
resisting East-West economic co-
operation solely between the Com-
mon Market and Comecon.
But the Western European
countries have been remarkably
unified and tenacious on obtain-
ing a 'relaxation of the Commu-
nist controls on information and
travel. They feel there will never
be a real detente until there is
a freer flow through the Iron Cur-
tain. They want to open up the
closed societies and hopefully
avoid the type of repression typi-
fied by the Solzhenitsyn case.
? ? ?
This is anathema to the Soviet
Union and some of its allies who
believe the state has a right to
control travel and information
and who view the Western de-
mands as opening the floodgates
to a tide of pornography and sub-
version. In fact some observers
in both camps have speculated
that the West European intransi-
gence is an attempt to sabotage
the talks and detente in order to
maintain U.S. troops in Europe.
The few concessions on this issue
made by the Communist coun-
tries have been meager ones like
allowing Western magazine sub-
scriptions into Eastern Europe.
This will not satisfy some Euro-
pean governments which find
themselves in the unusual role
of being hard-liners while the
United States and the Soviet-
Union are urging a faster pace.
While all countries are commit-
ted to producing some concrete
results in this conference which
has been called the most irnpor-
tent since the Congress of Vienna,
it is this difference in aims which
the United States and its NATO
partners say they will try to re-
solve in the coming months.
Mr. Fouquet is a freelance jour-
nalist, resident in, Brussels.
(ennan warns about pressur'st on Soviet trade, affiance
Washington let ? George F.
Kerman, one of the nation's
long-time leading experts on
the Soviet Union, said yeRela
day he sees little sense in
using a trade bill to compel
the U.S.S.R. to .ease immigra-
tion restrictions on its Jewish
citizens.
Mr. Kennan also told the i
Senate Foreign Relations Corn-
mittee that it is an illusion to '
believe that China can become!
"a suitable ally or associate of,
this country in world affairs." I
On the problems of Soviet
Jewry, Mr. Kennan said he
has no sympathy for denying-
most-favored-nation status to
the Soviet Union "as a means
of bringing pressure upon the
Soviet government for an al-
teration of its policies with,
respect to the emigration from
Russia of its Jewish citizens."
He said he considers such
tactics unsound because they
call for the United States to
interfere in the domestic activ-
ities of another nation to an
extent which the U.S. would be
unwilling to accept if the situa-
tion were reversed.
He said he is "bewildered"
at the timing of the move,
which is sponsored in the Sen-
ate principally by Senator
Henry M.?Jackson 0a., Wash.).
Actually, he sa'io, the Soviet
Union has become more liberal
in its immigration policy in the
recent past than at any time in
the last 40 years.
"I am also troubled by the
fact that the pressures we are,
urged to exert appear to relate
specifically to People of one, ?
single ethnic religious back- wi.th China
,ground," Mr. Kennan said.
"Such pressures should be
a exerted on behalf of all those
aseen to suffer from the policies
a hi question aria not just those
of given ethnic or religious
identity," he said.
' As for China, Mr. Kennan
noted that in other eras of
' history; U.S. foreign policy in
the Far East has been "ser-I
iouely disbalanced" by what he
called "our traditional predi-
lection for the Chinese.
"Whatever else may be said
, of Communist China, she is not
a a suitable ally or associate of
this country in .world affairs,"
ahe said.
Mr. Kennan said the reasons
I for this incongruity lie in the
a differences between the Chi-:
nese and American characters,
the ideological commitment of
; the Chinese leaders, the nature,
of the Chinese military estab-
lishment and the differing
; characters of the two nations'
interests and commitments.
On another subject Mr. Ken-?
i nen said the enormous size of
the American defense budget
and the large role that defense
plays in the national economy
has distorted national policy. '
"Our whole governmental
system is militarily top-.
heavy," he said. "And this sets
? up forces in the midst of which
it is hard to get a true picture
of the national interests."
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NEW YORK TIMES
4 August 1974
orture
fficial Way of Life
By JEAN-PIERRE CLA'VEL i 30ountries -
Torture has now become a state institution in more than
30 countries, a rule of pain carried out by technicians,
scientists, paramilitary officials, judges and cabinet minis-
ters.
Documentation comes from the respected human rights
agency Amnesty International, a private London-based
group that seeks freedom for political prisoners and has
offices in 32 nations. As the 25th anniversary of the United
Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights approaches,
Amnesty's London headquarters described in a 224-page
report allegations and evidence of torture in 64 countries,
in the last 10 years.
Most of what the agency calls a "cancerous" growth of
torture has occurred in Latin America, spreading to 22
nations there in the 10-year period. Portugal and Northern
Ireland are among the 10 European countries named, as are
14 nations in Africa, 7 in Asia and 8 in the Middle East.
The vast number of victims in urban areas are members
of legitimate political organizations, trade unions and youth
movements, professors, women's leaders, religious figures,
lawyers and journalists. In rural situations, it is unarmed
peasants, villagers and even children who are caught in
the torture net. ? Contends Amnesty International, "it is ?
apparent today that much of state torture is carried out
by the military forces, usually elite or special units, who
displace the civil police in matters of political security.
Their. military training and. their exposure to post-World
?War II theories about 'unconventional war' make them
particularly apt for the practice and enable them to apply
the concept of 'war' to any situation of civil conflict no
matter how mild." ?
In Latin America, It is possible to pinpoint the arrival
of torture in nations such as Uruguay, Bolivia and Chile
and to demonstrate the pattern in which torture has spread
across the continent. Niall MacDerrnot, Secretary-General
of the International Commission of Jurists, reported at the
United Nations this June after a fact-finding mission that
between 3,500 and 4,000 persons had been interrogated in
Uruguay alone since July 1972, in an effort to stamp out
the Tupamaros. Of these, at .least 50 per cent are believed
to have been tortured.
Secret steps were taken in Brazil in the early nineteen-
sixties by a group of senior military and police officialst
to create a coordinated, autonomous torture and "death
squad" network to crush political opposition. To train per-
sonnel, illustrated lectures and live demonstrations of tor-
ture wen:: conducted, using political' prisoners as guinea
pigs, by Operacao Bandeirantes, once described as "a type
of advanced school of torture." Subsequently, trained
Brazilian torturers traveled to military academies in neigh-
boring nations to conduct courses in what is euphemisti-
THE ECONOMIST JULY 20, 1974
Kidnapping
Three-card trick
FROM OUR HONGKONG CORRESPONDENT
The latest details of the quiet release of
two Soviet medical advisers kidnapped
by Burmese opium-running terrorists
in April last year reveal remarkable and
unprecedented co-operation between
the CIA and the Russians?with tacit
Chinese endorsement. According to
reliable sources in Rangoon and
Bangkok, the American government
discreetly approached the Soviet Union
to ask if there would be any objection
cally called "interrogation."
"Refinements" have resulted from technical and medical
research designed to develop techniques of intensifying pain
without causing death or irreversible damage. In Northern
Ireland in 1971, security forces put "sensory deprivation"
into action against Irish Republican Army suspects, using
'white noise, tactile obliteration, fatigue and starvation to
force nervous systems to "torture themselves." Dr. Timothy
Shallice of London's National Hospital has traced these
methods to a clear line of private and government-sponsored
research that began in the nineteen-fifties and intensified
after the Korean War. "Torture which was once a craft," -
says Dr. Shallice, "has become a technology."
Further evidence of this trend was unearthed after the
"liberation" of the DGS (political police) headquarters in
Lisbon following the May coup in Portugal. Inside were
found anatomy charts and films used to instruct novices
in torture and detailed medical reports indicating that tor-
ture had become a medical science conducted under the
supervision of doctors.
In the Soviet Union the abuse of psychiatry has led to
the long-term incarceration of dissidents such as Grigorenko ,
and Plyusch in execrable conditions inside special psychi-
atric hospitals on the ground that they had committed
political offenses "while of unsound mind"
Amnesty has produced a unique portrait of a world
which, like a Bosch phantasm, is palloramic, almost aloof, ?
chronicling the ordeals and wasted lives of men and women
trapped in the breakdown of the rule f law. It speaks,
for the countless victims sent to labor cami:-s in the barren
regions of the Soviet Union, for the fate of the 55,000 .
political detainees still held without charge or trial in the
-camps of Indonesia, for defendants sent to the torture
cells beneath the courtrooms in central Lisbon, for the
crippled Vietnamese inmates of the Tiger Cages of Con Son ?
and their dead countrymen thrown from United States
helicopters during the years of overt American military
involvement in Indochina, for the unknown individuals who
faced certain of the Red Guard factions in the violent
street trials of the Cultural Revolution and for the personal
victims of South Africa's Brigailier Swanepoel, Brazil's
Sergio Fleury and Greece's Colonel Theophyloyannakos.
What distinguishes the present wave of torture from
others is that where formerly it presented itself as a series
-of national crises (such as the unleashing of torture during
.the Algerian War beginning on Algerian patriots and even-
tually spreading to metropolitan France), today we confront
an international network of Torture States exchanging ex-
pertise and equipment.
Jean-Pierre Clavel is a contributor to the recently pub- -
lished "Amnesty International Report on Torture."
Burma had already rejected the kid-
nappers' demands for a $2m ransom
and the release of a former opium war-
lord of Chinese blood imprisoned since
1969. The Soviet ambassador in Rangoon
had openly supported Burma's stand and
so, indirectly, had the Chinese and
American ambassadors.
The Russians gladly accepted
America's offer. The kidnappers, led by
a Manchurian named Chang Shu-chen.
then suggested a compromise-1,000
M-16 rifles worth $180 each for the
release of the two Russians. The Ameri-
if the United SWAP rittiVeid&ff glicRE41,0asdIrOBScOgiggiVellkirriDPV71-6043gRO
flappers, who had slipped across the brought Thai agents into the negotia-
border into Thailand. flans. The Thais, in an apparent con-
17
cession, said they would- Provide the
rifles in two instalments. The first 500
were handed over and one Soviet hostage
was released in March. The Thais then
demanded payment for the next instal-
ment and the kidnappers. perhaps feel-
ing that it was all becoming too much
for them, surrendered the second
Russian without the second delivery.
It is being suggested that the 500
delivered rifles may be less reliable than
the kidnappers expected. The opium
chief remains in prison in redoubled
security. So, at the end of it all, the
tough south-east Asian front against
allntatklia#mail still endures--with
the backmg of that unlikely triumvirate,
Russia, China and the United States.
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WASHINGTON POST
11 August 1974
Million Soviets Repatriated, Jailed
130
k Details '45 Pact
ostivar Return
By David Berliner
Special to The WaShingt011 Pa? ?
settlement hit its victims.
At the heart of the action
lay two bilateral agreements
signed at Yalta on Feb. 11,
1945?one by Eden and Soviet
Foreign Minister V. M. Molo-
tov, another by Maj. Gen.
John,. D. Deane, military atta-
che at the U.S. Embassy in
Moscow, and a Soviet lie-
teuant general named Gryz-
lov. ?
"The Soviet government
could not forgive any Soviet
citizen who had in any way
NEW YORK?A pact signed
at the Yalta Conference and
described recently by Alexan-
der Solzhenitsyn as "the last
secret of World War II" led to
the forced repatriation of
more than one million Soviet
citizens held by the western
Allies, a new book detail's for
the first time.
Appropriately titled "The;
Last Secret"?a phrase used
by Solzhenitsyn in a footnote;
to "The Gulag Archipelago"?
the book by Nicholas Bothell.
traces step by step the events
which resulted in the impris-
onment and deaths of Rus-
sians liberated by American
land British troops or captured
while serving with the collaps-
ing German army.
, Lord Bethell's book is sub-
titled, "The Delivery to Stalin.
of Over Two Million Russians
by Britain and the U.S.A.," but
the figure includes those who
returned voluntarily.
Citing many newly declas-
sified papers and numerous
personal interviews, the study
offers a grim view of . Soviet
leaders out for 'Wbolesale re-
venge and of Western officials
so concerned with the return
of their own soldiers and with
the appeasement of Stalin that
normal humanitarian consider-
ations were discarded. ?
"It was a long and tragic
mistake" said Bethell, a 36-
year-old English journalist
and expert on Russian affairs,
in a transatlantic telephone in-
terview from London last week.
"The man- I hold most re-
sponsible is Anthony Eden
who was foreign secretary at
the time, because the original
decision was a British one and
the American government later
went along with it.
"We made the decision on.
the advice of Eden who
pushed it through the Cabinet
in spite of Winston Churchill's
initial reluctance and in spite
of the very strong proteste
from .several ministers. Tie
said it was essential for us to
send these people back? by
force if necessary, irrespective
of ?their individual wishes."
collaborated with the Nazi Ger-
mans, let alone actively fought,
for them," Lord Bethell writes.'
"That so many ordinary citi-
zens should spend a number
of years in a foreig i
was itself a mind-racking
worry to .the binkered, secu-
rity-obsessed men who ran the
country.
"To such 'policeman minds'
they were all dangerous, every
one of them, even those whO
had resisted the Nazi blandish-
ments or threats and re-
mained in prisoner of war
camps on starvation rations.
Stalin was resolved to isolate
every one of them from the
community, the innocent as
well as the guilty, the loyal as
well as the traitors ...
"It would also take- dozens
of years to `clear' every for-
mer prisoner of war. Also, the
mere fact that a man has
fallen into captivity was taken
aS evidence of a lukewarm at-
titude to Soviet Russia.
"Why he had not fought to
the death? Perhaps because he
wanted to be taken prisoner.
The security men could, of
course, examine every case in
detail, take evidence,. conduct
interrogations, hold trials.
"By skilled painstaking
work, they would be able to
'sort the sheep from the goats.
Mit then, what if they made a
mistake and allowed a foreign
agent to slip through their
fingers? Stalin and his men
concluded that there was a
simpler and more secure way
of dealing with the problem
to imprison the lot."
Consequently, few differen-
The book (to be published in tiations were made, Bethell
the United States by Basic says, and Russian citizens who
Books Nov. 15) recounts in of- had been forced into some
ten-harrowing detail, the force sort of service by the Germans
that was used and the chaos or who had even actively re-
and mass suicide that ensued I
sisted them, were lumped with
when the full impact of the
their countrymen who had
willingly fought with the Ger-
man army through loyalty to
Nazism or hatred of Stalin-
ism. Political refugees seek-
ing 'asylum were treated as
traitors to their homeland,
regardless' of the circum-
stances, he writes.
Even non-Soviet citiZei4s, in-
cluding many of the 50,000 Cos-
sack men, women and children
who surrendered to the Brit-
ish in southern Austria, were
forced to return to Russia
where half met their deaths in
labor ? camps, according .to
Bethel].
While the gist of the pact
and some details of surround-
ing events were released in
the mid 1950s (author Julius
iEpstein subsequently docu-
mented sqme episodes of
forced repatriation), the full
dimensions of the complicity
and initial lack of vision on the
!part of British officials and
American leaders including
President Roosevelt and Gen-
eral Eisenhower have re-
mained concealed.
In a footnote to "The Gulag
Archipelago," dissident writer
Solzhenitsyn remarks: "It is
surprising that in the West,
where political secrets Cannot
be kept long, since they inevit-
ably come out or are dis-
closed, the secret of this par-
ticular act of betrayal has
been very, well and carefully
kept by the British and Ameri-
can governments.
"This is truly the last secret,
or one of the last, of the Sec-
ond World War. Having often
encountered these ,people in
camps, I was unable to believe
for "a whole quarter-century
that the public in the West
knew nothing of this action
of the Western governments,
this massive handling over of
ordinary Russian people to re-
tribution and death."
The comments drew an un-
derstanding but firm response
last week from Lord Bethell,
who noted that Solzhenitsyn
had little if any access to ar-
chives and books on the sub-
ject at the time he wrote
"Gulag."
' "It was a terrible thing to
send these people back to be
slaughtered, but there were;
18
certainly strong military and
.political reasons for doing
so," said the British -author
who tranSlited Solzhenitsyn's
book, "Cancer Ward," and
play, "The Love Girl and the
Innocent," into English. "The
main reason was that we
feared that if we didn't send
ithem back, Stalin would retali-
ate by keeping British and
American prisoners of war in
his own hands as hostages,"
Pethell said.
"There was also a general
desire at Yalta to appease Sta-
lin, or at the least to accommo-
date him in any way. possible:
He was, after all, bearing the
brunt of the war at that time
. and, in February, 1945, we be-
lieved we would require his
assistance to defeat Japan."
The firm adherence to the
secret agreement loosened
considerably by late 1945 but
the repatriation procedure re-
mained in effect until 1947,
said Bethell. By then, as he
notes in his book, relations
with the Soviet Union had de-
teriorated into the cold war.
,"I doubt if this same thingi
c'ould happen again," he said
by telephone. "The same ques-I
tion did arise some 10 years
later at the end of the Korean,
War regarding the repatria-I
tion by force of Chinese pris-
oners of war who had been in
United Nations camps and
didn't want to return. The
cease-fire was held up for
nearly a year because the Chi-
nese insisted on having these
peoPle and the United Nations
refused. Eventually, they
weren't handed over.
"I anticipate people in Eng-
land being very shocked by
the degree of ,violence that
was used (at the end of World
, War II) and by the fate of so
many people," he predicted.
". . . most of the British
? soldiers; including those who
took part in it, feel very badly
now."
In what may prove an ironic
? footnote, there may be a re?
verse scenario to the smuggfIng
to the West of "Gulag" and
other Solzhenitsyn works.
Lord Bethell said his expose
; will be printed in Russian and,
, he said, "these books do find
their way into the Soviet
(Union."
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
13 August 1974
. P
yr--" 11'%:59
Kissinger accused of sdeiiberately
seeking partition of Cyprus
y John K. Cooley
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
Athens
Some vocal Greek politicians are
blaming the United States and Secre-
tary of State Henry A. Kissinger for
what they see as their position of
extreme weakness against Turkey on
the Cyprus question.
Former Greek minister John Zig-
hdis, who belongs to the political
center, charges that Dr. Kissinger
has deliberately sought the partition
of Cyprus, and used for this purpose
two strong-arm men who now are
discredited in Greece ? Brig. Gen.
Dimitri Ioannides, the man behind the
junta which was removed from power .
in Athens last month, and Nicholas
Sampson, the junta's choice to re-
place Archbishop Maltarlos as Presi-
dent of Cyprus.
Mr. Zighdis, who was imprisoned
under the military dictatorship and
has recently been living in Washing-
ton, says American foreign policy
suffered a disaster in the Cyprus
coup.
CIA accused of participation
isTlie.former. minister also charges
that the Central Intelligence Agency
n(CIAphelped keep the-junta in power
and in effect governed Greece, a
feeling shared by many Greek oppo-
nents of the fallen junta. Newspapers
here have asserted repeatedly that
the CIA was either behind the abor-
tive Cyprus coup, or was at least
informed of It days in advance by
Monciay, August 72,1974
? "
General Ioannides with the knowl-
edge of U.S. Ambassador Henry J.
Tasca. It appears reasonably certain,
though embassy sources are un-
communicative on this point, that
Ambassador Tasca in fact rejected
contact with General Ioannides.
Mr. Zighdis further charges that the
real American ambassador in Athens
is not Mr. Tasca but Tom Pappas, a
Greek-American magnate from Bos-
ton who heads the Esso Corporation
here and represents many other U.S.
business interests in Greece.
The Greek armed forces, in Mr.
Zighdis's view, are allied to the
American Military Mission (US-
MAAG, the U.S. Military Assistance
Group in Greece). USMAAG does not
perform a mission within the (NATO)
alliance, but a mission of keeping the
Greek forces tied to the strategic
interests of the United States, he says.
No public protest
Mr. Pappas has never publicly
contested the CIA role attributed to
him. His Pappas foundation was iden-
tified in 1969 as one of the conduits of
CIA funds channeled into Latin Amer-
ica.
Since then, Mr. Pappas, President
Nixon's brother, Donald, former com-
merce secretary Maurice H. Stans,
and former Vice-President Spiro T.
Agnew, whose most ' recent business
trip here happened to be at the height
of the Cyprus 'crisis, were alwaYs
viewed by Greeks as links between
the U.S. administration and the for-
THE WASPFINGTON POST
By Jonathan Cllandal
ienniefees Pest Foreign Servteo
ATHENS, Aug. 11 U.S.
Ambassador Henry J. Tasca is-
sued a statement' today deny-
ing American press reports
that he had failed to carry out
.State Department orders to
deliver a message early, in
July to Brig, Gen. Dimitrios
Ioannides, leader(AA rjs'erA.
pier ruling militarr liYrtY
ess
mer junta.
Beside bad publicity for its role in
Greece, the CIA has suffered another
setback in losing one of its key
monitoring stations at Karavas, in
Cyprus.
Nearly 50 CIA personnel and em-
ployees manning the Karavas station
on the Northern Cyprus Coast were '
evacuated after the Turkish invasion.
The Turkish armed forces now con-
trout.
? The Cyprus fighting forced a second
?
monitoring and radio-relay site near
Nicosia te reduce operations. A third
one was being phased down for clo-
sure before the crisis began.
Operated by service
Karavas was operated by the CIA's
foreign broadcast information service
(FBIS) which operates similar sta-
tions in Hong Kong, Panama, and
Nigeria, among other places. It lis-
tens and watches worldwide radio and
television broadcasts. It feeds the
digested material, in unclassified but
limited-distribution booklets, to U.S.
government and some other users.
The United States paid the Ma-
karios Government undisclosed rent-
als for the sites.
