TAPE EXPERTS TELL SIRICA THAT GAP IN 18-MINUTE WATERGATE RECORDING WAS DUE TO AT LEAST 5 ERASURES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 39
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 28, 2001
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: January 16, 1974
• Content Type: NSPR

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of selected items would rarely be advisable.
No. 1 21 FEBRUARY 1974
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CONFIDENTIAL
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NEW YORle TIMES, WEDNESDAY, fAniXIARY 16, 1974
E7 :1711?7q T i('''7 I (7\11
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IN
1 0 Thfirenuff iip t,,,,
la 10-1 Vilii X \iii (t) A L4
TA E
WORDS ARE LOST
t?
White House Cautions
Against Drawing
Any Conclusions
By LESLEY OELSNER
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Jan. 15?A
Court-appointed panel of six
technical experts reported to-
day that the 181A -minute gap
on a crucial Watergate tape re-
Ording was caused by at least
five separate erasures and re-
recordings, and not by a single
accidental pressing of the
wrong button on a tape record-
er, as the White House has sug-
gested, ?
The panel also reported that
the converSation on the tape?
In which President Nixon ap-
Parently ordered H. R. Halde-
man to carry out "public re-
? Tekt of the advisory panel's
report is on Page 16.
,
lations" offensive to counter-
fact the effect of the Water=
late break-In di the Democratic
national headquarters three
days earlier?could not be re-
Itrieved.
The disclosure seemed cer.
Ain to strain the President's
tredibility even further, for it
suggested, to Many, that some-
one in the White House had
Ttiurposely destroyed subpoenaed
evidence.
Senators from both sides of
the aisle said that the develop.'
tent was damaging to Mr.
Nixon. So did Elliot L. Rich.
drdson, the former Attorney
General.
United States District Judge
John 3. Since, who has pre-
Sided over the Watergate case
from the beginning, said that.
he wanted to find out whether,.
as , he put it, the gap was
"caused by an accident, or
was it deliberately done?"
The next question, of couese?
If it was "deliberately done,"
W1ts, Who did it,la President
NM, or Rose Mary Wooda,
secretary, Whom the White
Approved
THAT GAP
I? ING
SU ES
House had initially blamed for
the gap? Or someone else who
had had access to the tape?
Meanwhile, the White House
refused to inake a "premature
comment" on the experts' find-
'rigs, but asserted that conclu-
sions should not be drawn
wh4 the matter was still be-
fore the court. [Page 163
The tape in question was sub-
poenaed last summer, by the
special Watergate prosecution.
The White House first an-
nounced the existence of the
gap On Nov. 21, nearly a month
after President Nixon finally
announced that he would abide
by the court's order to comply
with the subpoena.
According to legal experts,
the fact that the White House
did not report that there had,
been at least five separate acts'
of erasure on the subpoenaed
tape could be the basis for a
contempt of court citation
against either Mr. Nixon or his
lawyers, should a court deter-
mine that officials knew of the
erasures.
Moreover, if it is determined
that someone deliberately made
the erasures, lawyers say, that
person could be prosecuted for
obstruction of justice. '
The penalty for such an of-
fense can go as .high as five
years in prison and a $5,-000
fine.
And if Mr. Nixon is charged
?either with contempt or with
obstruction of justice ? that
charg could seriously aggravate
the President' position in any
impeachment proceeding.
The matter' is especially dam-
aging because the erased gap
apparently contained the only
mention of Watergate in, the
Haldeman-Nixon conversation
June 20 .1972. Handwritten
notes of the meeting by Mr.
Haldeman, introduced at an
earlier stage, of Judge Sirica's
hearing into Mr. Nixon's com-
pliance with the subpoenas,,
showed that Mr. Nixon had
given his order for' a public re-
lations offensive during that,
conversation.
The only official explanatiool
that the White House has ever'
given of the gap, was that it
had, apparently been caused by
Miss Woods, through a mistake
she made while listening to the
tape to make a transcript.
In a document submitted to
the court Nov. 26 on Mr. NJ::
on's behalf, J. Fred Diir.harde
Jr., at that time the cilia of
_
the President's Watergate legal
defense team, stated that the
gap had apparently been caused
by Miss Wood's accidentally
pressing of the wrong button
on the machine.
No Conclusion on Cause ?
The panel, in its five-page
report, released by Judge
Sirica, and in testimony by
its members in Federal .Court,
declined to say whether they
thought the erasures had been
caused accidentally or &libel:-
ately.
Under questioning by the As-
sistant special Watergate pros-
ecutor, Richard Ben-Veniste,
however, panel members agreed
that the technical evidenee'they
had found in examining the
tape would be "consistent" with
the results that would be found
if their had been a deliberate
attempt to erase the tape.
If it were an accident, "it
would have to be an accident
that was repeated .at least five
times?" Mr. Ben-yen iste asked
at one point, his voice skeptical:
Correct, replied Richard H.
Bolt of Lincoln, Mass., the first
of the experts to take the wit-
ness stand. ?
?
Response by Nixon Aide
After court recessed this
afternoon, James St. Clair?the
latest of President Nixon's at-
torneys in the case?told re-
porters that "I think I'm going
to talk to my own experts."
Mr. Bolt, who with the five
other experts was appointed by
Judge Sirica after the White
House and the special .prosecu-
tor had given him the experts'
names, was standing nearhi,.
"I thought we were your ex.-
peas," he replied..
Miss Woods testified before
the court on Nov. 26 about her
"terrible accident." She said
that her telephone had rung
while she was in the midst qf
listening to the tape, Oct. 1,
'and that when ,she reached for
it, she "must ? have" pressed
down on the "record" rather
than the "stop" button and kept
her foot on the foot pedal while
she talked.
? As her testimony progressed,
however, she insisted more
and mote vehemently that she
had only been .on the phone
for four or five minutes and
that thus she could have caused
only a four-or five minute por-
tion of the erasure.
, Miss Woods Also said that
on the 'morning she began
working on the tape, on the
last weelincl of September,
President Nixon came to her
cabin at Camp 1-Invid, Md., nod
"listened to different parts of
the tape, pushing buttons back
and forth."
She said, however, that he
was in her cabin only for a few
minutes, and indicated that the
portion Mr. Nixon listened to
was the first part of the tape,
covering a conversation earlier
on June 20, 1972, between Mr.
Nixon and John D.,Ehrlichman.
The ?White - House has con-
tended that it never discovered
the' gap until Nov. 14 because
it was not until then that it
!realized the Nixon-Haldeman
!portion was also subpoenaed,
in addition to the Ehrlichman
segment, and "that it had thus
not checked the entire tape.
? Mr. Buzhardt subsequently
said that his explanation had
only been "just a possibility."
Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr.,
President Nixon's chief of staff,
then offered his own theory:
He said that women often talk
longer on the phone than they
admit, and that Miss Woods
had probably caused the entire
gap.
Earlier Haig Testimony ,
General Haig also said that
",!at one point?when the White
House counsel could not deter-
mine the cause for the buziing
sound that could, he heard for
18 minutes on the tape, ih place
of conversation?various per-
sons in. the White House had
thought the gap was caused by
"sinister forces." He said,.
though,' that the staff had then.
determined that the buzzing
was caused by the proximity
of the tape recorder to a ten-
sor lamp and an' electric tYpe-?
writer, and that the sinister,
forces theory was thus aban-
doned.
The panel of experts rejected
the lamp-electric typewriter ex-,
planation of the buzzing sound,
saying that it had apparently
been caused by a combination
of factors; a defective corn-,
ponent in the recorder used
by Miss Woods, certain sound,
levels on the electrical power
line to which the recorder was"
plugged, and, perhaps, the
placing of a hand near the:
machine.
Their key finding, however,'
was that the gap had been
.caused by a number of erasures
rather than one?as Mr. Bolt
put it during his cross-exami-
nation by Mr. St. Clair this
afternoon, "just how the buzz
started is not really relevant."
The experts ? whose ex.
planations turned the court
into something of a university
lecture hall, replete with charts
and blackboard and dozens of
listeners ntrainitei to titular=
Wand ? made their finding
through a process described as
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'developing" the tape. They
covered the tape with a mag-
netic fluid that allowed them
to see various markings on the
tape.
The key marking was what
they called the "quartet signa-
ture" four tiny lines, each
half a millimeter high, in a
group three millimeters wide?
which the "erase head" of the
recorder marks onto the tape
each time the erase function is
halted. There were five such
marks on the tape, according
to the testimony.
? here were also marks indi;
Cathie a? total of nine different
.!'starts" to the erasing and re4
tecording..process,? but not all;
of these nine segments had
what the experts called ",cer-
,tain endings" ? apparently be-
cause they were superceded by
the starts of erasures. Accord-
ing to the testimony, there
were thus between five and
nine separate actions taken to
erase and record segments of
the,.180/2-ininue stretch of tape.
, The quartet signature, ac-
cording to the testimony, oc-
curs only when the machine
has been ? operating and then
the "record" button is released
? ?and, while the button can
be released by pressing any of
four other bultOns on -the ma-
chine, it must be done manually.
Judge Sirica interrupted the
,discussion at one point to ask
the "significance" of the mark-
ings. .
'Button Was Deactivated'
it definitely means that the
record button was deactivated,
,which can only be done- by re-
Llease of the record head, which
can only be done by pressing
one of the four buttons," the
'witness at the moment, Thomas
G. Stockham Jr. of the Univey,
sity of Utah, replied.
? Pressing them "manually?",
;Judge Sirica asked.
"Or with a stick," the wit-
ness replied. The answer corn-
' ing after Months of testimony
about "sinister, forces" and
descriptions of reaching for a
phone while playing a machine'
several feet away, drew loud
laughs from almost everyone
In the courtroom, except for
those who sat at the White
'House table.
The group at that table to-
day included Miss Woods's at-
torney, Charles S. Rhyne, who
in earlier stages of the case
'had insisted, on sitting else,
where. ?
The experts said that there
I were three small fragments of
rmorl9Ttmes
lidUSE 410-4 GIVES
SUBPOENA POWE
IN NIXON INQUIRY
Judiciary Panel Is Authorized.
to Summon Anyone, Including
President, With Evidence
By JAMES M. NAuGHTON
SPeels) to The New:York Times
- WASHINGTON, Feb. 6?The 'House of Representatives
Voted 410 to 4 today to grant the Judiciary Committee broad'
Constitutional power to investigate President Nixon's con-.
duct, The House thus formally ratified the impeachment
inquiry begun by the committee last October and empow-
ered the panel to subpoena
anyone, including , the Presi- 'guarantee , that the inquiry
dent; with evidence pertinent would not become partisan.
td the investigation. 'No Other Way'
It was only the second time . The tone was struck by the
the nation's history that.
Judiciary Committee chairmah,
such a step, directed at a Representative Peter W. Ro-
Pres?dent, had been. taken in dino Jr., Democrat o New Jer-
the House. But the roll-call sey; when he told an unusually
Vete was not a test of impeach- attentive House:
trient sentiment.
"Whatever the result, what,
r, The vote followed an hour ever we learn or conclude, let
of debate in which no one rose us now proceed with such care
to defend Mr. Nixon, but Dem- and decency and thoroughness
*trots and Republicans quar- an honor that the vast majority
!Med over the best method to of the American people, and
"speech-like Sound"- on the;
portion of the tape bearing the
181/2-minute gap, each next to
a small silence.
Mr. Ben-Veniste pressed! for
an explanation, asking if those
portions could be ort the tape
if someone erased a portion of
the conversation then rewound
the tape, then tried to advance
it to the "exact spot" where
the erasure ended and then be-
gan a new erasure on a subse-
quent portion of 'the tape.
Dr. Stockharif replied that it
was "conceivable," for, as he
put it, "It's extremely difficult
to arrange" for the subsequent
erasure to begin at the precise
point on the tape where the
last erasure ended.
Several , questions were
phras&I in terms of 'Miss
Woods; at one point, in saying
that to create a certain effect
on the tape "he" would have to
takea certain action, Mr. Bolt
quickly stated that he had ,been
using the "editorial 'he'."
But other than that, no one.
in court at leatt, siiggested that
Miss 'Woods had made the
various erasures and re-record-
ings. Mr. Rhyne, in fact, stated
later that he .considered the
testimony "entirely consistent"
:with Miss Woods's previous
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'testimony, and that he did not
expect his client to be recalled.
I Mr. St. Clair began his cross-
;examination of the experts this
afternoon, saving further ques-
tions until Friday when the ex-
,
perts will return to court.
'
He focused on the question
; ?
.of wht4 her the Uher machine
used by Miss Woods for tran-
scribing was defective. The ex-
perts testified earlier in the day
that a part of the tape machine,
a? bridge rectifier, used in
changing alternating current to
direct current, had to be re-
placed while the experts were
using the machine for testing.
"Would it be reasonable to
infer that the machine was in
some manner defective causing
the buzz on the tape?" asked
Mr. St. Clair. The witness, Mark
Weiss, said that was correct.
The experts' analysis also in-
dicated. that someone's hand
was probably. present near the
tape machine at one point in
the 181/2-minute buzz another
tonlment that interested Mr. St.
Clair: Wouldn't this phenom-
enon have been expected at
.other places on the tape? asked
Mr. St. Clair. , ? ,
-"We 'didn't find. it" replied
Mr. Weiss.
their children after them, will
say: This was the right course.
There was no other way."
The four members who (im-
posed the resolution. all Re-
publicans, were Ben B. Black-
burn of Georgia, Earl F. Land-
brebe of Indiana, Carolos J.
'Moorhead of California and Da-
vid, C. Treen of Louisiana.
Mr. Moorhead, a, member of
the Judiciary Committee, ob.
jected that the resolution gay,
tthe panel such unrestricted sub
posena power that it "can only
,precipitate a constitutional con-
' fiontation and further divide ti'
people of our country."
The significance of the House
'action was illustrated by Mr,
Rodino's statement that the
Leon Jaworski.
The resolution was adopted
after the House rejected, 342
to 70, a parliamentary effort
to open the measure to amend-
ments that would have set an
April 30 deadline for comple-
tion of the inquiry and allowed
the committee's senior Repub-
lican to issue subpoenas inde-
pendly.
s 'Good with Me'
Representative John J. Rhodes
of Arizona, the House Repub-
lican Leader, signaled the fate
of the parliamentary maneuver
when he - declared that Mr.
Rodino's pledge to conduct the
inquiry fairly and expeditiously
was "good with me."
Only 67 of 178 Republicans
voting on the issue and 3 of
234 Democrats disagreed and
sought unsuccessfully adoption
of the restrictions.
power to issue and enforce a As approved, the measure
subpoena would be drawn di- ? proives no termination date for
rectly from the Constitution,
and would not depend upon
any statutory provisions or re-
quire judicial enforcement."
He said that a subpoena
would be issued to Mr. Nixon
only if the committee thought
it necessary to reach. a "fair"
judgment whether there were
grounds for impeachment. poena.
"The gentleman from New pr
Reesentativ
Hampshire hopes that will not e Robert Mc-
Hampshire Republican of Illinois,
asserted that a fixed deadline
would assure a troubled nation
that the Watergate turmoil
would soon end. .
"Imagine!" he protested, his
voice and arms rising and fall-
ing together. "Imagine this im-
portant resolution, historic in
its impact, being presented
here without an opportunity
for amendment."
the White House or to the' Representative William ? L.
Watergate special prosecutor, 2
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the investigation. It authorized
Mr. Rodino and the ranking
Republican, Representative Ed-
ward Hutchinson of Michigan,
to issue subpoenas jointly. If
either declines, the full commit-
tee, composed of 21 Democrats
and 17 Republicans, must de-
cide whether to issue a sub-
be necessary, Representative
Louis C. Wyman, Republican of
New Hampshire, said' as he
stared across the quiet chamber
at Mr. Rodino.
"The gentleman -from New
Jersey does also," Mr. Rodino
replied.
.He told newsmen later that
no decisions would be made
within the next few days on
requests for evidence to either
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Hungate, Democrat of Missouri.
retorted dryly that it would be
jrresponsible to set an "arbi-
trary" deadline that might.pbt
the committee in "the position
of the skydiver whose chute
, failed to open and found he had
;Jumped to a conclusion"?
Several Republicans warned
,that the inquiry could degen-
erate into partisanship without
la guarantee that the Democrat-
ic majority would not suppress
a subpoena ' written by the
senior Republican.
, "Suppose we, wanted to call
[Senator) Hubert Humphrey or
?Bobby 'Baker?" asked:Represen-
tative David W. Dennis, Re-
publican of Indiana. Mr. Baker
was convicted in 1967 of lar-
ceny, 'fraud and income tax
evasion after an inquiry into
New York Times
16 Jan. 1974 !
'his activities as the secretary
to Senate Democrats.
Republicans spparently took
their cue, however, from Mr.
Rhodes, who said that the mi-
nority would be able to "look
at its options" later if the in-
quiry became partisan.
Despite the seriousness
the House action, there was
no indication of influence hav-
ing been exerted either by the
White House or by groups lob-
bying , on . behalf of the im-
peachment of Mr. Nixon.
The President had breakfast
at the White House this morn-
ing with 37 Republican Sena-
tort and ?Representatives who
are members of two informal
Capitol Hill groups, the Chow-
der and Marching Society and
the S.O.S. Club. Only four of
Watergate Image
By C...L..Sulzberger
. PARIS?Before 1940 the United
States, reckoning "foreigners don't
, vote," paid relatively little heed to
, other countries. Nor, until it became
a superpower and convinced itself that
'an "American century" had arrived,
,did foreign lands pay much attention
to the U.S.A.
One result was a heritage of igno-
rance and even today, after 35 years
of direct U.S. involvement abroad,.
some .pf that ignorance remains. One
can see this in 'the puzzling failure of,
foreigners to. assess the American
'sense of political morality as earnestly
,,. as Americans do. A glaring case Is
. Watergate.
Maybe because they lack our Puri-
tan ethic, or because they are more
'. cynical in the Old World than the
'
New, 'there are few places overseas
where the affair is taken.at nearly. the
; same level' of seriousness as in the
...United States. . .
Many Americans may think foreign-
ers are fools and should learn better.
,
However, there are enough problems
In which foreigners have more tangible
-interest than they see for themselves.
, in Watergate:. so after a brief flurry
,abroad there now exists a period of
. journalistic diminuendo. '
; The British., on the brink of ec0-?
?nomic disaster and possible. elections,
.1.1 have little space for President Nixon
. r in their atrophied newspapers. The
French, obsessed by political mini-
.. scandals including bugging of a hu--
. morous magazine, an event called
' Watergaffe, have small concern for
1
troubles in another version of democ-
racy.
' The rest of Europe is worried by
Mr. Nixon's House guests sup-
:ported the effort to amend the
resolution, and none of them
opposed its final approval.
The House has taken formal
impeachment action only a
dozen times before. The only
instance In which a President's;
conduct was investigated was
in 1867, when the House
adopted a similar resolution cif-
recting the Judiciary Commit-
tee to inquire into the possible
impeachment of Andrew John-
son.
Equally 'Solemn'
The House rejected the com-
mittee's articles of impeach-
ment in December, 1867, but
voted two months later to im-
peach President Johnson after
he dismissed Secretary of War
broad
the oil emergency, recent outbreaks Of
terror, slow disintegration of the Euro-
pean Community, or internal problems.
For Italy?whose special gift to po-
litical theory is the art of governing
without a government?Watergate 'is
only a distant snicker.
Even among non-allies there is un-
concern. The Russians are plaDng it'
pianissimo:- after all, the embattled
President is the man with whom they
arranged detente from which grain,
technology and quiet-on-the-Western-
front have stemmed. The Israelis like
Mr. Nixon more than they think they
like Gerald, Ford; and the Arabs appear
to think he is the least bad President
we've recently had.
And China? When I asked Chou En-
lai .what he thought of Our famous
scandal, he replied: "We' never use
the word scandal in discupsing this.
Since it is entirely your own internal
affair, we have never published any-
thing about it in our press. It doesn't'
affect the over-all situation.
"We think it perhaps reflects your
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
political life and social system. . ? .
You have had sUch things occur in
your society and undoubtedly will
again. There are many social aspects
interwoven into It and it is better
not to discuss this issue. I hope your
President will be able to overcome
these difficulties." .
The extraordinary thing is that just
as Mr. Nixon seemed even more
closely hemmed in, one could read a
front-page column in the leading Paris
morning daily' by its foreign editor
called "The Revival of America," which
1Edward M. Stanton. 'The Sen-
ate subsequently i acquitted
Johnson.
Referring to the Johnsen im-
peachment, Mr. Rhodes de-
scribed the House proceeding
today as an equally "solerrin
occasion."
What the House concludes In
Mr. Nixon's case, said Repre-
sentative Elizabeth Holtzman,
Democrat of Brooklyn, "will
stand for all time. We will act
expeditiously, but we will act
soundly."
Mr. Rodino also referred to
the need for sensitivity and
caution.
, "For almost 200 years," he
said, "Americans have undert`
gone the stress of preserving'
their freedom and the Const r.
tution that protects it. It is our'
turn now."
concluded: "The Pax Americana ? of
Richard Nixon is a fact before which
one can only bow."
? The same day I received a quote
from an American history book, sent
by a brilliant Italian friend, discuss-
ing the impeachment of President
Andrew Johnson. This said: "In these '
.matters General Grant cut a sorry
figure.
"He 'was so eager to aid the im-
peachment counsel That he even bribed
a White House janitor to send him
the 'scraps from the President's waste-
basket., He went to the trouble 'of
calling on variouS Senators at their ..
home, urging them to vote for con-.
viction. This was, of course, a bare-
faced tampering with the jury."
For many foreigners, there is a
suspicion that one of America's con.:
,temporary problems is not just misuse.,
of the Presidency but its modernize- '
tion., When one asks: "Has Mr. Nixon
the right to tape conversations?" the
answer is often; "Why not?"
French political "ins"?as distin-
guished from the "outs"?see Water-
gate as another Version of their own
clash between legislature ana execu-
tive. The British are mildly surprised
that ' the American public insists on
. seeing , documents involving national
security.
"Abroad"?as Secretary Kissinger
knows while he rushes around patch-
ing it up?is a different world than '
that at home which still, amid the -
sordid devices of automatic spookery .
and instant copying, hopes to recap-
ture the dream of America's Founding
Fathers. The world abroad is not bit-s.
ing its nails over United States moral-
ity but over if and whether it foreign
policy works. So far it does.
3
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WASHINGTON POST Friday,Ian.25,1974
Stephen S. Rosenfeld
Watergate:,
The Soviet,
:Connection
One of the most curious things about
t Watergate is how it reminds Ameri-
cana of Russia. Searching for examples
to explain this administration's misuse
of power, many observers have been
tiled by the relative thinness of Ameri-
can precedents to turn to the Krem-
' Bn's ways. For despite the interna-
tional changes of recent years, the So-
viet Union still furnishes the general
yardstick of totalitarianism, the stand-
ard by which the violence of state
.against citizen Is commonly judged.
. So last week the New Yorker maga-
zine, in Talk of the Town, observed:
"Our misfortune is that neither of the
i?two men who hold the world's survival
!" in their hands has an acceptable vision ?
of What kind of world it should be.
President Nixon (the leader of a free .
conntry that; owing to him, is in dan-
ger of losing its freedom) and Secre-
tary-General,Brezhnev (the leader of a
I, 'totalitarian country that is trying to
make sure that freedom stays lost
, there) have both used detente as a ra-
tionalization for dictatorial measures ,
In their own countries." Brezhnev's
crackdown on Solzhenitsyn, Nixon's on '
Cox, were paired.
There is, granted, a general truth
here at work. In an era of continuing
international tension, it becomes easy
if not habitual for any government un-
der domestic siege to charge that its
internal critics are aiding its external
foes. When a certain thawing threatens
to melt that rationale for restricting
domestic critics, then governments all
too quickly turn to the claim that, to
preserve and enhance the new climate,
the old restrictions are still required.
So it is right and necessary to ask,
with the New Yorker, "how te recon-
cile our survival with our liberty."
That Is the Issue Watergate poses to
our national dialogue.
To say that all swimmers get Wet,
however, is not to say they all swim as
fast as Mark Spitz. Brezhnev and
Nixon wield state power and face in-
ternal critics, but there resemblance
ends. If the children of the New Left
have an emotional investment in de-
tecting no difference, then others, the
New Yorker included, have no similar
excuse for not' thinking straight.
The United States is a free country
because it has the traditions and insti-
tutions which give the people the pros-
pect of checking central power. , The
Soviet, Union lacks those traditions
and institutions and affords its citizens
no similar prospect. The. American sys-
tem is open to political abuses but it is
laughable to compare these to the
abuses endemic in the Russian system.
The United States is not "owing to
Nixon, in dancer of losing its free-
dom." At most it is, owing to Nixon, in
a crisis from which it can recover. Rus-
sia is not "trying to make sure that
freedom stays lost there": it is practic-
ing business as usual. Unlike Nixon,
Brezhnev does not need the cause of
detente to "rationalize dictatorial
measures": he simply applies power.
It is a notable feature of detente di-
plomacy that the U.S. now shuns the
kinds of comments on the values avd
internal practices of the Soviet Unien
which were common in the "cold war",
days of more conspicuous ideologleal
conflict. Periodically, Dr. Kissinger;
manages to let it be known that
does not approve of the way the nits=
siaits stuff dissenters into insane
lums, and the like. Such intimatiiini
are always accompanied' by a war*.
that moral outrages should not be lid-
lowed to interfere with political :*11-'
fairs.
The bureaucracy carried this Om-.
matic tendency to a new exteme alf*vi
months ago, by the way, when the'
State Department, replying to a House
Foreign Affairs subcommittee's
re-
quest for a list of countries that had
"lost their democracies since World.
War II," declined to provide a llst. The;
department explained that "it is impos:
sible to get an international consensus, .
?of what the term 'democracy' means,
, . . Altogether, there are' no hard and
fast rules to go by."
Private citizens, however, are under
no similar compunction to avoid bruis-'
ing the sensibilities of the world's clic-.
tatorships. Thus a kind of high-low an-,
Proach has evolved ? the government,
delicately skirts public comment on, ?
say, Solzhenitsyn or Soviet Jews, whilef?
private citizens say what they feel.
This is how the New Yorker comes toi
make its remarks on Solzhenitsyn, andr
Watergate.
We owe it only to the fact that
Nixon is their President of current'?
choice that the Russians have noti.
themselves jumped on the Watergate,
bandwagon. In other circumstances,-
they would use it as proof Of our cor-,
ruption and imminent ruin. In the
actual circumstances, it embarrasses.
their political designs. One of the!
most curious things about Watergate:i
is how it must remind Russians of
Russia.
;NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1974
Transcript of Nixon's Watergate View
, Following is a transcript of
President Nixon's remarks on
Watergate, delivered Wednes-
day night at the conclusion of
'his State of the Union Message,
as recotded by The New York
Times:'
Mr. Speaker and Mr.
President and my distin-
guished colleagues and our
,guests, I would like to add a
'personal word with regard
'to an issue that has been of
great concern to all Ameii=
cans over the past year.
I refer, of course, to the
Investigations of the so-
called Watergate affair.
.As you know, I have pro-
Added to the special prose-
cutor voluntarily a great deal
of material.
I believe that I have pro-
vided all the material that he
needs to conclude his investi-
gations and to proceed to
prosecute the guilty and to
clear the innocent
I believe the time has
come to bring that investiga-
tion and the other investiga-
tions of this matter ,to an
end. One year of Watergate
is enough.
And the time has come,
my colleagues, for not only
the executive, the President,
but the members of Con-
gress, for all of us to join
together in devoting our full
energies to these great issues
that I have discussed tonight
which involve the welfare of
all the American people in so
Many different ways as well
as the peace of the world..
Plans to Cooperate
recognize that the House
Judiciary. Committee has a
special responsibility in this
area, and I want to indicate
on this occasion that I will
cooperate with the Judiciary
Committee in its investiga-
tion.
I will cooperate so that it
can conclude its investiga-
tion, make its decision and I
will cooperate in any way
that I consider consistent
with my responsibilities for
the office of the Presidency
of the United States.
There is only one limita-
tion: I will follow the prece-
dent that has been followed
by and defended by every
Presiident from George Wash-
ington to Lyndon B. Johnson
of never doing anything that
weakens the office of the
President of the United
States or impairs the ability
of the Presidents of the fu-
ture to make the great de-
cisions that are so essential
to this nation and the world.
Another point I should like
to make very briefly. Like
every member of the House
and Senate assembled here
tonight, I was elected to the
office that I hold. And like
every member of the House
and Senate, when I was
elected to that office I knew
'that I was elected for the
purpose of doing a job, and
doing it as well as I can pos-
sibly can.
And I want you to know
that I have no intention
whatever of ever walking
away from the job that the
people elected me to do for
the people of the United
States!
Now needless to say, It
would be understatement if
I were not to admit that the
year 1973 was not a very
easy year for me or per-
sonally or for my family.
And as I've already indi-
cated, the year 1974 presents
4
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, very great and serious prob-
lems as very great and seri-
ous opportunities are also
ti presented.
. But my colleagues, this
; believe: With the help of God
who has blessed this land so
? richly, with the cooperation
of the Congress and with the
support of the American peo-
ple, we can and we will
make the year 1974 a year of
unprecedented progress to-
ward our goal, of building a
structure of lasting peace in
the world and a new pros-
perity without war in the
United States of America.
THE ECONOMIST FEBRUARY 9, 1974
Prosecutor's
dilemma
Washington, DC
' In the strategy of his Watergate defence,
President Nixon's next vital decision
' may be how best to obstruct the Judiciary
Committee of the House of Representa-
tives now that it is armed, by a vote of
410 to 4, with full subpoena powers, but
his is a defence on two fronts against
antagonists whom he prefers to fight
separately. His main concern this week
was with the other one, the special
prosecutor, Mr Jaworski, who "belongs"
' to the executive branch of government
but who enjoys, or is burdened with,
, unusual powers. Against Mr Jaworski
Mr Nixon is employing an interesting
line of manoeuvre aimed at forcing the
special prosecutor to bring his investiga-
? tions to an early end and go speedily to
court with arraignments of the chief
alleged malefactors short of the Presi-
dent himself, but with evidence as
incomplete as can be contrived. A
resourceful, ingenious quarry, the
President has got Mr Jaworski into an
awkward corner for the moment.
From time to time Mr Nixon sighs
! deeply, in public over the lamentable
slowness, almost amounting to sluggish-
' ness, with which the special prosecutor
does his work; as he told Congress
last week, "one year of Watergate is
? enough". What slows the special prose-
cutor up is, chiefly, the tenacity with
? which the White House holds on to
papers and tapes which he needs as
, evidence. Some of that evidence may
lead the prosecuting lawyers to Mr
Nixon personally, or it may not; in any
: event, once the existence of such
evidence is known, others of his former
cabinet or his former staff can use its
_absence to undermine the prosecution's
case against themselves. Mr Jaworski
needs it. On the other hand, he did say
, last month that he hoped to bring in
indictments by the end of February;
he feels the pressure from many quarters
to get on with it, and he fears the
further long delay that might follow if
he now embarked on a new course of
litigation to extract the tapes and
documents from the White House.
