(UNTITLED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP75-00149R000200940023-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 21, 1999
• Sequence Number: 23
• Publication Date: August 21, 1961
• Content Type: OPEN

STATINTL
Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP75-00149R0002009400
:15356 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
as good as gold because they can be turned
into gold on demand.
Holdings of such other currencies arise
through normal trade: A French manufac-
turer sells ties here, gets paid with a check
on a U.S. bank, and turns in the check to the
:French central bank in exchange for francs.
The central bank then may buy gold from
our Treasury, or it may prefer to leave the
money here, perhaps invested in U.S. Treas-
ury securities, thus earning interest on it.
The "bug" that is causing the current
-debate is that this practice means some of
the very same gold, that continues to be
used as backing for U.S. currency, is also now
used as backing for the French currency.
This double usage begins to take on serious
proportions when the Nation with the good-
as-gold currency (including both citizens
and Government) persistently spends more
abroad than it takes in. As a result of a
decade of deficits in the U.S. balance of pay-
ments, foreigners (not just central banks)
have accumulated here $21 billion of po-
tential calls on our gold supply. But our
gold stock totals only $17.6 billion. Exag-
gerating somewhat, it may be said that our
whole gold supply is now subject to double
usage.
Obviously, a halt has to be called some-
where, or some day the good-as-gold cur-
rency will become no better than wallpaper.
In that case it would cease to be of any use
as a reserve currency. The cures being pro-
posed to obviate such a disaster run along
four main lines.
The first recommended cure is for the
United States to do all in its power to elim-
inate the constant excess of its outpayments
will work. - With it, almost anything will
work.
A second proposed cure is a joint interna-
tional boost in the price of gold, to twice
or more the present $35 an ounce. That
would, for instance, make our $17.5 billion
gold reserve worth $35 billion or more, sub-
stantially overshadowing the $21 billion of
potential foreign claims upon it. But, aside
from the inherent dishonesty of such a writ-
ing down of our debts, it seems unlikely that
a cut in the value of our currency in terms
of one commodity, gold, could be achieved
without a corresponding fall in the cur-
rency's value in terms of all other commodi-
ties. That is, all other prices would prob-
ably rise too, and we'd soon be back where
we started.
A third proposed cure is the abandonment
of the gold-exchange standard, through re-
payment of the debts, such as the billions we
owe to foreign central banks, over a long pe-
riod of years. Under this scheme, the world
would thereafter return to a strict regime of
settlement of all international debts in gold.
Doubtless that would work, but it would
be a very long and very painful process, so
painful that it would be politically impos-
sible. One might as well ask for the aban-
donment of the banking and paper money
system of the United States and a return to
payments in nothing but coin.
The fourth proposed cure is a sort of in-
ternationalization of the problem. The
functions of the International Monetary
Fund would be expanded, somewhat as our
Federal Reserve System was set up to ease
and equalize banking stresses between vari-
ous regions of the United States. Actually,
this would amount to a further extension
of the international paper money system.
The idea, with many possible variations, will
be given consideration at the IMF meeting
in September.
But whether it or some other scheme is
payments doesn't fall out of line too far an
too long.
GEORGE SHEA.
ATOR FULBRIGHT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, the sponsorship by military personnel of public
distinguished chairman of the Senate meetings primarily devoted to highly con-
Committee on Foreign Relations, Sena- troversial political issues. I have been more
tor J. W. FULBRIGHT, of Arkansas, today than a little surprised that this private
memorandum has aroused such animated
delivered an address to the opening sea- arguments about the involvement of the
sion of the National War College and the military in politics and above all has brought
Industrial College of the Armed Forces. into question the principle of civilian con-
tary Responsibility."
As my colleagues in the Senate know,
this subject has been discussed on a
number of occassions on the floor of the
Senate in recent weeks. The Senator
from Arkansas has raised some very
fundamental questions about the rela-
tionship between military forces in the
United States and civilian government.
I commend his speech to my colleagues.
His remarks are broader even than the
title of his speech suggests, because he
discusses some of the events of recent
years which have tended to influence our
thinking, not only on domestic policy but
on foreign policy as well.
Because of the importance of these
remarks, I ask unanimous consent that
they be printed in the body of the
RECORD.
There 1&ilig no objection, the &&dress
OPENING SESSION OF THE NATIONAL WAR
COLLEGE AND THE INDUSTRIAL COLLEGE OF
THE ARMED FORCES-PUBLIC POLICY AND
MILITARY RESPONSIBILITY, AUGUST 21, 1961
The extreme difficulty of defining the
proper relationship between military and
civilian authorities in a democracy derives
basically from the stubborn refusal of the
world of reality to accommodate itself to
the tidy compartments of theoretical logic.