In their recent book, the CIA and
the Cult of Intelligence, which the
agency succeeded in censoring under -
a court order, Victor Marchetti and
John Marks allude to what they call
? Archbishop Makarios's blackmail of
U.S. intelligence, but do not explain in .
the undeleted portions of the book
what this blackmail was. Their use of
this word, however, has helped to.
convince many persons that the CIA
was on bad terms with the arch-
bishop.
then@ Denies
,_,,rociers
on t
ment in Greece, expressing
Washington's strong opposi-
tion to any attempted coup in
Cyprus.
The coup was carried out
July 15 by the Greek-led Cyp-
riot National Guard. It re-
sulted in the overthrow of
Cypriot President Makaries,
the invasion of Cyprus by Tur-
key, and the replacement of
the military government of
ORMeti111291 y 'Matis
reportsiliC suggested
19
Oral
that Tasca had balked at see-j
Jag Icannides. then chief of
the military police, because he
was not officially part of the
all instructions received from
the State Department, and
that all of my actions and ac-
tivities have been based on de-
cisions made by my superiors
in-Washington."
The ambassador also sought
to refute the often-repeated
charge that he and the U.S.
government had been the jun-
ta's main prop and that Wash-
ington had prior knowledge of
the July 15 coup, but had done
! nothing to warn Archbishop
Greek government he demi- Makarios because the Central
nated.The ambassador's state- !! intelligence agency wanted a
merit left that point moot more tractable leader in Cy-
"Without addressing myself prus.
to the accuracy of these re- eThe restoration of democ-
ports," the statement said, "I racy in Greece, toward whieh
wish to state categorically that I have directed my endeavors
and my embassy have 43. keengilia r?e with established!
: ICIA-RIVW40432R00010 ili/gYVVIgtause for rejoicing!
? once with established practice. and I and the, American pee-
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
pie loin our Greek friends in
celebrating this historic event
In which I shall always be
proud to have taken part," the
statement said.
The tone of the statement
sttggesteci to Greek observers
that Tasca, who has served
here since January 1970, may
be replaced soon.
The leading candidate to
ancceed him as ambassador is
believed to. be Monteagle'
Stearns, the 50-year-old deputy
chief of mission who returned
to Athens last week after an
absence of more than a dec-
ade. .
The changed mood of
! Greece was exhibited in Ath-
ens today when dozens of ar-
mored cars and tanks, so long
the unloved synpol of the mil-
itary dictatclrship, were
cheered and applauded as
they moved through down-
town streets. Their destination
was not disclosed.
The movement of the armor
NEW YORK TIMES
14 August 1974
was decided on at a 90-minute seven years had become syn.
meeting called by Prime Min- onymous with unpopular as-
ister Constantine Karamanlis
to review Greece's weak de-
fense posture.
If nothing else, the troop
movements seemed to be
aimed at persuading .the
US, IS REPLACING ,
ENVOY TO ATMS
Tun's Controversial Role
Spurs Recall?lost G,oes
to a Kissinger Aide
Greek public that the newel.
gested it might unless the
vilian government is deter-.
Turks relented and adopted a
mined to put on a show' of more compromising attittide
in Geneva.
For the first time since tak-
cided or to "strengthen other1
ing office July 24, Karamanlis
units" stationed elsewhere.
Friday recognized the poten- No details of the 'troop '
tial danger of such talk?en-
movements were provided, but
couraged by the extreme
observers noted that the ar-
right-wing Athenian press?
mor was seen heading for the
and pointedly blamed the iun-TheY assumed
pects of the dictatorship. ?
Their departure from Atli-
ens was . seen as reducing
chances that the disgraced
military junta would try to re-
move the civilian government,
as street rumors have sug-
force no 'matter how powerless
the armed forces really are, as
the result of the dictatorship's
meddling in Cyprus,
In addition, they onstituted
a message to the Turks, whose
uncompromising behavior in,
Cyprus and at the Geneva con-
Minister Evaaelos Averoff
Gen. Gregory Bonanos, the
chief of the general staff, and
the leaders of the three armed
services.
The discussion of Greek mil-
itary preparedness will con-
thiue Monday, according to an
official communique that said
the shift of units stationed
around Athens had been de- ;
ference ? has dampened hopes ta's "reckless policy" in re- 13 " or ?
that the most likely final des-
here of achieving a face-saving moving Archbishop Makarios
solution for the civilian goy- as president of Cyprus for ere- tination was the Third Amy,
e stationed oppoSite Greece's.
ernment. ating "frightful difficulties" land border with Turkey in
Perhaps the most positke for his government. Thrace,4 or perhaps even a
note was the public's display -The morning Ineeting pre-
Greek island Which eventually
of affection for the armored sided over by Karamanlis was
units, whose periodic appear- attended by figurehead Presi- could serve as a staging area
ances in Athens over the past dent Phaedon Gizikis, Defense for troop tmivements to Cy-1
pr Us- ,
career Foreign Service officerl contributed heavily to the Pres-
who previously was Ambassa-i ident's political campaigns.
Some Greek politicians have
described Mr. Pappas as the
"real" American ambasador. '
According to a highly reliable
'weekend, "that all of my ac-1 , seurce, Mr. Tasca would see
'tions and activities have been 1%1r. Pappas "three or four
based on decisions made 1-e;
times a week" when the in-1
superiors in Washington." dustrialist, the man' who
Attacks on those decisions i
brought Coca-Cola to Greece, i
ray
was in Athens. ?
have snowballed in recent
dor to Morocco, In reply to the
criticisms of his performance,
,he has always niaintained, as
he did in a statement last
By STEVEN V. ROBERTS
.Spectil to Tile New York Times
ATHENS, Aug. 13?The
White House announced today
that Henry J. Tasca would be
replaced as Washington's Am-
bassador to Athens.
Subject to Senate confirma-
tion, the new ambassador will
be Jack B. Kubisch, Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs. Mr. Kubisch
has never been an ambassador
and has never dealt with this
part of the world.
The news that Mr. Tasca
would be replaced was widely
expected. Many Greeks believe
that the United States gave
too much .support to the mili-
weeks... A typical comment "During a party or some-I
came from the conservative Ithing at the Ambasador's
resi-
h Idence. Pappas would rush in
newspaper Vra yn
wrote after President Nixon's
resignation:
"Nixon and his accomplice
trou e did everything possible
after coming straight from the
airport," the source said. "Oft-
en he would say something like
'Where's Henry?' I was at the
White House last night.' Some-
. . _
Gradually, Mr. Tasca told
associates, he became disillu-
sioned. He never liked the mili-
tary strongmen who unseated -
Mr. Papadopoulas last Novem-,'
.ber, and at least in private,'
called them "Fascists". and
"Tyrants." He began develop-
ing closer ties with the opposi-1
tion movement here,. and had
dinner with George Mavros,
now the Foreign Minister, only
hours before Mr. Mavros was
arrested last April for criticiz-
ing the dictatorship. i
The Ambassador told thel
Embassy to maintain a "low
in Congress and the voices of times the two of them would profile" here, and the flow of;
visitors decreased. But his
to neutralize the honest voices
the men of letters in America go into a small room and start
1 image as a supporter of the
who saw his dangerous flirt- making telephone calls."
ing with the junta of Athens as Mr. Tasca, whose resignation junta Was already fixed in the
a blot on America." has been announcer in Wash- public mind, bothe here and in
Washington. Moreover, Mr.
The paper said it would shed ington, arrived here in 1970,
aTsca always insisted that
no "tears of sorrow" for Mr. the first American ambassador
Nixon and added: "Now that after a military coup overthrew Secretary of State Kissinger
Nixon has fallen, let his most the parliamentary Government forbade ambassadors to corn-
other countries.
him. Mr. Tasca should go to -maintained good relations with' - Mr. Tasca often pointed to
Mr. Nixon's property so that he :
Ikey military figures, and he tre- I his Fourth of July messages as
may keep him company there
? quently told visitors that Co!. evidence of his support for
Even diplomatic colleagues. George Papadopoulos, the junta democracy. This year he took
in his loneliness."
who are usually discreet in leader, sincedely wanted to great pride in having written it
such matters, have openly fa- hold elections and return the himself.
Mr. Kubisch, 53 years Old,'
voted Mr. Tasca's removal. As country to democracy.
ment on the internal affairs of
faithful Ambassador follow in 1967. In the early veers he,
tary dictatorship that ruled this! one put it a few days ago,, Greece was visited by a started his career as a busi-
- "Henry Tasca has done a great steady procession of American nessman and entered Govern-,
country for seven years, and
! deal of damage to American in-' offiCials, including Vice Presi- ment service in 1961. His first
they place part of the blame on terests here." ' dent Agnew and Commerce post was as Deputy Director of
Mr. Tasca, who has been Am-I Last February, a Congres-e Secretary Maurice- Stans, who the Agency For International
bassador here for more than' sional committee headed by paid public tribute to the junta. ,Development's mission in Cey-
four years.
Since the dictatorship ceded
power to a. civilian Government
three Weeks ago, and censor-
ship has been lifted, many 1
Greek newspapers and politi-
cians have been calling for Mr.!
Tasca's
Mr. Tasca, who will be 62:
years old ? next week is al
He rose tonka
i l
ow sra .
Representative Donald M. Fra-, 1 According to his critics, Mr. Ion, n and then
ser of Minnesota urged the re-
moval of Mr. Tasca as a sign Tasca paid little attention dur-. :director of the agency
ing those years to important l served as State Department
that Washington was no longer 'opposition leaders, including! desk officer for Brazil. Before
supporting the military dicta- Constantine Caramanlis, now! begin named Assistant Secre-
torship here. ' '; the Premier, who was then liv-
tary last year, he was deputy
But the Ambassador report-. ing in Paris. In 1971 Mr. Cara-! chief of Mission in Mexico City
edly enjoyed the strong sup-1 matins was quoted as saying' ;and Paris. '
port of President Nixon. One of 1 that Mr. Tasca was "a small . The Embassy here indicated
Mr. Tasca's closest friends here I man" who met dissidents infre; that the changeover would
is Thomas A. Pappas. a Greek- ` quently, and then mainly to probably take place in mid-Sep-
American industrialist who I curry favor with Congress. '.tetriber.
20
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NEW YORK TIMES
18 August 1974
A F
1-4
ily Fig
By IAN SMART
LONDON ? Not for the first time, Cyprus has opened a
rift in the NATO lute. What can be said of an alliance
whose individual members step to the brink of war with each
each other and go on to pull their force S out of the alliance
or divert them to fight a national battle? What collective de-
fense is possible when particular countries, in pursuit of
national goals, turn their military backs on a common ad-
versary?
Recent Greek and Turkish actions have, of course, struck
at the Atlantic Alliance, but reports of its imminent death
on that account are exaggerated. They are, in fact, about
as much exaggerated as persistent allegations -of NATO's
military impotence in the face of "the threat from the East."
Strictly speaking, NATO has no military forces of its own:
What it has are members that "assign" or "earmark" some
or all of their national forces to be used by NATO com-
manders in time of war. Especially since 1966; When France
set a precedent for Greece by withdrawing her forces from
NATO's integrated military structure, a finely graduated set
of peacetime relationships has grown up between national
units-"assigned," "earmarked" and the rest -- and the al-
liance's joint commanders. Apart from administrative com-
plexity, one effect is to make it much harder to measure
sensibly either NATO's military strength or the "balance"
between NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
- To take only one example, the Supreme Allied Command-
er Atlantic, responsible for the whole Atlantic from the
North Pole to the Tropic of Cancer, is currently assigned a
total naval force of four destroyers ? which gives no irdi-
cation of the enormously powerful allied fleet he would
certainly command in war. By the, same token, any measure-
ment of NATO's European strength that completely excludes
French ? and now Greek ? forces, ignoring the stand they
would clearly take against any Warsaw Pact attack,. is of
little practical interest.
All this is background to saying that, apocalyptic warn-
ings about NATO's over-all military weakness or about the
particular damage caused by: Greece or Turkey need to be
looked at critically: NATO has' its-military problems in the
European theater, and many are serious. Perennial man-
power shortages, uneven and sometimes low standards of
training, morale and efficiency. are some, as well as mili-
tarily inappropriate deployment?especially of Italian ground
forces or the United States 7th Army?and inflexible logistic
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
16 August 1974
NATO's southern
n?
liDnv collapses
By Richard Burt
Special to
The Christian Science Monitor
London
. While military strateg!cts are
still attempting to assess the full
implicat;ans of the Greek decision
to withdraw its armed forces
from the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), one con-
elusion appears inescapable: For
the time being at least, NATO's
southern flank has collapsed.
Officials compare the move by
the Athens government to former
French President Charles de
Gaulle's decision in 19R3 to re-
move French forces from the
alliance's military organization.
The French deciolon was un-
doubtedly a more traumatic
t and NATO
systems. Above all, perhaps, there is a deplorable 'lack of
equipment standardization. But it is an illogical leap from
such deficiencies to the simplistic conclusion ,that the al-
liance's 'conventional military capability is trivial. When all
is said and done, NATO members have more men, more
ships and more combat aircraft in their worldwide armed
forces than the whole of the Warsaw Pact.,
That is not to deny the extent to which Greco-Turkish
conflict has disrupted NATO's local military situation in
the Eastern Mediterranean. But it does help to put the dis-
ruption into a wider perspective. Nor should the focusing
process end there. Turkey, for example, has used less than
10 per cent of her forces to invade Cyprus. Even when
troops moved to the Greek frontier are taken into account,
most Turkish units remain relatively unaffected. Even if
Greek forces are permanently withdrawn from the NATO
command structure, Greece would hardly want, or be able,
to stand aside from an East-West military confrontation.
(In any case, the utility of Greek units has been rated
rather low by NATO experts over the last five years.) As to
the effect on United States forces in the Mediterranean of
their potential expulsion from Greek bases, the effect will
be more on cost and convenience than on combat effective-
ness. The Sixth Fleet did without a Greek base until a few
years ago, and it can do without it again.
The military effects of the Cyprus crisis on NATO are
not, of course, totally insignificant. But they do pale into
insignificance beside the political damage done. While the
serviceability of any military alliance depends on the
-strength of its political foundations, the North Atlantic,
Treaty is much more than a purely military alliance. It also
expresses a sense of general community within the Western
world. Moreover, it contains an undertaking to settle in-
ternational disputes peacefully.
It is these aspects of the alliance, rather than its narrower
military capacities, which are now being trampled under-
foot. The current strength of anti-American feeling in Greece,
linking left and right in the .political spectrum, is a greater
threat to Western security than any decision about Greece's
military relationship to NATO. Bitterness in Turkey over the '
political attitudes of her allies to, the Cyprus problem since
1960 is more serious than any' military redeployment. The
gaps that need to be plugged in NATO's defenses in the
wake of this crisis will have to be filled by diplomats more
than by soldiers.
Ian Smart is deputy director and director of studies at ? .
the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London.
event, but NATO's loss of 160,000
troops, according to one official,
"tears a gaping hole in the de-
fense of southern Europe and the
eastern Mediterranean."
The reason given by the Greek
Government for the pullout ? that
"crack units needed to be brought
under direct control" ? is not taken
seriously by diplomats here, because
troops assigned to NATO are always
ultimately under national control.
Instead, the maneuver is thought to
represent Greek displeasure over the
Inability or unwillingness of Greece's
NATO allies, particularly the United
States, to exert more pressure on
Turkey to reach a diplomatic settle-
ment over Cyprus at the Geneva
peace talks earlier this week. "The
NATO pullout came out of sheer
frustration," said one official, who
speculated that the Athens govern-
ment wanted to punish Washington
for "tilting toward Turkey."
It is also believed that the decision
had been taken partly for military
reasons to prevent Turkey from
learning too much about Greek troop
and air movements. (At NATO com-
mand centers, all military move-
ments are monitored and the informa-
tion is made available to other NATO
countries.)
Defending northern frontier
Greece joined NATO in 1952, and
membership in the alliance has been
a strong factor in the foreign policy of
successive governments. Strate-
gically positioned between Bulgaria
and Yugoslavia, during the 1950's
Greece concentrated on defending its
northern frontier against the tradi-
tional threat of attack from Mace-
donia and Thrace.
Greece's frontier with the Soviet
bloc is one of the few areas in Europe
where NATO manpower outnumbers
that of the Warsaw pact. The Greek
departure means the loss of an Army
of 120.000, a 22,000-man Air Force, and
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an 18,000-man Navy. The proportion
of Greece's gross national product
devoted to defense and the percentage
of its manpower committed to mili-
tary service are among the highest in
the alliance.
During the 1980's, however, Greece
took on additional strategic impor-
tance as a base for NATO naval
activities engaged in countering the
growing presence of the Soviet Navy
In the Mediterranean. A large portion
of the U.S. Navy's Sixth Fleet is
"home-ported" at Piraeus, the port of
Athens, and naval analysts say that if
the Navy is asked to leave its Athens
and Suda Bay (Crete) bases, it will be
Impossible to continue to man two
carrier task forces in the region.
NEW YORK TIMES
19 August 1974
Access to Mediterranean
Ironically, one of the chief ar-
guments that was earlier used for
retaining Greece's membership in the
alliance was that otherwise Turkey
would be left isolated and exposed. In
fact, Turkey's strategic position is
viewed by most analysts to be of
greater importance than Greece's.
Possessing a common border with
the Soviet Union and straddling the
Dardanelles, Turkey controls the So-
viet Black Sea Fleet's only access to
the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.
The importance of Western control of
the Dardanelles was expressed in the
19th century by the British: "While
we're Britons true, the Russians shall
not have Constantinople."
Some officials, though shocked by
the Greek pullout, also indicate that
Greece might soon want to reexamine
its decision. Analysts point out that
the Athens government has clearly
said it wishes to maintain political
membership in the alliance, and it is
thought unlikely that Greece for too
long will want Turkey to enjoy all the
benefits of NATO membership ?
Intelligence reports and military aid
and training ? while Greece goes it
alone.
"In the long run," said one analyst,
"Greece has nowhere else to turn but
NATO."
Kissinger's Role in Cyprus Crisis Criticized
By ALVIN SHUSTER
Special to The New York Times 1
'LONDON, 'Aug. 18 ? ,The
month-old Cyprus crisis has
left the Turks satisfied, the
Greeks dismayed and angry
and European experts in be-
wilderment over whether Secre-
tary of State Kissinger has lost
his diplomatic touch. ' ?
The rhetoric in Athens and
Ankara is predictably emo-
tional. But more detached dip-
lomats and independent -ana-
lysts agree that American Mis-
judgments and early indiffer-i
once deprived Washington of
credibility or leverage in both
capitals. ?
This critical view of the
American role was tempered
by comments that there was
nrobably little Washington
could have done anyway - to
prevent the hostilities. But the
question remains among many
in Europe of why the United
States did not appear to try
harder and why' it allowed it-
self to end up with an image
of ineffectiveness?
U. S: Called Too Calm
? "One of Washington's crucial
mistakes came very early in
the game, right after the Jnly
15 coup," said one analyst
here. "Kissinger's mind must
'have been elsewhere, perhaps,
on the Nixon crisis. But the
United States was much too,
calm about it all, about the,
ouster of Makarios, and showed
Ino sign of recognizing the po-
tential trouble." ?
His assessment, shared by
others, was that Washington
at first took a line that sup-
!port ed the then Greek govern-
ment, the junta ousted eight
Idays after the coup as a' direct
;result of the crisis. Indeed,
1Washington did give every im-
pression of serenity over the
!ouster of President Makarios
and even seemed willing to
,accept his ,anti-Turkish replace-
ment Nikos Giorgiades Samp-
son, if only Cyprus would' re-
main quiet.
"Despite that, Washington'
felt confident it could persuade;
the Turks from invading," an-'
other independent ekpert said.!
"Washington probably felt bet-
ter without Makarios anyway.'
And then stories emerged from;
Washington suggesting that!
Kissinger viewed the Archbish-
op as the Fidel Castro of the
eastern Mediterranean. The
Americans just didn't seem too
worried."
How Turkey Reacted.
;the impressions of that Amer-
ican approach, despite the post-
coup shuttling between Ankara
and Athens by Joseph J. Sisco,
the Under Secretary of State,
varied. But in Turkey it was
seen as a pro-junta stance and
officials there decided- to go
!ahead with,the invasion on July
20 after concluding that neither
London nor Washington was
interested in backing the search
for a diplomatic solution.
Turkish 'officials, the experts
agreed, also felt that Washing-
ton would not be too upset if:
they resorted to military rather
than ,diplomatic means to in-
sure the safety of the island's
'Turkish minority and attempt
' to settle the Cyprus problem
once and for all.
' "In the second phase of the
crisis ? after the invasion ?
Washington and Kissinger
seemed to wake up and begin
concentrating on Cyprus," a
diplomat said. "The United
States improved its position,
asking the Greeks to accept
what the Turks were offering,
and asking the Turks to accept
a cease-fire. But it became clear
that Washington felt that Tun-
key was much more important
to the Western alliance than
Greece and adopted a line much
more pro-Turkey. No wonder
the Greeks got angry."
7 By now, the experts suggest-
ed, the United States was with-
out leverage with both sides,
even if it wanted to use any.
The Turks, though applauding
what they call Washington's
"objectivity" and "correct ap-
proach," experienced little
American pressure and proceed-
ed to enlarge their hold on the
island and to resume fighting
last week after the breakdown
of the Geneva peace conference
mediated by Britain.. ?