Blandly Mr Nixon claimed in his
State of the Union address -last week
to have "provided all the material that
he (Mr Jaworski) needs to conclude his
investigations". This is not what the
_special prosecutor believes at all. Several
requests of his for papers and tapes have
been at the White House for some
Weeks, and one for several months,
awaiting the President's decision to hand
. them over or not. Among these are
some that could confirm or refute the
account . of his conversations with the
President which Mr John Dean gave
to the Ervin committee last summer.
The eminent trial lawyer now in charge
of Mr Nixon's Watergate defence,
Mr St Clair, appeared this week to be
challenging the special prosecutor to
seek subpoenas and take the President
to.court to fight over again the battle of
constitutional law which Mr Cox, Mr
Jaworski's predecessor as Watergate
prosecutor, won last year, and which led
to Mr Cox's dismissal.
Whether the President could, in that
event, dismiss Mr Jaworski as he did
Mr Cox is something nobody really
knows. He has given undertakings not
to do so without the support of a
consensus of the congressional leaders,
but might he not temporarily bamboozle
the congressional leaders as he bam-
boozled Senator Ervin and Senator
Baker last autumn, or might he not, if
up against it, break his undertaking
and fall back on raw executive power?
There is no act of Congress to prevent
that, merely promises.. In reality, how-
ever, Mr Nixon may consider his ability
to entangle the special prosecutor in
unwelcome delays a more effective
weapon than any threat of dismissal.
Very carefully, Mr Jaworski explained
in a television interview last Sunday
that the White House had not given him
everything he needed and that what he
had been given had not been given
exactly, as the President claimed;
"voluntarily". "I had to go after it",
? said Mr Jaworski, and he indicated
plainly that in December he had to
threaten to take the President to
court again. While he implied that he
might decide to do it again, he also
said that the decision would not be a
simple one, since he had other things to
consider: "for instance, the matter of
when the indictments are to be returned,
the matter of how much delay will be
involved."
One of President Nixon's recent
modes of counter-attack has been to
circulate news of the existence in the
White House of transcripts that show
the President's innocence and the 'false-
ness of Mr John Dean'..s accounts of the
talks they had. Senator Hugh Scott,
the Republican leader in the Senate,
a respectable man whose detestation of
Mr Dean has long seemed inordinate,
let himself be used as a vehicle for
this purpose. At least Mr Scott read
some of' the transcripts or summaries
or whatever they are before pronounc-
ing them a vindication of the President;
Vice President Ford, who was briefly
used for the same purpose, had not
read them and later said he had no
intention of reading them. Senator
Scott's situation became embarrassing
when it turned out that nobody else in
the whole Congress had been shown the
reputed evidence and that the White
House had no present intention of letting
it out. At Mr Scott's insistence the
President's counsel, Mr St Clair, put
out his own statement on Monday to
the effect that the President's tape
recordings "do not support" Mr Dean's
testimony. ?
Unfortunately he had to make this
statement on the same day on which he
loftily rebuked the special prosecutor
for giving his opinion of Mr Dean's
veracity in public instead of leaving it
all to judicial process.. First Mr
Jaworski's staff, and then the special
prosecutor himself, found themselves
forced to take a public position abput
Mr Dean by the repercussions of the
White House campaign of suggestion.'
One such repercussion was that, in
the pre-trial proceedings in the prosecu-
tion of President Nixon's former
appointments secretary, Mr Dwight
Chapin, the defendant's lawyers
challenged the acceptability of Mr Dean
as a witness for the prosecution on the
ground that Mr Dean was under sus-.
picion of perjury. Mr Jaworski's lawyers
had to say that, having studied the
evidence accumulated so far, they knew
of no basis for the suspicion. Naturally
this caused Mr Jaworski to be questioned
further in his television interview.
There Mr Jaworski said plainly that
his lawyers would not be using Mr Dean
as a witness if they believed his veracity
was open to question. One thing that
everybody knows about Watergate
is that Mr Dean and President Nixon
cannot possibly both be telling the.
truth. Thus the case of the relatively
humble Mr Chapin has led the prosecutor
perilously close to a new, direct collision
with the White House, whether he takes
the President to court for the needed
tapes and documents, or not. Mr Nixon's
system of promoting his defence
indirectly through third ? parties has its
pitfalls.
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VASHiNGTON POS
J. H. Plumb
Friday. lan.11. 1974 '
Watergate's Damage
To America's Image
?'After so many months of Watergate,
the credibility of the Nixon administra-
tion is at total risk, whatever dramatic
c action it may take. Not only experts in
American, affairs, but also ordinary
men and women will now search for
the hidden reason for dramatic
ac-
tions. What is wrecking America's im-
age is not whether the President has
technically broken or not broken the
I law, but that a man so self-confessed
In misjudgment of other men and their
' actions should still be in control of the
!, world's most powerful nation. And the
irony, for a British historian, is that no
minister of George III. nor even George
III himself, could have survived such a
record of disaster. James III never
. broke the law, but he was chased from
his kingdom. Many ministers in Eng-
land have been impeached, or threat-
ened with impeachment, for incompe-
? tence or for erroneous judgment, rot
for breaking a law or obstructing jus-
17tice. Many Americans misunderstand
the concept of impeachment, which is
directly derived from English constitu-
tional practice of the 17th ?and .18th
centuries. It was a device developed by
parliament (the legislative branch)
when it was weak, both in relation to
; the monarchy (the executive) and the
judges ? so that the king could be.
forced to part with ministers who were
_corrupt or incompetent, or whose p01-
fry Parliament loathed. It was .a
weapon., quite deliberately devised, to
check the excesses of the executive; to
bring hot only criminals to justice, but
? also those who were bringing English
? institutions into disrepute.
If ministers or heads of state are re-
movable only if they technically break
WASHINGTON POST
the law, the prospects for absolutism
and tyranny must be very bright?
even in America. And to many Eng-
lishmen the debate about Watergate ?
seems to :move away all too quickly
from the central issue to peripheral
and fundamentally unimportant argu-
ments?the tapes, the real-estate pur-
chases, the income-tax payments, or
prior knowledge of the burglaries. The
glaring enormity is that a man who
chooses one self-confessed grafter for
his deputy, whose aides are indicted on
charges of perjury, conspiracy, bur-
glary and the rest, has not been com-
pelled to give up office. In no other
country, Communist or free, would
this be so. Not to recognize this, and,
not to recognize the intense harm that
it is doing to America's image over-
seas, and therefore to America's power
to influence the world, is the most dan-
gerous of attitudes.
7'he writer is a professor of
, modern 'English history at.
Christ's College, Cambridge. This
article" is excerpted from his
"Letter from London" which ap-
peared in The. New York, Times
Magazine.
At present, America's capacity to in-
fluence events depends upon one man
and one man alone?Dr. Henry
Kissinger; an extraordinarily danger-
ous situation for a great power. There
is a great deal of anti-Americanism in
Europe and elsewhere in the world,
and now it has a glaring blemish upon
which it can fasten and pump in its
poison. Certainly Europe was develop-
ing a more independent attitude in
Tspmelay, Inn. 15, .11174
economic and foreign affairs before
Wat:rgate, but surely no one can
tioubt that the process has accelerated
since that debacle. ?
And what should be realized is that
Watergate is news, still headline news,
in London, avidly read, avidly dis-
cussed day after day after day. Water-
gate is not a local, internal domestic
affair. The schizophrenic attitude that
American foreign policy sails on mag- '
nificently and effectively untouched .
by White House "horrors" or by the
lies and evasions is a .cruel delusion. !
Watergate is a cancerous growth eat-
ing it America's strength. Watergate is. ;
bad enough, but what worries Ameri-
ca's friends far more deeply is the.
weakness of a constitutional system
that renders a change of a President
during his elected term almost impos-
sible, except by death. This, in effect,
becomes elected monarchy, and a mon-
archy far more powerful than George ,
III ever enjoyed. The whole political
and constitutional history of Britain
centered on the Watergate problem?
how to curb a monarch's bad judgment .
in choosing ministers; that is why we ?
invented impeachment, and used it.
And one longs to hear some voices
on Capitol Hill stating loudly and
clearly the central issue: that the re-
sponsibility of a President is not to a
mandate given one year, two years, '
three years previously, but a daily re-
sponsibility to the people's elected rep-
resentatives, answerable at all times '
and qn all matters, not only for keep-
ing the law, but also in choosing men
of integrity and honor. If the trust
committed to the President is not hon-
orably discharged, removal is essential
.for the well-being of the country. '
(01975 lw The New Ynrk Times Compani.
Reprinted bY permission.
The Pentagon Spying Case
WHAT FOLLOWS is a summary of those intricate /
VV and intriguing news accounts that have appeared
.. in the last few days and dealt with a strange internecine
, conflict within the administration.
In mid-1971, the military command in the Pentagon,
apparently feeling closed out of the President's tightly
held major diplomatic initiatives, arranged on its own
to get c'ertain documents and notes of meetings from
the White House. Some of this material seems to have
found its way to columnist Jack Anderson. When An.
derson published an account of a National Security
' Council meeting on the Indo-Pakistani war in December,
1971, an angry Henry Kissinger?he was then Mr. Nix-
on's national security adviser in the White House?or-
dared' an investigation of the leak. The "plumbers,",6 t
?Yt reappointed to a second two-year term as chairman of
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established some months earlier, turned to the task and
found a "ring" of military personnel taking unauthor-
ized information from Dr. Kissinger's files and meetings.
What then happened to those somehow involved? One
junior person reportedly attempted "blackmail" by
threatening to expose the operation to public view if
he were not given a "very high post"; he did not get
such a post but was not disciplined and was kept on
In the government. The Joint Chiefs of Staff liaison at
the NSC, a rear admiral, was given a new and important
Pentagon position; he denies involvement. A clerical
aide, a yeoman, was transferred; he says he promised
the Navy "to never talk about what 'happened." A sup-
posed recipient of the information, Adm. Thomas H.
Moorer, who is the country's top military officer, was
the Joint Chiefs; he denies any link to unauthorized in-
formation "from Dr. Kissinger's of fice."
As for Mr. Nixon, for 18 months, ever since the exist-
ence of the "plumbers" came to light, he has resisted
Investigation of them on grounds that disclosure would
harm the "national security." A number of officials now
privately say that the Pentagon spying case is what he
?lad particularly in mind. In its single public comment
on the ,Pentagon spying case, made last Friday in re-
sponse to the first limited press reports on it, the White
House did not explicitly acicnowledge even that a charge
Of. Pentagon spying had been made. Rather, the state-
,inent singled out "deliberate leaks to the media of ex-
?tremely sensitive information of interest to other na-
tion" and said "the source of these leaks was a low-
level employee [apparently the yeoman] whose clerical
1. tasks gave him access to highly classified information."
;'(Columnist Anderson denies the yeoman was his source.)
Further disclosures would be "inappropriate," the White
ilouse said. "It may be that at a later time the facts
' can be made public without detriment to the national
, interest."
' In brief: The Pentagon spied on Dr. Kissinger. When
the operation came to light inside the government, it
:was covered up: the principals were given minimal or
no reason for personal embarrassment, and preemptive
tdisclosure of the matter was made to key legislators?
?complete with the usual "national security? argument ,
for maintaining the strictest secrecy. Now that the op-
eration has come to public attention, the White House
is trying to breeze right by.
No doubt this is not the full story. It is enough to
WASHINGTON POST
tosephi Kraft
Tuesday,Ireb. 5,1974
Probing
The NSC
Leaks
One of the ? reasons Watergate goes
on and on is that the full story of that
sinister group, the White House plum-
bers, has never been told. In recent
days, alone, new revelations of their
work have compromised the Chairman
Of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral
Thomps Moorer, and Secretary of
State Henry Kissinger,
So all of us have to hope that the in-
quirY which the Senate Armed Serv-
ices committee begins this Week will
let to the bottom of the mystery. Ad-
miral and Dr. Kissinger, in
'particular, have a special interest in
stepping into the issue, instead of bob-
king sand weaving as they have up to
now. .
Admiral Moorer comes into the plc?
ture because the Plumbers Unit, which
was set up at the White House in 1971 ,
to look into leaks, did in fact uncover
One avenue for unauthorized distribu-
tion of secret material. That was a line
of communication which passed papers
generated by Dr. Kissinger at the Na-
tional Security Council to Admiral
Moorer at the Pentagon.
make plain, however, that the "villain" of this piece,
as of so many others, is President Nixon's obsession
with secrecy, rationalized without warrant or compell-
ing justification as an imperative of "national security."
In making his openings to Peking and Moscow and in
searching for a way out of yittnam, he had a broad
choice between soliciting, on the one hand, the under-
standing and support of the Executive bureaucracy?
and, in their respective times and ways, the Congress
and the public?and, on the other hand, conducting a
lone operation. Mr. Nixon chose the latter course. Did
he think the Pentagon would sabotage his diplomacy?
Even for a President with Mr. Nixon's savvy for the pos-
sibilities of political ambush from the right, this seems
.an exaggerated not to say offensive consideration. What-
ever his reason, his choice led in this instance to a
shabby espionage operation that induces one not so
much to gasp as to cringe. Discovery of the operation
led all too inevitably to a coverup?and perhaps not
only between the President and the Pentagon. Dr. Kis-
singer offered the Senate seemingly categorical assur-
ances that he had no knowledge of the intelligence ac-
tivities of David Young, his former aide who?accord-
ing to the new reports?ran the investigation, which
Kissinger ordered, that unearthed the Pentagon plot.),
These assurances look very strange now.
None of us 'needed at this time yet another demon-
stration of the dangers of running the presidency as
'though it were a ganie of solitaire. Quite enough dam-
age to our,institutions and our values has already been
done. But we keep learning more and it is still not pos-
sible to tell when the lesson will be done.
Admiral Moorer, in an appearance
on the Today Show, acknowledged that ?
he had in fact received papers through ,
that channel in .1971. But he made I it
seem an insignificant event. He
blamed, in what strikes me as a viola-
tion of the spirit of ,command responsi-
bility, an enlisted man on the NSC
staff, Yeoman 1st Class Charles Rad- *
ford. And he declared, in a statement
Implausible, to anybody who knew
Washington well at the 'time, that
"there was a free flow 'of information"
from Dr. Kissinger to his office.
That story is now challenged in an
unmistakable way. Sources in the mili-
tary claim that the passing of docu-
ments to the Pentagon' was not insig-
nificant, but continued over a long pe-
riod of time, and involved hundreds of
papers, some of them Meant only for
the eyes of the President. The highest
ranking military offieer in the country,
in other words, is being made to seem
a liar, unfit for his high post.
Dr. Kissinger' came into the picture
because one of the operating heads of
the plumbers was David Young, a for-
mer staff man on the National Secu-
rity Council. In testimony to the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations committee on
his nomination as Secretary of State,
Dr. Kissinger was asked repeated ques-
tions about Mr. Young and his work on
the plumbers. In response to one ques-
tion- he said:
"I have no knowledge of any such
activities that David Young may have
engaged in. I did not know of the
'Plumbers Group,' by that or any
other name. Nor did I know' that David
Young was concerned with internal se-
curity matters . I had no contact
with David Young either by telephone , 7
or hi my office or in any other way af- ?
ter he left my staff..
When stories of the passing of docu-
ments to Admiral Moorer surfaced, Dr..
Kissinger was questioned by newsmen
about the plumbers. He said that he
stood by "my statement to the Senate
Foreign Relations committee." But un-.
der questioning it developed that he
had known that an investigation had
uncovered the irregular line of com-
munication to the Pentagon. He had,
been allowed to listen to a tape of part:
?of the investigation ? the tape of, ,an
interrogation, conducted by David
Young.
Dr. Kissinger at that point cut off
questions, pending further investiga=
tion by the Foreign Relations and
Armed Services Committees. He has
already appeared before the Foreign
Relations committee. Though the tran-
script of his testimony has not been re- .;
leased as of this writing, it is known
that he hedged his position still fur- ;
ther. The blanket denials of contact
with Young have now been modified.
Dr. Kissinger's present position is that
his office logs show no contact with
Young.
Admiral Moorer and Dr. Kissinger
have been asked to testify before the
Senate Armed Services committee un-
der Sen. John Stennis, (D-Miss.) But
despite demands by two members?
Senators Stuart Symington (D-Mo.)
and Harold Hughes (D-Iowa)?it is not
clear whether other officials, including
Mr. Young, will be called, nor whether
the hearings will be public.
' The strange thing is that the de-
mands for a full airing should have to
come from the outside, Admiral
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'Moorer and Dr. Kissinger have the big-
gest interest in a contplete plumbing
of the plumbers. Their reputations are
.Itt stake, and their present standing is
so high that they could far better ab-
sorb a few lumps now than riskla slow,
painful, involuntary deflation over the
?weeks and months to come.
,. Logically, in other words, Admiral
? New York Times
12 Jan. 1974
White House
I'? Statement
;
' SAN CLEMENTE, Calif.,
Jan. 11?Following is a state-
'.:ntent issued by the Presi-
dent's office on the passing ,
. of information from the Na-
tional Security Council. to .
: the Pentagon:
1 Today's news accounts re- '
lating to the Joint Chiefs of
: Staff and National Security ,
, Council touch on a matter
:peripheral to a national
security issue which was
? found to involve deliberate
leaks to the media of ex-
tremely sensitive information
Of interest to other nations.
r? This incident has been re-
ferred to on several occasions
recent months, and the
Administration still considers
It inappropriate for public
; disclosure. It may be that
at a later time the 'facts
can be made public without
detriment to the national
interest.
For the present, however,
!-most that can properly be
, stated is that today's news
, accounts convey an incor-.
:lect impression of the knowl-
edge and actions of the
chairman of the Joint Chiefs
1 of Staff; that the matter was
Investigated, at the time; that
? the source of these leaks was
a low-level employe whose
t clerical tasks gave him ac-
cess to highly classified in-
,- formation, and that today's
f news stories are based on
fragmentary accounts of the '
incident.
? At the President's direc-
? tiOn, the information regard-
Ing this case ,has been
t provided on a confidential'
basis to the chairmen of the
? Armed Services Committees
of the House and Senate, the
special prosecutor and the
chairrrian and vice chairman,
of the Senate Select Corn-
; mittee.
a
Moorer and Dr. Kissinger should be
pounding tables and insisting at the
top of their lungs on a thorough pub-
lic accounting. Failure to do that only
builds the suspicion that they are part
of a larger cover-up?the cover-up ar-
ranged by a President-who now brand-
ishes his cudgel in the dark and hits
his own men.
0 1974, Pick) Entorpeltvt, Ina.
NeLlY3119i4m"
MOORE CONCEDES
HE GOT DOCUMENTS
Tells Senate Unit He Twice
Received Unauthorized
Kissinger Material
By SEYMOUR M, HERSH
SPeelet to The New York Times
Washington, Feb. ; 5 ?
Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, Chair-
man of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
has acknowledged to the Sen-
ate Armed Services Committee
that twice in 1971 he knowingly
received documents that a Navy
clerk had "retained" while
traveling to Asia and Southeast
Asia with President Nixon's top
national security advisers.
Admiral Moorer also dis-
closed that he was told in late
1971 that the clerk, Yeoman 1st
Cl. Charles E. Radford, "had
not only been retaining papers
in the course of his clerical du-
ties but, also, had been actively
collecting them in a clearly
unauthorized manner."
The statements by the admi-
ral were made ih a letter to
Senator John C. Stennis, Demo-
crat of Mississippi, the commit-
tee chairman.
Coafirmation of Reports
The letter confirmed the most
significant allegation made
since the first reports of the
alleged military snooping?That
documents were taken from the
private files of Henry A. Kis-
singer and Gen. Alexander M.
.Haig Jr. while they traveled
on secret negotiating trips.
The letter also confirmed that
military personnel assigned to
the White House were actively
seeking to pilfer national secur-'
ity documents not intended for
the Pentagon.
Mr. Kissinger, then President
Nixon's national security ad-
viser, is now Secretary of
--State. General Haig, then the
chief deputy to Mr. Kissinger,
is now the White House chief of
staff.
In his letter, Admiral Moorer
again asserted that he had giv-
en "no orders, no instructions
and no encouragement" to any-
one regarding the alleged mili-
tary spying. Such activities
were unneeded, he said, be-
cause he had easy access to
Mr. Kissinger and "never had
the feeling of isolation from in-
formation."
Admiral Moorer challenged
the supposition that he and
? other defense chiefs were be,;:,g
kept in the dark about certain
,White House military "lecisions
and diplomatic moves.
Testimony by Kissinger
He said that he frequently
discussed secret operations in
Indochina with President Nixon,
helped Mr. Kissinger plan all
his secret trips to China, and
had discussions with Mr. Kis-
singer on arms limitations
negotiations, "including con-,
tact from Moscow during thel
June, 1972, summit."
Today the Senate Foreign
Relations Conimittee released
testimony Mr. Kissinger gave
in closed session last week
dealing with David R. Young
Jr. A former Kissinger aide on
the National Security Council,
Mr. Young helped investigate
the military snooping at the
White House.
Mr. Kissinger again asserted
that he had known nothing of
Mr. Young's activities in the
White House "plumbers" group,
set up to stop leaks of national
security information. This time
the Secretary based his denial
in part on his office logs, which
he said demonstrated that "I
never saw David- Young after
he left my staff."
A copy of Admiral Moorer's
seven-page letter was made
available today to The New
York Times. The admiral is
scheduled to testify tomorrow
in executive session before the
Armed Services Committee,
which has begun an inquiry
into the allegations of snooping.
Court-Martial Urged
In his letter, Admiral Moorer
also disclosed that in late 1971
he personally recommended to
Secretary of Defense Melvin
R. Laird and J. Fred Buzhardt
Jr., then general counsel at the
Pentagon, that court-martial
proceedings he initiated against
Yeoman Radford for his role
in purloining the White House
documents.
"I was, however, advised,"
Admiral Moorer wrote, "that
no disciplinary proceedings
were to be conducted and that
it had been decided by the
civilian leadership that Yeoman
Radford was to be immediately
transferred. I accepted these
orders and directed My staff
to implement them without
delay."
Former Secretary Laird de-
nied to repo,rtcrs last week that
be had " fficially acted to
prevent the court-martial of
Yeoman Radford but said that
he might have remarked, "If
you don't have firm evidence, I
don't go to trial."
8
1 About the same time he first
learned of the full scope of
yeoman Radford's activities,
Admiral Moorer wrote, he oiN
1 dered his aides to return all
unauthorized documents in his
office files to the National Se-
curity Council staff. "Acting on
those instructions," the admiral
said, "all such papers were re-
turned."
Statement Contradicted
i Elsewhere in the letter, the
admiral repeatedly sought to
minimize the significance of the
materials provided him by
Yeoman Radford, noting that
the documents he received
"did not stimulate close atten-
tion to me hecause they con- ,
tained no new information." i
The admiral did not explain
in his letter why, if the material
provided had been insignificant,
he had sought to have Yeoman
Radfoed court-martialed had
had also deemed it important
to order the documents return-
ed to the White House.
Furthermore, the admiral's
statement contradicted his only
previous public statements as
to the importance of the docu-
ments provided to him and the
method of their collection.
Report by Young
In a television Interview on
Jan. 18, the admiral twice de-
scribed the material provided,
him by Yeoman Radford as
"just a collection of, you know,
roughs and carbon copies, and
things of that type." He also
specifically rejected the sugges-
tion that the material had been
clandestinely collected, telling
his interviewer "This young
man has just engaged in typing
many, many documents. And
he just assembled a file of the
documents he typed."
' The New York Times report-
ed Sunday that "eyes only"
messages and other highly se-
cret communications intended
solely for Mr. Kissinger and
President Nixon had been rou-
tinely funneled by Yeoman Rad-
ford to Admiral Moorer from
September, 1970, when the yeo-
man ,began his White House
assignment, to December, 1971.
As many as five senior joint
staff officers were involved in
clandestinely receiving and de-
livering those documents, The
Times said.
An extensive report on the
!military snooping is known to
have been assembled by Mr.
Young, one of those indicted
in Los Angeles in the Septem-
ber, 1971, burglary of the office
of the former psychiatrist of
Daniel Ellsberg, who has said
he gave the press the secret
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Penfagon pape-rs on the history!
' of the Vietnam War.
? Pentagon Inquiry Made !
Reliable sources have said
that the Young report, which
has not been made public, con-
cluded that Admiral Moorer
played an active role in the
military snooping operation.
In his letter, Admiral 'Moor-
er twice said that he had not
been' provided either the Young
report or a separate inquiry
reportedly made by the Penta-
gon -at the direction of Mr.
Buzhardt, who is now a White
House cbunsel ? - ?
; Admiral Mother wrote that,
'"to the best of my .memory,"
the two batches of documents
, he received had been provided
Ihim by Rear' Adm. Robert O.
Welander, who headed the mil-
itary liaison office in the Na-
tional Security Council, head-I
ed by Mr. Kissinger.
. The first delivery, the ad-1
miral said, was made in July,'
1971, shortly-- after yeoman!
.Radford completed a trip to
Southeast Asia, Pakistan and
Paris With Mr. Kissinger. 'it was
ton that trip that Mr. Kissinger,
accompanied by only a few
aides, made his first visit to
'China. Yeoman' Radford and
most of Mr. Kissinger's person-
al staff were left behind ,In
Pakistan.
t Admiral Moorer said that by
the time he received these
documents he had already met,
on July 16, with President
Nixon and Mr.-,Kissinger at 'San
'Clemente, Calif., to discuss .the
China trip.
The second delivery of un-
authorized White House docu-
ments, Admiral Moorer wrote,
was made in September, 1971,
and involved reports stemming
WASHINGTON POST
Friday, Feb.15,3974
?. ,
ater
Calls Helms
ome am
I3k Laurence 'Steri
- 4tiall1ngtOn?Post itnif Writer ?
...Once again . the .Watergate
cipagrnire :is drawing. Richard
L, Helms 'back to, Washington
ariCtlie ' Central.' 'Intelligence
Agenejt-hennce headed back
Into" the investigative ;
:. This. time Helms is being
Summoned from his ambassa-
dorial post in Tehran?his
fourth Watergate recall?to
'testify on the 'CIA's. destruc-'
tion in January, 1973, of. tape.-
recorded phone conversations
to 'determine ivhether' they
bore on the White House_scan-
dal. ? ?
statement ? circulated
among' CIA" employees,: pre-
sumably.: by -authorization of.
blirectov,.',Williaru:...E. Colby,
Said, ..-"We- 'not ';know
vrhethera presidential. conver--
satiOn!may -have :been taped,
altlipugh.At is .possible," an
agency-Spokesman said yester-
day,. :0.2 ? . ?
from a visit to South Vietnam
by General Haig.
"These papers had been over-
taken 0 by events," .Admiral
'Moorer wrote, "and again, xfid
;not, ,scrutimze them as to their,
content or -precise origin. 1
want- to stress ? that these
papers were provided me by a
staff officer in a routine man-
ner." -
Other -closely involved
sources have told The Times,
however, :'that a number of sen-
sitive ("eyes only" messages
were -transmitted to Mr. Nixon
during ? Mr. Kissinger's July
ivisits to Saigon, Peking and
Paris and General Haifs Sept-
.ember visit to Saigon. ?
Secret Peace Offer-
In July, -the sources said, the
secret Kissinger negotiating ef-
forts in Paris with Le Duc Tho
of North Vietnam produced A
secret peace offen 'General
, Whether the tapes included
presidential conversations is
pnelpttly central -questions in I
this:latest iiriquiry,. which is fie-1
-trig ?-presSed by llowaidt
Baker.41itTenn.), co-Chairman
of the- -Senate Watergate corn-
' inittee.:?''. ? ; ?
Halter been -the- most
teisilithitt and riggreS4ive .43f?
the ._Senate Watergate investi-
gators in pursuing the ques-
tiett of the CIA's implication
in?sthe affair?one-of the.con-
cerns voiced by President
Nixon as a "national security"
question early in the case. ,
:Mr. Nix ortysattlini? May - 22
Watergate alt.^.sayt e :two_n t: .
'Elements Of "the ? .early post-
Watergate. reports led. me -to
intorrectly, that the
01Whaddieeri in some -way in-
vb.14-edt"tHelms has also. stead-
fast4y!clenied CIA involvement
the case- during his -
re-
peate.. appearances % -before
ch,ti,kressional ..,._ investigators,
prosecutors and-the Watergate
grand -AIM.. ?- ?,
The first word on the CIA's
destruction. of its own tapes
sirfjacaned.4.11,2,9as.CBsSui;sberciouaedncanystou .
Colby- acknoWledged that the
4gency, had destroyed through
"normal procedure" all but
.14100e :from that period. .
The one surviving tape,- of a
eegyersation on June 22, urn
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-
Haig, Aiseptenther,"Wiable
Ileums said,sPeot lours con-
sulting with President 'Nguyen
Wan Thien corsottai Vietnam
about,the,secret peace- talks.
"Eyes only" 'cables were sent
daily by 'Genera) liaig to IdIr.
Nixon and Mr. Kissinger, these
sources said. Those cables.
typed by Yeoman Radford, were
sent through secure .Central In-
telligence Agency ronununica-
rtions to keep' them away from
;the John Chiefs -of Staff and
the -fop -echelon Of -the State
Department.'? ?
',Many of these cables,
reliable sources said, were pro-
!Added idnare?s of-
fice by Yeoman Radford. ??41
Yeoman Radford' and Ad-
Welander time both
;transferred in the .aftermath of
the investightions?hut-the ad-
miral has since been 'reassigned
to a keyNtewostinthe
Pentagon. .;
between the former-CIA dep.'
14-3,director, Gen. Robert X.
Ctikliman, and Watergate,. con"
Spliater E. Howard Hunt-.1r.
Van:recovered because7it was
tint..in.? a _separate :drawer
Somehow," Colby explained in
?
reponsete original news -re. -
peria_ of,. theCLA. tape .destruc-,
CIA sPiikesman aisoorigi-
n - claimed ,that; the --tapes
aint,',. transcripts -were --, de-,
strOtil on:Jan. 16, 1973; dur-,
ing-7:10-1ms'. last ' month, as til-
reeter4This-lwas one , day'after
alefter !from :Senate Majority
Leader-. Mike ? Mansfield
Mont) 'was. 'received :by ..the
Ca's-congressional 'liaison of-..
rice:inking- that all records ':,tor'
documents be preiervedrWhich?
raightliear:on: tbe:Watergate,
c,,
: Yisterdsorsa, CW'spolceimait
sin& tiluii-- the /Jan.,..- la :,-datez
' ?*al4Jniat._beTorrect7' -as the
timetthe tapes were destroyed..