It has always been difficult, and in the mod-
ern world of nuclear weapons and cold war
it is all but impossible, to separate military
problems from general policy; to designate
one neat area labeled "questions of military
policy to be decided by generals" and an al-
together separate area of "questions of pol-
itics to be left to the politicians."
David Lloyd George once declared "there
is no greater fatuity than a political judg-
ment dressed in a military uniform." The
reply might well have been: "No, except a
military judgment dressed in civilian
clothes." The real answer, if not in Lloyd
George's time then certainly in our own, is
that the problems of national security are
so inseparably related to problems of diplo-
macy, economics, and technology that lines
cannot be drawn and decisions must be made
jointly. The politician must acquire knowl-
edge and sensitivity to every aspect of na-
tional security, including the military, while
military officers are under a heavy obligation
to bring to the performance of their tasks
much of the wisdom of history and state-
craft.
The military profession is now involved ings. They are therefore doing a disservice
intimately in national policy processes. both to the American people and to the
lend their support
hen the
i
d
y
serv
ces w
This involvement is not the result of any arme
conscious quest for political power on the to any groups or organizations which es-
part of the military but rather the in.. pouse policies that run counter to those of
evitable product of the new worldwide com- the Commander in Chief of the Armed
mitments of the United States and of the Forces and which have the effect of gen-
revolution in military technology. Power crating distrust and suspicion among our
in a democracy is inseparable from respon- people.
sibility. Accordingly, the Military Estab- The memorandum contained a specific
lishment is under the most compelling ob- recommendation that the Defense Depart-
ligation to exercise the power which has ment issue general directives to bring under
been thrust upon it with wisdom and overall control the activities of military of-
restraint. ficers in lending the weight of their official
There has been considerable public and status to organized expressions of extremist
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August 21
rather vitriolic discussion and controversy
in recent weeks regarding a memorandum
which I submitted to the President and to
stitution and in many centuries of Anglo-
Saxon tradition, has served the Republic
well. It is indispensable to the preserva-
tion of democratic government, and it is
equally indispensable to the preservation of
the professional integrity and effectiveness
of the military. As President Kennedy
pointed out in his press conference on Au-
gust 10, nothing would do more grave damage
to the prestige and integrity of the Armed
Forces than their embroilment in transitory
partisan controversies.
The memorandum which I submitted to
the Secretary of Defense was based upon
my strong belief in these principles. Its
purpose was certainly not to silence mili-
tary officers who choose to express their own
views in public and who are subject to the
discipline of their superiors and their own
sense of duty and propriety. Nor was the
memorandum prepared for the purpose of
criticizing private individuals or organiza-
tions for holding or promulgating any opin-
ions whatsoever. There is no question of
the right of groups of private citizens, such
as chambers of commerce, to organize pro-
grams of any character, to select speakers
freely, and to discuss any topics they choose.
The memorandum was directed solely at the
impropriety of officers of the armed services
permitting their prestige and official status
to be exploited by persons with extreme
views on highly controversial political issues.
The memorandum set forth instances of
military sponsorship of attacks by radical
extremists on the policies of our Govern-
ment. The point cannot be overstressed
that it is not these verbal attacks which are
at issue, but their sponsorship by military
authorities. These acts of official sponsor-
ship are far more significant than the few
cases in which military officers-often re-
tired or Reserve officers-took the platform
themselves.
Nor does it matter whether the extremist
views expressed were those of the left or
of the right. The instances cited in the
memorandum happened to be cases which
reflect the extremism of the right. I would
have been equally concerned had I known of
military participation in attacks from the
extreme left.
Nor was I concerned with discipling indi-
viduals or groups. It is the constitutional
right of all Americans, civilian and military,
to hold whatever political views they are
led to by conviction and conscience, be they
moderate or extreme. Military men in their
official status, however, are committing not
only themselves as individuals but the pres-
tige of the armed services when they promote
 Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP75-00149R000200940023-5
1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -? SENATE
Ae you may be aware we purchased, yes-
terday, $6.836,000 Anchorage city and school
district bonds and we have been making
good progress in the distribution of this is-
sue. The prices for the long bonds repre-
sented a decrease in yield and therefore an
Improved price of about one-fourth of 1
percent over the sale of a year ago. This
again is a reflection of added( confidnece in
our new State.