At it was, Turkey was in no
;mood to listen to Washington
;or anyone else. Ankara had al-
ready stood up to Washington
on the resumption of the growth
of opium poppies? a decision
that led the .United States to
recall its ambassador:
? Moreover, Turkish officials
remain angry to this day over
the 1964 letter from President
Johnson, who headed off a
Turkish invasion' of 'Cyprus
then by threatening to with-
draw America's nuclear protec-
tion if the crisis led the Soviet'
Union to act. ?
Such threats were not forth-
coming this time, presumably
as a result of Mr. Kissinger's
conclusion that they would
have little effect and work only
to anger a partner whose
border? with the Soviet Union
and whose value to the alliance'
made continued friendship im-
perative.
"It is our information that
Washington pulled its punches
in Ankara," said one well-in-
formed, non-Greek diplomat in
Athens. "It was a hardheaded
decision, taken by hardheaded
people. America had to lose one
friend or the father and they
chose to lose Greece." .
This is a view confirmed by
Americans in Ankara and
Athens. While the American
naval bases in Greece are re-
garded as important to the
United States, the installations
in Turkey are regarded as even
more vital to strategic interests
of the alliance.
Ankara's Firnmness Noted
Moreover, American diplo-
mats in Ankara said there was
no point in overdoing the pres-
sure on Turkey. They stressed
that nothing short of using the
American Sixth Fleet between
Turkey arecl Cyprus would have
stopped Ankara from invading.
7 Thus, there is general under-
ttanding in European capitals
for the bitterness stirred in
the new Greek Government
over the American role. Greek
leaders insisted in meetings
with American officials; that
Washington should "do more"
to hold back the Turks and
then -pulled their troops out of
'the North Atlantic alliance out
of frustration over what they
saw as Mr. Kissinger's "aloof-
ness" to the crisis and his "lae-:
?trayal" of Greece.
For his part, Mr. Kissinger
kept in constant touch .with,
Ankara and Athens and ? with
James Callaghan, the British
Foreign Secretary, who tried
to bring the two sides together
in Geneva. The American Sec-
retary clearly decided to leave
much of the detail work to
Britain, one of the guarantors
of the island's independence
under a 1960 treaty.
"Kissinger is a man who
understands power," said ? a
diplomat at the North Atlantic
'Treaty Organization headquar-
ters in Brussels. "And in this
case Turkey had all the power."
'-Mr. Kissinger's decision last
week to take a more active role
in the negotiations and even to
go to Cyprus, if asked, is widely
regarded in Europe as acknowl-
edgement by Washington that
the United States erred in han-
dling the crisis.
The comments today by
Secretary of Defense James
Schlesinger that Turkish forces
may have pushed too fail on the
island was also seen as another
,effort by Washington to com-
'pensate for past errors.
In any event, the mood of
many in Europe was summed
up today in The Sunday Tele-
graph, which said:
"It is really ironic that a
Secretary of State shciuld spend
weeks in a personal-jet-shuttl
between Middle East capitals to
damp down the Arab-Israel
conflict and only now grudg-
ingly offer to stir from Wash
ington ?to mend a gaping hol
in America's own global de
:lenses."
22
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NEW YORK TIMES
20 August 1974
The Gree Turnaround on the U.S.
By STEVEN V. ROBERTS
Speelal to The New York Times
ATHENS, Aug. 19 ? On a
square in downtown Athens
stands a statue of Harry Tru-
man. It expresses Greece's
gratitude to the United States
for the Truman Doctrine, and
the outpouring
aid in the nineteen-
forties and fifties
that helped Greece
recover from the
devastation . of
World War II and resist Corn-
News
Analysis
munist subversion during the
civil war that followed.
In another square, a few
blocks away, young people have
been gathering every night for
a week. They call Secretary of
State Kissinger a murderer, and
they chant,* "Americans, go
home." Today, in Cyprus, ethnic
Greeks went beyond words, to
violence, killing the American
ambassador in a spasm of fury
against Washington's policies.
How did the United States go
from hero to villain? How did
the country that Washington
brought into the North Atlantic
alliance 22 years ago turn its
back on its allies last week,
as virtually every Greek, in-
cluding the military, cheered?
There are many reasons, but
after conversations with ana-
lysts from both countries, three
explanations stand out.
The first is that America is N
a victim of its own mythology.
Many Greeks still believe that
the United States is so rich
and powerful that it can do t
virtually anything. The legend
was ended in Vietnam, but was b
renewed by the successes of
Mr. Kissinger. There is a per- h
vasive belief that if the wonder- a
worker of the Middle East had
wanted to stop the Turkish in-
vasion of Cyprus, he could have.
The second reason given is
that Athens does not need
Washington or. the Atlantic al-
liance so much anymore. Thi
is a problem plaguing all mem
bers of the alliance. It wa
based on the ? threat of a corn
mon enemy, and as that threa
appears to recede, the ties bind
jog the allies together begin t
weaken, more parochial inter
ests assert themselves. More
over, the economic aid of pas
years has worked; Greece'
economy is basically sound.
This feeling is enhanced by
another factor?the passage of
time. The Youths chanting in
the streets and the soldiers
mobilized in Thrace do not re-
member World War II, or the
Greek civil war of 1946-49, or
American aid. They are not
grateful to America, and they
are not afraid of civil strife?
if only because they have never
ived through it.
The third major factor is na-
tionalism, the desire to show
independence of the great pow-
ers, to stand on one's own feet.
When Greece withdrew her
forces from the Atlantic alli-
ance and Premier Constantine
Caramanlis rejected an invita-
tion to see President Ford in
Washington, the headlines here
were revealing. .
Headlines Are Quoted
Vranthyni, : a conservative
paper, wrote: "Not one step in
retreat?Subjection 'out of Lite
question." Athinailti, a left-
ving daily, said: "No more de-
pendence." As an American
diplomat put it:
"There's a feeling in Greece
hat at 'least we'll be masters
n our own house, we haven't
eon men before, and now
we're men. There's a lot of
appy nationalist feeling
round."
This feeling flows- out of a
long history. Greece has always
been a client state, influenced
1
NEW YORK TIMES
18 August 1974
GR El EXPECTED
TO CUB U.S. BASES
Aides Assume That Athens
Will Act Amid Increasing
Anti-American Feeling
By STEVEN V. ROBERTS
Special to The New York 74 III Ca
ATHENS, Aug. 17?Ameri-
can and Greek officials are
now assuming that the United
States will eventually be asked
to vacate or reorganize at
least some of the seven major
military installations it main-
tains in Greece.
No decisions are believed to
have been made yet, but one
informed source said of the
Greek position: "They mean
business, no question about it.
Their Intent is very serious."
Approved
by one power or another. As a of the Athens junta, many
result, one diplomat said. Greeks again blamed-Washing-
"Greeks like to try to 'find ton.
other people to blame."- ? . Often they advanced little
After the military coup top- proof. But they tend to assume
pled democracy in Greece in that since Cyprus would make
1967, that blame Jell largely a good American base, and
on the United States. The, basic since Archbishop Makarios was
American policy was to main- an independent-minded poli-
tain good relations with the tician who refused to align
junta to preserve American with the Atlantic alliance,
military bases and keep Greece Washington must have been in-
as a loyal and well-equipped volved. As one Greek news-
ally. paper editor put it, "The junta
American *generals and cab-
would not have dared stage
met offiCers visited Athens,
the coup without a green light
meeting cordially with the from Washington."
junta and seeing their pictures This .feeling was reinforced
published on the front pages of by another article in The New
the controlled press. The con-
York Times, also circulated
viction grew, as one paper put here, reporting that the C.I.A.
it last week, that the United had received advance warning
-
States "had become an instru-
of the coup.
ment of our repression." The Again readers tended to ex-
aggerate the article and often
people of Greece, the charge
went, were being sacrificed to ignored its main point?that
the interests of Washington the State Department had tried
and the Atlantic Alliance,
to warn the junta that it dis-
approved of the Cyprus coup.
Here, too, in the view of most The most recent blow to
observers, the myth of Amen. America's reputation here was
can power played a central role. the Turkish invasion. of Cyprus.
The clich?n Athens Was that Again, the desire to' find other
Washington couuld topple the people to blame was powerful.
junta "with a snap of its fing- When Washington announced
ers." Therefore, Greeks rea- that it favored more autonomy.
for the Turkish Cypriotes,
Greeks interpreted the state-
soned, Washington was respon-
sible for the dictatorship.
The belief was considerably ment as confirmation of Nash-
strengthened recently when The ington's support for Turkey.
New York Times published an The suspicion that Mr. Kissin-
article?widely reprinted here? ger had condoned, if not
detailing the close relationship planned, the Turkish invasion
between the Central Intelligence became gospel.
Agency and Greek political During the years of dicta-
leaders. ? torship, critics of American
The facts in the article were policy warned that support of
interpreted by some readers as the Junta would disillusion
conclusive proof that the C.I.A. Greek democrats with the
completely dominated Greece. United States, This has now
Every new fact is fitted into happened. Greece has with-
the basic conviction. When drawn a military role in the
Archbishop Makarios was over-Atlantic alliance and American
thrown in Cyprus with the help bases are threatened.
The status of the American
bases has been threatened by
Greece's decision last week to'
withdraw her troops from the
North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation in protest against Tur-
key's military action in Cyprus.
The bases were established by
agreements between Athens
and Washington, but they are
authorized by the NATO
treaty and linked to NATO
strategy. Turkey is also a mem-
ber of the. alliance.
Greece prohibited all Amen-!
can military aircraft from land-
ing or taking off anywhere in
the country. Today the order
was modified to allow opera-
tions only in Athens, and then
only with six-hour notice.
Anti-Americanism Grows
Anti-Americanism is sweep-
ing Greece. For seven years,
many Greeks criticized Wash-
ington for supporting the mili-
tary dictatorship, which fell
last month. Now they are seek-
ing a reason?some Americans
would say a scapegoat?for the
humiliating situation in Cyp-
rus, and Washington is the tar-
get..
For Release 2001/08/08:
A typical comment was
made by Christianiki, a reli-
gious weekly, which published
an editorial titled "Americans,
Pack Up." The editorial said:
"The American establishment
of Watergates and murderers
infects the holy soils of Greece,
and they must take their mis-
siles and their boats and
leave."
Americans here seemed nerv-
ous today after anti-Americana
demonstrations last night and;
the huge welcome accorded;
Andreas Papandreou, a leading!
entice of the United States,
who returned from six years in
exile. At the American air base
near Athens a special "rumor-
control center received more
than 100 calls today from wor-
ried American servicemen and
their families, and servicemen
were advised not to wear their
uniforms in public.
In attacking Washington,:
Greeks seemed to asserting
their national pride and inde-
pendence after weeks of frus-i
aating inaction on the Cyprus'
issue. The newspaper Ta Nerv
puublished a huge one-word
CIA2RDP77-00432R00010
headline today that. sai dsimply,
"Oxi," or "No."
That is a famous word in
Greek .history, the reply that
Gen. John Metaxas gave to
Mussolini in 18940 when Italy
asked fo rpermission to send
troops into Greece.
1 Today Greece was saying no
to four things, Ta Nea said:
President Ford's invitation to
I Premier Constantine Caraman-
lis to come to Washington for
talks, Secrcetary of State Kis-
Minister George Mavros, Tur-
key's suggestion that the Gen-
eva talks resume, and NATO's
retquest to send a representa-
tive here,
In the wake of her with-
drawal from NATO military ac-
tivities, Greece moved to im-
prove relations with Yugoslavia
and France. Milos Minic, Yugo-
slavia's Deputy Premier, flew
here with a message from Presi-
dent Tito. Greek officials have
been implying that they might
conclude defense treaties with
such communist neighbors as
Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
France, the only ?other na-
tion to have withdrawn militar-1
0330001-0
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
By from NATO, announced that
she would speed up delivery of
50 Mirage figthter-bombers pre-
viously purchased by Greece.
As war tension over Cyprus
subside, Greece issued a long
statement of economic policy
from the-Minister of Coordina-
tion and Planning, Xenophon
Zolotas. The statement had
been delayed twice by the
Cyprus crisis as the new civi-
WASHINGTON POST
19 AUG 1974
Cyprus War
Protested by
20,000 Here
Ly Charles A. Krause
Vfltuu POSC Staff Writer
Thousands of highly emo-
tional b u t orderly Greek-
Americans converged . on the
White House yesterday to pro-
test the Turkish invasion of
Cyprus.
The demonstrators esti-
k Police. at
mated by U.S. Par
between 20,000 and 22,000
'marched !down Pennsylvania
Avenue chanting "Turks out
of Cyprus" and "Killer
Kissinger!"
Despite the large crowd and,
charged atmosphere, only
two arrests were reported'
by
The' protesters, most oi
them foreign-born, naturalized.
U.S. citizens, demanded that:
President 'Ford and tecretary.:
of State Henry Kissinger act
decisively to rid Cyprus of the!
Turkish troops that have cap.;
tttred the northern third of
the Mediterranean
. The vast outpouring of dem-
onstrators surprised even
some ot their leaders, who'
said !that the piotest was only
organized in he last several.
days. The demonstration was
originally sehedukx1 thr
fayette Par;?:, across from the.
White liousE., but was moveds
to the Ellipse behind the man-:
sion yesterday afternoon when
thousanc;.s more protesters ar-
rived then had been expected.
Dr. A. J. Tousimis,
Rockville physician and one at
the group's leaders. said !lei
had eypected about 2,000 dem-,
onstratore when he obtained a
parade pedant Saturday. ?
Tousinda celled the demon-
stration "snoniarteous" and
said that 3:-..0,t1C0 Greek-Aimiri-
caes would have come tir
Waehinston. had there been
inure time foe organization. ,
As it was, hundreds of buses
came from :,;ew York, New
dersee,
Boston and Philadel-
phia. Three chartered planes
brou:eln. protesters from San.
Franc' co.
. The demonstration began;
.abdut 2 p.m.. ?viiien thousands!
PrntestorS nathered on the,
Eineee They brought with
. _
^
lian Government was unable to
get on with the reforms it
planned after seven years of
military rule.
Mr. Zolotas expressed optimism
about the economy and said
that with the return of civilian
rule "confidence and coopera-
tion have been restored, both
at home as well as abroad."
Specifically, he said that Greece
would now move toward fuull
? them signs and banners that,:
An the main, stressed two,
themes: that the United StateI should remember its strong
.s;
ties with Greece and that Kis-
singer is personally to blame;
for the present situatinn- in '
Cyprus. .
)
. Other signs acaLZ.F.::,1 'Surkish
soldiers of brutality' (aTurkish
, Pigs Leave Crepeure Women
I Alone") and the Turkish gov-
ernment of refusing to stop its
I farmers .from growing poppies
IUsed to produce heroin:
, -Lakes ti:hristodoulou, presi;
!
; Clent of the Cyprus Federation
of America, said many Greek-
Americans feel betrayed by
,lictr own government's policy
of official neutrality on the
'Cyprus question.
"The United States could
have stopped this long before.
it started because the (Greek).
junta government was under
the CIA," Christodoulou said. :
:
The ? latest crisis in Cyprus
began last month when Arch-.
bishop Makarios, the elected
president of Cyprus. was over-.
thrown in a coup allegedly en-
gineered by the Greek junta,
that had ruled Greece for:
seven years ?
Many of the demonstrators;
attici they agreed with Christo-!
doulou that ? the CIA mush
have Ineostre?and approved of
--the coop end, titus, could;
ha\ e prevented it.
"Wt want the U.S. to take'
the invaders out of.. Cyprus,"
Christodaulou said.
Alex Diatsintos, 29, a stad
dent at the University of,
Maryland said that the Greek-
;
American community feels;
that "the U.S. has betrayed:
the principles of democracy"
he not acting to stop the Turk-
lab army over the past two:
yreeks as it seized more and;
more of the island. ?
As the demonstrators'
formed their parade lines on ,
the Ellipse, Eleni VenetoulisS
whose husband, Ted, is run- ,
ring in the Democratic pri-
mary for county executive of ;
Baltimore County, said she ;
was amazed by the number of' ;
demonstrators.
Greek-Americans, Mrs. yen-;
etoulis said, are "basically cOnl'
Their social lives re-
volve around the church. This;'
is the rivet time they have, '
ever demonstrated in this
country"."
- Asked why so many Greeltd?
association with the European
Economic Community. Greece
has been an associate member,
but relations between Athens
and thee Common Market were
frozen after the military coup
of 1967.
The Minister promised an
end to the "unsteady and spas-
modic" economic policies fol-
lowed by the military rulers
and and announced the lifting
Americans had turned out ford
;he protest and why their emod
'dans were so strong, Mrs.!
Vcialtoulis Laid: "Because un-!
:Ser.:math, we're ? all Greeks.!
You know. there has always]
been this thing between Tur-
.
hey and the Greek people."
About 4 p.m.. as thousands
ed the protesters marched 10
abreast clown Pennsylvania
Avenue, several young men
climbed a statue in Lafayette
However, police did make
!arrests later in the afternoon.
when several hundred of the:
'protesters attempted. to march
around the White House again.
Police officers warned the
'demonstrators that their pa-
rade permit was about to run
out and ordered the demon-
strators to remain on the'
Park and burned an effigy of
!Kissinger. The crowds cheered-
' but police made no effort to
I stop the burning or arrest.
I those responsible.
Ellipse.?
When the demonstrators at-I
itempted to surge through the!
?police line at 15th and E
Streets. NW, D.C. police ar-
rested two men and charged
them with disorderly conduct.
Police later identified the two
:as John Orfanas, 27, 11.1ont-
igornery, N.J., and John Psa-i
ras, 29, New York City. Each;
man posted S10 collateral and.
was released, police said.
U.S. Park Police said they
had between 230 and 300 men:
on duty for the demonstration'
while metropolitan police said.
they had 135 patrolmen near.
the White House. ?
As the demonstrators wound,
their way around the White!
House, four of their leaders.
met with J.W. Roberts, an as-
sistant White House press
aide.
According to Tousimis, one
ef :hose who met with Robe
ems, the assistant press secre-
tary assured the Greek-Ameri-
cans that their concerns about
policy on Cyprus would
he eoramunicated to President
Ford, who was playing golf
yesterday and did not witness.
the demorestration.
Tousirais said the group em-
phasized to Roberts that the
sooner the Turks are out of:
Ceprus the better for world.
peace. Tousimis said Roberts;
did not say what American,
policy toward the Cyprus cri-.
sis was or would be but "he ,
of regulations that had severfyl
restricted credit for Greek ind
dustry.
"The seven-year period has
accomplished just one thing,";
said Mr. Zolotas, an economist'
and professor, "to confirm in a
most dramatic way that with-
out democracy, neither econ-
omic stability nor substantial
progress can be achieved."
;cod say he was very impressed
;with the demonstration."
Virtually all of the demon-
strators had departed the El-.
;nose area by 6 pare. leavingi
Irately their signs and litter asi
'reminders that they had been
there.
' Earlier in the day. Ni.kos
Dimitriou. the Cypriot am-
bassador- to the United States,
charged that Turkey had
"taken advantage" of the coup
against Malsarios "to launch
a barbaric invasion of an es-.
sentially defenseless island."
Speaking from the altar of
St. George Greek Orthcdox
church in Bethesda, Dimitriou
said that Greek Cypriots "shall
never surrender. There shall
never be peace as long as one
Tukish soldier remains on Cy-
prus."
Contributing to this story.
were Washington Past staff.
writers Alice Bonner and
Barbara Bright-Sagnier.
?
24
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033.0001-0.
NEW YORK TIMES
3 August 1974
CJOA Chid oubts Soviet Navy
Plans I dian ace n :uild-up
By BERNARD GWERTZMAN
Special to The New York Tittles
WASHINGTON, Aug. 2
William E. Colby, director of
'Central Intelligence said in
Congressional testimony made
public today that, contrary to
Pentagon concern, the Soviet
Union was unlikely to build up
its Indian Ocean fleet signifi-
cantly unless the United States
built up it fleet there first.
In a closed-door hearing of
the Senate Armed Services on
July 11, Mr. Colby also scoffed
at the view often heard in
in Washington that the reopen-
ing of the Suez Canal would
lead to a major transfer of
Soviet warships from the Medi-
terranean to the Red Sea and
then to the Indian Ocean.
Mr. Colby said that the open-
ing of the canal, expected by
the end of this year or early
'next year, "will increase the
over-all flexibility ?>f the Soviet
Navy in the Indian Ocean, but
not in itself cause a signifi-
cant increase in the Soviet
presence."
Canal Vulnerable to Closing
Because the canal could be
easily closed in time of crisis,
he said, the Russians were un-
likely "to be caught with a sub-
stantial portion of available
units on the wrong end of a
blocked canal."
Mr. Colby said that Soviet
priority would be to maintain
the Mediterranean Fleet at top
efficiency rather than risk hav-
ing warships cut off in the Indi-,
an Ocean.
The Soviet presence in the
Tnclian Ocean was described by
Colby as "relatively small
and inactive."
"By mid-1973, the typical So-
viet Indian Ocean force includ-
ed fiva surface warships?one
gun-armed cruiser or missile-
equipped ship, two destroyers
or destroyer escorts, a mine-
sweeper and an amphibious
ship," he said. "There was also
usually a diesel submarine and
six auxiliary support ships, one
of which was a merchant
tanker."
The number now is about
the same, he said, except that
the total of minesweepers has
been increased to nine to aid in
clearing the Suez Canal of war
debris.