? ' .!.....tfe're-trYing.:to detetriaine
tfeica-ctdalp faafd .cirCuirl,
stances of destruction end will
report ;to the-senator involv-
etir-the -sOOkairnan said.
' ? The-CI-A- stdtement said-that'
tapes were "destroyed either
shortly'after their use or when
collection became larger -than.
cerivenient, specifically .-1964
and 1971"-=nnd-agaimin -Jam-
aryj- 1973.,," t,' ',,7, *; I -
'
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BALTIMORE NEWS AMERICAN
27 JAN 1974
,
war
I fecte
COMPULSIVE SPY, by
Tad Suit, Viking, $5.95. ?
Keviewen oy
? VICTOR WILSON ?
Unable to turn up a CIA-
painted psychiatric' portrait
of E. Howard Hunt Jr.a1Val-
ergate break-in "master-
mind," ? Tad Szulc, intelli-
gence specialist, decided to
compose one himself.
It's a rather gritty picture
Szulc produces from official
document's, court records and
Hunt's .former superiors and
:colleagues in the Central ln-
telligence Agency.
Szulc concludes that Hunt,
now 53, was bitten by the spy
:bug during World War II
service with. :the Office of
:Strategic Services 'OSS) and
!never recovered. For 22
years afterward, Hunt pur-
sued his vocation with the
'CIA but mostly failed to cut
the mustard, Szulc says, nev-
er being tapped for espionage
;duty but only political.opera-
I tiona.
I Hunt, Swig continues in
l"Compulsive Spy" finally
lapsed into "a life in which
fantasy and reality over-
lapped." indulging his fan-
cies in spy novels; of which
he wrote 45.
When the CIA retired him
in 1970, Hunt was like a fish
THE WASHINGTON POST
Saturday. 17"k 2, In71
Howar(I, Hunt:
out of water in a ver Y real-
life world, grinding out re-
leases for a publicity firm
here.
Thus it was like a 'new
lease on life when he was re-
cruited . to head the White
House "plumbers" Unit in
1971, recommended by Presi-
dent Nixon's then special
counsel, Charles W. Colson.
Szulc points out the differ:-
ence between a CIA clandes-
tine political operator and an
in-the-field agent is a ques-
tion of skills. Lacking the lat-
ter's techniques, he goes on,
. it was almost inevitable that
' when "plumber" Hunt turned
to domestic ?espionage and
? sabotage for his new mas-
ters, it was a dreary story of
flop after flop after flop.
Of two "bugs" .planted in
e the Democratic National
,? committee's Watergate head-
quarters in the first raid, one
didn't work. When the Los'
, Angeles office of a psychia-
trist treating Pentagon
papers defendant Daniel Ells:
berg was raided, all it pro-
"(Weed :was legal headaches
for the future.
Documents forged the hon-
or of former President _John
F. Kennedy's part in theCu-.
ban missle affair, were so
clumsy, a magazine writer
spurned them. A CIA-provi-
n
ded auburn-colored wig was
.used so awkwardly by Hunt
on a couple of missions his
quarry laughed at him.
Finally the second raid on
Democratic Watergate .head-
quarters brought in t.11e po-
lice, and through Nunt's in-
eptness, eventually led inves-
tigators to Nixon's Oval Of-
fice itself. Hunt had failed to
order an elementary precau-
tion: Strip the. eaiders of
everything but their tools. -A
notebook on one Man provi-
ded Hunt's White House tele-
phone number. Wads of con-'
secutivelynumbered $100 bills
were traced to the Commit-
tee to Re-Elect the President.
Given a tentative 35-year
sentence after conviction of
plotting the Watergat
break-ins, and bugging ,:with
a tacit understanding it
would be less it he talked),
Hunt remained silent ? for a
while. But,. Searle relates,
even while he was "black-
mailing" the White House of
some $200,000 for legal and
family expenses, Hunt was
drafting future plans. *
The plans became opera-
tive when ,A) the money
stopped coming in, and ,.13)
his once-beloved CIA publici-
ty tried to disassociate itself
from him. In short Order,
Ilunt appeared willingly to-.
fore Los Angeles and Wash-
The Post Continues Its Ve
Daily and Sunday (Potomac, Jan.
27th) The Post continues Its calculated
vendetta against me, through innu-
endo, inaccuracies and inchoate rage
that the Court of Appeals saw fit to
release me from prison via a "compli-
cated appeal. ruling" which, I feel con-
fident, The Post would have lauded
hactit applied,to the Berzigtins, Angela
Davis or the Chicago Seven to name
only a few ,beneficiarieS of The Post's
editorial, sympathies.
Apparently The Post is wretchedly
Unhappy with the judlcial system that
permitted, my unanticipated release.
Sorry about that, fellows, but' it can
happen?even to non-militants.
I don't plan to spend a lot of time
cataloguing. The .Post's gratititotts
shirs on me since June 18, 1972; that
may be more appropriate for Some-
thing heavier, than a Letter to the Edi-
tor. Nevertheless; it was the govern-
.rnent, not Howard Hunt, that told the
;media I'd been a Cha. officer ("spook"
In your parlance), thus rendering my
children and, me vulnerable to repri-
sals by those nations and groups I'd
Worked against?on orders of the U.S.
.e.Tpvernment, which happens to be The
,Post's government, too. So, my 21-year
cover haOng been blown by govern-
ment sources, why should I not point
out to the American public, as I did
before the Ervin hearings cameras,
that in planning certain aspects of the
Watergate entry operation I had been
doing no more than what our govern-
ment had trained me (and many oth-
ers) to do?
The intense, almost necrophiliac in-
terest in the books I've' written and
their sales suggests an envy-hatred
mix that really has no place in seri-
ous ? and honest ? journalism. Al-
though.I've been deprecated as a "spy
novelist" the fact is that only about
eight of my perhaps 50 books have
dealt with organized espionage. The
asserted 18,000 copy sales of The Ber-
lin Ending, if true, may reflect a tri-
umph of public taste over the vicious
East Coagt literary "reviews" whieh
attacked me as a Watergate villain
rather than the style and faults of the
book itself. If my publisher (Putnam).
supplied your writers with the 18,000
? figure they have been favored, for I
will have no knowledge of the hook's
sales until Putnam's statement ar-
rives sometime in April.
The "ludicrous image of (me) in the
rigier
Bug
ington grand juries and the
Senate Watergate Commit-
tee.
"How does 'one explain
floward Hunt?" Szulc asks.
? Well, he sought power and
importance,' enjoyed both
briefly, but never ,r'eally'
achieved them. lie also liked
money, and finally obtained
it, but the cost was terrible,
the author explains.
When his wife died -in a
Chicago plane crash 'with
$10.000? in cash in her hand-
bag), Hunt was sole benefici-
ary of her $230,000 flight in-
surance policy. SAII,C Says:
Also, in late 1971, many of his
old novels were republished
plus two new books, 'with
-more on the drawing board.
All should prove profitable.
But in the end, Szulc con-.
dudes, "Howard Hunt was a,
man who lost his way,,
.and whose ultimate 'loyalty
was to himself:: He quotes
the following epigraph from,
Hunt's latest novel:
"It is in the political:
agent's interest to betray all
parties who use him, and to.
%vnili for .them sall at the
same time, so that he may.,
move freely and penetrate
everywhere.", ? . ? ? '
acletta Against Me
'ill-fitting red wig' " was, after all, a
product of media glee, venom and
again media inaccuracy. If the wig
fitted illy blame CIA. And unless all
' Involved are incurably color-blind the
issue wig was BROWN, not red. But
perhaps red is a more mirth-provoking ?
color . .
From the beginning I have not
sought fame nor, much . less, notoriety.
The latter was thrust upon me by me-
dia adversaries, aimed, I suppose, at
my total annihilation.
Within the U.S.S.R. the Soviet gov-
ernment is doing a pretty thorough
job of defaming and discrediting Al-
exandr Solzhenitsyn by among other ,
techniques attributing to him senti-
ments and characteristics he never ,
possessed. Without presuming to
equate my creative skills with those
of Solzhenitsyn, I find an interesting
and depressing comparison with my
own situation. The difference being
that in America it's not the Presidium
going for the* author's jugular but the
vindictive representatives of our free
and "objective" media.
? HOWARD HUNT.
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Bethesda.
APproved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ?
RADIO-TV NIONWTORIls4C3 SERVICE:, INC..
3408 WISCONSIN AVENUE, N. W. -:- WASHINGTON, D. C. 20016 ? 244-8682
PROGRAM:
FIRST LINE REPORT
DATE: ?
FEBRUARY 6, 1974
STATION OR NETWORK:
CBS RADIO
TIMM
7:40 AM, EDT
NEW PROBES REVEAL CIA INVOLVEMENT IN WATgRGATE
DAN RATHER: New probes are under way to try to uncover
additional information about Watergate and other crimes, suspected
crimes, and questionable conduct by government officials. Some of
President Nixon's closest aides are convinced that these investi-
gations will at least serve to divert some attention away from Mr.
Nixon and the White House.
Others, however, are wary, and feel that these addition-
al investigations will serve, at the very least, to reflect badly
on Mr. Nixon's judgment and control of subordinates. In on& way
or another, the Senate Armed Services Committee, the Watergate
Committee, the House Committee considering impeachment, and the'
Special Prosecutor's effice, all are involved in these new investi-
gations.
The investigations reportedly center upon the following,
among others. Number one, notes and memos made from secret tape
recordings once stored by the CIA. The Central Intelligence Agency
confirmed last week, after a CBS News report, that it had destroyed
numerous such secret recordings which investigators believed con-
tained important Watergate evidence. CIA Director William Colby '
has been asked to continue searching for tapes, or copies of tape's,
'made by CIA officials. ?
He also has been asked io search for transcripts, notes
and memos made from the recordings. Colby, CBS News has learned,
reported back that most, if not all, of the transcripts also have
been destroyed. But Colby is believed to have found some notes and.
memos, and to have turned them over to investigators. This, how-
ever, has not yet been confirmed.
If true, this could shed new light on how deeply the
CIA was involved with Howard Runt, the one-time White House secret
operative, and allegedly former CIA agent, convicted as a Watergate
burglar, plus who said what to whom between White House officials
and CIA leaders, about the Watergate affair, the Ellsberg psychia-
trist's.bFeak-in, and related matters..
Number two, investigators believe they have found what
is described as considerable itportant new information about the
relationship of top White House officials and the CIA with the
Mullen public reJations firm in Washington. This is the firm
which employed Howard Hunt at the time of the Watergate break-in.
CBS News has learned that the Mullen firm has had over a
long period of years extensive associations with the CIA. Example,
in 1971, shortly after a CIA agent was expelled from Singapore,
the Mullen company opened a Singapore branch. The one'emplayce
there was 'a full-time agent for the CIA. Costs of the Singapore
branch were paid by Mullen, and reimbursed directly to the company
11.
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through its bookkeeper, who was a former CIA officer. ' The Singa-
pore office was cloSed last June.
? Another Mullen branch, this one in Amster4am, was
operated through September of 1972. The branch manager there was
a part-time CIA agent.
Since both CIA money and Republican campaign contribu-
tions were funnelled through the same Washington ofice of the
Nullen firm, investigators have asked the CIA for copies of any
memos about conversations CIA officials may have had with leaders
of the Mullen firm. Robert Bennett,'President of the firm, has
sworn that there was absolutely no?connection betwc!ea what he says
was his patriotic duty, meaning the CIA connection, and the strict-
ly political contribution gathering he did for the 'Re-elect Nixon
Committee, and the political ,contribut.i,on.giving he did for
billionaire Howard Hughes.
Bennett also has denied it, and made a strong case to
support his denial, to CBS News.
Number three on the list of new, widening investigations
is the length and depth of spying done on Henry Kissiriger. by Defense
Department personnel, and whether there was any collusion i4 this
between CIA and Defense Department officials. It is a maze, a com-
plicated maze. Where itall leads and where it all ends, no one
yet can say. But it's enough.to keep investigators busy for many
weeks.
SUNDAY TELEGRAPH, London
27 January 19714
Isis in s 4an
11HE world's most public
secret service, the
Central intelligence Agency,
.is going through a crisis.
It has grown a little fat with
middle age perhaps, uncer-
tain in, its directions, and
as a result has become
vUlnerable. ,
Flying into Washington one
can glance down and see its
handsome offices at Langley,
set back from the Potomac
River among the Virginia
woods.
It looks such a solid, bureau-
cratic part of the Washington
Scene that it is hard to imagine
it in difficulties. The annual
budget is around ?400 million
a year and the staff is estimated
at 15,000 to 18,000.
But that budget may be only
one eighth of the total expen-
diture on intelligence, and its
staff, according to some sources,
account for only 15 per cent. of
the whole, burgeoning intelli-
gence community. However, the
C.I.A. is the most prestigious and
the most public part of the ice-
berg and sooner or later what
happens at Langley receives
some sort of scrutiny. ?
In recent months it has been
accused of involvement in the
Watergate scandals, seen the
Pentagon Move to assume closer
control of some of its functions,
witnessed its former director,
Richard Helms, booted abruptly
into an ambassadorship in
Teheran, been accused of ineffi-
ciency and subjected to a debate
about the legitimacy of some of
its operations.
If one accepts the analysis of
a former member of its staff,
Victor Marchetti, the heart of
the problem can he found in the
C.I.A.'s lack of success in pene-
trating the security of its prime
objectives, Russia and China.
As a result it has turned
more and more to objectives in
the third world?Brazil, Greece,
Chile, India, and so on. These are
the places where a friendly dic-
tator can be kept in power or
an unfriendly one toppled with
a little help from a well-orga-
nised clandestine operation, or
some well-placed bribes.
Nations?Britain included in
the past?have been doing that
sort of thing for ages, but in the
By DAVID ADAMSON
in Washington
climate of today's American
politics such activities are in-
creasingly suspect. Since Viet-
nam, politicians, Left and Right,
look askance at anything which
smacks of intervention or in-
volvement in someone else's
messy politics.
The bulk of the C.I.A.'s work
has nothing to do with clandes-
tine operations. Analysis of in-
12
telligence and co-ordination of
intelligence activities are its
major concerns. Nowadays, the !
most fruitful sources of infor-
mation are satellites and elec-
tronic surveillance. 13rezhnev's '
monitored conversations (mainly.
it seems, about his masseuse) en
route to work in the Kremlin
were obtained not through some
super spy but through a satellite
tuned in to the radio-telephone in
his car.
Super-spies, in fact, are in
short supply in Moscow and,
Peking. Reports of the Nixon
1 Administration being worried
lest further inve.stigation of the
Watergate scandal uncovers a
top-level agent inside the Krem-
lin are scoffed at in knowledg-
able circles in Washington.
The man concerned is said to
be a Russian official at the United
Nations who has not been
trusted for some time.?
On the other hand, the
possibility that the Russians'
have penetrated the C.I.A. is
said to cause sleepless nights
among the agency's executives,
particularly when Russian actions
show signs of having been
prompted either by exceptional
prescience or first-rate infor-
mation.
In such a large and relatively
open operation it would be sur-
prising if the Russians had
failed to find a few openings.
C.I.A. officials in Washington
rarely make a secret of their
employment. However, although
convivial, they are generally
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. tight-lipped about the details of I
their occupation.
' I mast admit that after living
. among them for a year or two
I knew little more than that they
'Were conservative in their
Iopinions, enjoyed chamber music
and remarkably firm with their
children.
, Last week's stories about
.CI.A. activities in Britain may
or may not be based on fact,
but if they were, would they
be so outrageous?
A crisis which has shaken a
major ally and could cause pro-
longed instability is an event
which needs detailed first-hand
analysis. It would be surpris-
ing if the British had not made
somewhat similar assessments
of the American armed forces
in the wake of Vietnam.
WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS
Washington, 0. C., Thursday, January 10, 1974.
? U.S.? ?e?Plan
? To ? str
Jo sinalisu Says
NEW YORK (AP) ?
Free-lance journalist Tad
Szulc says the United States
during President Lyndon
? Johnson's administration
planned a second invasion
of Cuba combined with an
i. effort to assassinate Pre-
mier Fidel Castro.
The plan had to be can-
celed, Szulc said in an arti-
cle to be published in the
,E Jan. 17 Esquire magazine,
t? when rebellion unexpected-
ly erupted in the Dominican
Republic in April 1965, and
the United States sent
troops to that country.
Szulc, a former diplomat-
ic correspondent for the
e New York Times, said the
operation was planned by
I. the Central Intelligence
I. ? Agency, "presumably act-
ing with President Lyndon
Johnson's authority unless
It was another do-it-yourself
.? undertaking."
g He wrote:
"The new invasion was to
' be on a smaller scale than
the Bay of Pigs. The scena-
rio was to bring ashore
some 750 armed Cubans at
the crucial moment when
Castro would be dead and
inevitable chaos had devel-
oped...
"The existence of the
assassination plot, hatched
by the CIA in Paris and
Madrid, was disclosed by
the Cuban government in
March 1966, after the desig-
nated gunman ? a bearded
Cuban physician and for-
mer Cuban revolutionary
army major named Rolando
Cubela ? was arrested in
Havana following investiga-
tions by Castro's counterin-
telligence agents, who had
become suspicious of him."
Szulc said that although
the Cuban government re-
vealed the assassination
plot, it never reported the
invasion plan, probably
because it didn't know
much about it.
The writer said his infor-
mation was based on inter-
views with men who partici-
pated in the project, known
by the code name "Second
Naval Guerrilla." He said
the CIA spent $750,000
monthly for the operation
and $2 million of those funds
had never been accounted
for.
SZULC ALSO wrote that
in 1961, seven months after
the Bay of Pigs, President
John F. Kennedy asked him
about the wisdom of killing
Castro and was pleased
when Szulc said he opposed
it.
"Kennedy leaned back in
his chair, smiled, and said
that he had been testing me
because he was under great
pressure from advisers in
the intelligence community,
whom he did not name, to
have Castro killed, that he
himself violently opposed it
on the grounds that for
moral reasons the United
States should never be par-
ty to political assassina-
tions. 'I'm glad you feel the
same way,' he said," Szulc
wrote.
Szulc said he did not know
whether Kennedy was
aware of a scheme elaborat-
ed by military intelligence
officers soon after the Bay
of Pigs to kill Castro and his
brother Raul, the deputy
premier, using marksmen
infiltrated from the U.S.
naval base at Guantanamo.
"Perhaps this is what he
had in mind when he talked
to me," Szulc said.
THE EISENHOWER
administration also turne4
down in 1960 a recommen-
dation by a CIA operative to
kill Castro, Szulc said.
Bill R. Moyers, who was
Johnson's press secretary,
said when reached at his
Long Island home yester-
day that he never heard any
talk of a Cuban invasion or
Castro assassination.
Moyers said he was pres-
ent when the CIA proposed
to Johnson early in 1964 '
"that frogmen be put into
Cuba to harass and obstruct
Castro."
"The President vetoed
it," Moyers said.
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AVASTITN4TO1' POST Sunday, irnt. 18,1974
,
Stuart H. Loory
Tress Credibility .
And Journalist-Spies
In the old days ? the pre-Watergate
1 days ? when even small deceptions
by the government, once revealed,
were considered scandalous, the rev-
elation that the Central Intelligence
? Agency was using American foreign
correspondents as spies would have
provoked an uproar.
, Remember the furore in 1967 when
Ramparts magazine disclosed the
CIA's infiltration of foundations, labor
;? unions and student organizations? In
' contrast, there has been only muted
criticism in the wake of the disclosure
a few weeks ago that the CIA had on
its payroll overseas some three dozen
.? Americans who were either working as
foreign correspondents or masquerad-
ing in such positions as a cover.
' William E Colby, director of the
, agency, has already promised that five
r of those overatives working -full time
The writer, a journalism profes-
sor at Ohio State University, was
a Moscow correspondent for the
New York Herald Tribune. He
later served as White Home cor-
respondent for the Los Angeles
Times.
c for general-circulation news-gathering
organizatio'ns as well as for the CIA
will be "phased out" of their spying
roles. But he has also made the explicit
decision to maintain contractual rela-
tionships with newsmen working for
I; specialized publications or as freelance
reporters.
Colby apparently draws a distinction
between larger news-gathering organi-
'?zations and smaller ones, between gen-
eral-circulation organizations and
tradepublications. Foreigners do not
, make such nice distinctions; to them,
an American newsman is an American
? newsman. Why should anyone believe
that Colby has indeed removed the
stigma of spying from American jour-
? ? nalists overseas?
Putting aside the credibility problem
? of the American government, obvious
t. in these Watergate-dominated days,
consider the status of Soviet foreign
correspondents: The Soviet Union's
,leadership repeatedly denies thatany
Noviet newsmen working overseas are
government agents. It claims that So-
viet newsmen are simply gatherers
? and interpreters of news for the bene-
fitof the reading public in the Soviet.
Union. ?
The claim, of course is laughable,
and no American official talking to a
Tess, Izvestia or Pravda correspondent
In Washington is naive enough to
think he is dealing with a bona fide re-
porter. For this reason, Soviet news-
men do not have an easy time with of-
ficials in countries outside the socialist
bloc.
American newsmen have a far easier
time of it abroad. They develop
sources and uncover news because
their reputation for freedom, fairness
and nonentanglement with their own
government has been respected over
the years. Only in Moscow?and per-
haps in Peking, where this writer -has
had no experience?are American
newsmen treated as government
agents. For years, American newsmen
in the Soviet capital laughed off alle-
gations of spying out of the feeling
that the Russians were only applying
the same standards to foreign news-
men that they used for their own. '
The Russians have had the last
laugh.
The CIA does not deny the news re-
ports of its entanglement with the
American press. "We cannot comment
on covert activities," an agency spokes-
man said in virtual confirmation.
The News Business
Nor would the agency comment on
Colby's plan , for disentanglement in
the future. That plan?to fire some but
keep other newsmen?does not go far
enough. American newsmen abroad as
well as at home must remain free of
their government to act as a distant
early-warning system in reporting
problems and progress that might af-
fect this country's interests abroad.
Newsmen often do a better job of re-
porting than either covert CIA agents
or overt members of the diplomatic '
corps.
That lesson was brought home to me
15 years ago in Czechoslovakia. Just
out of graduate school, I had gone
there as a freelance writer and had
obtained interviews with Czech offi-
cials responsible for the country's tele-
vision system and the youth move-
ment. I also visited coal mines and
steel mills in a part of Moravia gener-
ally off limits to Americans. Before I
wrote my stories, I tried to check my
information with American diplomats.
The result of my effort--Inade only a
few years after William N:,--Oatis, an
Associated Press correspondent work-
ing In Prague, had been jailed as ai,
spy- was terrifying.
l'he embassy officer led me to a se- '
cure room behind a door as heavy as a
bank vault's. When I started talking,
he began taking notes rapidly and then
questioned me closely.
"What else did you learn? What else
did they tell you? What else did you
see?"
. The officer grilled me until I re-
"The plan?z-to fire some
but keep other newsmen
on the CIA payroll?
does not go far enough.
American newsmen abroad
as well as at home must
remain free of their
government."
fused to say more. Then he said: "You
correspondents can find out a lot more
than we diplomats because we, simply
cannot get access to the same people
or travel as much."
Unwittingly, I had become an agent
of my government rather than a repre-
sentative of the American people. Now
I could see how the Czechs might have
misunderstood Oatis' role even if he
were not, as charged, a CIA employee.
When I left the embassy that after-
noon, it was with the fear that I was in
far greater danger abroad from my
own government than from a govern-
ment which still, at that time, had a
statue of Stalin looking down on the
capital. ?
American newsmen must not be
compromised in the same manner that
so many?too many?officials, bureau-
crats and military men have been cor-
rupted in recent years. The public and
Congress should demand that the CIA
break all contractual relationships
,with bona fide newsmen. Beyond that,
publishers maintaining foreign bu-
reaus should seek out and discipline
any employees with dual relationships.
Anything less makes the news busi-
ness the handmaiden of the govern-
ment and that cannot be tolerated..
Otherwise, the free flow of news from
overseas?so important to public
awareness?will be seriously jeopard-
ized.
14
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?
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PUBLISHERS wEna,y (N.Y.)
28 JAN 1974
II/larch:arch CA :B00%
"COnete He Or 1-i, igh Water"
ut Soon
VICTOR MARCIIETTI and his coau-
thor John Marks. u ith a couple of court
victories behind them, are preparing for
spring 'publication of their book on the
Central Iptelli;:ence Agency, "CIA: The
Cult of Intelligence" by Alfred Knopf?
in censored form if necessary..
In the meantime, the two former gov-
ernment intelligence officers are contin-
uing to negotiate with the CIA Over the
censored portions of the manuscript.
They are also preparing for a full-dress
trial, possibly in February. on the as-
?. sumption that CIA won't drop all its
claims that portions of the book contain
? classified material.
Marks, a former State Department
employee, has been told the Department
intends to enjoin him against. publication.
but so far it has made no move in court.
Marchetti was already under court when
Marks joined him as coauthor.
"The book will he coming out in May,
come hell or high water," Marchetti told
PIK "We decided in December not to let
the book be tied to the court case. The le-
gal proceedings could drag on for a year
or i wo.?
The CIA obtained a restraining order
in U. S. District Court in Northern Vir-
ginia in 1972 barring Marchetti from
writing ?anything "factual, fictional or
otherwise" based on his experience as a
CIA employee from 1955 to 1969. The
Government has never before exercised
prior restraint over a book under court
SUNDAY TELEGRAPH, London
,31 January 1974
Re
k
order.
An Appeals Court ruled that the
Agency had the right to delete classified
material before the manuscript was sub-
mitted to the publisher. Last summer, the
CIA told Marchetti's American Civil
Liberties U Mon attorney, Melvin L.
' Wulf, it wanted about 100 pages, or 20(!;)
of the manuscript, deleted.
"We offered to take Out anything that
would jeopardize ,national security,"
Marchetti told this reporter in his home
in Northern Virginia. just a few miles
from CIA .headquarters. "We want to re-
form, not destroy the CIA."
After prolonged negotiations, the CIA
agreed to drop its objections to 114 of the
original 319 specific cuts in the text. But
the authors and their publisher believe
the Agency cannot prove that the other
cuts are necessary for national security.
"We want the book published because
we believe it should be published," Said
Marchetti. "We explode a lot of myths
, about the CIA. But also we think the
First Amendment issue should be re-
solved. If you've got seerecy, you've got
control, and people are never going to
know what's doing on in government,"
In October. 1973, the authors and their
' publisher sued the government in a firSt
, court test' of CIA. classification proce-
dures. Recently, U. S. District Court
Judge Albert V. Bryan, Jr., Alexandria,
Va., ruled in their favor on several mo-
tions made by the CIA. Judge Bryan or-
dered the CIA to produce proof that the
1 iseteces of
h
a retirei soak
? VICTOR MARCHETTI,
V the Central Intelligence
Agency's most unwanted
author, was leafing through
a telephone book, looking
up a name for our Washing-
ton colleague, who went to
see him at his home near
Vie American capital.
"Hey," said Marchetti,
"did you know that in the
C.I.A. we used to take our
'funny names' "?by that he
meant aliases?" from the
London directories? There
was one guy who chose Morti-
mer Quewtermouse. It
changed him. After a while,
he became more of a Quewter-
mouse than Quewtermouse
ever as."
, These are difficult days for
' Marchetti. He is fighting the
C.I.A. in court for the right to
publish his hook, "The C.I.A.
and the Cult of Intelligence,"
without the 200 or so deletions
the agency is demanding.
, At .,e time there were 339;
!- tt every so often Marchetti
'and a lawyer visit the C.I.A.
headquarters, where Marchetti
worked as a Russian analyst from
1.955 to '69, for a conference on
what's accvp1:41)16 and wiles tint.
If Marchetti can prove that
some item has been referred to
publicly, the C.I.A. representa-
tives usually nod their heads and
say all right.
Some of his old colleagues go
out of their way to shake his
hand when he walks through the
C.I.A. corridors, but others treat
him like a pariah. He had a
shock on his first visit, when he
was all set to eat lunch in the
executive mess and was instead
referred to the main cafeteria.
Marchetti was high up in the
organisation when he left, assist-
ant to the number two man. If
he had stayed on, he says, his
next promotion would have made
him the equivalent of a
Brigadier-General.
There is an air of the exile
about him, as he sits at home,
a bit paunchy, wearing a green
cardigan, reminiscing about the
C.I.A. He rebelled last week
about going to the headquarters
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material is classified and that it was prop-
erly classified. Ile also ordered the
Agency to permit expert witnesses to ex-
amine the uncensored manuscript. "The
plaintiffs," he said in a January 10 ruling,
"may need expert assistance in inquiring
into these matters."
At the same time, the judge turned ? ?
down an appeal by Central Intelligence
Director William E. Colby to. testify in ?
camera why the book should not be pub-
lished:
Editors at Knopf have been working
with the censored manuscript, which con-
tains large blank spaces of various sizes
and shapes where cuts were made.
Floyd Abrams, attorney ? for Knopf,
makes the same point ;nvoked by the
New York Times in its i.!,efense in the
Pentagon Papers case, Ow, censorship
would only be justified wherc oblication
would "surely result in .direct; i
and irreparable injury tb the.natiol or its
people." Abrams, member of Ow. New
York law firm of Cahill, Gordon &
dcr, represented the Times in that ca....
The two eases differ, however, in t:
the Times and the Washington fost wet\
ahead and published without' prior re-', ?
straint having been exercised. Marchetti \
explained that he chose a different route
because prior restraint is aimed at him
personally. Failure to adhere to the con-
ditions of the court order based on se-
crecy agreement., he signed with the CIA
could make him ? liable for criminal
charges and a possible prison term.
? SUSAN WA(iNEK
neighbourhood boys in soccer.
'His background is Roman Cath-
for a conference on the boGi olic, Middle America: father
and said the meeting would have was a plumber in a Pennsylvania
to take place in his publisher's coalmining town. After a spell
lawyer's office. in Europe during the late 'forties
I " I just got ornery and said, and early 'fifties, during which he.
'I'm not going up there.' Brings served in army intelligence, he
back too many memories. I know returned home and married his
I it's just a big bureaucratic blob, boyhood sweetheart. He is 44,
but I'm very depressed after-
but looks five or seven years
wards. I like a lot of the People. younger.
even though I disagree with their A sense of idealism betrayed
policies, and they stopped think- led him to leave the C.I.A., he
ing ten or 15 years ago. It was says. The agency "got slap-
our whole life, the C.I.A., and my happy" in the underdeveloped
wife, will often say 'I miss the countries. "It was so easy to
old gang.' It's a very tightly-knit prop up a rotten dictator that
society." they lost sight of their prin-
0 u r colleague wondered ciples. Things have been done
whether he felt guilty because that will come back to haunt
he'd broken the code by writing us."
the book, but Marchetti dismissed The court case will come to
that idea. He wants Congress to trial in February, with the
investigate the C.I.A., because American Civil Liberties Union
it's wasteful and inefficient and backing Marchetti. The book
has strayed into the field of will come out in the spring, even
clandestine political operations,
if it means printing it with
"They're a bunch of stumble-
bums,' he said. blank spaces. Marchetti reckons
"Lousy spies. They never he will end up with about 90
have been able to spy on their deletions. Readers may find a
card inside the book inviting
prime targets, the Russians and
them to apply for the missing
, Chinese. The only real good man bits when they are cleared, or
the West had on the inside in the case is won.