I was very happy to see the reply you
made to the unfortunate article which ap-
leared in the Wall Street Journal. It's too
b..d that an uninformed. writer is permitted
at ch prominence.
PROPOSED CLOSING OF SHIPYARDS
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, in today's issue of the Wash-
ington Daily News appears a very in-
teresting article entitled "Don't Give Up
the Shipyard-Naval Maneuver Gets
J.. , .K. Off Hook."
It now read the article:
lFrom the Washington Daily News, Aug. 21,
19611
DON'T GIVE: UP THE SHIPYARD-NAVAL MANEU-
TEE GETS J.F.K. OFF HOOK
What does a President do when his De-
fense Secretary decides to close down a big
defense installation in his own home State?
,ike many lesser men, he calls for help.
'chat's what President; Kennedy did last
week when he learned that Defense Secre-
taxy Robert S. McNamara had decided to
phase out the Boston Naval Shipyard, along
wi ;h the Philadelphia and San Francisco
shpyards.
leir. Kennedy apparently was bothered by
the decision to shut down the shipyard in
ide very own bailiwick. But he remained
ob aiously reluctant to reverse the decision.
Looking around for help, he finally landed
on Representative JOHN F. SHELLEY, a tough
but personable 55-year-old onetime labor
leader, wartime Coast Guard officer and long-
1;!.nle Democratic Representative from San
t rancisco.
CORNERED
1;Tr. SHELLEY, cornered by Mr. Kennedy
dudn, a tour of the White House with his
wile and children, was told of the planned
c:oling from what he later was to describe as
as "unmistakably reliable sou:rce."
"But, Mr. President, they can't do that."
Mr. Shelley exploded.
"Well, why don't you go to work on it,"
Mr Kennedy reportedly answered.
The onetime truckdriver did exactly that.
3ie crossed party lines to get the help of
Sel;ator THOMAS H. KUCHEL, the effective
Republican whip from California, and Rep-
resentative WILLIAM S. IYIAILLEARD, his Re-
publican colleague from Sari Francisco. He
also was assisted by California's razor-
tongued Democratic Senator, C:LAI.E ENGLE.
Mr. Shelley and his staff got on the phone
anc. alerted San Francisco leaders to the
danger of losing the shipyard which, with its
more than 7,000 employees, is the city's big-
gee; employer.
PROTESTS
Within hours, Defense Secretary McNamara
was deluged with telegrams and telephone
calls protesting the planned closure.
11 the past all such protests resulting
from "rumors" that a military installation
was to be closed have been answered with a
denial that any such action was under con-
sideration "at this time." The denial, how-
always has been qualified with the
weaning that all military bases are "con-
stantly under study" as to the importance
to the defense effort.
Last week, however, the White House chose
not to deny the report but to declare that
the recommendation to close the three ship-
yards had been rejected by the President
himself because of the Berlin crisis.
The statement made it clear that Mr.
SHELLEY's fears were real and his protest
against the planned closure was based on
actual recommendation.
Once the word of the President's decision
was out, a jubilant Mr. SHELLEY sat back in
his office as congratulatory calls poured in
from his colleagues and from San Francisco.
His greatest moment came, however, when
Mr. McNamara called and said laughingly:
"Next time I'd like to have you on my side."
Mr. President, I most respectfully sug-
gestt that the President of the United
States has set a very poor example of
fiscal responsibility when he overrides a
decision of his own Secretary of Defense
to close certain shipyards in Massachu-
setts and California, especially when his
intervention is based not on their need,
but, rather, because one of the ship-
yards which the Secretary of Defense
proposed to close happened to be in his
State of Massachusetts.
This method of the President of the
United States undercutting his own Sec-
retary of Defense by generating the sup-
port of the California delegation fools
no one. It merely demonstrates that
when the President in his inaugural ad-
dress suggested that we "Ask not what
our country can do for us, but rather
what we can do for our country," he for-
got another popular maxim, "What is
sauce for the goose is also sauce for the
gander."
MONEY SYSTEMS
Mr. BUSH. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the article
which I held in my hand may be printed
following my remarks in the body of the
RECORD.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. BUSH. Mr. President, I call at-
tention particularly to this article from
the Nall Street Journal today because it
deals with a situation which is growing
very rapidly in importance. The article
starts off by saying:
The world is seeing these (lays the develop-
ment of an International paper money sys-
tem resembling the paper money systems
long since developed within nations. ,
The article states that they will be
the subject of debate at the annual
meeting of the International Monetary
Fund in Vienna next month.