The Soviet forces in the In-
dian Ocean, he said, have
usually been drawn from the
Pacific Fleet, except in the case
of vessels from the western
fleet en route to the Pacific.
Mr. Colby said that Soviet
growth in the Indian Ocean
would be steady over the long
term, in keeping with the
growing Soviet presence in the
area.
A Balance With U.S. Fleet
He said that the ultimate
size of the Soviet force would
depend on "the size of the in-
vestment and the forces that
we arrange to be there."
"If we put in a permanent
establishment of some size,
why they would correspond-
ingly increase to some substan-
tial degree," he said. "If we
had only sort of tentative
connections there and some
improvements, they might just
continue their gradual in-
crease."
He said that during the Mid-
dle East war last October, the
United States moved a carrier
task force into the Indian
Ocean, provoking the Russians
to increase their force, par-
ticularly in submarines.
Mr. Colby was testifying be-
fore the committee in relation
to the Pentagon's request for
$29-million to expand port and
air facilities on the island of
Diego Garcia in the Indian
Ocean. Defense Department
witnesses have asked for the
funds to counter Soviet pres-
ence in the area.
"Viewed from a. global per-
spective, the Indian Ocean area
?as distinct from the Middle
East?has a lower priority than
the United States, China or Eu-
rope in the U.S.S.R.'s diplo-
matic, economic and military
initiatives," Mr. Colby said.
"Moscow's probable long-
range strategic objectives in
this area are to win influence
at the expense of the West, and
to limit the future role of
China," he said. "Toward these
goals, the Soviets use their
naval presence as one element
in a combined approach that
utilizes political, economic, sub-
versive and military-aid activ-
ity."
"We believe that the roles of
military, and particularly naval
forces, have been secondary to
diplomatic efforts and aid pro-
grams in promoting Soviet in-
terests in the Indian Ocean
area," Mr. Colby said.
BALTIMORE SUN
3 August 1974
Arms race feared
ver liego Garcia 1]
By CHARLES W. CORDDRY
Washington Bureau of The Sun
Washington ? William E.
Colby, the director of Central
Intelligence, has given Con-
gress an implicit warning that
expansion of United States
naval facilities on Diego Gar-
cia Island could spark a naval
arms race with the Soviet
Union in the Indian Ocean.
In testimony given secretly
July 11 and published yester-
day in the Congressional Rec-
ord, Mr. Colby extensively
described Soviet naval deploy-
ments in the Indian Ocean
since they began in 1968 and
said temporary surges in
strength customarily have
taken place in response to U.S.
naval activities. ?
The Defense Department and
Navy leaders nave described
the situation the other way
around in their efforts to win
congressional approval for ex-
pansion of facilities ? on the
mid-Indian Ocean island. They
want, in addition to the present
cnonmarnbulenic,taatiosieirsvinfeacsilhitiipess, antdo
Describing Russia's naval:
units in the Indian Ocean as a'
sort of minimum force that
can be enlarged "from time to'
time for political purposes, Mr.
Colby said that that ? part of
the world ranks far behind the'
United States, Western Europe
and China on the Russian scale'
of interests. He implied tbe
Soviet ? Union would expand'
only.' reluctantly at a faster_
rate than the current increase::
of one or two combatant ships
a year in the Indian Ocean.
The Russians would match;
any American expansion he-,
said, but to move faster than
they do now would involve
"reordering their priorities and
shifting naval forces from
, other areas."
He described the "typical"
Soviet naval force in the
Indian Ocean as five surface
warships, a diesel-powered
submarine and six supporting
ships.
The American* Navy has
crated three ships in the Per-
sian Gulf area for many years
and has recently been sending
aircraft carrier task groups
into he Indian Ocean on sor-
ties from the Pacific. Diego
Garcia is supposed to make the
latter easier by cutting logistic
ties to the Philippines 5,000,
miles from the Indian Ocean
island.
James R. Schlesinger, the
Secretary of Defense who
headed the CIA before Mr.
Colby, and Navy leaders con-
tend the Navy must be able to
operate routinely in the Indian
Ocean because of Russia's
"growing" air and naval pres-
ence, reopening of the Suez
Canal which will ease Soviet .
entry into ---the ocean, and the,
concentration of oil routes over
the ocean to Eu:cde, Japan
and the United States.
Mr. Colby said Russia's
long-range aims in the area
probably are to win influence
at Western expense and to
limit China's role, with the
naval miss!on secondary to di-
plomatic efforts and aid pro;'.
grams.
While the Russians see the
importance of Persian Gulf oil
and the sea lanes to the West.
and Japan, he said, the normal
makeup of the Soviet naval
force "suggests that interdic-
tion of Western commerce,
particularly oil shipments from
the Persian Gulf, has not been
a major objective."
operate tankers and to accom-
mcdate anti-submarine and
other aircraft from a leng-
thened runway.
.Mr. Colby testified that the
assesSment of the Central In-
telligence Agency is, "The So-
viets would match any in-
crease in our presence in that
, area."
Senator Stuart Symington
1 (D., Mo.), chairman of a mili-
tary construction panel of the
,Senate Armed Services Corn-
'
, mittee, inserted Mr. Colby's
testimony in the record, with
'deletions of secret data, so
that members of Congress
could have the .evaluation of
the agency "assigned the
'prime responsibility of gather-
ing intelligence data on the
Soviet Union." _
. Skeptical of proposals
Mr. Symington, skeptical of
proposals to spend $29 million
on Britain's Diego Garcia Is-
land this year and possibly $75
million eventually, plainly
wanted a different perspective
from the Navy to be aired.
"You expect the Soviet pres-
ence in the Indian Ocean to
continue to grow," he inquired
of, Mr. Colby, "regardless of
what we do, but that it will
grow faster if we start devel-
oping Diego Garcia. Is that a
fair interpretation?"
Mr. Colby replied: "I think
that is true, yes, sir."
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SCIENCE For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
CMISTIAN *MVO
13 August 1974
or?
9 s I
India a
By Razia Ismail
Special to
The Christian Science Monitor
pact ?n
P kistan
New Delhi
The exit of Richard Nixon and the
entrance of Gerald Ford is not ex-
pected to result in any dramatic
foreign-policy changes concerning the
Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.
Specifically, Mr. Ford's assumption
of office is not seen as a deterrent to
the current gradual return of Indo-
American relations to cordial under-
standing.
But two Washington reports in
Delhi papers reflect the -dichotomy
that persists in these ties. One report
speaks of deepening Indo-American
friendship and peace; the other re-
vives the Diego Garcia controversy.
The first item reports Mr. Ford's
desire to strengthen friendly ties with
India and cites Secretary of State
Henry A. Kissinger's reiteration of
United States commitment to policy
of peaceful relations abroad. Mr.
Ford's messages to Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi anc, to Pakistani Pre-
mier Zulfikar Ali Bhutto have both
made front-page news, with his reaf-
firmation of close ties with both
countries.
The other item reports congres-
sional approval of funds for the
expansion of American Navy in-
stallations in the Indian Ocean. Amer-
ican interest in the tiny island of
Diego Garcia remains an irritant to
nations like India, which oppose any
form of armed one-upmanship in the
ocean they want to retain as a "zone
of peace."
The approval of $32.3 million for
expanding facilities on Diego Garcia
was the only controversial feature of
the United States annual military-
construction bill. Its passage by the
House of Representatives has coin-
cided rather unhappily with Mr.
Ford's initial expression of cordiality
toward India, although no link is seen
or imputed between the two.
India's anxiety to keep the Indian
Ocean free of any big-power Navy
games was recently restressed by
Foreign Minister Swaran Singh in
Jakarta. "India would never provide
the Soviet Union or any country a
naval base on the Nicobar Islands,"
he told newsmen there.
India and Indonesia have just
signed a seabed boundary agreement
covering about 90 miles between the
northern tip of Sumatra and the
Nicobar group in the Indian Ocean.
Indonesia has similar pacts with
Australia, Malaysia, and Thailand.
India has a similar agreement with
Sri Lanka. India and Indonesia urged
the big powers on Aug. 9 to act with
restraint and cooperate to preserve
the ocean as a peaceful zone.
Passage of funds for Diego Garcia
will revive India's'fears, even though
the general feeling here so far is that
President Ford might show greater
zeal than Mr. Nixon in improving ties
with India.
However, on the strength of his
meeting with Dr. Kissinger Aug. 10,
Pakistani Ambassador Yaqub Khan
has already declared that the severeignty, integrity, and independence of
Pakistan "will continue to be the
cornerstone of American policy in
south Asia." Pakistan radio has also
broadcast the gist of Mr. Ford's
message to Mr. Bhutto. The contents
-of his message to Prime Minister
Gandhi have not yet been disclosed
here. While it is expected that the
Ford administration's main pre-
occupation over the coming weeks
will be to provide a stable transition,
Indians are hopeful that the thoughts
of President Ford on south Asia will
also take clearer shape before Dr.
Kissinger embarks on his expecteg
subcontinental journey in October.
Pakistanis uneasy
Qutubuddin Aziz reports from Ka-
rachi:
Pakistanis, who will celebrate the
WASHINGTON STAR
ii An 1974
P?ed
27th anniversary of independence on
Aug. 14, are harried by apprehensions
over India's nuclear-weapons capa-
bility, and the change of presidents in
the United States had made them a
little uneasy. They now, feel consid-
erably regdshrea-by Pretitlent Ford's
affirmation, ? ina-message to Pre-
mier Zulfiltar'Alt .BhUtto ? of MS
intention to honor American com-
mitments to Pakistan.
In Washington last September Pres-
ident Nixon had told visiting Premier
Bhutto that the United States consid-
ered the independence and territorial
integrity of Pakistah as a cornerstone
of American foreign policy.
After the Indians' May 18 nuclear
blast, Pakistan's solicitations for an
American nuclear umbrella produced
a reassuring response from the Nixon
administration.
Commenting on President Ford's
askirance to Pakistan, Karachi's
semiofficial daily Morning News
wrote in an editorial Aug. 12 that it
had "encouraged hope that there is
not going to be any let-up in the United
States' stand in support of Pakistan's
national independence and territorial
integrity. , ? ,
lAdiuxth Parsuhl-u
It is reassuring to have the director-
of central intelligence give an unwor-
Tied assessment of Soviet activity in a
sensitive part of the world. This is
what William Colby did last month in
testimony, since parEally declassified,
before the Senate Armed Services
Committee. Undercutting expressions
of concern by the Pentagon, he envi-
sioned no significant buildup of Soviet
naval activity in the_Indian Ocean un-
less it is inspired by an expansion of
the American presence there.
The Colby comments could be read
as casting doubt on the wisdom or
need of our improving the berthing
and naval-supply facilities and airfield
available to us at Diego Garcia, a re-
mote British-held island. Colby tcok no
specific stand on the project, for
which the Pentagon has requested 529
It would be a mistake to drop the
project, in the light of the present
26
power vacuum in the Indian Ocea,
area and its strategic importance t
. the West. The ocean is traversed
the supertanker routes from the Per
sian Gulf to Europe and Japan, and in
creasingly to North America as oui oi
imports grow. Beneath the water
Polaris submarines are an station witi
missiles trained on the Soviet Unioi
and China. While the Soviet Nay_
presence typically amounts to abou.
five surface warships, these require a
least a minimal American counter
presence. Since at least a few Ameni
can ships unquestionably will be open
ating in the Indian Ocean for the fore
seeable future, it is sensible to inn
prove their support facilities.
The Pentagon may have oversol'
the .Soviet threat in the Indian Ocea,
for the purpose of squeeeing rnonei
out of Congress. But the Die.g,o Garci:
project seems in any event to be ju.sti
fiabie.
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
It August 197)-1-
aS a Army Aid
Ruffles Some.
India Feathers
BY WILLIAM DRUMMOND
Times Staff Writer-
NEW DELHI?The U.S.
Army's grant of $11,000 to
India's leading ornitholo-
gist to study migratory
birds on the subcontinent
has caused a big flap in
Parliament.
Several members last
week' called for a high lev-
el investigation into the
collaboration between the
Bombay Natural History
Society and the U.S. Ar-
my's Migratory Animal
Pathological Survey,
which was the source of
the money.
Anti--American sen-
timents, dormant in recent
weeks, reawakened during
one of Parliament's more
emotional debates.
S. M. Bannerjee, a Corn--
munist membvr, accused
some Indian agencies of
helping Americans "sabo-
tage" the country.
The excitement was
touched off by a report in
the press recently that
lumped the Army-funded
bird survey together with
experiments in mosquito
control carried on here by
the World Health Organi-
zation.
India, the headlines
warned, was to be the
guinea pig for foreign ex-
periments in biological
varfare.
However, the U.S. Army
contends that the bird stu-
dy had nothing to do with
warfare, and on the con-
trary, might have some
humanitarian benefits.
Walter Reed Army Hos-
pital has long been seeking
to advance knowledge
about how migratory ani-
mals transmit diseases
that affect man, an official
American source said.
"The Army contributed
the money here because
we had an opportunity to
work through Indian
scientists to broaden an
area that we had been
working on already. We
sent in no people. We gave
no advice. We just gave
the money," the source said.
The recipient was Salim
All, author of the authori-
tative volume "The Birds
of India." He has been stu-
NEW YORK TIMES
19 August 1974 ?
India's Presidency: Pomp or Power?
By BERNARD I,VEINRAUB
Speotat to The New Yurk Times
NEW DELHI, Aug. 18 ? The
two - decade debate over
whether the President of India
is an ornamental figure .or a
political 'power was renewed
this weekend as Indian legisla-
tors voted for a new president.
President V. V. Gin, an ami-
able 80-year-old former labor
leader who spent much of his
time at ceremonial functionsl
in Rashtrapati Bhavan, the red)
sandstone presidential palace,
is stepping down after fivel
years in office. -
,
Although the results of the
vote will not be announced un-
til Tuesday, the new President
of India will, by all accounts,
be Prime Minister Indira Gan-
dhi's candidate, Fakhruddin
All Ahmed. His only opponent
is a little-known opposition
candidate, Tridib Kumar?Chau-
dhury.
'Mr. Ahmed is a frail, 70-year-
old former Food Minister Whose
recent performance, even ac-
cording to associates, was dis-
mal. He was chosen b& Mrs.
Gandhi to run for President be-
cause he is a Moslem?and the
Government is struggling to
calm this huge, restive minori-
ty?as well as a loyal follow-
er of the Prime Minister. Per-
haps the key reason for his
selection is that he will prob-
ably heed the wishes of Mrs.
Gandhi without question.
.., ?A Fuzzy Role
The role of the Indian Presi-
dent is one of the fuzziest ele-
ments of this democracy. By
tradition, 'the Prime Minister is
the dominant figure, while the
President's functions are poorly
defined and largeiy dependent
T\loitnhiseteprersoannadlitifete personalities ofPresident.
Prime
Mrs. Gandhi, and to a lesser
degree her father, Jawaharlal
Nehru, the first Prime Minister,
sought out presidential candi-
dates who were pliable. Other-
wise. an independent or power-
ful . President could jolt the
powers of the Prime Minister.
Yesterday members of the
dying migratory birds
since 1928.
In 1967, Salim Ali was in
need of funds to carry on
his work. One place to
which he turned was the
Smithsonian Institution,
which responded with
money. Another was the
Walter Reed group, called
the Migratory Animal
Pathological Survey.
Because Walter Reed is
an Army institution, Salim
Al's grant request had to
be submitted to the U.S.
Army's chief of research
and development. This
"bookkeeping" procedure
made the project sound
more military than it ac-
Parliament and state assem-
blies secret ballots for Presi-
dent in an election that will
probably favor Mr. Ahmed be-
cause the governing Congress
party commands more than 67
per cent of the votes. The new
president will take office next
Saturday for a five-year term.
' What makes the role of the
Indian President interesting is
that its powers have never
really been tested. The nation's
four presidents since independ-
ence in 1947 have labored un-
der a ceremonial role?a role
that clearly displeased the na-
tion's first President, Dr. Rajen-
dra Prasad, as well as some
legal authorities here.
Mr. Ahmed himself said re-
cently that would not be a
"rubber-stamp" president but
added: I don't think, there
should be any scope for a con-
frontation ? between the Presi-
dent and the Prime Minister.
The relationship should be based
on cooperation and understand-
ing of each other's functions.
The point is, can you oppose a,
Prime Minister who is an elect-
ed representative? Then you
would be a dictator."
1 The Potential Powers
The Indian Constitution gives,
the President potentially vast
powers. As head of state, he
can theoretically dissolve Par-
liament and the state assem-
blies, issue ordinances during
parliamentary recesses and
serve as commander of' the
armed forces. Public-sector en-
temrises are under the presi-
dent's control.
Perhaps the pivotal sentence
of the Indian Constitution is:
"there shall be a Council of
Ministers (senior Cabinet offi-
cials) with the Prime Minister
at the head to aid and advise
the President in the exercise of
his function." The question that
has been asked here is, what
happens if the president should
reject this aid and advice." -
Moreover, the Constitution
says that "the Prime Minister
shal be appointed by the Presi-
dent." So far this has proved;
source said.
The Army agreed to
supply the money in 1969
with the knowledge and
'concurrence of the Indian
government.
What Salim Ali proposed
to do was to catch and at-
tach identification bands
to migratory .birds. His
work was to be centered at
the Keoladeo Ghana bird
sanctuary in Rajasthan
a formlity because the Con-
Icress party has won each of
the national elections and the
parliamentary leader became
Prime Minister.
"Penn Bhatia, a journalist and
former government official,
wrote recently: "But the Presi-
dent would have to exercise
some discretion if the choice
lies between rival claimants
from different parties none of'
which commands a majority."
"What would happen if the
President refuses to be aided
and advised?" he asked. "Would
it lead to the resignation of the
Prime Minister or the impeach-
ment of the head of state."
A Chilly Relationship Shifted
India's first President, Dr:
Prasad, had a chilly reltionship
with Prime. Minister Nehru,
who let it be known that India
could nat have two heads of
government Mr. Nehru yearned
to have a figurehead President,
an idea decried by Dr. Prasad,
a Hindu nationalist.
The second President, Serve-
palli Radhakrishnan, a scholar
and philosopher, played a
muted role, although he was
sometimes privately critical of
Mr. Nehru. The third President,
Zakir Husain, a Moslem, was'
appointed by Mrs. Gandhi and
held office two years until his
death in 1969.
A fierce fight was fought
within the Congress party over
his successor. The old-guard
leaders overruled Mrs. Gandhi's
objections and nominated the
speaker of the lower house,
Sanjiva Reddy. Mrs. Gandhi
called for a "free conscience
vote" within the party and
naminated Mr. Girl, who be-
came President in August,
This was the backdrop for
the split in the Congress party.
Mrs. Gandhi was initially "ex-
pelled" by the old guard but
then gained the support of the
majority of the party as well
as the leftist opposition parties.
In 1971 she won the parliamen-
tary elections with an over-
whelming majority.
but he also proposed to set
up another station in
northeastern India.
In five years, he caught
820,000 birds of 1,060 dif-
ferent species, took blood
samples and collected pa-
rasites.
"The results are in no
way classified," the official
said. "This was medical re-
search,. pure and simple,
and everybody benefits:'
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
15 August 1974
India's 'brain
drain' to U.S.
By Henry S. Hayward ?
, New Delhi
Not long ago a five-year-old young-
ster here in New Delhi formally
applied for a U.S. student visa. "I've
seen everything now," said a veteran
consular officer. The youngster's
overzealous parents even supplied a
supporting letter from a U.S. kinder-
garten saying they were ready to
accept the lad.
At the other extreme among appli-
cants was a retired Indian colonel
with a pension of 120 rupees, about $15
a month. Unable to live on this
without using his meager savings, he
had decided to join his son in the
States. He can gain entry as part of a
family.
In all, 134,000 Indians, including
first and second generations, were in
the U.S. last year, and visa appli-
cations are running high again this
year.
An average of 20 Indian nurses
LOS ANGELES TIMES
14 August 1974
lUme vales
in India ound
'Ready to Rebel
BY WILLIAM DRUMMOND
7irttes Staff Writer :
NEW DELHI?The first
nationwide public opinion
poll among India's lowly'
untouchables shows a
growing will to rebel "that
carries explosive possibili-.
ties."
The landmark survey
was carried .out by the In-:
than Institute of Public'
Opinion here, an affiliate
. of the international Gallup
group.
? The poll described the
treatment of untouchables
prevailing today as "India.
an apartheid."
'The high-handedness of,
dominant castes is creat+
ing what might be de-
scribed as a psychological,
backlash among the Hari-,
jans (untouchables) said
institute Director Eric P.
W. Da, Costa. .Harijans,
apply each day at the American
Embassy here. The reason: most of
them can hope to earn between $8,000
and $10,000 a year in America. Here
they get about 200 rupees a month,
less than $30.
Or take medical doctors. One hun-
dred and twenty five students gradu-
ated from a medical college in Guja-
rat, north of Bombay, recently.
Eighty-five of them promptly char-
tered a bus and arrived several days
later at the U.S. consulate in Bombay
to apply for visas.
Again, vastly higher financial re-
wards for doctors in the United States
are the basic reason for the rush.
Indeed some critics claim India is
losing many of its best state-educated
men and women to the U.S. in a new
"brain drain."
Not so, say others. The doctors and
nurses may depart, but they send
back far more funds to their home
folks in India than the Indian Govern-
ment ever invested in their education.