While this is going on, Mar-
chetti is working on a spy novel,
. British took him up after the "The Rack in the Cellar,"
C.I.A. rejected him when he which is about the myths of the
,tvalked in in Ankara." cold war. "The only way you
Marchetti is a very unspook- can really deal with that kind
' ike spook. He used to be a of world is through fiction," he
coutmaster and nowadays he said. "You lose the human
ylls in time by coaching the element and the mystique in non-
fiction."
CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004:8
Russia was Oleg Penkovsky, and
he was a British spy. The
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WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS
'Washington, D.C., Wednesday, January 30, 1974
e
a
By Martha Angle
Star? New, St:111 ?Vnier
,
The Central Intelligence
Agency has destroyed all of
its tape recordings of tele-
phone conversations and
office meetings except for
the tape already made pub-
lic in hearings of the Senate
Watergate committee.
CIA Director William
Colby said last night the
agency destroyed the tapes
sometime after January
1973, when it discontinued a
"10 or 15" year practice of
taping "selected" phone
calls and meetings.
Destruction of the CIA
tapes came to light when
Republican Sen. Howard H.
Baker Jr., R-Tenn., asked
for the tape recording of a
mid-1971 conversation be-
tween convicted Watergate
burglar E. Howard Hunt Jr.
and Marine Gen. Robert E.
Cushman Jr., then deputy
director of the CIA.
BAKER ALSO asked Col-
by for any other CIA tapes
which might have a bearing
on the Watergate investiga-
tion.
"When I first talked with
Sen. Baker on Saturday, I
wasn't sure whether we had
any other tapes or not,"
Colby said last night. "I
checked and found that we
didn't."
A transcript of the Hunt-
Cushman conversation was
introduced into evidence
during the Senate Water-
gate hearings last year and
in the past several months
Baker has been conducting
his own investigation into
the CIA's role in Watergate-
related activities.
Two of the seven men
captured on June 17, 1972, in
Watergate ? Hunt and
James W. McCord ? were ;
retired CIA employes, while
three others ? Eugenio
Martinez, Bernard L. Bar- ,
ker and Frank Sturgis
had at various times been
under contract with the
agency.
HUNT RECEIVED a Va-
riety of materials, including
false identification papers
iChristian Science Monitor
I 16 January 1974
and a speech alteration de-
vice, from the CIA in 1971
while working with the
White House "plumbers"
unit which broke into the
office of Daniel Ellsberg's
psychiatrist.
Unlike the automatic
voice-activated White
House system which record-
ed President Nixon's phone
calls and meetings, the CIA
taping was done on a
"selective" basis on man-
ually operated recording
devices. Colby said.
He said the tapes "were
periodically destroyed, and
about a year ago I decided I
didn't want to use the sys-
tem any longer and it was
discontinued." '
Colby, who became CIA
director in September, was
executive director of the
agency when the decision
was made a year ago to
halt the taping. He said
James R. Schlesinger, then
CIA director and now secre-
tary of defense, agreed
Report lists secret agency
nb official admit exists
By Congressional Quarterly
Washington
A special Senate committee which
recently recommended public dis-
closure of more information about
federal intelligence agencies? may
have taken its own advice ? inad-
vertently.
The ad hoc Senate committee on
secret and confidential documents
Issued a report Oct. 12 in which it
listed a hitherto secret intelligence-
agency, the National Reconnaissance
Office (NRO). Now no one will con-
firm officially that such an operation
(Wets.
The report's subject was humdrum
enough; it suggested that the govern-
ment begin printing the overall bud-
get figures for several agencies en;
gaged in classified activities. Release
of the information would give Con-
gress some idea of the amount spent
on intelligence operations and how the
money is used, the committee said.
? The report listed the Central In-
telligence Agency (CIA), the Defense
Intelligence Agency (pm), the Na-
tional Security Agency (NSA) and the
NRO as examples of intelligence
groups Congress should know more
about.
The existence of the first three
agencies has been widely known.
The NRO has not. It has maintained
its anonymity on Capitol Hill, in the
Pentagon, and the CIA.
Unaware of slip
Both the authors of the committee
report and the members of the com-
mittee were unaware of the security
slip. Staff aides on the committee told
Congressional Quarterly they were
uncertain how reference to the TARO
had appeared in print when, accord-
ing to intelligence officials, the name
of the agency itself was classified.
As one intelligence official said:
"Even its initials were supposed to be
classified."
Also baffled were committee mem-
bers. Chairman Mike Mansfield (D)
of Montana reported that he had
never heard of the reconnaissance
office. The same was true of com-
mittee members Mark 0. Hatfield
(R) of Oregon, Harold E. Hughes (D)
of Iowa and Alan Cranston (D) of
California, who originated the request
for more information on the agency.
According to sources in Congress,
who asked int to be identified, the
NRO spends I* the neighborhood of $1
with the decision.
AleTER THE taping was
discontinued, Colby said, all
tapes on file at the CIA
were destroyed. -
The Associated Pres.
quoted Colby as saying the
Hunt-Cushman tape "sur-
vived normal procedures of.
destruction because it was
put in a separate drawer
somehow." Cushman made
the tape when Hunt came
to his office. ?
Colby said the agency has
already turned over masses
of documents to the Water-
gate committee, the Special
Prosecutor's Office and
congressional committees
which exercise "oversight"
functions regarding the
CIA.
The CIA director said he
is now preparing answers to
other requests by Baker for
information. Baker declined
to say exactly what data he
is seeking from the CIA
except to say it included
information about "agency
contacts with any and all of
the Watergate types."
billion a year for high:altitiule recon-
naissance flights. Using both satel-
lites and planes, the agency conducts,
surveillance for a number of in-
telligence organizations on a contract
oasis.
The emphasis on secrecy may ex-
plain , why the agency was able to
maintain its anonymity on Capitol
Hill despite that each year it receives
an appropriation from Congress.
Under the CIA act of 1949, certain
intelligence agencies are exempted
from the normal budget reporting
procedures to Congress required of
federal departments.
Instead, the agencies are required
only to report their budgets and plans
to a small group of members in the
House and Senate who sit on the four
congressional "intelligence over-
sight" committees. Membership on
the committees ? two in the House
and two in the Senate ? Is based on
seniority in the Appropriations and
Armed Services Committees.
Because of the nature of their
oversight functions, the committees
never publish transcripts of their
activities and rarely make notes of
committee hearings, which are al-
ways held in executive session.
Consequently, little information on
intelligence operations moves beyond
16
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A'pproved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 '
'the oversight committees. Mean-
while, the members of the corn-
' mittees observe strict rules of secrecy
; toward intelligence matters, which
opartially explains why no one could or
would confirm the existence of the
. National Reconnaissance Office.
Discussion declined
The chairman of the Senate Appro-
priations oversight committee, John
L, McClellan (D) of Arkansas, was
one who declined to discuss the secert
agency. The committee's staff coun-
sel, Guy G. McConnell, answered all
questions about the office with a terse
"no comment." He did disclose, how-
ever, that the CIA had notified the
committee that inquiries were being
made about the NRO.
Another member of one of the
Senate oversight committees, Stuart
Symington (D) of Missouri, agreed to
discuss the agency, but then denied
having ever heard of a National
_ WASHINGTON POST Friday, Jan..11, 1974 (
adio Free Europe
?1?.?iii?.014
Reconnaissance Office. He also de-
nied being surprised that an in-
telligence office had surfaced that no
one apparently had ever heard of.
"Intelligence activities are the least
supervised aspect of our national
Security policy," he said.
Perhaps the most typical response
of those questioned was the one of
Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi (D) of Mich-
igan, chairman of the House armed?
services intelligence operations sub-
committee and a member of that
small congressional club privy to
most intelligence information: "I've ..
told you just about all that I can."
..' ? : on their current austere fi-
taff. Cuts,, Static,
tumid rations. In, this fiseal.
year, for example RFE ant!
. ' ? '? I
Ily:John. M. Goshito- ?
Radio ' Liberty jointly re
,. :L. ,quested $50 million, report.'
:? .
, ..? ., ? :.. ' %.Vaithinitton Sid rOteirn etivlee , .
t . ? prce , . .,. nate, worries about future :funds :.
? itONN?? 'F . ? ?11 bit =fi . ' A'?. :edly the maximum allowed
I .
cial difficulties' to make, have had a serious effect on ' I by the White 'House's Office
. heaviistaff 'Cittbacks, ? Radio Morale." . i of Budget Management.
., . "Things re e : .,
. Free ? Europe enters' ' 1974 _. - ? Octoberwe atthir.
'. .. ,.. Congress 'Only appropri-
worst in
l. , .
with neVitancerteintlee about' vember when the . decisions ated $45 million It was the
the long-term .future of w being made about who need to make up the !.fall that led to the latest
short-
broadcasts to !Eastetn? , to let go," Shub said.; "When
'3round of firings at RFE.
the blow fell in ?' '1 : .?
Tope. . ?? ? . The cuts ' were spread ?
was a pretty sad Scene. Novi.. '
, Since 14 'founding 'at ? the 1. fairly evenly between the,
h 1dt of the uncer-'i. '
,? height, of the Cold *at in. .thclugh'
taintw hes ' been. Als Americans and others in the ?
d a
the east'
1911, the. controversial, ? Mu..
itich-base'ci dation has
beamed 'news, 'commentary..
'.end MUIde to Poland, Czecli,,
oslovakia, Hungary, Roma/
nia and Bulgaria In their re,
the ? five hadonal broadcasting ;
2spectif)e languagee:, . Nixon. administration,
"ineffectivettess" of. RIPE R
? operations, v.)as forced to ?
For yeah, beth RFE an' d ti?
? , lobbying for appropriatione cut 52 staffers. sinee June,
and think ,we re ph t e .up, ' ,
swing." ? ? .0.: . Y???'''''''' .i'7: ' ?... nt, RFE's 'five ? "national netel,'
European exiles ? staffing ?
Ratik-erfcl-file",;?? ,istifie.iii; '
works" and adMinistrative,%1
seenite bi Much thbre.pess1,i? 4
i techeical end research per.
Thistle; They ? coinplaitt'abotie 1
"top Many broken picimisesn. 80nnel. ? .. f ?
t t hi h l''
from- their bosses' and the'lt She!) said his news de-'
1,separate "Munich-headquar and expectations of an in- 1972. Among other things,
f,ered facility', Radi6,Liberty 'c re a in g "hand-te-mouth
f
this has, meant the closing
ti tir li d th Sti4'? '' kind of .existence . In ?.t u 1
i Oet Union, Were cot/mile fit,. . Wit' . ' ' 1 ' Befiln, Geneva, Athens and .
? Most' of all, they are c.
l' nanced by the U.S.' d.entral,', ; haunted' by fears that the
? .Stockholm. ?
The staff at RFE'S 50-.,
!Intelligence Agency. , . ? : Nixon,. ,administration is ::
,. 'member New York bureau
? This,. system ' was .. &min- 1 , moving toward agreement i? was ? severely cut. All full?
-
!'iloned three. years ago after,. ' . with Fulbright's' contention!4 i 'time East European employ..
i heavy 'criticism from con-',. that both organizations be- ? ees there ?were eliminated.
' gressmen, , . including .. the ; ''s.lbne in "the graveyard of ., ? : In priVate, RFE sources
chairman of the Senate For- .. :, Cold War relics." Despite a? :i:,) say' that further austerity .
eign Relations Committee, .1. '; lack of substatitiation, EUro...
measures are under consid-
-.William Fulbtight (D-Ark.). ? ,i , peon diplomatic circles buzz ,,$ eration; Ificluding the possi-
?An the ensuing shakeout, , with rumors that Washing %' , bility of merging certain ac- .
Congresti began funding the 'ton;' as part of its 'bedding. , i? tivitleh and -faculties with
two stations directly. titifi?`ii ?detente with the Soviet Un-% ? itadfo Liberty. Congress has
J
because of a ' big gap be-.'.. 'ion', has, agreed to, quietly .., i held 'out the possibility of a
l'Itveen their requests and the !', phate ent ? both Radio Free II; ;; supplemental $4.9 -reillion
; amounts .appropriated by ' , appropriation for the two 'Eurone and Radio Liberty: ! ;?,..
or-
Congress, both have' been ., i- There' is . little "titleationi....
ganizatione before the end
,? fighting 'an ? uPhill battle.. that Welt a move Would be'.:, of this fiscal year, but it .
; against shrinking budgets. ,'.!.': heartily , Welcomed- by' the ..I: :
' would be granted on the Int-
.+. Over ? the past 18 moirths,': ,,'
Seelets eh& their' .Eastern.;. .? derstanding that the men-,
II Ilfg, the larger 'organiza+!..., European allies. Despite?thei: . eyes primary use would be
1 Um, has trimmed approxi:' itthit? Morale (probiem,!:-On , to further such consolida-
flot yet ,7ompleted its. own;
I:, sizable st.i.'f cutbacks. ? ?
' Eventuey the expecta-
tion is tha: Radio Liberty
will give up 16.ot.of ils pros-.
,? eta office and \e'cleasting
?1 space and move t?s!)ig' part
ef its operation,' ?.,o the
? sprawling form hullo It's .;
,? also likely that Radio ben'
ty's two news. buree0 in ?
.11 London mid Paris will c
:Into some ? kind of sp.
;? sharihg arrangement w,
the' RPE bureaus in tho'l
i? So far, RFE has managed ss
to avoid the threat of
seri-
ous labor strife. The deci-
?sions on what jobs were to
A. be eliminated were worked.,
,.'ottt in painstakingly close
...:cooperation with the Amer!.
ean Newspaper Guild, reprei.'
t. seating employees paid In
'dollars and the German tut,
!?,. ions representing other em-,
!.. ployees. All concerned seem.
to agree tho Brine, were
?,' handled in the Moat ecedta-
'''tle mother passihla.? ?
.
hie broa east,' to e of RFE s news bureaus in
' 4nately 130 emplbyees from ,.. ? ?'
; Its staff, of broadcasters,,servet:e of East-West affairs-
. newsmen and technicians?" ;
,i agree that. both orgaelzit-
, roughly 10 per:cent of the' .,. tions do a very effectiVe job/
! erganizetion's i i .. former ' y. of maintaining a flow' of
.. .
! Strength?and. news direc. It news and ideas acrOss the
, tor Anatole Shill) conceded:?I? r ?
'It's left us.' stretched very' . i Iron Certain. , . ?
;thin in many areas.". . ? ,..,`.:1 The big question. now is !
RFE executives admit that ',whether they will be ableto .
? the cutbacks and continuing omaintain this effectiveness ,
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA4Ra77-00432R000100320004-8
tion.
Sources within both out- .
? fits confirmed that some
, kind of limited merger
'seems inevitable. At the mo-
;"ment, they add, progress is!:
1.. inhibited by the heed to re- ?
?2 solve a number of legal
stadles and the fact that Rs,
die Liberty, unlike RFE, has'
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-R0P77-00432R000100320004-8
STASIMIGTON POST
Tom Braden
Who
Is Making
Foreign
Policy?
SfYturflaY. lett, ht 1PN
Fresh from his personal triumphs in
the Mideast, Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger now confronts another crisis,
this one involving his leadership and
authority. Kissinger is on a collision
course with Secretary of Defense
James R. Schlesinger.
The tip-off was Schlesinger's aston-
ishing remark about military action
against Arab states. At the very mo-
ment that Kissinger was in Cairo, try-
ing to persuade President Sadat to
sign the peace agreement, Schlesinger
announced from Washington that if
"There is more trouble
ahead and the policy
of detente with Russia
may be at stake."
the Arab states continued their nil em-
bargo military action might result. It
was about as unhelpful a hint from
.home as Kissinger could have re-
ceived.
But there is more trouble ahead,
and the policy of detente with Russia
.; may be at stake. While Kissinger was
abroad, Schlesinger announced the re-
' targeting of U.S. land-based missiles.
Henceforth, he said, they would he
aimed at Russian missile sites rather
than at cities. The move will make the
next step in the SALT talks exceed-
ingly difficult, perhaps impossible, to
negotiate.
An argument?and a very good argu-
ment?can be made for Schlesinger's
move. Mr. Nixon has long deplored
what he called his lack of options. In
` the event of a nuclear attack, he has
had one choice and one choice only: to
obliterate the Soviet Union or any city
thereof. The shift in strategy will per-
mit him another choice: to take out
the Soviet missile system or any part
of that system.
.But the decision to make this 0P1109
SVA TTINGTON POST Satur;14Y- Feb. 2,1974
Claytori. Fritchey
The.. .resident. 'Still'
Ilespeded'
broad'
Atter visiting and reporting on a
dozen different countries in the last
, month or so, I returned with the irn
pression that despite Watergate Presi-
dent Nixon still commands substantial
respect abroad.
- ? The fact .seems to be that most for-
eigners have little interest in, or un-
derstanding of, American domestic af-
fairs, but they are keenly aware of our
; foreign policy, for the simple reason
, that nearly everything the United
[States does internationally affects the
I rest of the world. Mr. Nixon may not
be liked or even admired abroad, hut
:. he is still seen as the man who ended
or at least 'suspended the cold war and
[;'thus relieved the fear of a world-end-
lug nuclear confrontation.
The great mass of people every-
where craves peace above' all else.
Their lives can be made uncomfortable
by such crises as the? energy shortage,
but nothing is irreparable, except nu-
clear extinction, and much of the world
believes that awful prospect has been
lessened by the Nixon-Kissinger de-
"Mr. Nixon may not be
liked or even admired
abroad, but he is still seen
as the man who ended
or at least suspended
the cold war."
tente with Russia and China, the two'
great Communist powers.
As long as foreigners feel that they I
have a vital stake in .the continuation
and growth of the still fragile detente,
they naturally want to see it nursed
along by the man who initiated it-
11 ichard Nixon?regardless of his do-
mestic delinquencies, which are seen
as deplorable but irrelevant interna-
tionally,
Mr. Nixon also seems to be benefit-
ing from a somewhat similar attitude '
on the part of a number of Americans.
This may help account for the fact
that, while an overwhelming majority
in the United States believe the Presi-
dent is guilty of personal 'miiconditct,
many are still not eager for his im-
peachment. If Mr. Nixon had failed on
the foreign as well as domestic front,
he wouldn't have a prayer of surviving.
Like most foreigners, Americans see
detente as the path to peaoe. The latest
Harris poll, for instance, shows majori-
ties ranging from 72 per cent to 19 per
cent favoring further accord between
the superpowers on matters extending
from control over nuclear submarines
and antimissile weapons systems to
mutual withdrawal of forces from Lu-
18
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possible Is not only subject to
misinterpretation; It mal- vastly
creme the arms nee. Prom
standpoint, the timing?with SALT
talks imminent'-., could hardly have
been worse.
Ad4 to all this 'the reVelition that
Adm. Thomas Moorer, chairman of the
the Pentagon had been receiving, with- ."
out authorization, secret documents of
Henry Kissinger and you have the mak-
Ings of a very serious argument. Who
is making foreign policy? The Secrel
tary of Defense or the Secretary of
State?
W.singer does not like argument. In
five years under Mr. Nixon he has
managed to avoid having any. He did:.
not have to argue with his predecessor,
William P. Rogers, because he knew
more than Rogers, prepared himself
more thoroughly and was ready with
initiatives and information when Rog-
ers was not.
Nor did Kissinger argue with former
Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, who
frequently tried to undercut him with
President Nixon. Kissinger's technique,
In handling Laird was to touch base
with Laird's constituency In Congress
before Laird did. thus when Laird'
called friends on The Hill to complain
of Kissinger's initiatives, he would find
?more than once to his astonishment
?that Mr. Nixon's aide had beaten
him to the telephone, and that those
whom he thought might complain for
him had already been taken aboard.
But neither Rogers nor Laird really
wanted a fight. Rogers liked this title
more than his job, and Laird, a man of
immense ability to see the other side
of any question, was never certain that
the generals and the admirals to whom
he had been listening were right and
that Kissinger was wrong.'
Schlesinger appears to be made of
different stuff.
tom Anaeles
rope.
Despite record low levels of confi-
? dence expressed in Mr. Nixon as Presi-
dent, Harris reports that 70 per tent
' still give him high marks on "working
for peace," 64 per cent on "handling
relations with Russia" and 60 per cent
plus on "handling relations with
China."
Harris also has a warning for Demo-
cratic presidential aspirants who
"might well be making a fatal tactical
blunder in assuming that the strains
resulting from the Soviet policy to-
ward emigres and the Mideast war can
be taken to mean that the country
wants to return to a hard line in rela-
tions with Soviet Russia and other
Communist countries."
It sounds. as if Harris had in mind
Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) who has
been riding a presidential boom based
on his criticism of the Nixon-Kissinger
detente with Russia. Jackson seems to
think that Mr. Nixon, of all People, is
soft on communism and, in trusting
Russia, is living in a fool's paradise.
That's the way Mr. Nixon used to talk
about Franklin D. Roosevelt and his
Yalta agreement with Stalin.
The President, nevertheless, is bet-
ting that detente is the best thing he's
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8
got going for himself. His apologists,
notably Vice President Gerald Ford
And Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.),
have been encouraged to dwell on the
administration's p e ac e efforts. It is in-
teresting to note, incidentally, that
I, Goldwater, who had been sharply crit-
ical of the President, came back from
a recent trip abroad in a more respect.
ful attitude toward his leader.
Considering all the disclosnres yet
WASPINGTON POST
to come, it is questionable whether
anything can save the President, but
if anything can it will be further sue-
cesses abroad. The triumph of Dr. Kis-
singer in moving the Arabs and Isra-
elis toward peace has been a big plus,
and the Secretary of State has not hes-
itated to give Russia credit for its be.
"constructive" help:
There is, of course, some risk for the
President in gambling everything on
Sunday. Feb. 3, 1974
? .
. , .
:Stephen S. RotenfOld-
., .
?
,
?I?? ???
I y I
I SI I ? t?Pi
f..:?1?P
?
Kissinger and Schlesinger:
r
Soviet cooperation. He is, to some .ex?':'
tent, putting himself in the hands
the Russians, for if they pull the rug
from under detente, Mr. Nixon would
be fatally embarrassed. ?It no doubt1
would be the end for hini. But If his
political opponents try to, wreck de ii
-
tente merely to wound th President, ,4
they might in the process 'also wound
the United States.
49 1974. LOS Angeles Times
The ? word front Henry_ Kiisinger,',`,) breakthroughi, and the Vietnam nego-H'.'iivhen for the first time the United :'?1
jpassed ? by .6 journalist 'friend, is that tlations.
States has lost Its elm' strategic and '
the Secrettuy, of State faces an interior:1 Schlesinger, though he has been predominance and there is
challenge of "crisis" dimensions front?barely half a year in the Pentagon, ar- ", widespread nervousness and confusion
?4' ??? rived with a formidable substantive about, where the con try goes from
?,,, knowledge of What ia emerging as the ,,i here, Schlesinger 's h
Secretary of Defense James Schlesing- ?..i.
1 ?
Or in making foreign honey.. This is ';'0;: "big" national security Issue of the.Sec..."?? :come. ? ?
)ttley Washington stuff. It's indicative :i.:*:,,i end Nixon term?strategle twins. Previ-.! ?? In fact, anyone who 1
of ,where we are In the world, tool . ?0 ' ously Kissinger monopolized this issue .,. lie work of both, 'men
The interesting question it raises?:...3 , with his intellectual, bureaucratic and, more by their likenesse
and this Is already a Matter 'of lively
pub lc relations razzle dazzle. AS a for-. . ferences. Both are tow
?I?i , 1
mer defense Intellectual at Rand with ? leetnals long fascinate
community?is w he t h e r President
concern In the whole foreign affairs ili)4:
experience since at the top' of OMB,. ,.: ., of power. In manner
,:?,!
Nixon is hinting that the United States, monopoly.
and CIA,
, 'Schlesinger breaks the :.,r smooth, Schlesinger
`,;. .
'' '
while hoping to cooperate and improve :? ' ' Whether this will make
relathins with the Russians, has the ,' .1
Moreover, he arrived at the' Penta- ? ,respect to Congress, wh
..k.
t gon just as doubts were escalating ; , has a responsibility (
resources to make its way in the world 7 ' across the ?
political spectrum about the ' ' Kissinger) of gaining
without cooperating with them. There ..: '
: enduring value and viability of some " large defense budget,
Is not necessarily a contradiction be- :..! ? of the first-term achievements often '? , daily, important to see
tween thbse general lines, which are..' identified with Kilsingoil, the Vietnam,.. . to the misleading to 1m
front and hack of the same policy, but -. agreement, SALT I and Soviet-Amert: :,' singer is the sophistic
there is a vital nuance all the same. ; ?? .
'eon detente. These doubts may yet lie .,,1... singer the boor, or to
'Europeans are especially sensitive to ''
' I eased but, until they are, it is only to '',?'' ther is more than m
It. .- ? * i.
? ? . ??,? , be expected that a certain amount of '!: ' 'captive of pique.The Russiens, one notes, have been ?' i,' the loose deference available in this .' il There is a natural hig
quick to pick this tip. They have be- ,Y? town will flow from the upbeat Kis- l,'' in foreign affairs. One
gun zeroing in on Schlesinger by ?I': 'Singer to the more somber Schlesinger, '' ' 'carrot, the other the sti
name, most recently for his suggestion??,, Kissinger represents the idea that ( ? it's Kisainger and Sehl
that; If NAV? is weak, the Soviets,,,,,'' the nations that count can be brought :'i can say whether there
could "bring, political pressure to bear i',...? into a certain stable relationship,: a ' .4 sion between them. I
against Western Europe." Kissinger, ' II!' "structure of peace." This is the sense ?;; . that there Is a profe
? ho has said the Same more delicately, ?;;'i ' in which Schlesinger calls Kissinger a:, ? ;.which is not -only unav
still gets the kid-glove treatment in ' - ? "diplomatist," defined by Webster 'as''.'': Sentild, Mr.' Nixon and
Moscow.
, ? ? yi ."one who is dexterous, tactful, or art: 1.1' are fortunate to have
,
The intriguing thing I that,.. by. 'a :.
ful in meeting situations ?without?'%? ented men in the mit)
s'i'
, ; ' , ? '
friend's aecount, Kissinger,* an interne- arousing antagonism." The Mideast af-
'1', , ? ?
tional celebrity coming off a Nobel.: fords plenty, of scope still for a
Prize in Vietnam and a. huge per,t, '
','"diplomatist," But the sag of detente I
, ' .
and the, messiness of the energy crisis,.;
onol triumph in the Mideast, feels that '? i, , which lends itself poorly to flashy cri-,,,
Is ? authority Is threatened by, a' truly ? ? sls management or secret diplomacy,
to boot.
bsehre bureaucrat who is ol'homebody .. '', 'make the going somewhat rough .for..
? . ? .
Kissinger these days. ? . ?..,
partly it May be that,Schlesinger ??.? By contrast, Schlesinger has spent :
more substantial figure than any ,much of his* Career in and out of gov-
that Kissinger has' prevjously dealt' ernment thinking about the size and,
with In the national secdrity opium ' shape of the force which ,the United ?
us. Melvin Laird, the only other mint,; States ought to possess in the world; ?
Worth counting, concentrated on with- ? how to project that force politically to
!riming from Vietnam and paid rela-;;Y,?foreigners;,and how to win Support for.
NW, little heed ? te the ,first-term :.'it?in terms ?13f budget andin terms, of -
hbritil'Whieli iKilisinder in& te .plout 'd will AO Use it?from the ?American
id tetioyths the -Peking and, atiebeebi,?,,;i '; current `' conditibni,
ur may have
ohs at the pub-
: struck much,
than their dif- it
-minded Intel-
with the uses, j
i Kissinger is
bit rougher.
& difference in r.
re Schlesinger
nmatched by
pproval for a .r.s
will be espe-
But it seems
gine that Kis-
te and Schle-
uspect that el- ;4.;
,
mentarliy the
AL S.
of
4ow approach'
man holds the
k. In this case,
singer. Others
s personal ten-, -st
ould say just :4.'
Monet tension 4i.
idable but es- '0',
the rest of us
two such ? tal-
ent's service.
19
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tit
t,
, ? Secretary of Defense James X.
' Schlesinger, with an awesome array of ,
military power at his command, has
Invoked "the words of the psalmist"
as his best new weapon in defending
t a record peacetime Pentagon budget
1: before Congress. "Where there is no
1:vision," Schlesinger was saying last
week before the Senate and House
; Armed Services Committees, "the peo-
ple perish."
That ancient message, he claims, is
? Still relevant to understanding why
the U.S. must not shrink from high
defense budgets and global responsi-
bilities even after Vietnam and in the
so-called era of detente. Out of the
'psalmist's words, Schlesinger has been
, skillfully spinning a web of explanations
;for almost everything the Pentagon
' wants to do:,.
?
? Because the Soviet Union con-
tinues to invest heavily in new nuclear-
tipped missiles, the U.S. must be pre-
pared to "match" those developments
so as not to lose the strategic edge
or even be "perceived" by others as
having lost it..
[? Because previous strategies of mas-
sive retaliation to deter a nuclear at-.
tack leave the U.S. only with a "sui-
cide or surrender" choice, the U.S.
?? must now have a strategy to respond
In kind to less than an all-out attack.
In other words, the U.S. must have
the ability to strike back in a limited
?
fashion against certain military targets
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ASITINGTON POST Wedamtiar, M. PM
Michael Getter
The Schlesinger Strategy
The? writer is a member of the
national staff of The Washing-
ton Post.
in the hope that an automatic escala-
tion to mutual "city bashing" can be
"avoided.
? Because both of these factors?the
pledge to 'keep racing the Russians if
? necessary and the, flexibility to re-
d spond in kind to any type of nuclear,
t attack?make nuclear war even less
? 'likely than it was before, the' most
likely arena for eombat would be with
conventional forces. Thus, we have to
strengthen and maintain those forces.
That is how the parts of Schlesin-
;f, ger's plan fit together.
In laying that out, he sets forth his
view that, "In, recent years, we have
begun to lose the vision about the role
,of the United States in the world.
There has been a trend . . . perhaps
? understandable . . . to self-flagellation
and carping.
;a "But the burden for the mainten-
ance of free societies around the world
? can only be borne by the United States.
'We must accept that," he Says. "There
is no alternative. If the United States
drops the torch, there is no one else
that can pick it up."
In Schlesinger, the Pentagon has its
0 Most articulate warrior-philosopher-
t spokesman in many years.
? In contrast to the parade of civilian
.,and military officials who come before
committees to read formal, drowsy
statements, Schlesinger's informal and
more scholarly dissertations have been
4 described as impressive?and possibly
disarming?even by critics on the mostly
friendly armed services committees.
Aside from Schlesinger's perform-
ance, this is an election year for Coq-
gress. An economic downturn and still !
higher unemployment are forecast,
and the energy crisis and talk of
im-
peachment are attracting most atten-
tion. All, of these factors, some law-
makers believe, will tend to reduce
congressional scrutiny this year of.
what is probably the most important
defense budget in a decade.
The budget contains the seeds for a
major new round of nuclear weapons
developments as "hedges" against lack
of Soviet restraint. Schlesinger says
he can control this. But in the past,
weapons planners have usually found
new rationales for development and
production as original reasons faded.
The budget also reflects complex
and far-reaching shifts in War-fighting
strategy which cannot be challenged
simply by voting against certain hard-
ware projects. Schlesinger, for exam-
ple, has said that by "beating fat into
swords" the Army will increase from
13 to 14 divisions without increasing
manpower.
While that seems like a good idea,
the larger question is whether the U.S,
needs 14 divisions rather than 13. It
not, why shouldn't the "fat" simply
be removed from the Army and the
budget. Schlesinger has offered similar
"bargains" to the other services but
again, the broader question is: If exist-
ing force levels are correct, why not
just remove the fat altogether.
It is Schlesinger's plans in the nu-
clear field, however, which are perhaps
most important and deserve the "na-
tional debate" that he has called for.
Hovering for years over the issue of
introducing a limited nuclear war
fighting capability has been the ques-
tion of what could ponceivably be so
important to Russian national interests
as to prompt them to launch a limited
nuclear attack against the U.S. and
risk being destroyed in return.
,Schlesinger argues that adding this
capability to respond in a "limited" ?
way deters nuclear warfare at any
level and helps keep the irrational or
accidental attack from getting out of '
hand. Others argue that even talking
about "limited" nuclear warfare re-
duces deterrence and increases the ac-
ceptance that some form of limited
atomic war is possible.
The 1,000 multiple-warhead-carrying
U.S. Minuteman land-based missiles
are already accurate enough to knock
out many types of Soviet military tar-
gets, though it would probably take
a few warheads to knock out a single
Soviet missile in an underground silo.
Thus, for the time being, the shift of
plans so that some of these weapons
can be fired at some military targets?
rather than exclusively at cities or in-
dustrial centers?does not cost much
money. It is mostly done with cont-
. puters.
The future of several 'new types of
weapons?cruise missiles, new subma-
rines and fixed and mobile landbased
missiles?that are now requested for
early development, Schlesinger says,,
are mostly tied to what the Russians
decide to do at the current round of
the arms talks. If the Russians show
restraint, then at least some of" the
"The budget contains the
,seeds for a major new
round of nuclear weapons
developments."
new systems will not go ahead, though ,
some undoubtedly will be pressed to
modernize or replace existing weapons.
But between Schlesinger's so-called
re-targeting strategy and the new
weapons related to progress at the I
SALT talks, is the critical question of
improved missile accuracy. Schlesin-
ger says he wants to improve it, mostly ?
because more accurate missiles in the
future would mean fewer would have
to be used in a limited counter-attack,
and they would cause less damage to
surrounding areas. Yet it has never, '
been made clear just how extensively ? ?
Schlesinger would like to improve the i
U.S. missile force. Whether he is talk-
ing about improving just some missiles
or all of them and precisely whether
he envisions those improvements as .
going ahead no matter what happens
at SALT.
Critics have always argued that still
more accurate missiles would enable
hawks in the Kremlin?despite U.S.
, disclaimers ? to argue that the U.S.
Is attempting to develop a first-strike
force able to knock-out Russian mis-
siles. The Russians, however, are work-
ing on the same improvements, and
this creates temptations for either su-
perpower to launch his missiles first
rather than lose them. Because missile-
firing submarines are virtually invul-
nerable to attack, neither superpower
could effectively achieve a true first-
strike force.
The critics agree, and some have
been arguing lately with increased en1
thusiasm for the U.S. to press the So-
viets for some mutual reductions in
land-based missiles to remove what
they view as the major cause of un-
certainty and suspicion between two
superpowers armed to the teeth. ?
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8
GENERAL
!WASHINGTON POST Sunday,Pcb.10,1974
,
g-Jack Anderson and Les WhittenTerrorists and Airports
,
'When Britain moved tanks aroun,1
London's Heathrow airport to protect
?. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger,
word leaked out that Arab terrorists
had planned to kill him in order to
? abort Mideast peace efforts. But ,the
:?,'? leaks told only a fraction of the story.
Now, a warning to the House Com-
nierce Committee by Rep. John Mur-
phy (D-NX.), and a "need-to-know-
only" CIA alert to the White House
and other agencies, explain the Kis-
singer danger and harbinger new trou-
bles for the great world air terminals.
A few days ago, Murphy spoke in
confidence with Federal Aviation Ad-
ministration special agents who in-
sisted a "Heathrow-type" incident had
actually been planned in the United
States. With the agents' consent, Mur-
phy took the matter to his chairman,
, Rep. Harley Staggers (D-W.Va.).
? ? "Intelligence (the FAA agents) have
received indicates that terrorists in the
United States have plans to park an
automobile at the end of the runway of
a Major U.S. airport and 'fire one of
th6se rockets right up the tailpipe of a
747 as it takes off,'" Murphy relayed to
Staggers in a long private note.
, "These rockets," as it turns out,
. were precisely the same kind of SA-7
"Strella" shoulder-fired missiles that
I had alarmed the British Into their ex-
? traordinary precautions at Heathrow.
As we have now discovered, the CIA
? ? and its British counterparts had
learned from informants that Arab ter-
rorists planned to site a car at the end
of a Heathrow runway and zoom a
lightweight, but lethal rocket up the
jet pipe of Kissinger's plane. The pur-
l' pose, of course, was to wreck the mod-
est Israeli-Egypt agreement then being
worked out by the peripatetic Secre-
' ttary of State. This would create the
. kind of whirlwind in the' Mideast that
. the terrorists reap so well. ?
As soon as the CIA picked up the in-
, telligence, it worked with other agen-
Y \ cies, particularly the FAA, to get out
t:
? all-points warnings that Strellas were
t
? in Arab hands.
"It is probable," began the caution-
ary wire sent on an internal circuit to
the White House situation room, the
; Joint Chiefs of Staff, the FBI, the Sc.
POST
I
Victor Zorza
T ?
I a fang
?.? Although the reopening di;the Suez
i; ?Canal is expected only lat(i his year,
! it has already given a start! en a naval
race between the superpo 'ers which
1.
cret Service and the State Department,
"that the Fedayeen possess . .. Soviet
SA-7 (Strella) ground to air missiles."
Some of the 30-pound weapons had '
already been "found by Italian Police
in possession of Fedayeen terrorists
near Rome's international airport (on)
5 September," the wire went on.
"in view of demonstrated capability
of Fedayeen to operate worldwide,
(this) information . . . is being fur-
nished by United States government
on a 'confidential and need-to-know
basis ..." '
The FAA retransmitted the informa-
tion to foreign security officials, for-
eign airlines and the U.S. Air Trans-
port Association. In a careful technical
evaluation of the Strella's danger, thet
message said the weapon had been de-
veloped by the Soviets as an infantry-
man's missile against aircraft flying
below 10,000 feet.
The FAA-CIA warning told how two ,
men, one carrying a launcher, the
other lugging an extra round, can set
up, fire and escape in less than a min-
ute. "Preparing the missile to fire, ac-
quiring the target and firing the mis-
sile requires 10 to 20 seconds," said the
wire. "The person launching the mis-
sile may then leave the area."
Little care is needed in aiming. The ;
missile has a heat-seeking infrared
homing system that draws the rocket
to heat as surely as iron filings are ,
drawn to a magnet. The system works
at ranges up to almost three miles;i
permitting the terrorists to waylay the
plane hundreds of yards from the air-
port, particularly when the jet makes a
slow climb.
The ? confidential message only
hinted at an added threat of Strellas in`
the hands of reckless and unconsciona-
ble terrorists. If the rocket misses the
tailpipe of a plane,' it "might be di-
verted by alternate sources of heat."
This means that it could plunge down
the smokestack of It school, a factory
or any other building nearby.
"At this point, there are no kmiwn
countermeasures for these missiles
which are both inexpensive and highly
effective," warned the message. And,
increasingly, the Strellas are being
matched by other nations producing
1974
may eclipse, in -cost and in sensity, all
the arms races of earlier ye0.
It does not haveTO-happen --lint -
Is acquiring a mad moinenOm or its
21.
a? ofTh rzn
own, as the nuclear missile! race once
did. If it is not halted now !before it
really gets going, the opp kunity to
arrest it will not recur f i1 a good
many years.
The crucial lap of the navel race 1w-
gins on the small island of biego Gir-
cia, barely a speck on the 6iip of the
Indinn Ocean, which Britain is willing
anti-aircraft rocket weapons for their
infantrymen.
The American warning, coupled with
Intelligence gathered by West German,
Dutch, Belgian and British security
networks, has led to a drastic change
in prote.ction around major air termi-
nals.
' "While the British display was
played up in the press," Murphy wrote,
"it is not generally known that the
original deployment of mass military
forces to deter missile bearing terror-
ists occurred at Brussels Airport when
the Belgian government learned of the
presence of Palestinian Arabs passing
through the facility.
"Belgian intelligence justified th-
e,
mass alert on the basis of information
that the Arabs had in their possession
Soviet SA-7 shoulder-launched surface-
to-air launchers and missiles."
As a result of the international
scare, U.S. troops and German se-
curity men with submachine guns are
guarding the Frankfurt airport, and
"patrolling flight paths in armored,
vehicles some distance from the air-
port," Murphy said. Troops are also on,
guard at the Amsterdam airport be-
lieved to be a major target of the ter-
rorists "because of (the Netherlands),
political support of Israel."
The CIA and American air security
experts recommend a limit on slow
climbs and descents and on low flights
"over areas difficult to surveil. Local
security forces may reduce the threats
. . . by securing the area (for about
three miles) each side of . . . the ap-
proach, takeoff and climhout areas of
active runways ..."
If there is an advance warning, the
aircraft under attack can "jettison
flares to attract the heat-seeking mis-
siles." This, of course, could mean the
rockets Will then mindlessly find a new
target if they miss both plane and
flares.
While Murphy and others have intro-
duced bills to bolster security at U.S.
airports, experts we have talked with
say the solution must be political, not
technical. New legislation would help,
say these experts, but until the Arab
lands refuse hospitality to mass mur-
derers, there is no protection but
prayer, good luck or staying away,
from airports.
1574, United Feature Syndicate
to make avababie for G Un WA stales
base in an area previously iliiitenanied
by the superpowers. The l r'entagon
wants the base because the. Soviet
Navy will now be able to uui Suez to !
Increase its presence in the area. So-
viet ships will now have to spend much
less time at sea on their way to the In-
dian Ocean ? a 2200 mile. Journey
from the Mack Sea, instead of 9.000
miles from Vladivostok in the Far
East.
Some spokesmen for the U.S. naval
lobby say that this would enable the
Russians to quadruple the number of
ships on station, without actually as-
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signing More ships to the area, hid
other Aperts dispute this claim. To
V match the Russians. the United 'States
would have to increase its own
strength. The Diego Garcia base, the
? ,Navy argues, Would provide support fa-
cilities for both ships and aircraft
.! which would make it less necessary to
4 bring other vessels from far off, ley-
big them free for other tasks, and
? Would make the whole operation far
t: less costly.
The argument may make good naval
h' sere but it leaves out of account 'the
- ?
po itics of the arms race. The Soviet
naval lobby was pressing the Kremlin
lastVear for permission to increase its
own, strength in the Indian Ocean
as was evident from the cries of alarm ?
? its spokesmen were uttering in the
.press about U.S. intentions. ? But Wash-
ington publicly signalled Moscow that
its intentions were entirely honorable..
s , Administration officials, let it be
known that they did not want to do any.
that would push the Soviet Un-
ion into a naval race in the area, and
ph? the Kremlin allowed itself to be taken
t-? In by this?or ?so it would now ,scorn
to Moscow. One Moscow journal asso-
ciated with the Soviet anti-arms lobby
, even suggested at the time that, al-
though U.S. hawks were trying to ex-
teid the superpower confrontation In
the Indian Ocean, they would prohablv
fail to achieve their objective.
The publication of this article in
Moscow, coupled with the unprovoca-
tive Soviet conduct in the Indian
Ocean, suggested, as did Pie signs. in
Washington at the time, that both pow-
ers were leaning over backward to con-
tain the naval race in the area. All this
changed during the October war, when
both navies Sent in powerful reinforce-
ments and tilashington announced that
it would henceforth maintain an in-
creased and "regular" presence itillfe
Indian Ocean. Then came Henry Kis-
singer's successful peace effort in the
Mideast, with its promise of the re-
opening of the Suez Canal, which.
strengthened Washington's resolve to
go back on its implied promise to the
Kremlin to keep the Navy on a leash
in the Indian Ocean.
'But why should the building of na-
val support facilities on Diego Garcia,
.which the Pentagon says can be done
for a paltry. $20 million, be viewed in
such cataclysmic terms? Because, to
begin with; it would destroy the deli-
cate balance between the naval lobby
add its opponents in the Kremlin. Both
the United States and the Soviet Un-
ion are now embarked on major naval
construction and' modernization pro-
grams, but the political leaders in both
countries have so far conceded much
less than the naval lobbies are de-
The Washington Merry-G041.16Dopid
Aramtco Bac
By Jack Anderson
The story behind the leap in
oil prices is revealed, at least in
part, in the secret corporate pa-
pers of the 'Arabian-American
Oil Co. (Aramco).
The new Pike's Peak prices
will cost the 'world's oil con-
sumers, billions of dollars and
jolt the elonomies of oil-de-
pendent nations.
Aramco is the world's largest
oil producer. Its derricks out-
'number the palms on the Saudi
Arabian desert, which covers
an underground sea of petro-
leum.
Aramco is a consortium of
four of the five largest U.S. oil
giants?Exxon, the biggest;
Texaco, second; Mobil, fourth,
and Standard Oil of California,
fifth.
Over the past three decades,
the four, companies have
earned enormous profits on the
crude oil under the Saudi sands
--profits that were sharply
boosted by a secret 1950 Treas-
ury Department ruling that per-
mitted them to charge their toy
nity pa*yinents off their U.S.
taxes, dollar for dollar.
The write-off, which has been
worth hundreds of millions of
dollars in tax credits to the Ar-
amen partners, was justified on
hational security grounds. This
ipecial incentive was needed,
Aramco pleaded, to preserve
the Saudi oil for U.S. defense.
' As a measure of the worth of
manding.
In the United States. the Navy's in-
ordinate' 1.:c; costly ambitions are a
mat-
ter of public record. In the Soviet
titey are to be found between the
lines of articles and speeches by naval -
leaders. They do not ask publicly for
money. But their Oscription of the
navy's tasks leaves little doubt that, it
these. are to be fulfilled, far more
money will have to be found than. the
Kremlin can now be seen to be spend-.
ing. '
In both countries, the naval lobbies
have been using the Indian Ocean; be-ti of its proximity to the Persian.
Gulf oil routes, as the bogey with
which to push the politicians into
crossing a new strategic threshold. The
decision to build a base on Diego Gar-
cia will, if it is maintained, represent
the crossing of the threshold by the
United States.
The Soviet Union will follow, as
night follows day, and the last quarter
of the century will witness a naval
race which promises ? :because the
ship is more versatile and Ubiquitous
than the missile ? to outdo the great
missile race that dominated the third
quarter of the centurs.
THE WASHINGTON POST
(if, 1974, Vidor 7,orza
Tuesday, Feb. 5.1974
eu Sug Oil
this multimillion-dollar argu-
ment, Aramco has cut off all Sa-
udi oil to U.S. armed forces
since Oct. 21 at King Faisal's re-
quest. The king was offended at
U.S. arms shipments to Israel.
Aramco expects to lose its
fabulous Saudi oil concessions
eventually, but would dearly
like to Put off the dreadful day.
The corporate papers predict
that King Faisal will take over
the oil fields "well ? before
1980."
In an anxious scramble for
new sources of crude, the ,Ar-
amen partners dusted off plans
to reactivate U.S. wells that had
been temporarily abandoned.
As long as there was plenty of
cheap Saudi oil available, the
four partners weren't inter-
ested in conducting costly
pumping operations in the
United States. But the threat of,
nationalization dramatically
changed their outlook.
? However, they didn't want to
give up .the fat profits they had
become accustomed to piling
up. They decided, therefore,
that they needed higher oil
prides to pay for reopening the
U.S. wells.
Heti-ire they closed these
wells, they had creamed off the
oil that gushes out on its own
power. Now they must pump
gas or water into the wells to
force out the "secondary" oil.
They are also studying "tertiary
rice tse
techniques" for extracting oil itoo far and risk government
from the oil sands. Icontrols.
I To raise money for all this, 1* The corporate papers show
Aramco encouraged Saudi Ara- that the Aramco brass is pre-
;bia to raise oil prices. The cor- 'paring for another showdown
'porate papers tell of secret with Yamani this month. They
meetings with Zaki Yamani, the expect Yamani to call for "re-
polished Saudi petroleum min- istructuring" Aramco, giving Sa-
ister. The papers mention $6 as ludi Arabia a greater share of
the price they hoped to set for a ithe oil production. They be-
barrel of oil. incite that he will demand an in-
The Saudis *obligingly came crease from 25 to 51 per cent of
through with a price rise in the Ithe conlpany.
fOriii of a tax increase, which I Then Saudi Arabia will-wind
the Aramco partners *could up controlling Aramco, and it
'credit against their U.S., taxes. will be just a matter' of time
The secret papers contain corn- before ?the Aramco partners
plex' charts, which show that will be left with whatever oil
their profits increased in pro- they can. squeeze out of their.
portion to the price rise. ? U.S. fields. . ?
Exxon's profits for the last Footnote: Aramco declared
three months of 1973 jumped 59 that "far' from encouraging in-
per cent over the same period creased oil prices," it has
in 1972. Mobil reported a 68 per "worked for reasonable
cent increase, Texaco a 70 per prices." A corporate statement
cent increase, Standard of Cali- charged that we had failed to
fornia 94 per cent. substantiate our story and that
The strategy of raising prices we couldn't possibly have any
worked better than the Aramco "valid evidence" to back it up.
partners bargained for: Other On the contrary, we have
oil-producing countries joined given the Subcommittee on
in the clamor for higher profits, Multinational Corporations
until the price soared out of headed by Sen. Frank Church
bounds.
(D-Idaho) a detailed descrip-
Alarmed Arameo officials, lion of the documents in our
fearful of worldwide political possession. We were called be-
repercussions, went back to hind closed doors, where we
Yamani with a plea to stabilize testified under oath; read ex-
prices. Although the Aramen cerpts from the corporate ppa-
partners have benefited might-
ers and told the subcommittee
ily from the high prices, they which documents to subpoena.
don't want to press their luck 22 .1974 Vatted Feature Syrulleate ?
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NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY I, 1974 '
State Department Bungled
In Oil Talks, Senator Says
By RICHARD D. LYONS
Special to The New Trot Time,
' WASHINGTON, Jan. 31?
The oil companies' failure to
stand together and bungling by
the State Department were ma-'
jor factors in the sharp rise in
world petroleum prices, Senator'
Prank Church declared at rd
Senate hearing today.
The Idaho Democrat said,
that State Department officials'
engaged in "undercutting"!
the 'companies' joint front in
negotiations with oil-producing
kountries both before and after
the fallout among the big oil
eomp-ahres and the smaller in-I
dependent>producers.
The result was a leap-frog'
effect in which the companies
were picked off one by one"
and gave ever-increasing royal-'
ties to the Middle Eastern oil
states, Senator Church said.
.The Foreign Relations .Sub-
ommittee on Multinational
Corporations, which Mr.
Church heads, made public a
dozen documents from the
State Department, the Justice
Department and the oil compa-
nies in -support of what the
Senator termed "an incredible
series of blunders and misman-
agement."
Subcommittee members said
the .moral of the tale was that
similar behavior by the United'
States and oil companies at a
meeting here Feb. 11 would
lead only to further chaos in
, World petroleum, supplies.
The foreign ministers of ma-
ler oil-producing countries are
`scheduled to meet then to set
,lodg-range and short-range pol-
icies that might help to ease
tl* current World energy short-
8he sweep crf the day's tes-
timony was reflected by the
cast of characters referred to.
It included John N. Irwin 2d,
Pinner Under Secretary of
State, now Ainbassador to
France; H. L. Hunt, the Dallas
oilman, considered ond of the
.richest men in the world; Doug-
las MacArthur Jr., former Am-
.baSsador to Iran; Richard W.
McLaren, former Assistant At-
Attorney General, who was head
rtaf the Justice Department's
tAntitrust Division.
'Also, the Shah of /ran; Dr.
Armand Hammer, chairman of
the Board of the Occidental Pe-
troleum Corporation; J. K. Jam-
ieson, chairman of the board of
the Exxon Corporation; Col.
'Muammar el-Qaddafi, who
headed the military coup that
overthrew King Idris of Libya
in 1969, and John J. McCloy,
rformer United States High
Commissioner for Germany,
kind now a New York lawyer/
The witnesses today were
.tHenry M. Schuler, vice presi-
klent for European operations
ot the Hunt International Petro-
.leum Corporation and Norman
;L. Rooney, another of the com-
pany's 'executives.
, The Hunt company, which
?received an oil concession from
Libya and had producing wells
In the country, is owned by
Nelson Bunker Hunt, the son of
H. L., Hunt.
'Mr. Schuler, a former Foreign
Service officer in Libya and
former official, of the Grace
Petroleum Corporation, testified
for three and one-half hours in
the 'crowded hearing room. At
the start, he noted that, over
the, course of the events out-
lined today, the price of a bar-
rel of Libyan oil rose from $150
in August, 1970 to more than
$16- today: "
"If a political and economic
monster 'has been loosed upon
tbe world [by the oil crisis], it
is' the creation of Western Gov-
ernments and -companies," Mr.
Schuler said. "Together we cre-
ated it and gave it the neces-
sary push, so only We, acting
in harmony, can slow it down."
Mr. Schuler was questioned
by Senator Church; Senator
Clifford P.? Case, Republican of
New Jersey, and Senator
Charles H. Percy, Republican
of Illinois. He said that smaller,
independent oil companies had
moved into Libya to obtain
crude oil because the major
corporations had cornered most
of the production in the Per-
sian Gulf states.
Charts prepared by the sub-
committee showed that Libya
had been carved into more
than 50 concessions, While
much of the Persian Gulf pro-
duction had come from three
huge concessions.
'After the Libyan revolution
in 1969, Mr. Schuler said, the
new Government there wantedi
to obtain more revenues from
the oil fields, not by increasing
production, as was done in the
Persian Gulf area, but by "in-
creasing the unit price."
Mr. Schiller said that Libya
initially exerted pressure on
Occidental Petroleum in the
spring of, 1970, "claiming vio-
lation of good oil .field prac-
tice."
He said that Occidental was
particularly vulnerable to pres-
sure because it had "No other
source "of crude" for its mar-
kets, which were primarily in
'Western Europe.
Mr. Schuler said he had heard
of a request by Dr. Hammer of
Occidental in July, 1070, to
Mr. Jamieson of Exxon that
Exxon help supply Occidental
with crude oil if Occidental re-
fused to pay higher royalties
to the Libyans.
Profit Share Rises
As Senator Church put, it:
"Qaddafi turns first to Occi-
dental as being vulnerable; Oc-
cidental turns to Exxon so it
won't have to deal with Qad-
dafi and Exxon turns It down;
I subsequently, Occident al
cepts the price because it has
no alternative.".
? Mr. Schuler said that at that
time the Sarir oilfield in Libya,
which the Hunt concern- was
operating with the British Pe-
troleum Corporation, was pro-
ducing 450,000 barrels a day..
He added that after Occiden-
tal agreed to a new agreemeet
in which Libya received 58 per
cent of the profits, rather than
the 50 per cent that had beeh
common for 20 years, "it was
readily recognized that the
other governments lin the Mid-
dle East] would do the same."
The witness said that Libya
had thus "picked off" the com-
panies one by one and that
this "leap-frog or ratchet tf-
feet" soon spread to the other
nations.
Meetings Reported
Mr. Schuler then 'described a
series of meetings in London
and New York starting in De-
cember, 1970, held by officials
of the oil companies with Mid-
dle Eastern holdings. He said
that he had represented the
Hunt company as its chief ne-
gotiator.
The New York meetings, he
said, were held at the Univer-
sity Club, the executive offices
of the Mobil Oil Corporation
and the Chase Manhattan Bank,
As a result, the Libyan pro-
ducers agreement was settled
on, a plan in which the C0111-'
panics tried to make a united
effort to contain the leap-frog
effect, Mr. Schuler said. The
companies were basedin Japan,
Germany, Belgium. Spain, France
Holland and Britain as well as
the United States.
From this evolved the so-
called London Policy Group,
which was to negotiate with
the oil-producing nations.
At this time, Senator Church
said, Mr. McLaren of the Jus-
tice Department, ,in dealing
with Tr. McCloy,' who repre-,
sented major oil corporations,
agreed that the Federal Govern-
ment would waive antitrust im-
plications of the joint action. '
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Suniery,l'eb.17..1974 THE 'WASHINGTON POST
The Newest L eft:
Fighting the CI
aving the or!
By Paul W. Valentine
Valentine is a writer on The Washington Post's metropolitan staff.
XTEW YORK?Pale, Intense, humor- Like Early .Christians
11 less, disciplined, the men and ,
wOmen work night and day in the 0".,OF THE MOST active radical
cramped offices eight floors above the - groups in the doldrunt-like after-
crimped
streets. . math of the Vietnam war, NCLC pur-
1, i su%s,its-?various missions with something
phoned ring constantly. Staff work-
erd take the calls, confer, snap brief akin te, messianic hysteria, deluging
the, news media with crisis-pitch press
orders to each other, rap memos
releases, leafleting factories and plants,
oni one of several typewriters, rum-
mage through bulging file cabinets predicting chaos, class war and revo-
? ,
lution. in four to five years and accus-
tnth
1, is
ked against the peeling walls and lag ;! the government of fomenting
hque painted windows. inflation, unemployment, strikes, ur-
e unmarked door to the offices
bap gang warfare and other disruptive
petpetually bolted .? No stranger enters acts, to justify, a fascist crackdown.
until security officers inside inspect . .
"CIA Plans Assassinations of Revo-
lt& carefully through a peephole. Then lutionary ? Youth," screams one press
tl4re is a physical search. ? release: headline. "CIA Brainwash
t'h'is is the headquarters and nerve ? Victim Recovering," says another.
cepter of the National Caucus of Labor
Chmmittees (NCLC), a sinall, increas- Though small in numbers (New York
!fitly militant Marxist organization. police L estimate nationwide member-
ship at 700 to . 1,000),? NCLC has at-
iOne of its obsessions is the Central '
tracted,into its bizarre world not only
/ 'telligence Agency. In emotionally su- '
Sotis and daughters of old-line radical
p charged tones, NCLC disciples pro- families of the 1930s but ?also children
clim they are gripped in a nightmar-
of,wpolitically conventional and even
is web of CIA-directed conspiracy, prominent families, including the sons
b inwashing and assassination at-
pts designed to obliterate NCLC . of,-:Ford Foundation vice president, ?
the daughter of the president of Sarah
Its leader, Lyn Marcus.
Lawrence. ? College . and the son of a
Pe ,claims are shrouded in the ? de- high-ranking ,State Department affi-
monic , shadow 'world of psychological dal, :?? ? .. . ? ?
"programming," hypnotism, electro-
NCLC is "like an early Christian
sheeko: drugs, Ratio-masochistic torture
Sea," says W. McNeil Lowry, the Ford
'arid .sexual degradation forced on key
Foundation :vice president whose son,
NCLC members by CIA operatives and
Graham, is . a Boston NCLC member.
other. sinister forces?not only to ef-
"They, think-they're the only ones who
feRt the,assassination of NCLC leader-
can save the world." ?
.ship.? but also help trigger a fascist
"I stumbled into an NCLC study
takeover of America.
grInp,.at the University of Michigan,"
i Fervid NCLC followers see their
says 'New York NCLC member Susan
Organization?a spin-off cif?the now
??? Wagner, 24. "I_ was attracted to it be-
moribund Students for a Democratic
cense. it was. the only serious group
Society, (SDS)--as a piv,otal force in
that'seemed to know what it was do-
bringing worldwide .socialist revolution, ?
ing.ahd. how to do it."
and ? thus as a . prime target of -CIA
"cOunter-insurgency." ? , ' While other leftist organizations ist
sued learned :papers and spouted
1
? ?%V.. must work all the time," says
rhetoric, she says, NCLC organized 47CLC,,Washington member Bruce Di-
support for a sanitation strike in De-
tector with apocrqyptic urgency, "... be-
trait. ,"It was direct action on a real
cause if we don't succeed, the end of
114mo-7-getting i living wage for the
the,wprld as,we know it is in sight."
24
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workers." .
Miss Wagner says she grew up in
conventional Midwestern family 4 .
"basleally apolitical, but humanist&
Hr tither is an executive for a "De.
troit 'auto firm," she says, and he
mother is a housewife and part-time.
secretary. Like many NCLC members,...
she. ,ie. reluctant to give identifying
partioidars about family memberts
Speaking in clipped, unemotional
tones;. Miss Wagner says she has on
brother, "a very' traditional engineer
at least he's useful. I told hlm???
we:can use him after the revolution."
, This utilitarian view of the family
pervades much of NCLC thinking.
"Part of our work is organizing our
parentar, says 20-year-old Bruce Di-
rector.
just like organizing workers at".
a ihni," says Miss Wagner.' ". . . It
, requires a fundamental change in the .
relationship with our families?Jfrom a '
child-parent relationship to an adult-
to-adult relationship."
The CIA Plot Theory
DIRECTOR, a small, wiry man with
bright, darting eyes, who lives in
Silver Spring, says that NCLC mem-
bers are not congenitally conspiracy-
minded, and that many like himself at
first doubted the CIA "master plot"
ballyhooed by NCLC.
"I received it with some skepticism
at first," he says. "I knew the coun-
try was not run by bourgeois democ-
racy, but I was not exactly sure who
was running it. . . . NCLC made it
clear to me who it is and how these
real powers have had to mount a
worldwide psychological operation to
iniplement what they want."
NCLC leaders acknowledge that -
they have little direct concrete evi-
dence of the "master 'plot," but
through a network of "sources" and ?
24-hour-a-day monitoring of political,.
economic, trade union and-other de-
velopments throughout the world, they
say they are able to construct their,
conclusions on "Inferential reason-
ing."