So there is a rupee gain, not a loss,
involved.
Moreover, experts here question
whether India actually is prepared to
absorb all its own professional gradu-
ates. It already has a surplus of
trained people in the cities.
Where India needs arid wants them
is in its 500,000 small villages. Yet the
villages offer an educated profes-
sional man almost nothing In facilities
or financial return.
'literally "children 'Of God,"!
is the name given to' the'
-.untouchables by Mahatma
Gandhi.
? "Forty percent of those
..surveyed throughout the
country would opt for or-
ganizing their community
tg fight against injustice
committed by other
. castes," said De Costa, add-
ing:
? "A sizable segment of the
Harijan community is thus
in a ferment that carries
. explosive possibilities. A.
majority of those willing
to organize themselves*
would not hesitate to re-
sort to violence in self-de-
fense.
"This militant sectiod.
constitutes only One-fifth.
of the Harijan community.;
.But this small but deter-
mined segment may even-
tually convert the ? silent
and resentful majority to.
opt for violence when they
chips are down."
The number of Harijans
in India is estimated at S0.
million, about 15% of
the total population.. ? ,
They are eligible for
special government quotas
in gaining employment or
28
The U.S. Government, meanwhile,
feels it needs more doctors, nurses,
dieticians, veterinarians, and public
health experts than it now has. So it
smiles at qualified applicants, here
and elsewhere.
How many are coming? In India in
1973, Uncle Sam issued 8,000 immi-
gration visas, plus 4,000 to visitors
who adjusted their status after ar-
rival. Total, 12,000.
Under present American regu-
lations, the permitted ceiling is 20,000
a year from any one country in the
Eastern Hemisphere, or 170,000 over-
all from the area, whichever figure is
reached first.
In 1.97.S India sent 17,000 to the U.S.
This year officials expect 17,000
again. But in 1073, U.S. officials
tightened the requirements because
of economic conditions in the states.
One result was 5,000 fewer Indian
doctors and nurses.
Britain and Canada are other favor-
ite Indian destinations. They are
regarded as easy places to make a
living. But Canada now is difficult for
Indian applicants. And Britain has
closed its door. Both were being
inundated by Indians as Common-
wealth members.
Meanwhile, don't forget Indian stu-
dents. In 1973 there were 11,000 in the
United States, more than any other
foreign, nationality.
eaucation. -
Apart from Constitution-
al guarantees for a number.
of individual rights, discri-
mination on grounds of
!, untouchability is a crime*
punishable by law. ? ?
'A special act provides
penalties for preventing a
Harijan from using public!
'facilities or subjecting him.'
?to social, or occupational
'discrimination.
?? However. De Costa
,found that the legal ?liar-
santees had been ineffec-
tive.The survey of 1,500 re-
.spondents found that 13%
Harijan youngsters
'were placed in'segregated
:seating arrangements in
schools, more than 50% of
Harijans were made either
to stand or to sit on the
ground during visits to the
home of caste Hindus and.
410% of Harijans said they
were forbidden to enter a
caste Hindu temple to
Worship.
Economically, the Hari-
?:ians are still downtrodden.
De Costa said.
"A vast maiority, not-.
withstanding the evidence
of some improvement in
economic condition, ' still
hive to wage a losing.
struggle for Making ends
meet,? he said. '
"This is reflected in the
:feeling shared by a sizable
:segment (43%) that. their'
lot is worse than their.
parents.?
f- De Costa drew attention
Aci the recent formation
of a group in Maharashtra
state calling itself the Dal-:,
it. Panthers (Black Pan-
thers), a militant organza-'
'tion of untouchables that
:has borrowed a page from
Eldridge Cleaver.
Earlier this year, the'
Dalit Panthers engaged in
:violent clashes in the-
streets of Bombay with
.caste Hindus and police in
:Which dozens of persons
were injured.
The possibility that the
Dalit Panthers might be-
come the leaders of Hari-
jans seeking change
'must surely call for some
furious thinking on the
part of India's privileged
classes?'
`The pace at which con-
frontation is proceeding
'and, even more. the pace
at which confrontation
leads to violence is a warn-
ing of graver problems to
come;' De Costa said.
r ? ?
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ETLMBA, Brazzaville (Central Organ of the Congolese Workers Party)
9-16 March 19714
744--) ffa !I?
riln, C 170
Notts reprettons pour nos
lecteurs..un article (traduit)
Jourttal ;< Ghanaian Times ?
consacre- aux ? actit,!its, de la
C.I.A.
Anjonid'hui, dans. le monde
ender, la, settle. mention de la
C.LA. ? Central Intelligence
Agency ? preoccupe et alar-
me les coeurs de tons ceux qui
comprennent ou qui- sont ca-
pables: de ? comprendre les
grands ,enjeux de la politique
internationale.
La C.I.A. est consideree
comme (Amu omnipresente. Car
elle est generalement connue corn.
me le bras long et fort du gon-
yernewelit des Etats-Unis
. a'. l'aide duquel elle
manipule.les situations dans le's
sydetnes ? politique.s ?et &ono-
miques d'autres pays.
.Mais.quels son.t les objectifs
et les Methodes .de. la .C.I.A. ?
-? Nombre de journaux et de
livres se sont.consacres aux ac-
tivites de la C.LA. D7une Ma-
niere plus ou moins compre-
hensible us ont expose la na-
ture. et le mode de travail de cc
service de renseignements des
Etats-Unis ? operant dans le
monde entier: ?
Deux anteurs americains, D.
Waist! et T.. Ross, ont- publie
int livre interessant sur ces
tivites revelatrices sous le titre
?. Le gonvernement invisible ?
(The invisible Government ).
D'apres des informations ?offi-
cielles, la C.I.A. se trouve sous
contrede.du Conseil de Securi-
te Nationale (National Securi-
ty Council). Ce dernier &an t
subordonne directement au
President des Etats-Unis.
La loi sur la Securite Natio-
flak (National Security Act) du
18 septembre 1947 stipule ses
functions comme suit :
Approved
e la CIA en
frk1ue
1-
2?
tt
C.I.A. en act inn
? 9
La C.I.A., le serpent a sept fetes, deploie ses rentacules.
donner des conseils au
Conseil de Securite Na-
tionale et an President
par rapport aux ques-
limn; de renseignement
concernant la securite
na ti, onale ;
coo rdonner les activites
de renseignement du
gottvernement A Pe-
tra tiger
3 ? composer et distribuer
des informations an
sein du gouvernement
4 ? m.ener des activites de
renseignement d u ii e
itnportance generale,
c'est-it-dire des activites
1.011Challt JOU? les 0.67
ments des services de
renseignement ;
5'? remplir d'autres devoirs
concernant la securi--
te nationale qui lui soul
confies de temps en
temps.
C'est le chiquieme point, qui
ne pent guere etre' depasse ?-
dans l'innocence ? qui merite
l'attention particuliere de pays
africains luttant?pour une inde-
pendance authentique. Ce point
donne A la C.I.A. le privilege
de realiser des actions et ope-
rations secretes dirigees eontre
n'importe gild Etat du monde.
Les objectifs et les methodes
de la C.I.A. out ete tenement
destomorants que d? en ete
1948 le Conseil de Securite Na-
tionale devait dinner l'in.-Arue-
tion secrete NSC 10/2 permet-
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'Ca
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taut des operations speciales
pourvu que le gotivernetnent
les estitne suffisamment secre-
tes et ? restreintes ? pour putt-
voir flier chaque liaison &Mille
avec ce dernier a l'aide d'argu-
ments plausibles. Actuellement
c'est POffice d'Operations Spe-
eiales (Office of Special Ope-
rations) qui realise de telles
actions secretes.
Le devoir principal de la C.
LA. est le support pour le gon-,
vernement des Etats-Unis dans
la sauvegarde de ses interets
? nationaux ?. Les objectifs a-
mericains en direction de
frique sont determines par les-
interets economiques, 'poi
iii-
ques et strategiques des Etats-
Vnis en Afrique, et Us jouent un
. role important dans la politi-
: que globale de cette puissance
ao-ressive.
Du point de vue .economi-
que, les Etats-Unis aspirent 4
l'etablissement des conditions
les plus avantageuses pour Pin-
vestissement de leurs capitaux,
A la realisation de grands pro-
fits, a nn approvisiotmement
durable de..l'industrie - ameri-:
eaine eu matieres premieres
d'importance strategique et a
l'expansion des marches pour
tine vente profitable de. leurs
marchandises.
? POLITIQUE
En plus de cela. les Etats-U-
nis s'efforcent de her les pays
ETIMA BrazzaviLle
16-23 March 19714
72) F v7r1ti
7-1,74 41, imzegl
africai as en qualite de parte-
naires subordonnes sans droits
egaux a la panic du marche
mondial capitaliste qui est do-
minee par les americains.
Du point de vue politique
les Eta t-Unis visent a tine influ-
ence dans les Etats africains,
leur assurant sur la scene in-
ternationale le soutien de l'A-
frique pour leur politique ?e-
- trangere. Ei eXercatit lent`
iii-
influence . dans les Etats afri-
cains, les Etats-Unis entrent
souvent en conflit avec leg in-
terets d'autres Etats occiden-
taux.
Cest -pourquol, les Etats-U-
nis se presentent, selon les oki-
gences de la situation concrete
respective, comme .un ennenii
du colonialisme .(s'ils peuvent
par ce moyen diminuer l'influ-
ence de l'ancienne puissance...co-
loniale) ou hien comme son..de-
fenseur. . ? .
A cote de la livraison de-.ma-
tiere.s, pren.ieres_pour leur in-
dustrie, les Etats-Unis out des
fitted-As militaires et strategi-
ques en Afrique leur assurant
le controle de l'Oce-mn Atlan-
tique, l'Ocean Indien et la Mer
Rouge.
Voila la raison pour l'acqui-
sition de bases aeriennes et na-
vales ainsi que d'autres. types
d'installations militaires dans
les Etats Africains..
Dans l'ensemble, l'objectif
Voici le deuxieme article de la
serie publiee par ? Times ?au
sujet du role de la C.I.A. (Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency) dans le
monde en general et en Afrique
en particulier.
? La C.I,A. qiii ouvertement
on secretement emploie les- me-
thodes les plus differentes y com-
pris l'ecoute telephonique et le
traquage electoral ainsi que la
destruction .de pouts et les inter-
ventions armees, devient l'instru-
InCllt le pins important de la mi-
se en pratique de la politique
americaine et un des organes les
plus importants du gouvernement
americain ?, (New York Times,
26 avril 1966).
La transformation des pays
africains en appendices economi-
Ties, politiques et strategiques
des Etats-Unis est une tache tres
compliquee que meme une super-
Puissance gigantesque comme les
Etats-Unis ne peut pas accomplir
par des moyens legaux exclusive-
ment.
En plus de cela, cet objectif est
tres impopulaire aux yeux des po-
pulations africaines et de ropi-
Mon mondiale, et il se trouve en
30
strategique de Washington con-
siste .en l'incorporation:.gra-
duelle des pays africains dans
l'appareil militaire des Etats.-
Unis et de l'OTAN., ?
?..
En resultat ,du developpe-
ment croissant de la techno1O-
gie militaire, le nombre .des
pays etant d'un intere.t Strate!-
gigue pour les Etats-UniS ? va
augmenter de maniere eviden.7.
te.
Si l'on considere:;ces,.JevoirS
dans leur .unite, est; evideril
qu'ils sont une partie des ef-
forts faits par. les' ?Etats-Unis
?pour..achever-la-dotnination-du
Monde... Deja 'T en- ,1940; -,IfarrY
Truman,. he President des Etats
Unis, souligne cet objec-
tif en declarant :
?Les Etats-Unis sont Un pays
puissant.. ll n'y a pas de. pays
plus puissant rine leS, Etats-,(1-
nis. 'En possession d'une telle
puissance, .nous devons obte-
nir l'heg(itnonie dans le 111071r
de ?. ?
L'ancien .Secretaire d'Etat a'?:??
mericain ? Dean Acheson---a
ex-
prime d'une maniere encore
plus franche que les. Etats-Unis
ne poursuivent pas des objec.-
tifs philatitrophiques, mais
bienleurs propres interets dans
leur programme d'aide aux-
pays sous-developpes..
(A suivre)
contradiction flagrante avec les
declarations officielles des Etats-
Unis au sujet de leur support
pour les idees de la liberte, de la
justice et du-respect des droits de
rhomme, de sorte que les Etats-
Unis sont forces de le realiser
moyennant la guerre secrete.
Cela explique la transformation
de la C.I.A. en un instrument de
la politique etrangere des Etats-
Unis et rimportance speciale du
role qui lui est assigne.
A la base des objectifs gene-
raux internationaux des Etats-
Unis en Afrique, On peut carac-
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.tenser .1a tIche concrete de la
C.I.A. sur le continent africain
comme suit :
10 foumir des renseignements
etendus sur la situation dans les
pays africains, leurs objectifs po-
litiques et autres, sur l'opposition,
les sentiments des populations en
general, sur des personnes etant
d'un inter& pour les Services de
Renseignements et stir les activi-
tes des Representations Officiel-
les et des Services de Renseigne-
ments d'autres Etats dans ces
pays ;
.2'..e.wblir des reseaux d'agents
necessaires e realiser d'autres
? operations secretes ? en vue
d'exercer une pression sur l?
Gouvernements des pays africains
ainsi que, s:il est necessaire, pre-
parer un coup d'Etat pOitr" la li-
quidation de .Gouvernements afri-
cains desagreables.
Le role..de. la C.I.A. a grandi
avec la proclamation de la. poli-?.
tique de la ? nouvelle approche
des Etats-Unis vis-a-vis de l'Afri-,
que. Ce fait est confirme par les .;
instructions du Secretaite. d'Etat.
americain W. ROGERS qui a sou-.,
ligne les devoirs speciaux nom-
mes ci-apres de la diplomatie et
?des Services de Renseignements
americains an cours dune reunion
des Chefs des RepresenLtions
Diplomatiques Americaines et des
postes de la C.I.A. dans les. pays
de l'Afrique Orientale? qui 'a eu ?
lieu en fevrier 1970 a Addis.-
Abeba :
10 sauvegarde des lnter ets?
strategiques des Etats-Unis et de
l'O.T.A.N.
2" obstruction de la politique.;
des pays communistes et de;
pansion de l'ideologie socialiste
3" lutte contre le Mouvement
de Liberation Nationale ;
4" penetration dims les Repre-?
sentations des pays socialistes
5" substitution ,prudente, mais
continue de l'influence anglaise
par l'influence americaine ;
6" garantie ? d'approVisionne-
ments pour l'industrie dc guerre
des Etats-Unis.
On pent supposer que la di-.
plomatie et le Service de kensei-
gnements americains ont les me-
tries devoirs dans d'autres Etats
africains, avec la seule difference.
que dans les pays sous domination
francaise le point 5 pent envisa-?
aer la sul..Ytitution de l'influence
francaise.
Le travail de la C.I.A. en vue
de sauvegarder les interets inter-
nationaux des Etats-Unis est- ac:-.
compli par les cadres et les agents'
faisant part-ie d'un grand depar-
tement de cette organisation.
Ce departement a. ete cree con-
formement a la loi sur Ia Securite
Nationale de 1947. -..
II est difficile de donner le
chiffre exact de ces ? 'Chevaliers
du poignard et du poison ?.
D'apres des estimations d'un an-.
cien dirigeant de la C.I.A., L.
KIRKPATRIC JVA, qui ..etait
?egaletnent l'Inspecteur General de
la C.I.A. sous ALLAN DULLES,
cc departement comprend environ-
100.000 membres. et .agents,.,
LITS OFFICES
I? D. WEISE et T. ROSS l'esti-
!Tient .4 200.000. A peu pres
'20.000.d'entre eux travaillent aux
Etats-Unis dans le quartier gene-
al de la C.I.A. et dans ses suc-
cursales se troilvaiit dans 20 vil-
es americaines.
. .
Le quartier general est sii:ue ft
dix mines de Washing-
ion a la rive du Potomac. C'est un
hatiment de huit Cages nomme
le ?.I\Iausolee d'Allan Dulles
D'anres des chiffres donnes
par STUART ALSOPS dans son
nvie ? Le Centre ? (The Center),
ie budget annuel de la C.I.A.
pour 1968 &air de 500 millions
dollars.
I Tine section du departement de
recherches at d'infortnation de la
sont -representees ton-
tes les regions geographiques,
s'occupe directement des affaires
Ofricaines. Mais ii y a encore d'au-
tres departements de la C.I.A.
i'occupant de l'Afrique :
Le ? departement d'operations
, peciales ? oil, comme les cadres
pe la C.I.A. disent, le ? departe-
ment des sales trucs ? qui realise
des enlevements. des assassinats
t-d:atitres actions .? delicates ? ;
le ? .departement de propagan-
tie ?-s'Occupe de la propagande
et de fausses informations ainsi
clue du: soutien et de 1.a formation
Ie partis'et organisations d'oppo-
Sition ft Fetranger ; le ?.departe-
rnent. de science. et de :technolo-.
gie ? qui -est pouivu d'equipe-
merits .d'espionnage les plus re-
cents allant des.. appareils d'ecou-
en ?miniature - jusqu'aux instal-
lations de radar et aux avions U2
pour la reconnaissance aerienne:
1. A l'etranger, les agents de la
concentres dans des
postes et dans des 'centres regiortaux diriges.. par les_ groupes.. re-.
gionaux. Ils menent toutes sortes
d'actiVites de renSeignement. 'Les
CentreS'iegionaux ' sont diriges par -
des . Directeurs regionaux. Leurs
agents. se ,deplacent dans les pays
de. leur rayon d'action...
Dans les gra.nds pays princi-
paux de l'Afrique, les postes de
la .C.I.A. ont. jusqu'a 30 agents
dirigeant les reseaux locaux.
En dehors de cela us sont ap-
puyes.,par. des Americains recru-
tes a cette. fin .qui travaillent dans
les, pays Jespectifs. .
Dans' des pays &amine le Ma-
la Tunisie, l'Ethiopie, le Zai-
re et le Senegal oil ii y a d'im-
portants postes de la C.I.A., its
ont a leur disposition des specia-
list-es d'interception et d'autres
techniques d'espionnage ainsi
que des agents pour la reconnais-
sance a fetranger.
A Mombasa (Kenya) et ft la
base militaire des Etats-Unis ft
Kenitra (Maroc), il y a aussi des
ecoles speciales pour Pentraine-
ment d'agents recrutes parmi la
population indigene et parmi les
etrangers.
Les Chefs des Institutions des
Etats-Unis ft let-ranger sont obli-
ges de dormer le soutien requis
aux agents de la C.I.A. est
necessaire, ces derniers utilisent
pour la realisation de leurs ob-
jectifs largernent les offices des
Ambassades, Missions et autres
Representations ainsi que les vol-
tures des Diplomates americains
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et d'autres personnalites officiel-
les.
Les Chefs des Institutions itine-
ricaines organisent largement des
receptions, des demonstrations de
films, des meetings, des visites,
des evenements culturels et d'au-
tres reunions convenables aux
agents de la C.I.A. pour leurs ac-
tivites en vue de nouer des con-
tacts aux fins du renseignement
et .11 d'autres fins de la C.I.A.
Souvent les agents de la C.I.A.
emploient leurs femmes ou d'au-
tres Americains pour etablir des
relations, organiser des rendez-:
vous et mener des enquetes, par-
ce qu'ils veulent egarer le Service
de Securite local, etc.
COUVERT
A cette fin, les femmes des
agents de la C.I.A. se soumettent
un entrainement special avant
de partir pour l'etranger. La fern-
-me du Chef du poste de la C.I.A.
au Maroc, Mme WELLES, par
exemple, dirige l'Association des
Femmes Americaines servant de
couvert au Service de Renseigne-
rnents americain.
L'agent de la C.I.A. ALLAN
LOGGAN qui en 1967 etait deu-
xierne Secretaire de l'Ainbassade
des Etats=Unis a Conakry, entre-
tenait la liaison avec les agents a
,l'aide de sa femme.
Formellement les Chefs des
postes de la C.I.A. sont subordon-
nes aux Ambassadeurs et a d'au-
tres, diplomates d'un rang eleve
representant les Etats-Unis dans
un pays donne. Mais en pratique,
ce principe est souvent viole par-
ce qu'ils travaillent de maniere
independante. Frequemment les
Chefs des Representations Diplo-
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
9 August 1974
Pas!ting Artvdca
The leader of one of Angola's three
liberation movements now is looking
more to China and less to the U.S. for
aid when the breakaway from Portugal
comes.
Holden Roberto, operating from
neighboring Kinshasa, Zaire, with the
support of Zaire President Mobutu
Sese Seko, is president of the National
Front for the Liberation of Angola
(FNLA). He also heads the Government
of the Republic of Angola in Exile
(GRAE).
Born a Bakongo tribesman in the
Dembos area of northern Angola, the
son of a mission worker, Mr. Roberto
was taken to Kinshasa as a young child
and educated in mission schools there.
Although FNLA is not regarded as
the first movement for the liberation of
the Portuguese territory in south-
western Africa, it was the first to estab-
lish a government in exile, in 1962.
In 1959, Mr. Roberto visited the
United States to present the case for
ilvt4cipenderize
matiques des Etats-Unis sont eux-
memes les Chefs des postes de la
C.I.A.
En 1966 par exemple, l'Am-
bassadeur Docteur WILLIAM
LEONNART etait le Chef du
poste de la C.I.A. a Zanzibar.
Plus tard il est devenu Conseiller
du President des Etats-Unis.
Francis A. RUSSEL qui de
1942 a 1944 etait le Chef du de-
partement de renseignements eco-
nomicives au departement d'Etat
americain, a ete Ambasadeur et
Chef du poste de la C.I.A. en Tu-
nisie. A present l'Ambasadeur des
Etats-Unis au Mali, Robert BLA-
KE, detient la meme double
fonction.
(Traduction d'un article paru
dans ? Ghanian Times ? du 6 no-
vembre 1973).
Angolan independence to the United
Nations. During his stay, he made
many American acquaintances and at-
tracted unofficial U.S. sympathy.
Since that time he has been consid-
ered pro-Western in outlook, and alle-
gations often are made that the FNLA
received covert American financial and
arms support from.the Central In-
telligence Agency.
Recently, however, he has begun to
look to China for aid and military in-
structors.
Like other African liberation leaders,
he realizes that China and the Soviet
Union, in selected cases, are willing to
give open support to guerrilla move-
ments, whereas the United States is
not. With supply routes to the Mideast
a consideration, Washington has pre-
ferred maintaining good relations with
Portugal to backing freedom groups in
the Portuguese territories of Angola,
Mozambique, or Portuguese Guinea
(Guinea Bissau).
32
After his U.S visit, he returned to
Zaire (then the Congo) and started
weekly broadcasts for Angolan inde-
pendence and a party political maga-
zine.
Since he has spent most of his life
outside Angola, it sometimes is claimed
that he has little support in his native
land, except among Bakongos in the
northern part of the country.
The severe 1961 riots in Angola,
which resulted in the slaying of hun-
dreds of whites and the subsequent
massacre of thousands of blacks, are
attributed to his followers, which sug-
gests he and the FNLA were not un-
known in Angola.
Efforts to unify FNLA and the other
major group, the Popular Movement for
the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), have
been under way since 1972. "
Henry S. Hayward
Luanda, Angola
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
NEW YORK TIMES
18 August 1974
Saigon Police Fight ubversion
ut Also Curb Pu Ica! Dissent
By DAVID K. SHIPLER
Spedal to The New York Times
SAIGON, South Vietnam, Aug.
17?On the floor of a Saigon
hospital ward a young seam-
stress named Dang Thi Hien lay
handcuffed to . an olive-drab
stretcher. Her legs, covered
with a blanket, were paralyzed
: ?a result, she said of beatings
and torture during police inter-
rogation.
In a small office a student
activist, Nguyen Xuan Ham,
drew deeply on a cigarette',
!while he ,described being forcedi
to watch three friends tortured'
as policemen tried vainly tol
'make him admit that he was
a Communist.
A high-school philosophy,
teacher, Tran Tuan Nham, who'
;was jailed after his unsuccess-
ful run as an anti-Government
!candidate for the National As-
sembly, hunched over his draW-.
*Mg of the layout of cells in
the Saigon municipal police
headquarters to show where he
saw the head of the Private
Bank Workers Union, Phan
Van Hi, meet death?not by
suicide, as the Government re-
ported, but after days of
beatings.
Beyond the well-known war
of tanks and planes and in-
fantry there is another war in
South Vietnam?a silent, hid-
den war that runs its course
out of the public view. 'It is
waged in interrogation rooms,,
in prisons, in courtro6ms. It is
fought in tiny print shops and
large universities, in churches
r na pagodas, in the cramped
.offices of opposition politicians
and the shabby headquarters of
dissident union leaders.
Far Friern Public View
Some portray the struggle as
a monumental clash between
free ideas and governmental
suppression; others see it as
the Saigon Government's right-
ful battle for survival against
a potent campaign of Com-
munist subversion.
In fact it is both, for its
major roots are in the civil war
that has consumed South Viet-
nam for two decades, taking
some two million Vietnamese
lives, touching virtually every
family, seeping into every
'crevice of society.
The Government, to defend
itself against Communist at-
tempts to seduce anilaviya
? the civilian population, and to
[ combat infiltration, sabotage
and assassination by the Viet-
cong, has assembled ? with
American financial and advisory
help?an extensive police ap-
paratus' and a military judicial
system that are waging this sec-
ond, simultaneous war.
But those caught in the web
of arrest, torture and imprison.:
ment include not only Commu-
nists' who pose as dissidents
but non-Communist dissidents
as well; not only sophisticated
Vietcong officials but apolitical
peasants suspected of Commu-
nist sympathies; not just Com-
munist lahor organizers but
tough, aggressive union leaders;
not only Vietcong propagandists
but poets and writers who have
simply opposed United States
policy and called for peace.
In recent months a picture of
the Government's police and
judicial systems has emerged
through interviews with former
prisoners and their farnilies,
student activists, labor officials,
teachers, journalists, authors,
opposition politicians, Roman
Catholic priests.. Buddhist
monks, lawyers and police of-
ficials.
Such inquiries by foreign cor-
respondents are possible in Gov-
ernment-held areas, where out-
siders have . relative freedom.
The Vietcong, in contrast, have
permitted only strictly guided
tours hy newsmen, so little is
known of the actual workings
of their security and judicial,
systems. The sketchy outlines!
provided in captured documents!
and the interrogation of defec-
tors indicate that recalcitrant
civilians in Vietcong areas are,
subjected to arrest, trial, "re-
education" and even execution,!
As a result of the police ac-
tivity on both sides, no nen-1
tralist sentiment has been al-1
lowed to gain momentum. The?
Government machinery de-
signed to fight the Communists
has actually eaten away the
middle ground between the two
warnng camps.
No Place to Turn
Those politically active South
Vietnamese who dislike both
sides find themselves with no ,
place to go. Some who were anti-
Government dissidents have '
turned reluctantly to the Com-
munists. Others hate and fear
the Communists so much that
they have grudgingly accepted
President Nguyen Van Thieu al-
though they do not like him
either.
Yet the Government's system
is not a massive, ever-present
police operation comparable to
that of the Soviet Union, nor
does it suppress dissent so thor-
oughly that the country can
as does NortrVietnam.
It creates, instead, a mosaic
of free expression and fear, of
political opposition and political
conformity, of gentle interfer-
ince and harsh punishment.
Within this mosaic the heavily
censored South Vietnamese
Dress often displays a streak of
irreverence. And a few vitriolic
politicians can berate Presiclen
I Thieu and have their views re
' ported? not domestically, in
deed, but by the foreign press.
On the other hand, dissidents
who are free to speak out often
contend that they are mere
ornaments, that whenever they
begin to accrue political power
the police arrest the lesser
figures around them, break up
their meetings and leave them
isolated.
By the same token the police
rarely make mass arrests of
student dissidents, some stu-
dents report, but prefer to in-
filtrate quietly and then choose
carefully those leaders whose
imprisonment will sap an op-
position movement of its vigor.
Distinctions Often Ignored
The distinctions between
Communists and non-Commu-
nists are not always apparent
to the police, some of whose
principal officers insist that all
dissidents are really Commu-
nists. In any given case the
military judicial system?whose
judgments rely chiefly on police
dossiers?does little to estab-
lish the truth, which may be
known only to the accused.
Those expressing antiwar
sentiments have long been
targets of police scrutiny, both
because such views are re-
garded as Communist views
and for fear that they will
spread among a war-weary
population. Consequently, many
people put themselves in con-
,siderable danger by opposing
United States involvement in.
the war.
Mr. Nham, the teacher, was
arrested shortly after his un-
successful 1971 campaign for
a National Assembly seat, run
on the theme "Fight the Amer-
icans and save the country,"?
a slogan also used by North
'Vietnam. He was released in
March after nearly two years
in prison.
"At the beginning of the
campaign, my election pam-
phlets were confiscated right
at the print shop," he said in
an interview four days after
his release. "And on the first
day of the campaign, in the
morning, I began putting up my
posters. By six o'clock that
night the police were tearing
them down."
Every day, he recalled, five
or six of his campaign worker,:
were arrested, held for a few
that after the election?he
finished eighth in a field of 87
candidates running for six
seats?about 20 of his workers
were put in jail, where some
remain.
Anti-U.S. Articles Cited
A journalist who asked not
to be identified related that he
had been arrested, beaten and
I tortured with electrical shock
by policemen who cited several
of his anti-American articles
as evidence that he was a.
Communist.
He had translated American
antiwar writing and had written
a newspaper series about the
My Lai, massacre, the effects
of defoliants and the use of
antipersonnel bombs against
North Vietnam, all based on
books and articles published
in the United States. He was'
released several months ago,
after about a year and a half.1
A well-known author, Ngu-
yen Buc Dung, who uses the
pen name Vu Hanh, was ar-
rested in 1967 and held for
three years after he had written
[newspaper and magazine ar
!tides arguing that Vietnan4
national culture must be pre-
served against Americanization.
He advocated the establish-
ment of ?a political movement
with that aim.
During interrogation, he said,
policemen beat him, forced
soapy water into his mouth
and tortured him by applying
electrodes to his body.
In 1969, when his 18-year-
old son, Nguyen Anh Tuan,
protested the imprisonment, he
was arrested and is still in
prison. In January 1973, Mr.
Dung's 15-year-old daughter,
Nguyen Thi Phuong Thao, was
arrested and held for six
months for allegedly possessing
antiwar music. The police said'
she was a Communist.
Now Mr. Dung's small house,
tucked away in a compact gar-
den off a back alley in Saigon,
is stripped of his books and
writings, all seized by the po-
lice. He has written two novels
since his release, both so
heavily censored that he does
not think it worth trying again.,
On Jan. 1, 1974, the policei
surrounded a Saigon cafe and,1
it is reported, arrested 'three,
young people connected with!
the clandestine publication of,
a small book of short stories!
entitled "Pink Hearts."
The stories are intensely
antiwar, portraying the Gov-
ernment as the prime cause of
a conflict that separates lovers
and shatters families. One of
those said to have been arrest-
ed, Tran The Hung, a student!
at Van Hanh University in Sai-
gon, wrote of a peasant named
Sao Do, who fought the French
and was now opposed to both
sides in this war.
Sao Do reflects happily on
the forthcoming marriage of his
daughter, but worries that his
two sons might. kill each other.
tIA-Kt Suddenly Government rises
cirrOrrttOiluebahscein/obif/ ii0vg Pltif#43R130011003^300Glii0 "thousan s of
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fragments of bombs and bullets
surrounding and swooping down
on Sao Do's hieing place, where
his 'neighbors also try to save
some fragment of life amid the
net of death." .
"After the careless terroriza-
tion," the story goes on, "the
planes flew away, leaving be-
hind a scene of destruction,
torn houses, rows of bamboo
with their heads bowed low
to the ground, smoke rising up
from burning houses. The
smoke rose and disappeared
like the incomplete dream of
Sao Do."
'I Don't Like This Flag'
Another author reportedly
arrested was Hoang Thoai
Chau, who wrote a bitter story
about a Saigon taxi driver's
happiness upon hearing of the
cease-fire. He expected his
three sons to return from the
army, but when he entered:his
house he found that only one
son had come home, in a coffin
draped with the South Vietna-?
mese flag.
"Why don't you bring home
something different from this
flag?" the man asks his dead
son. "I don't like this flag.".
Many former prisoners, al-
though by no means all, de-
scribe being subjected to tor-
ture, usually for one of two
purposes: to force them to pro-
yide intelligence information or'
to "force confessions, to which
the military judicial system at-
taches great va:ue.
A number who have been
imprisoned in the Saigon mu-
nicipal headquarters, in-
cluding a student leader, Ha
Dink Nguyen, report seeing, a
slogan on the walls and on
signs on desks: "If he is not
guilty, beat him until he re-
nounces. If he does not re-
nounce, beat him to death."
Mr. Nham, the teacher and
opposition candidate, said he
was never tortured, but in the
first week in March, when he
was, in a cell at the Saigon
Municipal police headquarters,
he recalled, he saw many peo-
ple from the countryside, mostly.
women, who had been beaten
so badly that they could noi
longer walk and had to be car-
ried from cell to interrogation
room.
Links to the Other Sides
"I had a chance to talk with
some of them," he reported,
"and it seems they were people
'who had husbands or relatives
on the other side, and so they
had been brought here. Other
ipeople were suspected of trad-
ing with the other side." .
He recognized among the
prisoners a former. student, Thuy
Dung, a frail woman in her
early twenties who leaned
weakly against the wall of the
corridor as she walked to and
from interrogation. Through a
student who was serving as a
lsweeper in the cellblock, she
conveyed to Mr. Nham her con-
cern that she was suffering
from an injury caused when
an eel was put in her under-
pants.
When Mr. Nham was first
arrested, he went on, students
in his cell had painfully swol-
len fingers because policemen
had inserted pins under their
fingernails, then run rulers
back and forth across the ends'
of the pins during questioning.
One of those in the cell, a.
law student named Trinh Dinh
Ban, had been beaten so badly
that he- could not sit upright,
Mr. Nham related, adding, "He
screamed all the. time because
he was in pain all over his
body."
Other people have described
similar situations. An American
physician who works in a pro-
vincial hospital reported that
prisoners were often brought
into the wards with bruises
that they attributed to police
beatings. The doctor, who
asked not to be.identified, told
of a woman who was near
death, having been severely
beaten on the stomach: "She
had internal injuries, bleeding,
she couldn't eat. I thought she
:was going to _ die, but she
survived.
Just Routine Questioning
Dr. Torn Hoskins, an Ameri-
can who works in Quang Ngai,
on the central coast, reported
.that one of his clinic's regular
lpatients, a 45-year-old woman,
came in suffering from bruises.
"She had been picked up for
routine questioning," he said,
"and was severely, beaten
around the arms, ,chest, legs.
. The patterns of arrest en-
velop certain aggressive labor,
unions as well:.?those that
threaten to translate serious'
economic concerns into sharp
political issues.
In April, 1973, a number ofi
prdminent union officers werel
arrested and accused of being
Communist agents, among them
Mr. Hi, head of the bank union;
,Dang Tam Si, secretary general
of the bank union; Nguyen!
Thua Nghiep, president of the
Petroleum and Chemical Fac-
tory Workers Union, and Ho-
ang Xuan Dong, secretary
general of the Railway Work-
ers Union.
? Mr. Dong was among 27 un-
ion members arrested in April
1973, after an illegal two-hour
atrike by clerical and repair
workers seeking a wage in-
crease. During interrogation,,
according to a source close to
the case, he was blindfolded
and his wrists were handcuffed
behind his back and water was
forced into his nose and mouth
until he could not breathe. The
police asked: "Who gave the
order for this strike? Do you
have contacts With Mr. Nghiep
or Mr. Hi?"
He Died in Prison
Mr. Hi, arrested at about the
isame time, was accused of be-
ing a Communist agent for 25
years. Five days after his arrest
he died in prison; the Govern-
ment said he had hanged him-
self.
Mr. Nham, the teacher, whose
cell was across the corridor,
has a different version.
"I could see him carried out
for interrogation and carried
back," Mr. Nham recalled. "The
person who brought rice to the
cells .said he was being beaten
really severely and he didn't
know whether he would be able
to bear it much longer."
On the night of April 22, Mr:
Nham continued? he heard a
noise from Mr. Hi%e cell.
"A guard came over and
Opened his door and pulled him
out head first so his legs were
still in the cell and his body
outside," Mr. Nham said. "He
had no clothes on. One arm
was across his chest. His arm
was swollen and it was black
like a piece of putrid meat. On
his chest was a little bit of
,blood, his side along his
ribs, was just beaten into ham-
burger." Mr. Hi was dead.
Last March, Mr. Nham said,
he shared a cell with a union
man named Trang.
Torture of Students Described
"He had been there seven or
eight months," Mr. Nham con-
tinued. "He was being strung
up by. his arms daily and beaten
on his legs; his back, his chest.
When I left there he was unable,
to walk because of the beatiegs
on his legs, and his knees were
so swollen.
"He was arrested for having
known a Liberation Front offi-
cial who had responsibility for
having lent him his pickup
truck to go around in."
.according to Mr. Nguyen, the
student leader and a former
student chairman at the Saigon
university, torture was a com-
mon aspect of the wave of ar-
rests in which he and about 250
student leaders were caught
early in 1972. They had assem-
bled a "peace movement" to op-
pose the American presence in
South Vietnam and President
Thieu's one-man election in
1971. One activity was burning
American vehicles.
Mr. Nguyen described him-
'self as one of three students
tortured in front of Mr. Ham,
the activist leader, who, was
chairman of an association of
Catholic students at the 'Uni-
versity.
Mr. Ham said the others were
Huynh Tan Mam, head of the
South Vietnam Student Union,
who is still imprisoned and
Phan Nguvet Quon, who has
which he insists he is not. The
police been by torturing him
alone.
"Sometimes they tied me to
the chair," Mr. Ham recalled.
"Sometimes they blindfolded
me. During the first week I was
beaten every day." He also; re-
ported being shocked by means -
of an old hand-cranked tele-,
phone generator connected to
his nipples with clips.
This failing to elicit a confes-
sion, the police brought in his
friends one at a time, he said,
adding:
? "It terrorized me. I was very
angry that they beat a girl in
front of me. They tied her an-
kles to a chair, tied a rope
around her stomach and blind-
folded her. They had a long
rubber baton and they beat her
knee caps. Then they thrust
their hands in under her ribs
and pulled them out. They had
her lie clown and forced soapy
water into her mouth.
"They attached one wire to,
an earlobe and one to her
breast or to her genital area
and then they would crank.;
When the Crank was turned!,
?
and produced a burst of elec-
tricity, she would strain at the
chair and slump back."
The policemen ,.took turns,
Mr. Ham recalled. Some were
in uniform, and he could see
that they were high-ranking
_
bfficers?majora,and lieutenant
colonels?while others were in
civilian clothes or bacc-chested.
'Ordinary Job, No Emotion'
"It was like an ordinary job
'with no emotion," Mr. Ham
commented. "They had many
Coca-Cola bottles and ciga-
rettes. They would beat a little,
drink a little Coca-Cala, smoke
a cigarette, speak to each other
in quiet voices?no emotion,
very professional. Most were
not angry- or hateful but were
just doing it very coolly." ,
t There were times, he said,
when he considered "saying
anything to relieve the suffer-
ing," but he thought that they
would have asked him for de-
tails he could not provide, "so
it just would have prolonged
the torture."
Miss Quon never begged him
to confess, he said, "but she
did shout at them, asking them
why they were so savage."
34
'Scars Are Often Buried
' It is hard to see the scars
of torture. Sometimes they are
in the eyes, but not always.
Often they are hidden far be-
neath the steady gaze and self-
control learned, perhaps, in the
interrogation rooms. For some
curiously, it is not the thought
of the torture itself but the
recollection of that dreadful
time of waiting to be sum-
moned that stirs the old taste
of fear.
Nguyen Viet Tuan can still
taste it, and he was never tor-
1tured. The president of a group
'called the Young Catholic
Workers, he was arrested for
helping workers striking at a
'Saigon factory. He was treated
gently, he said, but his cell was
full of those tortured.
The tension is still real?the
extreme fear of the long, silent
, "After 10 P.M.," he said, "we
would wait for a sound, a bell.
Then the guard gets up, climbs
upstairs?then the sound of the
key. The interrogators in the
daytime were' not severe, but
the interrogators at night were
hard."
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AAproved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033.0001-0'
NEW YORK TIMES
20 August 1974
To Saigon, All Dissenters
Are roes, All Foes Reds
By DAVID K. SHIPLER
'sfusin to The New York Tunes
SAIGON, South Vietnam ?
After two decades of fratricidal audience: "The so-called third
force is only a bunch of trat-
warfare the Government of
South Vietnam has been left
with a legacy of corrosive sus-,
picions directed in large mea-
sure against its own citizens.
The Chief instrument and re-
pository of these suspicions. is
the police apparatus. In a war
in which the enemy cannot al-
ways be seen, the police struc-
ture tends to see him every-
where, attributing to him im-
tore to the motherli,;ra znd
henchmen of the Communists
and colonialists."
A group of 301 Roman Cath-
olic priests replied to this in a
statement planned for a June
news conference that the po-
lice sealed.. off and prevented
from taking place. "The anti-
Communist cause has become
a padlock to shut the mouth
of the people," the pests de-
clared, "because every helpless
citizen may be accused of con-
for the intelligence information
they are belie'. ed to have about
Vietcong activities. .
A middle-aged woman from
Hue, the mother of seven, de-
scribed being arrested three
times, beaten, interrogated and
held for three or four months
each time in the years after
her husband, a professor of
literature at Hue University,
left in 1968 to go with the
Vietcong.
The last time, in April. 1972,
she said, she was forced to
sign a promise to gather intel-
ligence. "I signed," she said.
'I was afraid of being beaten,
v,Tts very fearful. They said,
'If you do not report with in-
tellfgence you can be arrested
again.' ".This haunted her, she
explained because she had no
intelligence to provide. She is
required to report to the police
' "It was very dirty," Nguyen.
Viet Tuan, president of a stu-
dent group called the Young
Catholic Workers. said. "There
were urine and excrement on
the floor: you couldn't breathe.,
It was full of mosquitoes."
Most prisoners had one leg;
shackle& to an iron bar that,
ran the length of the cell a
few inches above ? the floor.
Sometimes, former prisoners.
said, the Movie Room contained
a dozen or more people, some-.
times only three or four.