Principal architect of the CIA plot
theory is Lyn Marcus, the lean and
garrulous national chairman of NCLC
who leads his organization with an
authoritarian hand from the eighth
floor headquarters at 231 W. 29th St.
in Manhattan's garment district.
During a five-hour nonstop inter-
view, he described in minute detail
what he said was the abduction last
fall of a 26-year-old British member
of his organization, Christopher White,
by CIA operatives who forced him to
undergo a series of harrowing brain-
washing procedures in England over
the course of 50 days.
White was subjected, Marcus claims,
to heavy drugs, electro-shock and ac-
tual 'or threatened homosexual acts,
animal sodomy and the eating of his
own excrement. Thus reduced to a
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--zombie-like servant of his captors,
Marcus says, White was psyehological-
t, ly "programmed" to fly to New York
.; Dec. 30 and trigger the assassination
. of Marcus the next day by calling in
a seven-man Cuban hit squad.
The assassination was narrowly
' averted, Marcus continues, when on
' \ the night of Dec. 30, after seeing the
'dazed White close at hand, "I realized
he was brainwashed." NCLC quickly
threw up a specially trained 24-mem-
ber "defense squad" cordon around
4 Marcus' apartment in Manhattan, se-
questered the stricken White and be-
gan an elaborate tape-recorded "de-
prOgramming" procedure, Marcus says.
That procedure is continuing on a
v, periodic basis, says Marcus, with the
. layers of CIA-imposed programming
.
being pulled back one by one through
gentle psychotherapeutic prodding.
? White, a quiet, soft-spoken English.
man, says he believes he was brain-
washed. But when pressed for details
e he says his true memory, at this par-
tially stage, is still
, "scrambled" by an . intricate set of
4 false memories implanted during the
, original brainwashing.
. The CIA refuses to comment on the
NCLC claims. Specialists in psycho-
logical warfare, hypnotism and relat-
ed fields say such brainwashing is
theotetically possible but unlikely.
"It all sounds like fiction to me,"
isays Harry Arm's, founder of the
American Association to Advance
cal Hypnosis and a leading researcher
in a classified U.S. Air Force study of
RusSian and Communist Chinese
brainwashing techniques used in the
Korean war. "It's Manchurian Candi-
date stuff."
In addition to its self-proclaimed strug-
gle with the government, NCLC is loeked
In an ongoing feud with competing so-
cialist organizations, exchanging vit-
riolic 'charges and denials of violence
e and hooliganism.
r., The Communist Party USA accused
NCLC last summer of sending in
trained "goon squads" to disrupt meet-
ings and beat members with Japanese-
style "numchuk" ? cudgels. NCLC de-
ei ?
$, flies the charges, contending its pub-
licly avowed "Operation Mop-Up" to
"destroy" the Communist Party and
other socialist organizations is not
? . based on violent tactics. It says its
members have been forced to defend
.themselves when others initiated vio-
lence against them in verbal confron-
tations.
NCLC acknowledges existence of
? its elite "defense squad" of 30 to 40
, members trained in the "inertial arts,"
including karate, but emphasizes their ?
purpose is solely defensive.
The abnlition or absorption of all
? other leftist organizations is an essen-
tial first step to achieving revolution I
In America, according to NCLC doc-
trine. Members see NCLC as grandly
destined for this task.
Since the 1930s, "I Was resolved that
no revolutionary movement was going
to bd brought into being in. the U.S.A.
unless I brought it into being," says
NCLC chieftain Marcus. For many
years h Trotskyite activist in the So-
cialist Workers Party, Marcus formed
NCLC in the late 1960s.
Dressed in a dark, double-breasted
suit and natty bow tie, Marcus stands
in stark contrast to the mostly youth-
ful staff workers scurrying around
him in blue jeans, boots and shaggy
sweaters.
The headquarters is manned 24
hours a day by a 60-member staff.
They function in a tightly structured,
almost puritanical atmosphere, reject-
ing the free-wheeling self-indulgence
of much of the radical counterculture.
Clothing and hair styles are subdued.
Workers rarely utter obscenities. The
smoking of marijuana is specifically
prohibited. An authoritarian air hangs
in the offices.
"Pot and rock music are destructive
to creative abilities?they're an escape
thing," says Susan Wagner. "The
counterculture motto 'do your own
thing' i absolutely bestial . . a hide-
ous withdrawal from the whole hu-
man race."
Proletarian Solidarity
TV'CLC MEMBERS perceive ahriost
111 all major political and economic
developments in the capitalist world
(and the reporting of them in the
press) as manipulated by the unseen
hand of the CIA and its allies.
To educate the masses against this
cabal, closely organized cadres of
NCLC workers are under constant
pressure to distribute leaflets and
mobilize political action at factories
and urban Slum work sites. They often
show up at industrial strikes to talk
with disgruntled workers. During a
brief work stoppage by printers at
The Washington Post last November,
NCLC staffers handed out leaflets at
entrances to the Post building, urging
employees to fight against "slave la-
bor" conditions of capitalist industry.
NCLC also inveighs against local
school decentralization, ghetto com-
munity control projects and other pro-
grams which it aces as factionalizing
working class populations along neigh-
borhood and racial lines and thus un-
dermining proletarian solidarity. Ima-
mu Baraka, black activist and play-
wright in Newark, N.J., Is a special
NCLC target and has been branded
by NCLC as a CIA agent. Baraka de-
nies the charge.
In organizational terms, NCLC
stands as a central coordinating unit
for three other groups:
O Revolutionary Youth Movement
(RYM), a teen-age-oriented organiza-
tion used for political organizing in
urban ghettoes.
? National Unemployed and Wel-
fare Rights Organization (NU-WRO),
formed in early 1973 in direct compe-
tition with the older and broader-based
National Welfare Rights Organization
(NWRO).
O U.S. Labor Party, electoral arm
of NU-WRO. The party has run c mit-
dates for local office in cities thre igh-
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out the nation, gathering few vote,
Tony Chait kin, an NCLC member whti
lost in his recent bid for mayor cif
New York City, is now running fdi
governor of New York.
Marcus estimates NCLC member.;
ship strength at ?1,000 and the othei,
organizations at 1,000 to 2,000 coni
bined. There are Some 23 NCLC char-
ters scattered among major American.;.
cities and several international affik,
ates in Canada and' Europe.
As the central controlling agenciN',
for its far-flung operations, NCLC
a "cadre organization requiring Intel-.
lectual discipline" among its members, ?
Marcus says.
Members are required to undergo'.
periodic 8-hour "leadership sessions"
conducted by Marcus to learn the
rigors of political organizing. Few.:
members are salaried, and most must ,
pay $24 a month dues to NCLC, a re-
markably high fee. Marcus Says he
receives a $50-a-week stipend.
In addition to its other duties;
NCLC ruts out a weekly paper, New
Solidarity, with a circulation of 40,000
to 42,000. Marcus estimates the
monthly headquarters budget at $30,-
000, with most of it coming from mem-
bership dues, newspaper ' sales and ?
limited private contributions.
Family Strains
THE ACTIVITIES of NCLC have -
ii generated family strains between .
some parents and their children who,
have joined NCLC.
"I have violent disagreements with
my daughter about this whole thing,": ?
says Sarah Lawrence College presi-
dent Charles deCarlo, whose. 24-year-
old daughter, Tessa, is an NCLC mem-
ber. "I think their talk of CIA brain-
washing is bizarre and out of reason."
McNeil Lowry of the Ford Founda-
tion is reluctant to discuss family
strains but describes his son, Graham,
as having a "very inquiring, combative,
skeptical mind," not easily captivated
by any person or organization.
A former newsman, Lowry says he
finds NCLC's brainwashing claims
neither "believable . . eFprovable .
or usable" in journalistic ,terms.
But he challenges the claim of some
detractors that NCLC is violence-
prone. "The members I've seen . . .
are loving, smart, humane people," he
says. "They've been surveilled lam_
harassed by police . . . and have been
in fights where I'm sure they had to
defend themselves from others. But
I have no evidence that they initiated
any violence."
Recently, six NCLC members were
arrested here and charged with un-
lawful imprisonment of fellow mem-
ber Alice Weitzman, 22. She claims
they held her in her Washington
Heights apartment against her will,
according to police. NCLC says she
was a suspected brainwash victim who
was voluntarily sequestered for her
own protection and now wants to drop
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rthe charges.
Daniel Sneider, son of Richard L.
? Snelder, deputy assistant secretary of
state for East Asian-Pacific affairs,
was among those arrested in the case.
,e His parents decline to discuss the
matter.
"Ile Human Race Is at Stake"
T YN MARCUS (a psuedonym he has
' L.1 used since the late 1)40s, his real
name being Lyndon Hermyle La-
y; Roughe Jr.), acknowledges he has no
formal training In psychology or re-
lated fields for dealing with the issue
of brainwashing. He says he is large- ?
Iy self-educated In political economics
and "epistemology, the study of the
actual nature and phenomenology of
the mind."
Marcus was born in New Hampshire
of a Quaker family. He never com-
pleted formal education, he says, be-
coming "bored" with studies in his
first year at Northeastern University
in Bbston. He has worked periodical- ,
ly in marketing research and com-
puter programming since then.
An indefatigable writer and talker,
WASHINGTON POST
19 February 1974
TW CIA Denies Charges
a domestic organization, so he shouid
ask the Federal Bureau of Investigation
rather than CIA for information about
it. While it appeared self-evident that
the NCLC charges are only twisted fan-
tasy, your circulation of them forces
CIA to deny them flatly as false.
W. E. COLBY,
Director, Central Intel!! Frenee /keener
Washington.
The Washington Post's story about
the National Caucus of Labor Commit-
tees (of .Feb. 17, 1974) could leave the
impression with ?ome of your readers
that the CIA, through its refusal to
comment, indeed might be involved in
the kinds of aftivities the NCLC alleges.
Our recollection is that we told your
reporter that the NCLC appeared to be
Marcus peppers his conversation with
computer jargon, arcane psychologi-
cal references and foreign phrases.
Customarily aloof and academic, he
occasionally blurts "swine" or "pig"
at the mention of purported NCLC
enemies.
Once, during a Jan. 3 speech in
which he described details of the al-
leged CIA brainwashing to a group
In New York, he reportedly shoutedi.;.
"Any of you who say this is a hoax--
you're eruds! You're subhuman!.
You're not serious. The human race.
is at stake. Either we win or there
Is no humanity. That's the way ;i1i,e'a,
cut." ,
26
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8
NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, JANUARY 279 1974
A Russian View of 'T h e Gulag Archipelago'
1: By Yuri V. Bondarev
MOSCOW ?Aleksancir I. Solzheni-
t tsyn's book "The Gulag Archipelago,
i
,.1918-1956," is not a story and not ,a
i.
novel, hence there is no diSclosure of
l the truth via artistic truth, if we are
to speak of literary means of expres-
sion.
' The Second World War occupies a
considerable place in the book. It is
quite obvious that in speaking of that
,4 period no one has a right to forget
- the 56 million who perished in Europe
and Asia, including twenty million
, Soviet citizens and six million Jews
? burned by the Nazis in their concen-
tration camps' crematoriums.
These unprecedented victims of the
world tragedy should serve as a tuning
fork of morality. The history of war
' is inconceivable Without facts. Facts
' divorced from history are dead. In this
case they do not even resemble an
amateur photo but the shadow Of a
photo, not an instant of truth but the
shadow of an instant. It Is that very
ominous and vague shadow that now
' and again appears on the pages of
Solzhenitsyn's book as soon as he, in
''the course of his narration, touches
upon events of World War H. '
. The Stalingrad battle?which was
for my generation of eighteen-year-
olds their first baptism of fire and in
the bloody fighting of which we
t matured and aged at least by ten
( years?turned the tide, as is known,
; of World War IL
' N
.. This most trying of battles cost our
. country, my peers and me very dear.
'0 Too many common graves did we
; leave near the Volga, too 'many were
no longer with us after the victory. It
: was hatred and love that kept us in
, the trenches on the hills of the Don
in the dust-laden hot days of July
: and August, when the sun kept disap-
pearing in the smoke and fire of ex-
plosions?hatred toward those who
had come with arms to our country
from Fascist Germany to destroy our
state and our nation, and at the same
time love for that which humans call
mother, home, the school rink in Mos-
cow lined and pitted by skates, the
. squeak of a gate somewhere in Yaro-
slavl, the green grass, the falling
snow, the first kiss near the snow-
piled porch.
4 At war a person experiences his
; most ineradicable 'feelings toward the
. past. And we fought in the present for
the past that seemed inimitably happy.
We dreamed of it, we wanted to re-
turn to it. We were romantics?and
' In that was the purity and faith that
-can be designated as a sense of one's
;. homeland.
, 1 know not only from documents
, that mainly young people, born in
1922, 1923 and 1924, tens of thou-
* Sands of them, fought near Stalingrad.
: in Stalingrad and in the vicinity of
Stalingrad. And it was they who stood
firm and didn't give Stalingrad away,
it was they' who shackled the Ger-
mans in the defense of the city, and
then launched the offensive.
It was they who "cemented the
foundation" of the Stalingrad victory;
it was not the penal companies that
did it as Solzhenitsyn writes. The last
census in the Soviet Union revealed
that only 3 per cent of those genera-
tions* had remained. Yes, a very great
many fell then on the banks of the
Volga. That's why, thinking of my
peers, of those who fell in the Stalin-
grad battle, I must say that Solzhe-
nitsyn is making a malicious and ten-
dentious error that insults the memory
of the victims of the generation I
mentioned.
, To specify further, order No. 227,
"Not a Step Back!", was read to us
in August, 1942, after the Soviet-
troops had surrendered Rostov and
Novocherkassk. We all felt its resolu-
tion and severity, but at the same
time, no matter how paradoxical it
may seem, we all felt the same thing:
yes, enough retreating, enough!
Besides, the order "Not a Step'
Back!" (and the formation of penal
companies was first mentioned in it)
came into being and reached the army
In the month of August. The Germans
were then on the close apprOaclies to
Stalingrad, et a very short distance.
Could they, the penal companies,
? have held off the, thrust of the tank
army \ of the Germans who had con-
centrated up to twenty infantry di-
visions in the direction of the main
blow?
I must say that the penal companies,
armed with, light weapons, were, in
general, incapable of holding up any
more or less serious offensive. The
German offensive was held up by
armies, divisions and regiments.
For me, a person who went through
the Stalingrad battle, such an attitude
as Solzhenitsyn's to one of the most
heroic and biggest battles that deter-
mined not only Russia's destiny but
that of other peoples as well seems
monstrous and unscrupulous. Is this a
purposeful distortion ,of the truth?
Now a few remarks concerning the
well-known Vlasov. Reading about and
recalling him, I again asked myself:
Why does Solzhenitsyn write with
such sympathy of a general who rose
with the tide of the war and gained
the sad fame of a Herostratus, and
depict him as an "outstanding," "real"
man, an anti-Stalinist, a champion of
the Russian people?
[Lieut. Gen. Andrei A. Vlasov was
a Soviet Army officer who was taken
prisoner by German forces in World
War II and then led Russians who
fought with the Nazis against the
Red Army. He was seized by Soviet
authorities at the end of the war
and executed in 1946.1
27'
The Second World War was grim
and cruel, and there was no ambiguous
yardstick in the mortal struggle. In
the irreconcilable clash of hostile sides
everything was gauged by the catego-
ries yes and no, either-or, to be or not
to be, that determined the fate of the
Soviet state, the fate of Russia and
the fate of every person. Like a
calamity or grief, war morally unites
people, people ready to defend, to
fight for their way of life, their chil-
dren, their homes. But war also unites,
people, in immorality, if those people
invade other people's lands with the
purpose of enslaving and seizing them.
Thus, morality and immorality slash;
not to mention the political aspect of
the matter.
Treason, duplicity or betrayal of a
community of people in moments of
acute struggle are always immoral. A
, person who betrays the land of his
fathers in his people's trying days
betrays himself ia the final countl,He
becomes a spiritual suicide.
Working on My latest novel "Hot'
Snow" and the film '"Liberation," in
which reference is made to the traitor
Vlasov, I went through a great many
documents and lent an ear to the
opinions of many different people who
once knew the man in everyday life
and in the war.
What conclusion did I come to?
Vlasov was a man of haughty mien,
ambitious, easily offended, with ca.-
reeristic inclinations. He was loath to
commune with the soldiers and tried
to stay away from the shell-bombed
observation points. He preferred the
deep dugout of the command 'post, the
subterranean light of battery bulbs,
the coziness of temporary quarters
where he could settle down comfort-
ably, and even a bit aristotratically.
A general of mediocre capacities,
he showed no sharp tactical mentality.
But a lucky star lighted his way-at the
beginning of the war, in the battles
on the approaches -of PeremishI and
Moscow. Obviously it seemed to
Vlasov then that success would follow
him constantly and without fail. He
desired it so fervently.
But encirclement and the rout of the
Second Shock Army which he com-
manded on the Volkhov front in 1942
appeared to the nervous Vlasov as an
inglorious end to his career, the fall
of his lucky star?and he took a fatal
step. At night, deserting the still-fight-
ing units, together with his adjutant,
he went to the village of Staraya
Polist, opened the doors of the first
log cabin occupied by sleeping Ger-
man soldiers and said: "Don't shoot.
I'm General Vlasov!" That was how it
was.
However, Solzhenitsyn Interprets
Vtasov's surrender and treason .as a
purely studied anti-Stalin action:
Vlasov, don't you know, received no
shekels for his treachery; he did that
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outoof firm political conviction, dis-
agreeing with Stalin's policy. I can
vastly surmise, of course, that Soi-
1, zhenitSyn drew his information from,
i and carefully memorized, the German
leaflets (I also read them at the front)
or from the booklet written by Viasov
himself (we also found it at times on
the fields of war), where the general
explained his surrender to the enemy
I. by his disagreement with Stalin's
policy in the years 1936 and 1937.
r Treachery, dissolution of the per-
sonality, inunorality survive from an
, age only because by masquerading
? under the banners of apostles they
e justify themselves, now assuming the
? visage of a martyr to the truth, now
of "political messiah." Solzhenitsyn
juggles with Viasov's higbiy unsavory
ectivities to make them suit his own
; concept, shamelessly inviting the,gen-
eral back from oblivion to cooperate
:)with him, but first placing upon his
head the thorny crown of the cham-
pion of justice. ?
, I cannot overlook certain generalize-
4- Cons Solzhenitsyn makes on various
paged in regard to the Russian people.
Whence this anti-Slavonian sentiment?
o Frankly speaking, the answer conjures
up highly gloomy memories, causing
the ominous paragraphs of the Ger-
Washington Post
1.4 Feb. 1974
Pfosfpb, Kraft
Raising
The Price
For. Detente
The deportation of Alexander Solzhe-
nitsyn demonstrates how difficult it
Is to nurse the Soviet Union toward a
civilized political regime. The mellow-
ing of Soviet power is not going to be
achieved by the mere force of eco-
nomic modernization, nor by contact
with the West and discreet diplomatic
hint*.
A full-court press, largely by the
United States, is required. By the will-
ful provocation which led to his ex-
plusion, Mr. Solzhenitsyn has asked
whether we in the West care enough
about peace and freedom to go the
distance?to keep the pressure on the
Soviet regime.
Let us make no mistake about it.
,By repeated and well-publicized acts
of defiance, Mr. Solzhenitsyn naked for
trouble.
He probably could have ?gone on
Writing the powerful novels which
won Min the Nobel Prize. But that
wasn't enough.- He wrote "The Gulag
Archipelago," an account of the ?So-
viet prison' system as it operated Un-
der Stalin. which flamed nanies. He
,ptablIshed It In the West with indica-
tions that' therewas more to come if
he were Arrested.
man East Plan to rise in my mind's
eye.
?
That great titan, Dostoyevsky.
passed throcIgh not seven but all nine
rounds of life's hell. He saw the petty
and the great, experienced more than
a man can possibly experience (the
expectation of execution, exile, convict
labor, decline of the personality), but ,
in no work of his stooped to national'
nihilism. On the contrary, he loved
man and rejected in him what was '
bad and asserted what was good, just
as most of the great writers of world
literature, when studying the charac-
ter of their nation. Dostoyevslcy pas-
sionately sought God both within and
outside of himself.
A feeling of mad hostility, as
though he were picking bones with a
whole nation which had offended him,
seethes in Solzhenitsyn as in a vol-
cano. He suspects every Russian of
being unprincipled, hypocritical, add-
ing to that a desire for easy living, for
power. And as though glorifying in the
throes. of self-annihilation, he fren-
ziedly tears his shirt, shouting that he '
himself could be a hangman. His vi-
cious attack on Ivan Bunin only be-
cause that eminent writer of the twen-
tieth century, remained a Russian to
the end in emigration, also arouses
astonishment, to say the least.
But Solzhenitsyn, despite his serious
age and experience, does not know
the Russian character "down to the
bottom," nor does he know the char-
acter of the "freedom" of the West
with which he so often compares life
in Russia.
"The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956"
could have been an "experiment in
artistic study," as Solzhenitsyn calls
It, had the author comprehended every
word he wrote and comprehended the
formula "the criterion of truth is
moral;ty, and the criterion of morality
is Luth," and if he had had the courage
to realize that history deprived of
truth was a widow.
Every artist of every country only
harms himself by remaining for long
in a state of constant resentment, for
resentment devours his talent, and the
Writer becomes so biased that the bias
devours truth itself.
Yuri V. Bondarev is a writer who won
cr Lenin Prize for Literature in, 1972.
? This article WIS provided and trans-
lated into English by the Soviet press
agency Novosti, which wcA asked by ,
The New York Times for a critique of
Mr. Solzhenitsyn's book.
As- the pollee closed in, he kept
Western reporters abreast at every
turn. Twice he refused a summons
from the secret pollee, and twice he
let reporters in Moscow know about it.
The comment he made the day before
his expulsion was a particularly sharp
challenge to the regime. He refused a
summons because of what he called
"a situation of general illegality" in
the Soviet Union.
So his behavior poses a problem. Why
did Solzhenitsyn ask for it? What was
he trying to prove?
The answer lies in the achievement
of party secretary Leonid Brezhnev.
Mr. Brezhnev is on the way to solving
the .problem of achieving economic
progress without abandoning the iron
control of the Bolshevik system. HIS
method is what we call detente?the
edsing Of tensions with the West.
By, a Controlled flow of Western
goods and technology and capital, Rus-
sia keeps moving forward. The stand-
ard of living has slowly improved. The
frontiers of knowledge are explored..
,
Televiiion sets automobiles and cont-'
,
puters, become part of the Soviet sys-
tem. ,
Because ?this forward motion is
achieved largely by borrowing the
fruits Of Western initiative and inven-
tion, the party maintains its supremacy,
and the military retains its all-power-
ful grip on Soviet resources.
To be sure, in return for Its credits
and technological assistance, the West
does ask a price. Under prodding from
the United States, the Soviet Union
has lifted?a little?the barriers to,
emigration of Jews to Israel.
But political change is not set in
motion. On the contrary, the dissident
who advocate real change ate sent off
one by one to -the prison camps of
Siberia, or to various asylums or into
exile.
Against this background the logic
28
of deliberately needling the regime, of
? trying to force a confrontation, be-
comes clear. Mr. Solzhenitsyn, like the
physicist Andrei Sakharov, has de-'
Med that it is no longer feasible to
try and work within the system for
reform. By courting trouble, and finally.
achieving it, Mr. Solzhenitsyn is sig-
naling desperately to the West.
He was telling us that we should, ask
far more than we have in return for
our capital and technology. He was ask-
ing us to insist on more changes in
Russia, and more basic changes, as a
price for Soviet entry to the advanced
world. He was making the case that if
the West cracks down hard now, Mr.
Brezhnev will yield?not be forced to
give way to a new set of hard-liners.
My own sense is that Mr. Solzhenit-
syn is right. It seems to me very clear
that the United States should raise
the price for detente. It is not enough
for the Soviet Union merely to let
out several thousand Jews through the
back door. If the Russians want to be
part of the developed world, then they
are going to have to behave like an
advanced country. That means, at a
minimum, whittling down the military
occupation of Eastern Europe and al-
lowing the baste freedoms which one
of the greatest writers in the world
needs to continue his work.
Up to now, President Nixon and Sec-
retary of State Henry Kissinger could
make the ease for moving discreetly
for an easing of the Soviet regime in
the context of detente. Now the weak-
ness of that quiet approach is clear.
If they don't press the Russians in a
more open manner, it will be hard to
resist the conclusion that, where mat-
ters of liberty and morality are con-
cerned, the President and the Secre-
tary of State have a high threshold of
pain. If nothing else, they will forfeit
the American constituency for ? de-
tente, which is already breaking up.
(r) 1974. Meld Xisterpttees. Inc.
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WASHINGTON POST Ire inesday, Jon. if);
IA
By Bernard D. Nossiter
. wiellington Post Foreign Service '
LONDON, Jan. 22?The bi-
zarre tale of CIA agents pro-
teeting Britons from their own
security negligence today blew
up in the letters column of
The Times of London.
4
The destruct button was
pushOp by Miles Copeland, the
'AMegean source of the origi-
nal account and a self-de-
scribed "consultant" for the
Central Intelligence Agency. \
Copeland wrote The Times,
had no facts of my own to
corroborate the information"
he gave. the paper. But, he
went on, if his story was not
true, it should be.
The curious caper began
last Friday when The Times
ran at the top of page one a
/story headlined: "CIA men in
Britain checking on subver-
sion."
: The tale, essentially an in-
terview with Copeland, dis-
closed that "between 30,-and 40
,extra American intelligence
'men have been drafted to Brit-
ain since the present state of
emergency was introduced."
Their mission, Copeland
told Christopher Walker, The
1.T1mes reporter, was to ferret
out subversives, particularly
in British trade unions.
"Rightly or wrongly," Cope-
land was quoted as saying,
"the ton men in the CIA be-
lieve that the present spate of
Strikes in Britain has far more
sinister motives Than the mere
ivinning of extra wages. They
believe that the aim is to
liking about a situation in
Which it would be impossible
New York Times
1 23 Jan. 1974
Time to
0110
11:3(e^
for the kind of democratic
government you continue to
enjoy here. . . There is no
, doubt at all that it [the CIA)
has agents operating inside
the British labor unions. . .
The CIA has been trying to
convince the British for some
time about the power of sub-
versives within .the unions.
. . . The present state of Brit-
ain makes it a, professional
troublemaker's dream."
The Times did not report
that Copeland, 57, makes a liv-
ing in London advising what
he says are multinational
American corporations on
"security problems." Nor did
the newspaper disclose that
Copeland has co-authored kf
novel entitled "Black, Septem-
, her" for which, he says, Simon
Az Schuster has Paid an ad-
vance of $70,000.
When 'The Times story ap-
peared, the American embassy
here said that it "is so outside
the area of truth that it must
be denied categorically."
The next day, Louis Fieren,
The Times' deputy editor for
foreign news and former
,Washington correspondent,
wrote a signed front-page arti-
cle describing such denials as
"automatic and understanda-
ble."
Heren suggested that the
CIA was only doing its duty,
that "From Washington, Brit-
ain must now be beginning to
look like a Central American
banana republic . . . It must
Spook the
Spooks?
By C. L. Sulzberger
MILAN, Italy?The role of intelli-
gence in modern societies is now in-
creasingly questioned as the result of
/scandals, wiretappings, failures to
evaluate correctly .what special serv-
ices report, or inexcusable political
i,. interventions like the recent C.I.A.
case in Thailand.
r Thus, in the United States and
France, there have been flamboyant
? hugging incidents which threaten to
topple leading officials. Greece's own
i central intelligence agency, K.Y.P., has
allegedly been at the heart or two sue.-
tessive putsches. And Israel's highly
elro Inslie
616-H:Dor
seem that the Government is
incapable of governing. Mili-
tant trade unionists are in di-
rect confrontation with au-
thority."
Today, however,' Copeland
confessed that his tale was a
classic case of the- wish father-
ing the thought.
He wrote:
"On the evening of January
16, I reviewed with Christo-
pher-Walker the information
which provided the basis for
his story on CIA men in Brit-
ain.' Although I had no facts
of my own ,with which to cor-
roborate the information, it
made sense to me in the light
of my background knowledge
of 'the war of the spooks' ...
"I have chilling suspicions
that the United Stats em-
bassy might be speaking the
truth in that pompous denial
it issued on Friday and that
the CIA really is in this in-
'stance as delinquent in the
? performance Of its assigned
duties as the denial claims. I
hope my -Suspicions turn out
to be unfounded . . . Both
Black September' and .the IRA
have boasted that 1974 is to be
'the year of the killing' ."
More prosaic intelligence
sources here never took Cope-
land's yarn seriously. They
said that ever{ the CIA.which
sometimes acts without con-
sidering political conse-
quences, must know that in-
dustrial action by coal miners,
expert spook apparatus produced cor-
rect information that war was coming
last October?yet the Government ig-
nored these warnings.
Many security organizations have
acquired unsavory reputations. Both
Britain's secret intelligence service
(viz., Kim Philby) and the Soviet serv-
ices (viz., Colonels Penkovsky and
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Popov) have been demonstrably pene-
trated by their adversaries.
Moreover, the ancient business of
Intelligence has been totally revolu-
tionized by technological revolutions.
The computer plays an enortnous role
In analyzing the information of spies
and special agents. And electronic
eavesdropping plus space satellite pho-
tography combine to open brand new
fields .of espionage, fields that remain
closed to small, poor, underdeveloped
countries.
Indeed, it is increasingly obvious
that pooled intelligence among elhes
and railway engineers here
does not reflect a plot to over.
'throw the government but
simply a wish for more money,
in the case of the miners, .and
preservation of the engineers
as a separate craft in the case
of the railwaymen.
These sources, however, did
say that Copeland had re-
vealed a bureaucratic fact Of
marginal significance, that the
CIA office here has put on a
few additional men. But this
expansion was attributed to
the importance of the new sta-,
tion chief, Cord Meyer, rather
than any increased activity.
Meyer is the high CIA official
credited with the ill-fated plan
in the 1960s to buy up,
through foundation funds,
leaders in the American Na-
tional Students Association
, and several American trade
unions.
As for Copeland, he first
'achieved notoriety with the
publication of "The Game .,of
Nations," a purportedly fac-
tual account of his derring-do
on behalf of the CIA in Egypt
and elsewhere in the Middle
East.
Today, Copeland Ay s he
was but is no longer a man-
agement specialist for the
agency, sometimes working on
the CIA payroll and sonic-
times working under contract
for a prominent management
firm.
is sensible even for rich and powerful
nations. A former French Minister of
Defense wonders whether France
(whose intelligence services have been
smudged with scandal) requires such
agencies in peacetime.
He says: "France is not an important ,
enough country to require a peace- .
time intelligence service anyway. All
. it needs is to have good relations'
with its allies and enough of a new ,
intelligence service to be able to func-
tion should there he a serious threat
of war."