"If we were shackled by the
, legs and we protested." said
I Nguyen Xuan Ham, another
!:student leader "then they
1;would shackle our hands as
well, or cross the legs and then
shackle them or shackle you
face down ? that was the
worst." The shackled prisoners
, passed around a wooden box.
dised as a toilet. "If vou were
lucky it would be fairly clean,"
Mr. Ham said, "but if it was old,
urine would leak out all over
where you were lying."
, For many the refusal to
'salute was a matter not of ide-
ology but of principle that their
,captors could not comprehend.
The journalist who was ar-
rested for his anti-American'
,articles recalled his converse-
tion with a prison official sever-
al days after the signing of the
Paris cease-fire agreement in
1973.
"You do not agree to salute
the flag," the official de-
clared. "You must be a Com-
munist.".
"No, I am not a Communist,"
iwas the reply. "I was a jour-
nalist and I engaged in no il-
legal activities. This Govern-
ment arrested me, and that
Nag is a symbol of the Govern-
ment that illegally arrested me,
so how can I salute that flag?,
If they want me to salute the
flag they must release me?
then I will salute it."
Has he saluted it since hisI
release last October? "From
the time I was small," he an-
swered slowly, "I lived in Sai-
gon, and all that time I saluted
the flag. All that time I was
not a Communist. Now I do
not know. Now no *one asks
me."
? Some South Vietnamese see
a self-fulfilling prophecy in the
Government's compulsion to,
label opponents as Communists,1
A prominent civilian judge, for
instance, declared in a recenti ?
interview that no matter what;
the national emergency, martialt
law "can reach too mans, inno-e
cents and transform these inno-i
cents into Communists because i
they are angry against the un-
lust measures taken against;
them."
Some student dissidents
have gone over to. the Com-.
munist side, friends say, usual-
ly out of fear of arrest or re-
arrest. It is not an easy deci-
sion. It means leaving a family
pting a political
vith which few seem comfort-
ble. Many stay behind, living
n a kind of underground ?corld,.
sleeping each night in the home;
of a different friend, hop:m; to.
keep one step ahead of the
police.
"Yes, I may go to the otheri
side," said a young man re-
from prison who,
mense, almost superhuman nivance with or assistance to monthly.. . I
' Unable to Get a Job
? "The whole thing is such a
preoccupation with me that I
can't do anything," she said.
"I can't work. Even private
agencies are afraid to give me
work?afraid they might be im-
plicated, afraid they might be
arrested."
- For another family the trou-
ble began when the father,
Prof. Ton That Duong Ky, who
had been . arrested by the
French colonial rulers and then
again under the Government of
Ngo Dinh Diem, signed an anti-
war petition in 1965. He 'was
Imprisoned 'and then, with
several either intellectuals who
had signed the petition; was
forced across the demilitarized
zone into exile in the North. He
,isciw. heads a Communist organ-
1)-? Since his exile, his wife said,
.
:five of his nine children?most
'are in their twenties, and one
is a 14-year-old girl ? have
been arrested, some more than
once. A son, Nguyen Phuoc
Quynh Tien 18 was beaten to
death in prison, his mother
said.- And, she added,' Nguyen
Thi Que Lang, 25, a daughter-
in-law, was arrested, beaten,
suspended by her arms- from
the ceiling and tortured with
electric shock, then left in
l :
prison for five years.
In the prisons themselves thel .
obsession of defining- SouthI
Vietnamese citizens as pro-
Government or pro-Vietcong.
focuses on one symbol: thel i
three thin red stripes on the!
yellow field that form the flagj ?
of the Republic of South Viet-I i
nam.
. "Will you s.alute the flag?"
The question is asked when the
prisoner arrives in Chi Hoa
Prison in Saigon. The answer
is of great importance. To the
prison officials it represents
loyalty or disloyalty, patriotism
or treason, although students
say their refusal, to salute is a
protest against the injustice of
their arrest and imprisonment.
powers of deviousness and pee_ Communists.
tmasion. To many former prisoners
This attitude; which has who have undergone police
,
fueled the system of arrest,
torture and imprisonment in
South Vietnam, was defined
recently by a high-ranking of-
ficer of the Special Branch of
!the National Police, which is
responsible for coping with
Vietcong infiltrators, in the ci-
vilian population.
The -Communists, he ex-
plained during a conversation,
scheme to get one family mem-
ber after another on their side.
They woo them one by one,
using those who have come
over to send first a letter, then
perhaps a ljttle money to lure
the rest of the family across
the, ideological line.
Students are very vulner-
able, he- observed, gesturing
with his cigarette. We have
caught students having secret
Meetings. They organize sports
clubs and they hold weekend
retreats "where they sing for-
bidden songs ? North Vietna-
mese songs!"
He portrayed the Commu-
mists as masters of infiltration.
who penetrate the. ranks of
dissidents and even of the, -A. young officer who works
in a provincial reconnaissance
police. Officers, he said, have unit ? part of the Special
to watch their own men very Branch?said that he was con-
carefully. , ? . vinced that most dissidents
Asked if he thought there sought Communist support not
were any opponents of Presi.o necessarily out of ideology but
dent Nguyen Van Thieu who:
! out of opportunism: "They,
'want to elevate themselves in
notwere Communists, he re- case some day there is a coali-,
plied with an emphatic no. tion government," he said. i
They are all Communists,. he ? He went on to talk fearfully!
said, and as for their assero of a recent North Viemarnesei
tions that they are merely neu_ program to send civilians into
tralists opposed to this Govern- the South to farm abandoned'
ment, "it's just a cover." land in Vietcong-controlled
So there is not much room areas. The danger, he explained,
for other voices in South Viet- is intermarriage. The Commu-
nam now. President?Thieu said nists would try to intermarry
, ' h -C ? , d
with non-
interrogation, Mr. Thieu's view
of dissent seems genuine, not
manufactured to excuse arrest.
The interrogators, they say ap-
pear to believe quite sincerely
that the student or the writer
in question wrote as he did or
spoke as he did only to help
the Communists.
For example, a journalist
who was arrested after he
wrote newspaper articles about
the My Lai massacre, the use
of defoliants and the antiper-
sonnel bombs dropped by the
-United States in North Viet-
nam gave this account' of his
interrogation by the police:
"They asked me, `What Com-
munist organization are you
working under?' I said that l'm
not in any Communist organ-
ization, that T'm not acquainted
with Communists, I only write
these articles that oppose the
war. They said that they did
not believe me and started ap-
plying electrodes to the lobes
of my ears. -
? "Certainly I. must be in a
Communist organization, they
said, 'Why would you have
written such articles if you
were not in a Communist or-
ganization?'"
Opportunists, an Officer Says
as much April 14 when he de- Nit pro ommunists an the
clared in a speech that "the pro-communists
19.5 million south Vietnamese!Communists, so Communism
people should be welded itol would spread relentlessly, he
a monolithic bloc, motivated by said, speaking as if it was a
a single anti-Communist ideal."1 hereditary disease or a dreaded
racial defect. .
'Only a Bunch of Traitors' ?
. Families of Communists thus
Contending that the sup-i become targets of suspicion.
posedly neutralist "Mid force"! They are arrested -frequently,
wag a creation of the National not just for their supposed pro-
Liberation Front, he told his! Communist sympathiu but also
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 :
In the 'Movie Room' 's
a
Every person interviewed
who had served time in Chi
Hoa told the same story: Upon
refusing to salute the flag, he
was placed for periods of a day ?
or two to a week or two in the I
Movie Room, a cell about 18
by 24 feet, lit dimly by a single
b61A-RIE77-00432R00010
Approved For
Is living under Release
go? nd. A Vietcong side
friend, arrested at the same, jections.
time, has gone. If I lose my Isolation
morale, perhaps J will go. But Those who
I'm not a Communist. There ?
are certain parts of Communist
policy that I don't accept. We
,are pacifists. We are against
the fighting."
A Confluence of Views
He is a militant Buddhist!
and a former student leader!
who helped organize campaigns!
in the late nineteen-sixties ? in
which American vehicles were;
burned in Saigon as a protest!
against the American military'
presence: New he wants to see
President Thieu out of office.;
Only then, he says, can the i
Paris agreement's guarantee of
democratic liberties and generali
elections be realized. .
On these two issues ? thel
Americans and the Paris agree-
ment?he and many other op-
ponents of Mr. Thieu share a
coincidence of views with the
Communists. But it was with
some disgust that' he recalled
being locked in the same cell
with a dozen Vietcong political
cadremen at Tan Hiep. prison.
"They were inferior cadres,"
he said with cliedain. "I didn't
discuss serious things with
them. The Buddhists do not like
foreigners. The Buddhists do
not accept foreign ideas Marx-
ist or capitalist." Thus he. like
many of 11.: colleagues, is left
suspended between two sided,
practicing his politics clandes-
tinely and With little success.
The Government does not
seem- perturbed to have such
opponents going 'physically to
.the Communists. During the
:prisoner exchanges that ended
lin March the Government re-
leased to the Vietcong a num-
ber of prisoners who denied
that they were Communists.
Some refused to go. These in-
cluded two prominent oppo-
nents Chau,
s tha
e Government?Tran former
Ngoc
parlia-
mentary deputy and a friend of
many American advisers, and
Huynh Tan Main, former presi-
dent of the South Vietnam Stu-
dent Union,
'They were offered freedom
on the Saigon side if they
would.agree to go through the
Open Arms program, which
xas designed for Communists
defectors. But they refused on
the ground that this would be
tantamount to making the con-
fessions that they had resisted
for. so lone. Mr. Main remains
in jail; Mr. Chau was released
on June 5 on the condition
that he engage in no political'
activities. Another, Nguyen,
Long, an aging antiwar law-1
yer who has defended many;
dissidents, was forced to the:
BALTIMORE SUN
20 August 1974
2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
despite his ob- doeunients criticizing the served that the ,Goieernmene
course of the Government. The had also been ,conciliatory on
as a Tactic general is an opponent of. Pres- occasion, especially when a stu-
remain in Gov- ident Thieu." dent demand enjoys broad pub-
f. d their'h 1 ff five
litical activities sharply cur-
tailed and undermined by what
they call skillful police action.
Where a movement depends on
a few leaders, they say, the
leaders will be taken. But where
the arrest of the leaders is like- business, did find a willing
ly to provoke deeper protest, publisher, one of the few who
have hired him in the four years
Mr. Ninh has been oue of prison.
"He asked me to help him
organize the editorial staff"
That is the situation of Ho. Mr. Ninh said. "I warned him
Ngoc Nhuan. a Roman Catholic that the Government doesn't
opposition deputy in the Na- want me to direct any editorial
staff, but the publisher insisted
tionaleAssembly. He is free to on hiring me. worked 13 days:
denounce the Government, but On 10 of those 13 days the
he says' he has great trouble paper was confiscated by the
holding meetings with political Government."
allies or constitutents. Now, to earn money, his wife
sells kerosene and fish sauce
With regularity the police
Itosurround his office and refuse in the market place..and as for
to let anyone in for -a scheduled
jmeeting, he complained; on
I other occasions, the police have
used the intimidating tactic of
i photographing those who visit
led 1
lie support. Such was the case
t h t fa rest
po ice ac ics s or o r .
For example, writers in dis- some months ago when a new-
favor rarely find publishers nationwide organization of pt-i--
willing to take risks. Ky Ninh, vete university students made
once the managing editor of a an appeal for a change in the
'Saigon newspaper now out of law covering student draft de-
'ferments. This came shortly
after student uprisings had
taken place in Thailand and
South Korea. Mr. Nhuan said,
and the Government agreed to
the change within a week.
The Unending War
Many opponents of the Gov-
ernment who have been ar-
rested like to think thaewith-
at the police President Thieu
would fall from power. But
teere are factors beside the po-
lice that stabilize the present
Government. One is the war it-
self, which still polarizes the
Mr. Ninh?"I'm asheeed to say population, feeding the tension
this but it's true?I-carry pas- in the country and giving
senors on my bike." those who hate and fear the
Police Techniques Described Communists only one place to
Students also deecribe sophisdi go
Some politicians who count
ticated police methods by
themselves among the opposi-
which antiwar and anti-Thieu !
an attempt is made to isolate
them by threatening or arrest-
ing lesser figures around them.
s
1 ? movements have been drtven! .
e--: strongly anti-Communist say
"Every Tee" Mr. Nhuan said, underground, fragmented, in-'
. referring to the Lunar New timidaqed and?the most - .a.ri-1
cism of Mr. Thieu because they
; they have tempered their criti-
Year, "I make a calendar. I did concede?rendered virtual-;
. do not want to weaken the non-
Communist :side further at a
I visit them they invite me into time when the American with-
drawal . has made it more
their bedrooms to show me dents, and who can .tell the Ida-
-. vulnerable to the Vietcong and
North Vietnamese.
In addition, the dissidents do
not have access to the electoral
process. The control of the
press; the absence of any
strong public figure to pose a
neutralist alternative; the dif-
ficulty of assembling .a political
party with enough members,
times, e says, "making i i - chapters and votes to meet the
ficult for them to carry on their councils and university-wide
'daily lives." executive councils, bodies that Government's strict require-
The police also have the can take positions- on national ments -- all of these frustrate
, power to keep any candidate issues and command wide au- the dissidents' desire for change,i as surely as-the threat of arrest,
off the ballot by filing a nega. diences.
Before the election this I torture and imprisonment does. .spring at the University of Can i Many of those Who oppose.
- Tho, the police jailed some of I President Thieu lapse into em-
barrassed silence when asked
' the candidates and the rest, 1
about 25, went into hiding, ac-
. to name an alternative. Then
cording to Nguyen Duc .Dung,
they insist that another man
student chairman of the univer-
would emerge if the country
?sity's Committee of Represent-had a truly free political life.
etives. 'Perhaps, but there is no Gallup
. One apparent reason for the !Poll in South Vietnam, no way
police interest. Mr. Dung said, of scientifically testing the as-
was that the students had be- .sumption of the dissidents. that
.gun discussing two dangerous ,Mr. Thieu is unpopular.
topics ? the country's severe
to have "contacted the An economic difficulties and the
Quang Buddhist, bloc to partici-. amendment to the Constitution
pate in a secret meeting." Also. that allows President Thieu to
from the police report: I run for a third term.
"They both contacted the
office of former Lieut. Gen. However, Mr. Nhuan, the
Duong Van Minh and received: Catholic opposition Deputy ob-
send .them to my constitutents
in Saigon, and when I go to
ly impotent.
"The police take off their
uniforms and register as stu?
that they do hang my calendar ference?" said Nguyen Van
on the wall, but in the. bed- Ngoc, a lanky young student
room." leader on the run, from the
After his visits, he .said, his police. .
constituents are in turn visited Ile and others said that the
?ho ask about police routinely influenced stu-
dent elections by arresting anti-
Government candidates and
making sure tbat pro-Govern-
ment students filled faculty
y tue potice.
their tax payments, their jobs
and the like. "They invite them
to the police station several
? IP
five report on him with the
Election Commission.
According to documents ob-
tained by The New York Times,
two incumbents on the Bac
Lieu Province Council were
denied permission to run for re-
election in July on the basis
of a police report that accused
them of belonging "to a group
opposed to the administration."
? The two one is named Ta
Van Bo, the other requested
anonymity?were also reported
i?
pullout, rishIcir co
besieffe Viet
economy
? el
By ARNOLD B. ISAACS
Sun Staff Corre.lponden!
Saigon ? Along with the half. There are almost one
continuing misery of war, million unemployed, about.
pne-third of them workers who
South Vietnam is suffering a
grave economic crisis, formerly earned their livings,
Living costs have nearly directly or indirectly, from the
doubled in the last year and a, American presence. 36 ?
Living standards
Furthermore, there is no
'guarantee that a change in
government would bring politi-
cal freedom. The Communists
:_and even the dissidents who
!clamor for a fully open society
!?would not surprise - many
;South Vietnamese if, after gain.
ling power, they merely put dil-
1 ferent people in jail.
are hoping against hope for a I
substantial increase in Ameni-i
With wage increases lagging can economic aid, but they are
far behind the inflation rate, aware their cause is not popu-1
living standards are falling. A Ian in the United States Con-
recent survey showed the aver- gress.
age soldier or government Trying to ease American re-1
worker with a family in Saigon sistance to a never-ending corn-
no longer earns enough even mitment, Saigon officials argue !
for the bare necessities of that if aid is increased now, it
.food, fuel, clothes arid housing. can be ended sooner.
To survive he must moonlight,' "Our goal is to reach self-,
steal or have another wage sufficiency by the end of the:
earner in his family. ? I decade," said Nguyen Tien,
South Vietnamese officials Hung, commissioner of state i
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for planning. "If American aid
is at a high level in the next
two or three years, it can be
substantially reduced later."
Advancing the same argu-
ment, another Cabinet officer
said: "If we don't have suh-.
stantial aid, we can never get
out of the morass. NVe will be
bogged down, with no re-
sources to pull ourselves out."
Before President Nixon left
!office, his administration had
i proposed $750 million economic
!aid program for this fiscal
I year ? nearly doubling the
$399 million level of last year.
The proposal faces strong op-
position in Congress, however.
The South Vietnamese are-
not at all ignorant of the
cal difficulties they face in
? Washington, Lut they hope to
I stave off aid cuts for a while
!longer.
1 "America has helped Many
countries reconstruct . after
war," .Mr. Hung said in an
interview, "and we believe we
are a good candidate for such
aid. I think Americans would
;like to help us recover. Not
endlessly, not forever, but for
a few more years."
his emphasis on postwar re-
construction evokes a some-
what unreal itnage, since full-
scale war still is raging des-
pite the Paris peace agree-
ment. However, South Viet-
namese officials concerned
with economic aid prefer to
speak in such terms, which
might sound more palatable to
American legislators than sup-
port for a continuing war.
Officials like Mr. Hung are
also anxious to discuss the
economy in terms that will not
frighten potential investors
from abroad.
The result is that govern-
Ment spokesmen on the civil-
ian economy sometimes sound
;as if they are from a different
? country from that described by
milita.ry officers. who are
BALTIMORE SUN
18 August 1974
?
-p rfr
'
C.)
By ARNOLD R. ISAACS
Sun Stall Cwrespondcnt
Saigon?The impact of dim-
inishing American military aid
is already being felt on South
Vietnam's battlefields.
Field commanders, who are
shocked and dismayed at the
prospect of still deeper aid
!cuts, say their casualties al-
ready have risen as the result
' of restrictions on military sup-
plies..
The item causing the most
immediate concern is artillery
ammunition. The South Viet-
namese Army, which had
!grown accustomed over the
!years to the American style of
:spending firepower rather than
lives, is under strichit50546d
more concerned about cuts in
military aid and tend to stress
the continuing warfare.
There is a similar air of
unreality about the projected
timetable for South Vietnam's
self-sufficiency.
Econmists in the still-large
American aid mission ih Sai-
gon have prepared ,brightly
colored flip-charts showing
projections for a phases,out of
American economic aid alter
1980,, (The charts do not -men-?
tion military aid.).
One American acknowl-
edged, however, that the
projections. "are more an ex-i
pression of!'?ho.pe than anything
else.
"Security situation"
Prepared to answer congres-
sional queries on how long
American aid must go on, the
projections are based on, some
highly ?optimistic assumptions.
They show, for example, a
sixfold-increase in South. Viet-
nam's 'export earnings by 1930.
They also project a ninefold
increase in aid from non-
American sources. And they
are based on. American aid at
the requesfed ? $750 million
level for this 'year and next.
Such goals would be difficult
enough to meet even if the ?war
truly were ended or greatly
reduced?and there is no sign
of that. With the. .,i/ar going on,
the chances for such dramatic
increases in exports or "third-
country aid" are even slim-
mer. ? ?
"The main probleM?1S-- 'the
security situation," one aid ex-
pert said. "Nothing is more
important than that."
Vietnam's economic crisis IsI
I particularly ? grave because itj
is really two .crises?one inter-
national and one domestic.
Like every other developing
nation dependent on imports,:
! Vietnam has been. hard hit by
soaring world food and fuel}
IIJr
is-177 (7.1
easua
save stocks by using as little
ammunition as possible.
"Our fire support is much
more limited now," said one
division commander. "If we
get into a big battle we can
ask for artillery and we get it,
but normally we don't have the
authority to use it as we did
before. . . . This is the main
reason for our casualties."
Maj. Gen. Iran Ba Di, de-
puty commander of the vital
!Mekong Delta region, said that
lbecause of restrictions on the
, use of artillery,. "our ground
1 forces are not supported as
I well, and the number of cas-
ualties is higher."
I prices. Its import bill this year
is expected to hit $850 million
?more than. eight times its
I export earnings and about $150
I million higher than it was two
!years ago.
But the actual volume ,of
!imports will be less than two-
.
' thirds of the 1972 level. The
government has let the price
rise, hoping to lower consump-
tion?although it reluctantly
has begun to subsidize petro-
leum-based fertilizer?and the
resulting inflation has sharply
eroded real incomes. ._
Shrinking revenue
This "imported inflation"
battered an economy that al-
ready was suffering the effects
of the American withdrawal. !
Three years ago, South Viet-
nam earned about $400 million:
a year frorn the American"
presence. This represented
wages paid to Vietnamese em-
ployees, purchases for Ameri-
can installations and spending
by individual American sol-
diers and civilians.
This income?"our touri?t re-
venue," one economist wryly
called it?has shrunk to $100
million a year.
? In addition, the Vietnamese,
estimate. and American offi-
cials acknowledge, that the
U.S. withdrawal wiped out
about 350,000 jobs.