The question of "intelligence pol-
icy" is pondered by Stevan Dedijer, a
Yugoslav-born Swedish citizen now on
the faculty of Lund University, Swe-
den. Dedijer has special expertise since
he admits having worked successively
for the Soviet N.K.V.D. (now M.G.B.),
the American O.S.S. (precursor of the
C.I.A.), then in "intelligence activities"
for Yugoslavia?before moving to a
Swedish ivory tower.
Mr. Dedijer reaches the novel con-
clusion that courses in "intelligence" .
should he given in universities?where
29
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, everything from hotel management to
embalming is now taught, Be says that
despite a broad literature of case his-
iorles and spy novels, there are "very
few systematic social studies" on the
subject. Yet there exists a contradic-
'Hon between "the need to democratize
Intelligence and to control it on the
one hand, and its secrecy and illegal-.
ity requirements on the other."
.14e points out that mass media and
f other groups "are making Intelligence
t` questions objects of public debate and
t?
? political problems," adding: "The de-
,' mends ,for the democratization of in-
telligence policy and its control are
. being raised." He suggests examina-
Hon of the following: ?
"Is a wider and greater public con-
trot of the intelligence production sys-
tem, management system and policy
system necessary, desirable and pos.
sible? What does intelligence cost us?
How many are engaged in it, who and
where are they and how selected?
What is the return on our investment
In intelligence? How much waste and
abuse is involved: Is the intelligence
community subverting our basic na-
tional values and quality of our life?"
Mr. Dedijer concludes: "We are
learning that /intelligence is too im-
portant to be left to professional in-
teltigencers. Intelligence, as all other
LONDON TIMES
22 Jan. I.974
CIA operations in Britain
if From Mr Miles Copetand . ?
7:Sir, On the evening of January 16,
1 reviewed with Christopher Walker
the information which provided the
?. basis for his story on "CIA men in
Britain" (January 18). Although I
had no facts of my own with which
to corroborate the information, it
made sense to me in the light of my
background knowledge of " the war ?
of the snooks ", and although the
sources were not revealed to me
.? they could only have been persons,
probably official, who knew what
they were talking about.
I am delighted to see Louis Heren
,bring perspective to the matter in
? Saturday's paper, but I am afraid he
may be in error on one point. I have
chilling suspicions that the United
? States Embassy might be speaking
?? the truth in that pompous denial it
?issued on Friday and that the CIA
really is in this instance as delin-
quent ? in the performance of its
, assigned duties as the denial claims.
' .1 hope my suspicions turn out to be
unfounded. While I can appreciate
Mr Evert Barger's -concern over the
possibility that Big Brother may
shortly be descending on the
? Athenaeum, (Letters, January 19),
the only two alternatives to the
? "community surveillance" methods
taught by the CIA are much more
distasteful. The first is to put police
protection around the thousands of
persons and places in the country
which might be targets of the "new
terrorism "?thereby giving Britain
the "police state" image the leftist
extremists want it to have. The
second is to tolerate the terrorism.
LONDON TIMES
26 Jan. 1974
Both Black September and the IRA
have boasted that 1974 is to be "the
year of the killings", and other
elements of "the worldwide people's
struggle against imperialism and
capitalism "have made it known that
Britain is a " theatre of operations ".
There is no doubt a high percentage
of wild talk in this but I none the less
believe we must take it seriously.
My friends in the intelligence com-
munity who chide me for advocating
that we go over to the attack would
do well to reflect on the possibility
that those Israeli Olympic athletes
might be alive today bad they con-
centrated on ferreting out the terror-
ist plotters as I recommended at the
time of the Olympic Games rather
than relying on defences.
May I add a personal note? I was
never an "agent" of the CIA. A
consultant of that organization is no
more an "intelligence agent" than a
consultant of the Ministry of Agri-
culture is an "agricultural agent ".
In the intelligence filminess an agent
is a spy, and the CIA rarely, if ever,
employs American citizens as spies.
Its spies in Russia are Russians. in
Syria they are Syrians, in Israel they
are Israelis, and so on. Only citizens
in good standing in those countries
are capable of penetrating the
" targets " in them?in the way, for
example, that Rim Philby. a "citizen
in good standing" (member of the
Athenaeum), was able to penetrate
taveets in Britain for the Soviet?.
Kc:R.
Sincerely.
T?111.FS rOPELAND, ?
21 Marlborough Place, NWS.
January 19. ??
Scepticism over reports of
CIA activity in Britain
From Peter Strafford
New York, Jan 25
Mr Victor Marchetti, a former
fficial of the Central Intelli-
ence Agency (crA), said today
hat he was sceptical about re-
orts that the agency was check.
ng on.," subversive" elements
n British trade unions.
He had left the CIA in 1969,
e said, and until that time he
'd not think such a" high risk"
peration would have ? been
pproved. ?
On the other hand, attitudes
Washington had .changed
inte Mr Nixon had become
resident and Dr Henry Rissirt-
er, the Secretary of State, had
mil* the most powerful man
American intelligence. The
attitudes of the present Ad-
ministration. combined with the
advanced methods and tech.
niques available, provided " the
ingredients for a frightening
formula ".
, Mr Marchetti was ?with the .
CTA for 14 years. and ended as
assistant to the deputy director,
then Admiral Rufus Taylor,.
with a rank equivalent to that of
colonel. He left the agency be- '
cause of doubts about its poll-
cies, and about American policy ;
in Vietnam, and has since .be-
come embroiled in a bitter legal
battle with the CIA.
He has written a book called
The CIA and the Cult of Intelli-
gence in which he outlines thr.
agency's methods and advocates
key functions 4nd -institutions, has to
be on tap but not on top of society."
He believes: "The basic intelligence ,
goal for individual countries is chang-
'
hug from intelligence for national ex-
istence and security to intelligence for
national growth and development."
There is much to be said for his
fresh approach to a field hitherto
cloaked in dark suspicion and speckled
with gaudy romance. Surely, for a sub-
ject so vital to contemporary societies,
there should be public discussion and
even intellectual courses examining
the needs and methods of what used
to be an unmentionable trade.
'AiDON TIMES
25 Jan. 1974
e assy
denial on
CIA agents
nee ted
MR DAVIDSON (Accrington,
Lab) asked the Prime Minister to
find out from President Nixon
whether there was any truth in
reports in certain newspapers that
CIA agents had infiltrated British
, trade unions.
If there is any truth in it (he
said) will he assure President
Nixon that we are capable Of
dealing with industrial troubles in
our own way and we do not need
may help from him?
' MR HEATH?A categorical
? denial has been issued by the
, American Embassy and I am con-
fident there is absolutely no truth
In the allegations whatever. ?
MR LOUGHLIN (West Glouces....
tershire, Lab) asked what infor-
mation the Home Secretary had on
Increased activities of foreign In-
telligence agents in Great Britain. ?
MR CARR, In a written reply,
said It is a long-established prac-,
L rice that security matters are not
discussed in public. But I think it
right to say that as a matter of
general practice any activities of
foreign? intelligence agents in this
country are kept under close scru-
?
tul y. ?
Any evidence of improper activ-
ities is followed up at once and
neither I nor the Foreign and
, Commonwealth Secretary would
hesitate to take any action we
thought appropriate.
?In view of concern which has
? beei expressed about the CTA,
would add that the Government
fully accept the statement by the
' United States Embassy that there
Is no truth in recently published
allegations.
MR HUGH JENKINS (Putney,
, Lab) asked if the Home Secretary
' would deport to the United States
' any members of the CIA currently
? known to be in Great Britain?
MR CARR, in a written reply,
said : No.
reforms. He is now fighting the
:deletions that the CIA wants to
'make.
' Because of the legal situation,
Mr Marchetti was not able to
talk in detail about CIA activi-
ties in Britain. But he empha-
sized that relations between the
American and British intern-
?gence services were very close
Mr Cord Meyer, the station
Chief in London, has received a
fair amount of. publicity in the
United States. A brilliant
student at Yale, he lost an eye
in the Pacific during the Second
World War and emerged from
his experiences a fervent idealist
with a belief in world govern-
ment. 30
? lie joined the CIA in 1951 at
a time when many liberal intel-
lectuals did, and joined the
department in charge of the
secret funding of non-
communist, left-wing publica-
tions. He ran into trouble during
the period of McCarthyism
because of his links with com-
munists among world federalists.
Ile was suspended without pay
for three and a half months and
then reinstated.
A recent article in The Mete
York Times suggested that he
was embittered by the experi-
ence and moved to the right
politically.
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SUNDAY TELEGRAPllp Lon cm
27 January 1974
y NORMAN K:RIMART.,
. Diplomatic Correspondent
/FORE than 20 officers of the
ligence Agency are now
London. Their top priority at
;:avert future attacks by
Arab terrorists in Eur-
"ope and help Middle
,East peace moves.
But apart from Middle
East issues, they are inter-
ested in possible effects of
the British economic crisis
and Communist influence on
'British trade union attitudes.
? The agents are working in
Clese liaison with M.I. 6 and
the British Government.
Regular meetings are held
With officials from the
'Foreign Office at which secret
'information is exchanged.
Central Intel-
operating in
present is to
A few men arc believed to
have joined the C.T.A. team
during recent months. Mr. Cord
Meyer, one of the top-ranking
intelligence officers from Wash-
ington, is directing the opera-
tions centre at the American
Embassy in Grosvenor Square.
At least five Middle East ex-
perts are ?among the London
agents. They are consulting
counterparts in the British Secret
Service on move.ments of suspec-
ted Palestinian terrorists in
European capitals.
Man with grievance
Both the British and American
Governments have been embar-
rassed by a recent report that
more than 30 extra American
agents have been sent into Lon-
LONDON TIMES
25 Jan. 197/4 ?
? THE CIA UP T
Information published in The
Times last, week concerning
activity by the United States Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency in this
country was to the effect that the
number of American intelligence
personnel operating in Britain
had recently been increased by
some thirty or forty, and that part
of the reason for this was to
gather material about so-called
" subversive elements" in the
trade union movement. That in-
formation was denied by the
United States Embassy and its
denial was repeated and endorsed
by the Prime Minister and Home
Secretary in the House of Com-
mons yesterday. It is in the
nature of intelligence operations
that the sources for information
published about them cannot he
publicly disclosed, and that
denials of what is published about
? them cannot be reinforced by giv-
ing chapter and verse. A conflict
of assertion remains and people
must make their own judgments
about it according to the-inherent
probabilities of the contradictory
accounts and the credit and
motives of those giving them.
This much is agreed. There is
a CIA station in Britain, and it is
here with the knowledge and con-
sent of the British Government.
In view of the record of that
organization there is every reason
to be watchful of it?although
there is much more reason to be
ITS TRICKS?
' don and that C.I.A. men have
infiltrated trade unions.
A categorical denial of this by
the American Embassy has re-
assiired Whitehall completely.
The American Embassy be-
lieves that the story was .
circulated deliberately by an
American citizen in London who
apparently harbours a grievance. ,
He complained that consular offi-
cials were not helpfult when ?lie
tried to obtain a new possnort.
A string of 10 names also
published in a London news-
paper last week as being mem-
bers of the C.I.A. who were
serving or had served in Lon-
don. Nearly all of these are
diplomats engaged in other acti-
vities.
Since the 193945 was, pooling
of information between the
. American and British intelli-
gence services has become in-
creasingly important.
This has led to detection of
Russian and Communist spies
in London and Washington,
Lord Harlech, e former Bri-
tish Ambassador in Washington,
? will mention the co-operation in
a recorded interview to be broad-
cast on B.B.C. Radio 4 tonight.
Discussing the Cuban missile ?
? crisig cyf 1962, Lord Earle& says
that some 13 ritish intelligence
people, led by Maj.-Gen. Sir Ken-
neth Strong, were then in
Washington for consultations
with the C.I.A.
Key figures had failed to
attend scheduled meetings with
Gen. Strong. As result British
. diplomats guessed that a crisiS-
was building up over Cuba.
Britain was consequently aler-
ted before some members of the
American Cabinet were told. '
concerned at the intelligence
operations here of powers which
are to be ranked as unfriendly.
In his reply yesterday Mr Carr
drew an implict distinction
between proper 'and improper
activities by foreign intelligence
agents on British soil and said that
he and the Foreign Secretary
would not hesitate to take action
to prevent improper activity. He
did not indicate where In his view
the line is drawn. As a starting
point it may be suggested that for
foreign intelligence operations
within this country to be accep-
able they must satisfy at least
these two conditions: that what
is going on is broadly speaking
known to the security or intelli-
gence authorities here and
approved by them, and that the
law is not broken.
There is a further general con-
dition to be satisfied which can
be illustrated from an administra-
tive distinction within the CIA
itself. It has an intelligence
branch and an operations branch,
the latter nicknamed the" depart-
ment of dirty tricks ". The
primary function of the CIA is to
provide the National Security
Council and so the President with
intelligence reports which may
form a basis for policy decisions.
It supplements and duplicates the
information gathering function
oi United States diplomatic
missions: most of that part of its
work is unexciting and unexcep-
tionable from the point of view
of the countries which are the
objects of attention. It is also
sometimes given authority?or
takes it?to intervene actively in
the domestic affairs of another
country. The first type of activity
is not in principle objectionable:
the second most certainly is.
These distinctions can be
applied in the two areas in which,
according to our information, the
CIA has recently become active
here: international Arab terror-
ism, and " subversion " in trade
unions. International guerrilla
organizations must be countered
by international action. If the
intelligence agents of one country
have a lead which brings them to
the territory of another, they
should be allowed to follow it
provided they keep the authori-
ties there fully in the picture,
and provided that, if any rough
stuff is required, the local en-
forcement agencies are called in
to do it. In the case of the trade
unions (or for that matter the
newspapers) of this country,
there is no objection to the
United States through the CIA
or any other agencY gathering
whatever information about them
it thinks it needs, provided illegal
or corrupt means are not em-
ployed, and provided the opera-
tion is not designed or executed
in such a way as to attempt to
influence the course of events.
Information, yes: interference,
no.
.31.
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TIMES (TOMO
:5 'TAN 974
efeetor,
eye als
Ps' part
II spy king
y Christopher Sweeney,
Details of an elaborate spy
nig involving men-a:tars of
arliament, civil servants and .a
ouble agent in London in the
960s were given to the West
y a defecting Czechoslovak
telligence officer. ? .
The defector, ,Mr Josef Frolik,
former major in the Czech
ntelligence serviee, told
Imes last week in London that
c had given the Central Intelli-
ence Agency (CIA) the names
f three people who were then
!Ps who had received money
or spying.
?He also named Mr Charles
Karel) Zbytek,.a former Czech
riny officer who was given
olitical asylum in Britain, as
he .double agent. For ?40,000,
1r Fronk claimed, Mr Zbytek
ystematically betrayed inform.
tion gathered by British intelli-
elite, the CIA and the West
erman intelligence service.
Among other startling details
wen to the CIA during his
?briefing were:
That President Lyndon John-
on was secretly warned in
dvance by the Russians in 1968
f the impending Warsaw Pact
nv.asion of Czechoslovakia ;
Details of espionage activity'
n Britain with the names of;
gents. Mr Frolik claims that.
us debriefing led directly to?
he arrest of Nitholas. Praeger,
ho passed on .radar secrets to
he Czechs and was sentenced
o 12 years' imprisonment in
une 1971 ;
Evidence that Nazi documents
ncriminating prominent figures
n Austria and West Germany
ere in fact forged in Prague in
965 in an attempt to discredit
?stern political leaders;
Details of agent provocateur
ctivities in London, the Middle
ast and Nato countries.
Mr Frolik also provided de-
ans of the rigging of ? anti-
oviet demonstrations in Prague
n 1968 in order to embarrass
Ir Alexander Dubcek, then the
zechosloyakian leader. These
vcre planned by the Prague
egional directorate of state
ecurity and gave the Russians
evidence " that Mr Du beck
vas anti-Soviet and were used
o justify the Russian action.
lie claimed that the
1y5terious suicides in October,
968 of two prominent West
email military figures,
dmiral Hermann Ludke and
,eneral Horst Wendtland. were
rontpted by the defection of
adislav Bittman, a Czech
ntelligence agent, who knew
bout their betrayal of Nato
ecretS. They killed themselves
fter being ' tipped off by
Ague of the defection. .
Mr Prank, who now lives hi
the United States under on
.assumed name, is one of the
most senior communist espion?
age agents to defect since the
war. Tor 17 year!: he worked
for Czech intelligence in
Prague, Britain and the Middle
Bast.
? Last week the details of Mr'
Frolik's defection and his
position in Czech intelligence
were confirmed in Whitehall.
A 500-page manuscript based on
his debriefing, and translated
into English by the CIA, gives
elaborate details of Czech
espionage activities.
The manuscript was submit-
ted to. the CIA in July last year
and in the version. I saw the
intelligence authorities in Wash.
ingtOn had deleted many names
and more than 100 pages. ?
According to Mr Fronk, the
three then MPs who were named
by him had not been arrested
at the time because sufficient
evidence could not be found to
stand up in court. He told me
last week in London however
that after the information had
been passed from Washington to
London, the three were con-
fronted with the available evi-
dence and "their usefulness
was finished ".
. "It is not so easy to ge? t the
evidence, it is standard practice
in this business to cover all your
'traces and make sure that you
protect your contacts: But the
London people have other means
up their sleeves to damage these
men and they have already done
so."
Two of the people Who were
then MPs were recruited by
Czech intelligence . officers,
Lieutenant-Colonel Jan Paclik
and Vaclav Taborsky, during the
1950s. "Both worked for many
years", Mr Frolik said, "and
delivered important information
concerning British defence
potential and the domestic and
foreign policies of the Labour
Party and the British Govern-
ment." ?
Referring to his time in Bri-
tain, Mr Frolik said :." I knew of
no other place in the world out-
side of Austria and West 'Ger-
many where infiltration of the
Government apparatus, of Par-
liament, of the trade unions and
of scientific institutes was so
complete and on such a grand
scale as in Great Britain."
According to the account; by
far the most effective agent was
Mr Charles Zbytek, whose 'case
officer Frolik briefly became in
the 19G0s flis file looked like
a small library consisting of
thousands of pages which in fact
was an encyclopedia on British
intelligence."
? Mr Zbytek, codenamcd
" Light ", was a filing clerk for
the Czechoslovak Intelligence
Office (CIO), an intelligence
gathering centre connected with
British intelligence. It was com-
posed of former Czech Army
officers who came to-. Britain
seeking political asylum after'
February 1948 and was headed
by Colonel Prochazka.
Prom the spring of 1056 Mr Ouch embassy In Washington.
'Zhytek passed ow the minies of reporting that thegusslai $ had
1,800 people involved with tipped off President Jo nson
,Westerti intelligence actions that an invasion of Prague was
against the Czech Government Imminent. This informed was
from the CIO office in Broad. received by Mr Dubcel,. just
way, Whitehall.. Because of a before the notorious ? mt*ting
bureaucratic slip, Mr ZbVtek, ? with Soviet 'leaders at Coma,
who died In 1962, was able to near Cop.
obtain the files of people who Among activities in 1.Onclon
were agents or were involved in was the infiltration of a Czech
intelligence activities for the agent, Jaroslav I-fodac (code-
CIA, the West Germans and the ' named agent Lev), on to the
'British. editorial board of the . Czech
According to the procedure exile newspaper Czechoslovakia.
used in Mr Zbytek's office, tires The exile . leader, Mr ...Josef
were attached to the fiks of. Josten, was twice set down for If
people who were of interest to assassination, accordinv, to the ,
British and foreign hitelligence 'account, but these plant were
agencies so that the Czech Intel-. called off, as were plans, to kid-
ligence Office would not overlap nap Antonin Buzek. a correspon-
their work or try to recruit the dent for the Czech Press Agency.
. same people. ? . who had defected. ? ? ?
? Mr Frolik also claimed. that The ' forged Nazi documents
the former Gestapo chief, Hein. were " uncovered " by. Czech
rich Muller, one of the most Police in the Blake Lake area
wanted Nazi war criminals, was of Czechoslovakia, near the Ger- ?
kidnapped by Czech agents from . man border, in 1965. They were,
Venezuela in 1954. Ile was im- . dramatically revealed by the
prisened in Prague so that the then Minister of the. Interior.
Czech Government could este!). . Mr ? Lubomir Strougal, in an
lish from him the names of ? attempt to discredit German and
people who had worked for ?the ':Austrian. politicians, and were
Gestapo duri'ng the war. -; .. : accepted '-as 'genuine by- various
During the " Prague Spring " international agencies investi-
in 1968, Mr Fronk revealed that gating Nazi war criMes. .
officers of Prague's regional ? Mr .Frolik also revealed a
directorate of state security, bizarre episode in Wales in 1962
organized anti-Soviet riots to when he arranged ? for anti- ;
embarrass Mr. Dubcck. These -Jewish slogans to be drawn on .1
rigged demonstrations included ' walls in German and cemeteries
the "hockey riots" and the 'disturbed to try to galvanize
? damaging of Russian buildings :feeling in Britain against the
In 1968, while' working in ' West German Panzer divisions
Prague, he saw?" with my own .which.' were allowed to under...
eyes "?a message from the take tank training in Wales.
32
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"WASHINGTON POST MGIIay, F ers, 1474
? I
What Are We Underwriting in Vietnam.
, ?
' TN THE FIRST YEAR after the signing of the celebrated
Vietnam cease-fire agreement of January 1913, there
, was good reason for Congress and most of the rest of us
, to bail America's disengagement from combat, to cheer
rthe return of the POWs, to accept routinely the high
cost of continuing military and economic aid to the Thieu
, government, and more or less to turn 'a blind eye to the
.fact that there was in fact no cease-fire and no per-
ceptible progress toward a permanent peace. Soothingly,
we were told that you couldn't expect the shooting to
stop overnight, but that the foundations of a "structure
,for peace" were in place, and that the business of build-
ing upon this structure to produce ekcttons and a divi-
sion of territory and a sharing of political power was
; only a matter of time. With a year's experience, 'however,-
it, is now clear that it hasn't worked out that way. (Well
over 50,000 Vietnamese have reportedly been killed in
, combat during this "cease-fire" so far.) Worse, there is
:precious little' prospect that it will. So it is not only
, appropriate but urgent for the Congress and the public
to force their attention back to Vietnam. And the new
? budget, with its prevision for continuing heavy military
? and economic aid for the Saigon government, offers a
. powerful argument as well as an opportunity for doing so.
In his State of the Union address, the President spoke'
? witheringly of those who would abandon the South Viet-
namese by abruptly shutting off all our aid?as if the
',issue was as simple as that. Of course, it is not. Most
people, we suspect, are fully aware of this country's
obligation to continue 'helping Saigon defend itself against
flagrant violations of the cease-fire by the North Viet-
namese; larger American policy interests over at least
a decade and a half, after all, had a lot to do with creating
, Saigon's heavy dependence on our continuing patronage.
:But the real issue is much more complex, for it has to
do with who is really responsible for the breakdown of
;the cease-fire. It has also to do with whether our aid, in
conjunction with our diplomacy, is working to improve
the chances of real peace in Indochina, or Whether it is
?,in fact working toward perpetuation of a vicious, costly
war by discouraging the kinds of concessions on both
sides that might bring about 4 genuine settlement.
We do not profess to have the answers?and that is
just the point. Nobody in Washington seems to have the
, answers?or even particularly to care. For the past year,
;the general tendency has 'been to blame both sides for
the myriad violations if not to 'ignore them; to cancel off
these violations against each other; and to conclude
,somewhat cynically that this is the natural or inevitable
or Vietnamese way of resolving conflicts. There is, more-
over, the formidable difficulty of finding the facts. With
their supreme interests at stake, both Vietnamese sides
have had powerful incentives to highlight their own
observances of the agreement and to 'hide their own vie-
. lotions. Field conditions limit the capacity of objective
observers; such as journalists, to judge for themselves.
All this gives no reason, however, to avoid trying to
get at the facts. For it should be understood that avoid-
ing the ckuestion of which side is chiefly responsible for 4
the collapse of the agreement is answering the question
to the benefit of President Thieu. Time and again, admin.
istratien figures have drawn public attention to the'
alleged vielatiorts of Hanoi and the Provisional Revolu-
tionary Government (Vietcong). The imminence of a big
Communist offensive has been built up as a special bug-
aboo, while the open threats of some sort of pre-emptive
strike by the South, as well as the plain evidence of
provocations by the Saigon government, have been pre-
sented to us as no more than legitimate acts of self-
defense:To this have been added regular and wholly
unrealistic suggestions of American re-entry into the
war, including the possibility of renewed bombing of
the North. ' ?
We have 'been down this road before and we should
know by now where it leads?to blind and unquestion-
ing support of a Saigon government lulled into a false
sense of security by our aid, with no real capability to
defend itself, by itself, and with no incentive to yield up
anything for the sake of a compromise settlement. From
this, one can safely project an open-ended conflict be-
tween the two Vietnams. True, it is largely their war
now, which is a lot better than it being largely our war,
as it was for seven agonizing years. But we are nonethe-
less subsidizing a substantial part of it. Thus, it seems
only reasonable for the two sets of armed services and
foreign relations committees in both houses 'of Congress
to conduct a searching inquiry into the administration's
current Vietnam policy. For this country has a moral as
well as a political commitment to the objective of a cease-
fire and an ultimate Vietnamese settlement which the
administration so proudly proclaimed to be very nearly
accomplished facts a year ago. And the American public
has a right to know whether, and how, this objective is
being served by our continuing aid to South Vietnam.
We would not argue that the answer turns entirely on
what this country does or doesn't do for President Thieu.
Part of the answer obviously must come from Hanoi. Part
sf it also depends on the efficacy and, validity of that
larger "structure for peace," reaching from Moscow and
Peking to Washington, of which the President had made
so much. But a big part of the answer, nonetheless, de-
pends upon Saigon. So we think that before Congress
approves more billions for President Thieu, it ought to
try to find out whether the easy availability of this
subsidy may not be 'prolonging an intensified Vietnam
war by consolidating a militant, recalcitrant and repres-
sive regime in Saigon. For there is at least some reason
to believe that a more selective and judicious application
?or denial?of this money could make it work to far
better effect as an integral part of a wider diplomatic
effort to bring 'about something more nearly resembling
a Vietnam peace. '
- 33
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THE WASHINGTON POST
TIturolq, Jan. 17, 1974
zag,I ff,he U S. Doing in Thailand?
N EXTRAORDINARY.'!nstance of American over.
reaching has just come to light in Thailand. It
kvolves the CIA, an agency so habituated?at least in
litailand?to acting like a sovereign state that it seems
tt. have been unable to adjust to the winds of Thai
change. It seems that a CIA agent sent a letter to the
' new prime minister, who came to power last fall replac-
ing the generals identified with a close military link to
the United States. Signing the name of a Comnannist
.insurgent leader in Sekhon lklakhort province, the agent
'sounded out the prime minister on his interest in open-
ing talks with the insurgents. The letter's internal in-
consistencies struck Thai officials, they now say. Since
it had been sent by registered mail, it was easily
`. traced to the CIA office in a particular province. The
government then evidently leaked the story to the Thai
? ',fess, which gave it a play worthy of the outrageousness
of the event itself. "Really bad,". the prime minister
stnnmed up.
j The newly posted American ambassador, William R.
,IChttner, was forced to acknowledge and apologize for
this "regrettable and unauthorized initiative." "No Amer-
ican official is to be involved in any activity which
? ? could be interpreted as interference in Thai internal
affairs," he announced. Yet this hardly puts the matter
to rest. Is it more believable that the agent was acting
, on his own or that, unmasked, his operation?whatever
it purpose?was simply repudiated? Since CIA activi-
ties in Thailand are supposed to be confined to provid-
ing technical intelligence assistance to Thais, how is it
, that the CIA appears to have set up what the Thai press
New York Times
21 Jmn. 1974
calls "operation units in various areas"? The CIA's in-.1
discretion "demonstrates to the people that the United,
States is involved in the fight to suppress the Commu-
nist terrorists," the Bangkok radio noted, and thus it
compromises the Thai goy- Aunent claim that the insur-
gents, but not the gov:rnment, lack independence and
sovereignty. How rvuld the CIA be insensitive to the
central political value of this claim in a struggle against A
what is said to be a foreign-supported insurgency?
The most troubling aspect of this incident, however,
goes beyond the damage that may have been done to.
U.S.-Thai relations. Just how deeply is the United States;
"involved in the fight to suppress the Communist ter-,
ronsts, in the Bangkok radio's words? A Senate staff ?
report issued last June stated that there were 545 Ameri-
cans working in Thai counter-insurgency within the
' U.S. Military Assistance Command. But if, as the Thai
counter-insurgency chief now says, "it .has especially ,
been the principle of [his program] that the fight to
suppress the Communists is the Thai people's affair,",
then what are all those Americans doing, whether they ;
are inside or outside the CIA? The new Thai leadership, ,
by publicizing and protesting the affair of the letter,
Indicates its own decision to put some nationalistic dis-
tance between itself and Thailand's former American
patrons. This is an understandable choice flowing from ,
the winding down of the American role in all of Indo-
china. The Thais, who live there, are adjusting. But we '
Americans still have questions of our own to ask about,
any residual counter-insurgency role. It sounds too much ,
like?one hesitates to say the word?Vietnam.
ations Expected to Survive CJPAO Blow
UOS.-Thai EeJ
By JAMES F. CLARgTY
special to The New York Times
. BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan. 20
?The admitted interference of
the Central Intelligence Agency
in an internal Thai affair does
.not mean, in the view of knowl-
edgeable Western diplomats,
,that the C.I.A. has garroted it-
self with its own cloak in this
'country, but that it has at least
pinked itself with its own dag-
ger. .
The incident, which stirred
vigorous student protests in a
country where students are the
most influential political force,
left Thai-American relations
frayed, but not tattered, the
diplomats say.
The affair focused, new at-
tention on the large American
presence, mostly military, in
Thailand. It also marred the en-
trance on the scene of a new.
United States Ambassador, Wil-
liam R. Kintner, and forced the
interim Government here to dis-
entangle itself from another
problem in the midst of the dif-
ficulties it has been trying to.
solve since it replaced the mili-
tary regime deposed in a stu-
dent uprising in October.
In the view of some analysts
here, the C.I.A. affair was an
embarrassment to almost every-
one concerned, including the of-
fice boy whose registration of
an ersatz letter led to the blow-
ing of the cover.
The plot itself seemed simple
enough. An agent of the Amer-
ican intelligence agency, not
identified but sent home ear-
lier this month, composed a
letter purportedly from an in-
surgent leader asking to discuss
a cease-fire with the Govern-
ment.
The purpose of the letter, ac-
cording to Ambassador Kintner,
,was to produce dissension and
defections among the insur-
gents who have been fighting
the Bangkok Government for
years. The registered letter
found its way?how is not clear
?to the offices of .an English-
language Bangkok newspaper,:
The Nation. The paper traced it
to the C.I.A. and published it,
the ambassador admitted the
American involvement and the
scp.ndal was under way.