This combination of circum-
stances has produced both sig- I
nificant slowdown in economic I
activity and a raging inflation.
Living costs rose about 40 per
cent in 1972. and 65 per cent
last year. They already have'
gone up 27 per cent this year, I
and government officials at
their most optimistic predict'
that the rate for the year as a
whole will not be under 50 per
cent.
, ?
Growth questions I
Meanwhile, with fewer jobs,
civilians are less and less able!
'to make ends meet. Soldiers
and civil , servants, who in!
South Vietnam's war-mobilized
.economy make up a very large'
proportion of the labor force,
have received pay increases'
, offsetting less than one-quarter
of the rise in their cost of
living.
The government, has made
some progress in the export
field?scoring huge percentage
'gains, although the dollar
amounts are still low. Promo-
tion of seafood, lumber, rubber
and scrap metal have pushed
'exports up from $12 million ?
three years ago to $60 million
last year, and this year's earn-
ings are expected. to reach
close to $100 million.
However, there are question
marks over future export
growth. Timber and seafood
prices might be softening, and
high fuel prices are slowing
down the fishing industry, ac-
cording to experts' in Saigon.
Lumbering, always. affected by
the military situation, might
have reached its limits of ex-
pansion because the war con-
tinues to ;affect the forested
regions of the country.
This year, South Vietnam
earned a windfall of $55 mil-
lion from American oil compa-
nies for rights to explore off.
the Vietnamese coast, The first
; test holes are already being
'drilled. Even if oil in commer-
cial quantities is discovered,
however, it will produce no
more revenues for at least
another four years.
Because of the failure of the
.Paris agreement, neither
third-country aid nor foreign
investment has reached levels
Vietnamese officials once'
hoped for. Businessmen have
remained cautious: Potential
aid donors seem reluctant to
commit large sums if there is
no genuine reconstruction tak-
ing place.
to U S Cul
? ?,.71 ? ci i
the) c.,-;
,I and other supplies has been; to the Americans in the 900-
'1 imposed partly because ship- man defense attache's office,
rilents from the United States which administers the military
already have been reduced,, . aid program. "It was a total,
devastating shock," one Amer.
and partly because South Viet-' jean official admitted.
nam, worried about future aid
levels, is carefully husbanding!
the supplies it receives.
The cutback on artillery!
?ftedts,MbilgW12001 mewl
37
Concern about supplies was!
suddenly heightened with the!
U.S. House of Representatives
vote to slash military aid to
Vietnam to $700 million?half
The alarm in the ranks of
ARVN (Army of the Republic
of Vietnam) over military aid
is in some ways reminiscent of
the fears that have accompan-
ied every stage of the Ameri-
can disengagement.
the amount originally
re. The South Vietnamese under-
quested by the Nixon adminis- !went similar spasms of ner-
tration and $300 million under vousness when the American
the level approved by Congress withdrawals began in 1969,
in the defense authorization.! when the last American
bill only a few weeks earlier, ground combat units left the
The House vote came as an field a couple of years later
unpleasant surprise not. only to and when American air sup-,
: E4AERDPZ7r40432R001061 WNW 101: off by
?-?
the Paris
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
!agreement last year,
: Some Americans predict the
South Vietnamese eventually
will adjust. without too much
.difficulty, to the loss of expen-
sive firepower and supplies.
Others, however, regard the
.aid level as having fallen
below a critical minimum.
"They can't live with $700 mil-
lion," said one high-ranking
American officer in the de-
fense attache's office. "They'll
die with it."
Asked if he agreed that more
South Vietnamese soldiers are
already' 'dying because of the
supply cutback, the' American
said 'flatly: "Of. course they
are. :There is ,.absolutely no
doubt about it."'
Th:e South Vietnamese react
with :angry impatience to the
argument advanced by some
American congressmen who
saw the aid cuts as a means to
force: President Nguyen Van
Thieti to make political conces-
sions in order to revive the
-Paris peace agreement.
"That is irrelevant and un-
realistic," says one Viet-
namese Cabinet... minister.
"They're putting pressure .in
the :wrong place. They
should put pressure on the
-North: Vietnamese."
Dead letter
After a .year and a half of
full-scale war,' most Viet-
namese Officials regard the
Pull agreement as a dead
period. In the last two months
the South., Vietnamese :have
been,' losing as many as-500
men ?killed in some weeks, a
rate 'Comparable to all but the
worst weeks of the big 1972
offensive.
AltOgether, according to
South Vietnamese figures, bat-
tle deaths on both sides have
reached nearly 100,000 .since
the cease-fire.. :
Note of the political ar-
rangements outlined in the
agreement has even begun to
take, shape. Among officials,
diplomats and journalists in
Saigon, even those few who
still -believe there might be a
chance for :an ultimate com-
promise peace think it cannot
come until after one more all-
out military test. ?
In dozens of conversations, a
reporter found no one who be-
lieved that -cuts -in American
aid would in fact prod Mr.
1Thieu into offering concessions.
Despite the falling aid levels, !
! the South Vietnamese still
'have more arms and firepov,er
than the Communists.
In large main-force battles,
such as those being fought in
the current wave of heavy'
fighting near the northern'
coast, South Vietnamese
sources say the government
still has plenty of ammunition.'
The effects of the aid declina
are being felt in the less publi-
cized but equally bloody day-
to-day war of smaller battles.
On the whole, Vietnamese
commanders insist, the govern-
ment's battlefield positions I
have not been seriously weak- 1
BALTIMORE SUN
16 August 1974
The Attempt
The death of Mrs. Park Chung Hee, wife for 24
.'years of the man who has ruled South Korea for 13,
is a bitter tragedy for him and their three chil-
dren. She died from the bullet of a lone assassin
who was trying to kill her husband while the die-
itator was making an Independence Day address.?
There are no grounds here for a pew crackdown
and Weeding out of dissidents. Park himself is to
...blame for the assassination. He has made the
:mildest forms of political dissidence, tolerable
.not only in all democracies but in many authorita-
rian states, punishable by death. His Central In-
telligence Agency has been scooping up and im-
prisoning those who would speak against him or
demonstrate for freedoms. The Park repressions
:have not insured his life but imperiled it, by deny-
.ing his people more moderate forms of expression.
One of Park's officials told The Sun's Matthew J.
!Seiden last May that there is a Korean saying
:to the effect that "sometimes a benevolent dicta-
'tor is necessary." A student dissident told the re-
porter that "We are not Communists or Socialists,
' ened with the eve:-tighter sup-
ply restrictions?but they say
that a higher price is being
paid in soldiers killed or
wounded.
But Vietnamese and Ameri-
can sources say the Commu
nists have improved their wea-
ponry since the cease-fire,
j bringing in 150 additional
heavy artillery pieces, more
than 1,000 lighter field guns
and antiaircraft weapons, and
enough munitions, according to
one high-level American
source, to sustain heavy com-
bat for more than a year.
Citing infiltration statistics,
General Di, the deputy corn-
mander in the Mekong Delta,
said; -"In certain places, the
use of arms and ammunition is
, now inferior on cur side
We can't say they are stronger
than We are, but when they
concentrate their forces they,
can achieve local superiority!
in arms and firepower."
A source in the Delta, speak-1
ng specifically of artillery,
iaidetht Delta command, known
as IV corps, iS. allotted 40,000
rouncia a. month for its 105-mm.
howitzers?the basic fire-sup-
port weapon of the South Viet-
namese Army?compares to
140,000 rounds a month in. the
period shortly after the Paris
agreement was signed in Janu-
ary, 1973.
?
No comparable figures could
be obtained for the other three
corps commands, or military
regions, into which Vietnam is
divided, the reduction has 1
clearly been' very sharp, how-
ever. In areas where outgoing
artillery used to bt heard day
and night, a traveler now
hears only an occasional round.
A district chief in a tradition-
ally contested region where the
!howitzers used to fire almost
hourly says he is now rationed
to three rounds a day.
All supplies affected
Though it is artillery muni-
tions that Commanders speak
of first and with the most
emotions, the aid cutbacks
have affected all categories of
supplies.
Along Highway 1 on the cen-
tral coast, and on the innumer-;
able byways of the Delta, it is!
not unusual to see outposts
with fresh-cut bamboo stakts
instead of barbed' wire de-
fenses. Soldiers have begun
stringing hand grenales in
place of the more expensive
claymore mines outside their
positions. ?
Because of the high price of
gasoline and strict limits on its
use, military sources say mo-
bility has been affected "We
have some difficulties in shift-
ing troops now," one high-
ranking officer acknowledged.
The volume of military_ sup-
plies have been' affectedeven
more sharply than the dollar
amounts, because like every-
thing else, weapons, munitions
and other supplies have be-
come more expensive .in the
ast year.
ri Park's Life
most of us are not even interested in politics. All
we want is the basic freedoms. All we want is'
the liberty to speak what we think."
At times in his 'dictatorship and presidency, Park
has seemed indeed to be benevolent, and at other
times to be heading toward the introduction of
democracy, at least until he saw that it threatened
his continued rule. All claims to benevolence have
V.anished since last winter. Park is ruling now
with a paranoid tyranny. There is nothing re-
motely anti-Communist about it. The arguably un-
Korean doctrines that the onetime lieutenant in
the Japanese Imperial Army, onetime court-rnar-
tialed Communist sympathizer, is stamping out
are American style civil liberties, Christianity,
and Western learning, It was not for this that
34,000 Americans died in Korea two decades ago,
that 44,000 trews and Pentagon civilians serve
there now, that American military aid pours in.
The first thing President Park can do-, both to
counteract attempts on his person and to redeem
the immense American investment in his rule is
to let the Korean people speak their minds.
38
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NEW YORK TIMES
16 August 1974
Korean Tragedy
United States support for an unpopular and repres-
sive regime in South Korea is in danger of undermining
the collective security interests which such support is,
intended to insure. Yesterday's assassination attempt
against President Park Chung Hee and the subsequent
death of his wife are tragedies which only underline the
plight of the Korean dictator.
President Park's problem it not just one of an ugly
international "image"; it is the problem of survival
which any dictator faces when the only viable means
, of rule left to him are repression and decree. As suc-
cessive United States Administrations have had painful
occasion to observe around the world, American inter-
ests are not well served by endless efforts to prop up
regimes devoid of popular support.
There is continuing validity to the close ties. and
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
16 August 1974
Interests which the United States his maintained in
Korea since the war there a quarter-century ago; political
stability and economic development in South Korea are
important features of the over-all Asian security system.
But these valid interests are ill-protected by the refusal
of United States policymakers to confront the question ,
of whether the Park regime is any longer capable of pro-
viding either stability or development.
As the months of repression go .on, it is increasingly
evident that the South Korean Government's policies are
promoting exactly the kind of internal unrest which
makes the country vulnerable to exploitation by the
Communist North. Just as the United States cannot
dictate the internal policies of another country, so
President Park must realize that the United States is
entitled to determine for itself whEither it is worth
continuing military aid that no longer serves its intended
purpose.
The tragedy of Korea
By Elizabeth Pond
Tokyo
The Koreans are a warm, emo-
tional, and quietly proud people. They
have an inborn sense of justice ? and
an inborn political instinct. They are
direct and frank. They have a per-
sistent innocence.
But because they are individualistic
in a way neither the Japanese nor the
Chinese are, some of the best of the
Koreans are now in jail. They be-
lieved in the self-evident truths of the
American Declaration of Indepen-
dence. They dared to voice these
truths, and they were silenced by a
government that believes only in the
self-evident "truth" of force.
Maybe the tragedy isn't as obvious
to Westerns as was iron military rule
in Greece, the birthplace of democ-
racy. But it is just as real. South
Korea is the one country among the
developing nations of Asia that could
best maintain and benefit from parti-
cipatory government.
It's an odd phenomenon for a once
rigidly Confucian country. Yet a cen-
tury of Christian teaching of the worth
of the individual ? even a peasant,
even the poor, even a woman ? has
taken strong root in Korea. And 20
years of American-style education
has indoctrinated young Koreans with
the assumption that men should be
free and equal.
It is true that some of the most cruel
atrocities in World War II were
perpetrated by Koreans in the Japa-
nese military forces. It is true that
Korean troops in Vietnam had a
reputation for killing Vietnamese vil-
lagers without making any fine dis-
tinction between 'guerrillas and civil-
ians. It is true that maltreatment of
political prisoners in the decade since
the Korean CIA (secret police) was
created has included bestial torture
methods.
But the men who performed such
brutalities are not the people a foreign
reporter comes to know and admire
over years of close contact with
Koreans. The Koreans one gets to
know have done volunteer work for
Vietnamese orphans in Saigon. They
have lived in Seoul slums for years on
end to help poor rural Immigrants get
a fair shake in a harsh city.
They have impetuously donated
money out of their own pockets ?
with no reference to their ability to
pay ? to set up exchange programs
between small American and Korean
colleges. They have sold clothes off
their backs to support legal aid for
poor women.
The Koreans I know are proud of
the close-to-100-percent literacy of
their people. They are proud of their
compatriots' matter-of-fact collection
of Harvard and Princeton PhDs in
economics and political science. They
are proud of their Hangul script,
devised with phonetic exactitude five
centuries ago, proud of their invention
of movable type at a date prior to the
Gutenberg press.
For these people authoritarianism
is no longer the natural pattern for
Korea. Indeed, President Park Chung
Hoe's current dictatorship is looked
upon as archaic, unintelligible, "Mon-
golian."
This is the tragedy of South Korea
today: that such innate believers in
democracy and the right of free
speech should be so deprived of
participation in their government ?
and subjected to death penalties for
protesting this loss.
The further tragedy of South Korea
is that the government repression and
resulting public hostility toward the
government are so unnecessary.
President Park provided strong lead-
ership for South Korea after his coup
in 1961. He defended the country
against North Korea. He stopped
factionalism in the South. He?along
with the nation's very competent
bureaucracy, imaginative entrepre-
neurs, and hard-working skilled and
unskilled labor ? led South Korea into
a remarkable "economic miracle" of
fast, sound growth. He reopened civil
contact. with North Korea after the
two enemies had been hermetically
sealed off from each other for a
quarter century.
By the summer of 1972, when the
first North Korean delegates visited
Seoul, South Koreans were demon-
strably united behind their govern-
ment. They were proud of the relative
freedom that they had and the North
didn't. They were proud of their
reponsibility and restraint in ex-
ercising this freedom.
Within months, however, President
Park squandered this voluntary sup-
port ? or "90 percent control," as one
foreign diplomat termed it ? by
trying to grasp a 100 percent mono-
poly of power ? regardless of the
cost. His repressive acts, far from
stifling what little opposition there
was, fanned it into real opposition. In
particular, by making martyrs of
prominent Christians who declared
their conscience about human rights,
President Park alienated even
Korea's conservative Christians ? an
Important 13 percent of the popu-
lation. .
The result, diplomatically, is a
serious strain in South Korea's rela-
tions with its closest ally, Japan. The
result domestically is a widespread
revulsion of South Korean citizens
toward their government.
All this is a travesty of South
Koreans' sensibilities and capabil-
ities. President Park and the Korean
people both deserve better.
Miss Pond is the Monitor's
Tokyo correspondent.
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330001-0
WASHINGTON POST
3 August 1974
'Justice' in Chile
ripHE "JUSTICE" of the victors is being releVessly
administered in Chile by the officers who over-
?threw the Allende government last fall. Given the chaos
..of his last days, it is conceivable that some of Allende's
'supporters sensed that a coup was coining and hoped to
' forestall it by creating a power center of their own
within the Chilean armed forces. At any rate, the coup
came, destroying any such hopes, and the would-be
? hunters became the prey. The officers who had seized
'power looked about them for a dramatic way to legiti-
mize their authority, to convince others inside and out-
side Chile that they had indeed saved' the country by
'their own intervention. For Chileans are, despite their
recent trauma, a law-minded people, and even the new
leaders appreciate the benefits of winning their coun-
trymen's respect. To fulfill this vital legitimizing pur-
pose, they decided on a mass trial 'of Allende supporters,
.:who were accused of trying to take over a substantial
.part of the Chilean air force. Sentences were handed
,down in that trial the other day.
Now, only in a country as politically riven as Salva-
dor Allende's Chile could a group of 54 air force men
(arid 1G civilians) have _contemplated a kind of coup
within one branch of the armed forces in order to
assure 'military support to keep the elected government
, in power That is a fair measure of how things were in
Santiago at that time. But only in a country as politi-
,:eally restric,ive -as General 'Augusto Pinochet's Chile
'Would these defendants have been tried with so little
a sense on the governrrient's part of its own basic
illogic.
Note that, despite goverment promises of a prompt
public trial, a considerable number of Allende's civilian
sofficials have remained in prison or otherwise under
detention for almost a year, untried and uncharged.
But apparently the military was offended by the
BALTIMORE SUN
14 August 1974
thought that some of Its own?air force men?sup-
ported Allende. The military perhaps also wanted to
intimidate would-be dissenters still within itk ranks.
These seem to be the particular reasons why the 60-
odd defendants were brought to trial before an air
force court martial. That court sentenced four of them
?a former Socialist Party leader, and a colonel, captain
and sergeant?to be shot, while 56 others received
prison terms. Carrying out those sentences is a virtually
certain way to build more hate and bitterness into
Chilean society, which is despaately in need of a turn
toward domestic peace.
.In a trial where the crime charged is essentially
loyalty te the previous government, there can be no
question whether the trial is political: It is. Nonetheless,
the Pinochet leadership permitted foreign observers to
attend the sessions that were open?presumably to bear
witness to the correctness of the proceedings or, at the
least, to attest to the good faith of the Santiago junta.
Whether the observers, simply by going, sanctioned
the purpose of the trial would seem to be a fair ques-
tion. Anyway, the reports of the several American ob-
servers, made to the Kennedy and Fraser congressional
subcommittees, hardly gave the junta the clean bill of
health it desired. The torture of political prisoners
still goes on, the observers reported. Due process is an
occasional thing The exodus of political refugees runs
high.
Official American interest in how the Chilean gov-
ernment lives up to international standards of human
rights is hard to perceive. American military aid
is high and getting higher. And in respect to Chile
there is not even the excuse, offered most recently, for
instance, in respect to police excesses in South Korea,
that the United States has strategic interests requiring
it to look the other way.
Fall of Nixon said to he good omen
for extending live branch to Cu a
By RICHARD O'MARA
.Rio de Janeiro Bureau of The Sun
Rio de Janeiro ? Observers
here and elsewhere in Latin;
America agree that the resig-
nation of Richard M. Nixon,
has removed the final obstacle
to Cuba's re-entry into the nor-
mal flow of hemispheric affairs.
Mr. Nixon's departure from.
the White House also is ex-
pected to hasten the reopening
of diplomatic relations between
Washington and Havana.
These expectations were en-
couraged by President Ford's
address Monday night, in
which he promised to continue
the dialogue established among
the nations of the hemisphere
by the Secretary of
State, Henry A. Kissinger.
To many political observers
,in Latin America, Dr. Kissin-
ger's initiative in attempting to
improve relations between the
United States and its neighbors'
in the hemisphere ran counter
to Mr. Nixon's continued hard
line against Cuba.
Time and again diplomats in
the Latin capitals have com-
mented on the discrepancy be-
tween President Nixon's friend-
liness toward the large Com-
munist countries,. the Soviet
Union and China, and his en-
during hostility toward Cuba.
No adequate explanation for
that hostility has yet been of-
fered. One of the most com-
monly suggested was that
Mr. Nixon had a personal dis-
like for Fidel.Castro and his
government. Another was that
IMr. Nixon just did not care or
consider Cuba important en-
ough to American interests to
warrant a change in policy.
Not indifferent
The latter explanation has
lost much credibility in recent
?
months. Pres?sure had begun tol
mount against the President's'
policy, both at borne and
abroad. Had he been indiffer-
ent to Cuba, there would have
been no justification for main-
taining the hard line against
the Communist island. ?
By doing so, he saddled his
secretary of state with a con-
tradiction and alienated need-
lessly those Latin American
countries willing to let bygones
be bygones as far as Cuba is
concerned.
The pressure against the ex-
president's Cuba policy had
manifested itself in a number
of ways. Most recently the
Senate Foreign. Relations Com-
mittee received and published
a report from one of its top
staff members urging an end
to the economic blockade.
The report was made by Pat
Holt, after an investigatory
visit to Cuba. The Holt vis'ti
received wide newspaper cov-;
'erage in Latin America, attest-
ing, many' believe, to the con-
tinuing interest in the Cuba
issue there.
Earlier this year the ban on
trade between the U.S. and
Cuba was violated, :n spirit at
least, by the subsidiaries of
!three American automobile
companies?Ford. General Mo-
tors and Chrysler?based in
:Argentina. Vehicles made by
these, companies are entering
the Cuban market.
More important, .perhaps,
has been the attitude develop-
ing among other Latin coun-
tries toward Cuba. The trend
now is toward detente. Even
Venezuela, the most offended
by Cuba during the earlier and
more feisty years of its revolution, is re-examining its policy.
Currently, Argentina, Mex-
ico, Peru, Barbados, Jamaica,
Trinidad and Tobago maintain
formal diplomatic relations
with Cuba. If Venezuela
change's, Colombia, Ecuador,
Costa Rica and Panama are
expected to follow suit. .
The United States along
with Brazil and Chile has
been the most leiv-wIOU defen-,
tiers of ,the status quo.
40
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