In the succeeding two weeks,
Dr. Kintner has apologized for
the incident several times, in-
cluding personal apologies to
King -Phumiphol Aduldit andl-
i cated.
and said he had taken meas-i
I The furor over the letter has
ures to prevent American offi-1
cials from meddling in Thai-
land's internal affairs. The stu-'
dent organizations, which had
first demanded the total ouster
of the C.I.A. and the recall of
Dr. Kintner to Washington,
have not reacted to the Bang-
kok Government's relatively
mild reprimand to the United
States and the ambassador last
Thursday.
Dr. Kintner, who was person-
ally vulnerable to the student
criticsm because he worked for
the Central Intelligence Agency
for two years during the Ko-
rean war, said in a recent inter-
view that the incident caused
"chagrin" among Thai officials.
It also, the ambassador saidd
reflected a "patronizing atti-
tude" that he has found among
some of his embassy staff mem-
bers?not necessarily members
of the intelligence agency ?
toward the Thais. The employe
who patronized, whose attitude
the ambassador describes as
"Look. Charlie, we'll show you
how to do it," will he trans-
ferred, the ambassador in&
Premier Sanya Dharmasakti,
had a number of other effects.
It has prompted the Gov,
erninent ?to say that it is re-
examining the extent of Central
Intelligence Agency operations
here. In the process of saying
this, the Government has ac-
knowledged that the American
Intelligence organization pro.'
vides it with various kinds of
help ini internal security, coun-
terintelligence, counterinsur-
gency and narcotics-control
programs.
The United States attitude
toward this kind of help, as
indicated by the ambassador
and other competent diplomats
here, is that in future the Thais
will get only the intelligence
assistance they ask for. ,
No Thai officials seriously ex-
pect the Central Intelligence
Agency to stop operating here.
They concede that a total ban
would be foolish, as the agents
would only continue to operate
in mufti. There are now in
Thailand, American officials
say, 50 operating agents sup-
ported by ;00 clerical and coin-
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inunicatiotis assistants.
Ambassador Kintner, an out-
spoken man who has divided
his professional life between
the Army and the academic
!World, says Thai-American re-
lations have ? survived the. in,-
:cident. He shrugs off questiOnt
;Whether it has caused friction
lbetween him and the intelli-
fOnce agency chiefs in Wash.
New York Times
18 Jan. 1974
ington. ? ?
Acknowledging that the in-
cident took place without his
knowledge after he became
ambassador two months ago,'
Dr. Kintner said of the present
structure at the embassy Wei
"I have full authority froth the
President and the Secretary of
State."
Thailand Officially Chides,U.S.
Ctver C.I.A.,. Interference There
By JAMES F. CLARITY '
Special to The Now York Times
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan.-17
Thailand expressed official
dissatisfaction to the United
States today over the admitted
[interference by the Central In-
telligence Agency In That af-
stairs:
Foreign Ministry statement
',Wag the first official reaction
to ,the scandal, which erupted
fide nearly two weeks ago
after it was disclosed that a
C.I.A. agent had sent Premier
Sanya Dharinasakti a letter
purporting to be from an in-
surgent leader seeking peace
with the Government. The in-
cident caused vigorous protests
from student organizations, the
most influential political force
here since, the ouster of the.
military government in Novem-
ber': ? ,
The. Foreign . Ministry said
that Ambassador William R.
kibtner?.at hi S request, met
With Premier Sanya and was
foltVof ,"the: diSsatisfaction of
students -and the..people with
the event `that had !happened
as well as the dissatifaction of
the Thai people in general with
the general behavior of C.I.A.
units inside Thailand and their
demand that 'the United States
stop all actions of interference
In the internal affairs of Thai-
land."
Dr. Kintner, who admitted
the C.T.A. plot and apologized
for It week, was said by
the ministry to have assured
the Premier again today. that
prevent any action of interfer-
enCe in Thailand's internal af-
fairs from happening again."
The statement said Thailand
Was examining the Amerioan
agency's connections with Thai
agencies, but it did not indicate
whether the Government
planned any further action.'
There was a widespread Opinion
among Western diplomats that,
unless the student organiza-
tions refused to accept the
Government's handling of the'
issue in the statement today,'
the matter would be allowed'
to fade away.
Ambassador Kintner, In an
interview after he visited the
Premier and the Foreign Minis-
ter, Charunphan Issarangkun na
Ayuthaya, said that the letter
had caused chagrin among Thai
officials but that senior offi-
cials had assured him that they
wanted ? relations to remain
cordial. ?
The ministry statement said
Dr. Kintner had assured the
Premier'that the agent respon-
sible for the plot had been sent
back to the United States and
that the C.I.A. office in the
northern town of Sakon Nak-
hon, where the plot was born,
had been closed.
In the interview Dr. Kintner,
a one-time C.I.A. employe who
became Ambassador two months
ago, said that the plot had been
stupidly conceived and ex-
ecuted. Its pure*, he said,
was to produce,dissension
among the leaders of insurgent
?"he would ,do everything to groups. ?
NEW YORK TT WEDNESDAY, ,TANUARY 15, 1974
Thais Consider Ban or Curb
oh the C.LAJ
? so ? 'By JAMES F. CLARITY
jleefal to, ille New Yolk Times
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan. 15
?Members of the Government
et today and considered spe-
tine proposals to eliminate or
sharply reduce the espionage
and other activities of the Utiit,
ed States Central Intelligence
Agency in Thailand.
A well-placed Government
source said that the Cabinet .of
Premier Sanya Dharmasakti
would act on the proposals later
this .week or early next week.
Privately, however, some Gov-
ernment officials say that a
categorical ban of the C.I.A.
Would be impractical, the agents
could continue to operate in
varied grout*.
I At issue before the Cabinet;
I was the scandal that erupted
here 11 days ago involving the
activities of the agency in Thai-
land. The United States Am-
bassador, William R. Kintner,
admitted that an agency of-
tieer had written a letter to the
Sanya, Government, purported-
ly from an insurgent leader, of-
fering to open peace talks with
the -premier. The Ambassador
apologized for the letter and
said that he had ordered Amer-
ican officials here to do noth-
ing that might be interpreted
as interference in internal Thai
affairs.
Mr. Kintner, who became
Ambassador in November, dis-
NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, JANUARY 12174-:
Thai Paper Names C.I.A. Chief
In Bangkok as Flare-Up Lasts
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan.
11 (Reuters)?A Thai newspa-
per today identified the head
of the United States Central
Intelligence Agency in Thailand
in the latest episode in a stu-
dent and press campaign
'against, the agency's activities
in Thailand.
The English - language Na-
tion, quoting the assistant po-
lice director general, Maj. Gen.
Vitoon Yasawad, identified the
agency chief as Hugh Toyer,
who is listed in the diplomatic
and consular list issued by the
Thai Foreign Ministry.
It was the first time that
Mr. Toyer had been publicly
named as the agency chief in
Thailand, although his role had
been known in informed press
circles for some time.?
A former C.I.A. station chief
in Laos, Mr. Toyer is no
longer in Thailand. .
The C.I.A. became the target
of student and press attacks
last week when the United
States Embassy admitted that
A C.I.A. agent in northeastern
Thailand had sent a fake letter
to Prime Minister Sanya Dhar-
anasakti calling for a cease-fire
against Communist insurgents.
The admission followed a re-
port in The Nation that the
agent had sent the letter to Mr.
Sanya last month in the name
of a Communist insurgent
leader.
cussed the incident'tdday in an
interview with some Western
correspondents. An ?American
Embassy official present at the
interview said the Ambassador
recalled that he was "madder
than' hell" when he learned of
the letter. He said that he had
personally apologized for it to
Premier .Sanya and to King
Phumiphol Aduldet, according
to the Embassy official.
The Ambassador also said,
according +.o the Embassy of-
ficial, that it was up to the
Thai Government to decide
whether it wanted the C.I.A.
'there to curtail Or suspend the
assistance it gives the Govern-
ment on counterinsurgency and
counterintelligence work.
The' Ambassador was also
said to have stated that he
wanted to end the "gung ho
attitude" of the American
agents here: In the future, the
Ambassador said, plots such as
the one involving the fake let-
ter would be left for the Thais
themselves to early out or re-
ject.
The Government officials dis-
cussing the scandal today were
said to include Premier Sanya
and the Foreign Minister, Cha-
roonphan Issarangun Na Ayut-
thaya. The foreign Minister
was said to have drawn upl
alternate proposals for dealing
Since the 'admission, stu-
dents have staged mass demon:-
stration outside the United
States Embassy and forced
Ambassador William R. Kint-
ner to leave a reception after,
burning paper American . flags
in front of him.
A Thai pressure group, Peo-,
ple For Democarcy, yesterday
cabled the United States Sen-
ate calling for the removal of
Mr. Kintner.
Marshal Criticizes C.I.A.
BANGKOK, Jan. 11 (UP.)?
The United States Central In-
telligence Agency has been op-
erating in Thailand since World
War II but "has no right to
participate in our administra-
tion," the Defense Minister said
today.
The minister, Air Chief Mar-
shal Dawee Chullasapya, ap-
peared at a news conference to
discuss the letter written by
a C.I.A. agent to the Thai Gov-
ernment under the name of a
Communist insurgent leader of-
fering a cease-fire in exchange
for autonomy for the rebels.
"The writer of the letter did
It with a lack of intelligence,"
the minister said. "The C.I.A.
has no right to participate in
our administration: The C.I.A.
has absolutely nothing to do
with our official activities."
with the situation. One of them,
according to the Government
source, woutd order a total sus
pension of all C.I.A. activities
in the country. Another would
spell out in detail permissible
activity. ?
Department' officials, the
source said, have been ordered
to tell the Cabinet what serv-
ices the agency might be pro-
viding and if the services
should be continued. .
Cabinet members were also
discussing, the source said, the
possibility of declaring 'Ambas-
sador Kinter an unwelcome
person. A demand for the Am-
bassador's recall Was made
last week by student organiza-
tions, which constitute the
country's most influential po-
litical force since they over-
threw the military government
here in October.
? Knowledgeable Western dip-
lomats said" here today, how-
ever, that they would be sur-
prised if the Thai Government
took such severe action.
The American Embassy also
confirmed reports that Mr.
Kintner planned to go to wash.
ington in the next several
weeks, but said the trip had
been planneti before the C.I.A.
incident and was not stimulat-
ed by it.
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. BALTIMORE SUN
3 Feb. 1974
a is a
59
est
st
isfit
e of
etente
Ey JAMES S. HEAT
Washington.
? "You want to write a long article on
our Cuba policy?" a State Department
official asked in some surprise. "Hell,
you can say it all in one sentence."
Here's the sentence:
,The administration will .do nothing to
Improve relations with Cuba as long as
President Nixon is in office.
There are buts, however. Mr. Nixon's
dislike of Fidel Castro's regime is no
more deep-seated than was his anti-com-
munism in the 1950's?when no one
, would have predicted his seeking de-
tente with the Soviet Union or the
opening to China.
That kind of dramatic reversal aside,
the Nixon administration displays no
Interest in resuming diplomatic relations
, with Cuba, broken in 1961, or in lifting
the trade embargo imposed by the Or-
ganization of American States at United
States behest in 1964. And, U.S: officials
- insist, they have no reason to suppose
that Mr. Castro is any more interested
in- better relations. A brief flurry of
speculation that Cuba was signaling a
. desire to open political contacts was
tonched off last month by a report of a
press conference held in Mexico City by
thd Cuban ambassador there, Fernando,
Lopez Muino, but subsequent statements
have cast doubt on it.
Last week's visit to Cuba by Leonid I.
Brezhnev, the Soviet party leader, also
raised questions here about a possible
signal to Washington that Mr. Castro
,might be interested in repairing rela-
? tions. Mr. Brezhnev pointedly spoke of
? the dividends of healing old wounds,
? between the super-powers, and Mr. Cas-
tro for the first time had some kind
? words for detente.
However, the hints?if that is what
they were?found no response here. U.S.
officials coolly declined to take any no-
tice of them. The more cynical among
, them suggested that Mr. Brezhnev
'might be trying to dump an expensive
client on Washington, but the realistic
Soviet chieftain could hardly believe
? that diplomatic relations would, bring
economic aid in its wake.
; The fact remains that Mr. Brezhnev
publicly rebutted some of the adminis-
tration's favorite arguments against res-
boring relations with Cuba, som-ething he
would hardly do in Havana if he be-
lieved it would displease Mr. Castro.
There are two reasons for the admin-
istration's deep antipathy for the Castro
regime. Probably the most important is
the fact Mr. Nixon detests Mr. Castro
and all that he represents., The Presi-
dent's Visceral dislike of the Cuban
Mr. Kent is the diplomatic correspond-
ent for The Sun.
leader is rooted in 1958, when Mr.
Nixon, then Vice President, was spat on
and mobbed by leftists in Caracas,
Venezuela. He believes the rioters were
inspired by Havana.
The other reason -- the one that is
publicly stated ? is the administration's
insistence that Cuba is trying to subject
other governments in Latin America.
Until Mr. Castro stops "exporting revo-
lution," administration spokesmen assert,
the United States will not normalize
relations with him.
Whatever the merits of the first reason,
the second is hard to document. Many
U.S. officials privately refuse to repeat
the charge that Mr. Castro is still
sending agents to disrupt neighboring
governments. Others insist there is such
evidence but say they cannot disclose
the secret intelligence reports that prove
it. '
Fewer of 'Mr. Castro's neighbors ap-
pear to believe it, however. Seven Latin
American nations plus Canada recognize
the Cuban government. A bare majority
Of the OAS membership was ready to
vote last year against continuing the
trade embargo despite strong lobbying
, from Washington. The overthrow of the
Marxist president, Salvadore Allende, in.
Chile, however, deflated the issue.
? Perhaps the most effective argument
against resuming normal relations with
Cuba was put this way by a State
Department Latin American specialist:
"What's in it for us?" to critics who
argue that the diplomatic isolation of
Cuba is anachronistic after Mr. Nixon's
summit visits to Moscow and Peking,
officials reply that better relations with
the Communist giants brought political
dividends. With Cuba they would not.
"I think we have demonstrated our
pragmatism with respect to Cuba," Rob-
ert A. Hurwitch, then a deputy assistant
secretary of state, told a Senate foreign
relations subcommittee last spring.,
, "Where there is no overriding U.S. inter-
36'
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est, there are no grounds -for seeking
accommodation with an openly hostile
nation. On matters of mutual interest,
however, we have demonstrated that
we can deal with each other." ?
Mr. Hurwitch cited in particular the
hijacking agreement that had just been ,
negotiated with Cuba, providing for pun-
ishment in one country or the other of ,
persons forcing aircraft or ships to
carry 'm across the 90-mile strait. ,
Ade from ending Cuba's attraction'. ,
as a haven for hijackers?which it had'
not, in fact, been for, some time before.
?the administration sees nothing te be'
gained from restoring relations with a'
government that speaks of it with,
venom.
Heavily dependent on roughly $550
millien in economic aid from the Soviet
Union each year, Cuba has a whopping
trade deficit for a nation of only 9.2
million persons. Sugar, by far its largest
export, is not needed here. Politically an,
end to the 'war of words across the
Straits of Florida would ',gain the United'.
? States nothing, in the official view. It
would appear to condone not just Mr.
Castro's ardent embrace of the Soviet
Union in recent years, but also his
introduction of Soviet weapons inlo this? '
hemisphere.
Por all that, the continued U.S. at-
tempt to isolate Mr. Castro is hard to
justify. Despite the argument that prag-;,-
matistn dictated one policy with regard
to the Soviet Union and China but
another to Cuba, the policy appears hyp-
ocritical, especially to many Latin
Americans.
The contrast between its adamant
stand on Cuba and its warmth toward
the Communist giants is not the admin-
istration's only problem with consist-
ency. It has long proclaimed that diplo-
matic relations no longer imply political
approval, and U.S. ambassadors live in
capitals that are not much friendlier
than Havana.
To many Latin Americans, the U.S.,
isolation of. Cuba is more of the old ?
Yankee paternalism that the administra-
tion has publicly renounced. Although
the coup that deposed Dr. Allende
caused rethinking of the growing feeling
in Latin America that Marxism is the
wave of the future, nationalism is still
on the rise and dictates a different
brand of pragmatism there than the one
applied in Washington.
Argentina, for example, is stepping up '
its relations with Cuba although its new
president, Juan D. Peron, is anything
but a Communist sympathizer. Argen-
tina has offered Cuba $1 billion in trade
credits and is bringing pressure on
subsidiaries there of the three major
U.S. automobile manufacturers to sell
Cuba up to $95 million worth of cars and
trucks. The application of the General
Motors, Ford and Chrysler subsidiaries
for exemptions from the ban on trade
with Cuba presents U.S. officials with a
difficult decision. It would be the first
breach in the embargo for U.S. compa-
nies and would be interpreted abroad as
a weakening of U.S. resolve to maintain
the sanctions. But under Argentine law
the government can impose penalties on
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7 the companies if they reject the orders.
If it can be argued that the United
States has nothing to gain by resuming
diplomatic relations and ending the
embargo, it can as well be argued it has
little or nothing to lose. A Cuba free to'
, trade with more nations, even including
; the United States, would not be a much
THE MANCIESTER GUARNAN
January 1974
: As Havana prepares a restive reception for Mr Brezhnev RICHARD GOTT explains
the timing of the Soviet leader's visit
stronger nation since it has little to pay
for imports. If the administration was
right in arguing last spring that eco-
nomic ties with North Vietnam would
turn its leaders to thoughts of peace, the
same is true of Cuba.
What. might be gained is some rein-
forcement of the administration's argu-
ment that it seeks a new era in relations
within the hemisphere. The isolation of
Cuba doesismack of the old intervention-
ist days. If Cuba represented a real
threat to inter-American security,. the ?
stigma would be worthwhile. Without
such persuasive evidence, the ?gesture
wOuld be +taken as one of strength not
weakness.
CUBANS' have been gearing
! themselves up to provide a
, lavish welcome for Mr Brezh-
'hey, the General Secretary
,of the Soviet Communist
Party, who is. due in Havana'
today.
The Cuban press has
described it as "the most
important visit ever to take
place in our, revolutionary
-homeland," and ? the official
daily newspaper Granma says
'that the people are anxious
'to give Mr Brezhnev " the
warmest, most enthusiastic,
? and most massive welcome in
the history of our revolu-
,tiOn."
kis the Russian leader's
first visit to the Caribbean
and the 'first trip to Cuba by,
'a prominent Russian since
'Mt Kosygin went there in
October, 1971. The visit was
, planned last. June and Mr
iBrezhnev was supposed to'
',have been there for the
fifteenth anniversary celebra-
tions of the revolution, held
at the beginning of the
month. Fidel Castro went
k twice to the Soviet Union in
? 1972 and a return visit was
long overdue..
, But Mr, Brezhnev has been
',extremely reluctant to do
anything that would interfere
, with his new,found friend-
ship with the United States.
'The Middle East crisis and
the need to secure congres-
sional approval for the lifting
' of restrictions 'on trade bet-
-wenn the United States and
the Soviet Union take prece-
dence over the wishes of a
minor. ally. Mr Brezhnev told
, Carlos Rafael Rodriguez.
? Castro's emissary, in
es into the fol
December that he could not
risk the possibility of 'being
forced to stand on a platform
in the Plaza de la Revolucion
while Castro pilloried his
Washington friends.
Consequently the visit has.
'been postponed until the Rus-
sians could be absolutely sure
that their sometimes unpre-
dictable friend would be on
his best behaviour.
They need not have
worried. Castro has been sla-
vishly following the Russian
line in the past 'year and
even if he were 'to permit
himself some verbal excesses
in the course of a major
speech, these would hardly
deflect Dr Kissinger from his
set purpose of making 1974
the " Year of Latin America."'
Kissinger,is bent on resolving
the minor, almost symbolic,
problems of relations with
Cuba and Panama in order to
embark on a much more
grandiose scheme for regulat-
ing the more real and fun-
damental problems that
divide the United States from
. its allies in Latin America.
It is no part of Kissinger's
scheme to exclude the Soviet
Union entirely from decisions
that will have to be made
about the future of the donti-
nent. For while the Russians
havb few 'battalions in this
part of the world, their con-
trol over the small but well
organised local Communist
parties has enabled them to
play a not insignificant rOle
in mobilising support for the
nationalist governments of
Peru and Argentina, govern-
ments that Kissinger, too, is
anxious to cultivate.
Brezhnev is visiting Cuba
WASHINGTON POST FA. 72.I974
? ? ?
Eaton: Castro
By Edward A. O'Neill
special to The Wnehtneton Post
BALTIMORE, Feb. 11?ty--
i'tis S. Eaton, the 90-year-old
multimillionaire industrialist,
came here Sunday from six
days In Cuba to say that Fidel
Castro wants accommodation
With the United States.
, Eaton was In Cuba at Cas-
, tro's invitation on the heels of
a visit by Soviet Communist
Party leader Leonid Brezhnev,
who, according to press re-
at a moment when the Rus-
sian Government, the Cuban
Government, and the Latin-
.American Communist parties
have a greater identity of
purpose than at any time in
the past. It is for this reason
that the possibility of a con-
ference of Latin-Ametican
Communist parties has been
suggested, to precede the
world conference that the
Russians are anxious to hold
to mobilise support for their
campaign against the
Chinese.
All this seems a far cry
from the 1960s, when Castro
was often at loggerheads with
the continental parties and
with Moscow, accusing them
of betraying the cause of the
Latin-American revolution.
Now they all belong to a
mutual admiration society,
though the power and
influence of the pro-Moscow
parties in the continent has
receded to its lowest ebb. In
Chile and Uruguay, /where
huge parties had a real grip
over the working class, mili-
tary dictatorships have
undone the work of decades.
In these circumstances the
voice of revolutionary Cuba,
,once strident and 'dogmatic,
has been strangely silent.
Castro no longer claims
unique ownership of the Holy
Grail of revolution. He peers
round the continent for
friends, finding them in the
,barracks more often than in
the hills. Where Cuba ? sup-
ports' guerrilla movements it
is more as the extension of
the Cuban ? intelligence ser-
vices than because Cuba sub-
scribes to guerrilla doctrine.
The loss of Chile has been
ports, had talked to the Cuban
prime minister about improv-
ing relations with the United
States.
Eaton met twice with Castro
for lengthy talks, as well as
with Deputy Prime Minister
'Carlos Rafael Rodriguez; Pres-I
ident Oswaldo Dorticos; Fl-'
del's brother, Ramon Castro,:
minister of agriculture, and
other Cuban leaders.
He said that he came away
with an overwhelmingly posi-
,? a major blow to Cuba and to
the Soviet Union, not just
because of the brutal crush-,
ing of a promising Socialist
experiment, but because of
the appalling problem of
picking up the pieces. The
Chilean Left was never a ?
cohesive force at the best of ,
times. In defeat, the old divi-
sion between Socialists and
Communists is bound to reap-
pear and may well prove a
? new bone of contention bet-
ween Russia abd Cuba:
For the moment, though, ,
Castro seems ? to , be soft-
pedalling his interest .in
foreign affairs, and with
regard to Cuba's internal
economy he has good reason
to be grateful to the Soviet
Union. In December, 1972,
new agreements were signed
between the two countries
which were highly favourable
to Cuba. The oft-quoted
figure of one million dollars a
clay in Russian aid, which ,
was based on Russia's buying
of Cuban sugar above the
world price, seems new ?
with the huge increase in the
world price ? a trifle exag-
gerated. But in nickel mining
and oil prospecting, hundreds
of Russian technicians are
performing a useful role indi-
versifying the Cubah
economy.
These tangible benefits of ?
the Russian connection will
be much praised during Brez-
hnev's visit, but behind the
scenes the Russian . leader
will be working as a nego-
tiator for Henry Kissinger,
discussing the United States
proposal to re-establish diplo-
matic relations with the
island that has caused it so
much trouble for so long.
rats Better U.S.
tive feeling that Cuba wants
to regularize its relations with
this country, with which it has
been at odds since 1960.
Eaton said in an interview, ,
"Fidel said an indication of his
real attitude toward the
United States and its people is
the fact that he moved swifly
to put an end to [airplane] hi-
jacking."
From his conversations. Ea-
ton concluded that the Cubans
want only high-level talks.
Ties
"It really requires Kissinger. 1
or Nixon or someone with ex-
press authority to solve this,
matter. There is no use to put
Ibis to men down the line who
do not have the authority to
act. That's what happened
when we first were trying to
talk to Hanoi about. the Viet-
nam war." (Eaton himself
37
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went to Hanoi in 1969 to talk
about negotiations with the
North Vietnamese,)
Eaton, who used to have
, substantial business interests
' in Cuba has kept up his con-
nections since the Castro revo-
lution in 1959 by other visits
? there and through the Cuban
.Xlelegation at the United Na-
tions. His basic interest is eco-
nomic. He thinks an end to the
separation would be advanta-
geous to American industry.
"Twenty years ago they
were going to put me in jail
because I advocated trade
with the Soviet Union," he
Said. "Now all kinds of Ameni-I
can businessmen are. rushing
to get into the Soviet market."
U.S. Policy toward Cuba, Ba-
ton said, seems still to be
based on "fanatical anti-com-
munism."
"It is hard to believe that
our businessmen and our
State Department could he so
shortsighted as to have as-
sumed that Castro would have
only a' brief regime and all
would be over shortly," he
said. "He has successfully en-
dured for 15 years. Right now
he looks confident and is
cheerful about the future."
Eaton said the Soviet Union
recently sold Cuba 70 diesel
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locomotives for $28 million?:
"that we could, have sold
them"---and Argentina is mak-
big freight cars for Cuban use.
While he was in Cuba, 20 Can-
Indian businessmen were there
talking about increasing trade,
he said.
"A lot of the rest of the
world is doing business with
Castro," he said. "They didn't I
have to adopt his religion or
lack of religion, or his system'
of government to do it."
Eaton said a small group of
Cuban exiles in the United
States, mostly centered in Mi-
ami, has been influent;a1 in
the continuation of official
NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY,' FEBRUARY 1974-
U.S. policy. He predicted' a
change in their thinking.
"They were all joined," he
said, "in a policy to kill off
Castro. As the years have
gone by and that policy has
failed, many, of them now
think, 'Why go on?'" -
What they now want is to
see "an end to it," he said. "I
think we are going to have an
expression from that group
that Will have a powerful ef.
feet on American opinion." ,
Use of a U.S. passport for
travel to Cuba is forbidden.
Eaton flew there from Nassau
and returned the same way.
A Signal Perhaps, From Havana
By Ben F., Meyer
WASH1NGTON?There is the nag-
ging thought here that Washington
.may have missed a signal indicating
that Fidel Castro's Government may
be ready to seek an end to the United
States' 13-year boycott of Cuba.
Various circumstances suggest such
'a sounding by Havana. Cuba's econ-
omy still is in chaos and her depend-
ence on the' Soviet Union is increasing
despite Premier Castro's known desire
for greater freedom of action.
The question of United States-Cuban
relations arose at a news conference
*of Cuba's Ambassador to Mexico, Fer-
nando L. Lopez Muhl% when he said:
'"We are not in a holy war with the
United States. We would be willing to
talk to the United States? given a
single and irrevocable condition?that
It end the blockade of Cuba. ,
To many, this appeared a strong
hint that if Washington dropped its
boycott, ,imposed when it broke rela-
tions with Havana on Jan. 3, 1961,
Washington might find it possible to
end the thorny problem of relations
with Havana.
Some newsmen in Moscow have
even thought that the Soviet Union
'may have suggested such a feeler
by Mr. Castro, The Soviet Union has
been reported urging Cuba to drop
her hostility toward other Western
Hemisphere governments and also not
to get caught in any more attempts at
invasion or guerrilla warfare.
' The reasoning here is that if the
" Cuban Ambassador was not putting
out a feeler he could have answered
the question by saying simply, "There
As nothing new on .that matter."
A Cuban Foreign Ministry comment,
issued after Washington indicated no
enthusiasm for the idea; was couched
in the tart language characteristic of
Foreign Minister, Rani Roa. But it did
not actually rule out the idea of nego-
tiation.
' If it was a feeler; it would not be
the first time that Washington has
fumbled in dealing with Cuba. A
notable case occurred after a hijacked
United States plane landed in Havana
on Oct. 29, 1972. It had hardly touched
ground before Havana suggested a
discussion of means to end the bother-
some hijacking business.
A few days later another hijacked
United States plane, carrying two rap-
ists who had escaped from a Tennes-
see prison, landed in Havana, adding
to its growing problem of playing host
to a collection of murderers and other
criminals. Apparently still lacking a
real response from, Washington, the
Castro Government decided to force
the State Department's hand.
On Nov. .15?seventeen days after
its original invitation?the Cuban Gov-
ernment jolted the United States with
a broadcast announcement,. patently
aimed at public opinion and the Con-
gress in this country, that Havana was
ready to negotiate "without delay."
Soon, afterward, an agreement was ne-
gtiated and the hijackings from the
United States ended.
Recently, ? editors of outstanding
newspapers in the United States, mem-
bers of Congress and others have be-
come increasingly vocal in urging an
end of the United States boycott. They
say that the trade embargo has out-
lived any usefulness it may have had
and that the United States stand on
the sanctions, voted by the Organiza-
tion of American States in 1962 and
1964 disturbs inter-American relations.
In addition, the United States posi-
tion patently forces Havana to remain
.38
under Moscow's domination and gives
the Soviet Union a splendid geo-
graphical base for military,' economic,
political and subversive activity in this
hemisphere.
United States officials concede that
Cuba has diminished her subversive
activity in Latin America, but say she
has not ended it altogether. They say
also that the Cuban situation poses no
military threat to the United States or
to other hemisphere nations?a con-
tention that most laymen find hard
to believe in the light of Soviet sub-
marine, air and ship activities in the
Cuban area. It would seem highly ad-
vantagous to have relations that would
permit much closer scrutiny of mili-
tary' and subversive activities in Cuba.
One thing bothering Washington is
that Latin 'America is divided on the
Cuban question. Only three countries,
Argentina, Mexico and Peru, have re-
lations with Havana, as do four former
British colonies, Barbados, 'Guyana,
Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago.
The ideal solution for Washington
would be for Latin-American nations
to get together and make a decision.
But some countries are reluctant to'
take the risks involved. For these, it
mould be much simpler for the United
States to stick its neck out"
The issue might arise late this,
month when foreign ministers of the
Americas meet with Secretary of State
Kissinger to present their ideas and
to hear his about the future of United
States-Latin American relations. There
would perhaps be much more time for
discussion of Cuba at the April meet-
ing in Atlanta of the General Assem-
bly of the Organization of American
States.
Ben F. Meyer is a retired Assoctated
Press correspondent who has written
about Latin America for thirty years.
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