:I may say parenthetically I intend to
go to that meeting as an observer from
the Senate, because I think this subject
particularly, and other subjects which
will be discussed there relevant to this
subject, will be of vital importance to
the United States.
The article points out that:
Almost every commercial crisis of the past
couple of centuries has been accompanied by
a deep slash in the amount of paper money
outstanding In the nation affected, and
most such crises were caused at least in
part by the excess issuance of paper money
during the boom phases that preceded the
crises.
15355
We have seen this happen in so many
countries in our lifetime. We saw it in
Germany after World War I. We saw
it in China, where, in a short period of 12
years, from 1936 to 1948, the value of the
Chinese dollar went from 4 Chinese to 1
American dollar down to 5 million Chi-
nese dollars to 1 American dollar, due to
the issuance of paper money.
In a period of a few years, before Fron-
d:isi came iiito office and bravely stemmed
the tide, we saw the Argentine peso
under the Peron regime go from 4 pesos
to a dollar to 72 pesos to a dollar.
We have seen the same thing happen
in France and other countries.
So I seriously commend the reading of
this article to Members of the Senate
and the House of Representatives. I
hope it may help us to appreciate the
importance of the whole question, which
involves our balance of payment prob-
lems, and likewise the balance of our
own income and outgo, which we call the
budget of the Government of the United
States.
[Exhibit 11
THE OUTLOOK: APPRAISAL OF CURRENT TRENDS
IN BUSINESS AND FINANCE
The world is seeing these days the devel-
opment of an international paper-money
system resembling the paper-money systems
long since developed within nations. And,
as in the case of the national systems, the
new machinery has developed "bugs." These
will be theSpubject of debate at the annual
meeting of the International. Monetary Fund
in Vienna next month.
Paper-money systems are always In danger
of being abused, in the form of issuance of
too much paper. Such excess issuance gen-
erally results, in one way or another, from
loans made to finance speculation at rising
prices in one or many commodities, or in
stocks, rather than from loans that finance
production-though even production loans
can grow excessively. Almost every commer-
cial crisis of the past couple of centuries has
been accompanied by a deep slash in the
amount of paper money outstanding in the
nation affected, and most such crises were
caused at least in part by the excess issu-
ance of paper money during the boom phases
that preceded the crises.
Nevertheless, in spite of these recurrent
breakdowns, people have always refused to
abandon the use of paper money once they
goat accustomed to it.. They always found it
too convenient to give up. Instead, after
each crisis they tried to write new safeguards
against excessive use of paper. Some of the
safeguards worked, some didn't.
Generally speaking, the most dependable
safeguards lay in education of sellers and
lenders on how to make loans or sales on
reasonable terms, and how to enforce their
claims if trouble arose. In the past 30 years,
for example, lenders have increasingly re-
quired that loans of all kinds (except those
of only a few months' duration) be repaid
gradually through regular amortization,
rather than waiting until maturity to en-
force the whole claim. This method has
proved both workable and highly successful.
The extension of the paper-money idea
into the international fle'fd-aside frcrn
credits to finance exports, which are very
old-has taken the form of adoption, mostly
since World War II, of the so-called gold-
exchange standard. Whereas central banks
used to depend on nothing but some pro-
portion of gold as backing for their national
currencies, they now count, as part of their
reserves, their holdings of other currencies,
such as the U.S. dollar, which are considered
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 Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP75-00149R000200940023-5 15357
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
opposition to the policies of our Govern- politics flexibility is title iiico ?'?l `"" Lions in declarations about foreign-
ment. No disciplinary action against indi- ambiguity an essential instrument." g g
viduals was called for. The primary objec- In considerations such as these lie the wis- ers and rooting out the disloyal at home.
tive of my recommendation was to insure dom and justification for civilian supremacy And those who disagree with them, they say,
that military personnel adhere to the obli- and military professionalism. As long as are "soft on communism."
gation, which is inherent in their duty as democratic government is honest and ef- It seems to me that it is these extremists
soldiers, to refrain from public expressions ficient and as long as the military adhere to who are advocating a soft approach.
s
reflections anand d their ir b seless
of criticism of the overall political policies, nonpolitical professionalism there can be Theirralizationsoversimplificat
as distinguished from the technical military no impairment either of democratic institu- geness bear to face policies, of the Government and of their tions or of the integrity of the military those co who Cann struggle against the
poburden werfus a Commander in Chief. establishment. and resourceful enemy. A truly tough ap-
bility re is power there is the pr The problem of maintaining military
bility that hat it will be e used and the danger obedience to civilian authority y is is fortunately ely proach, in my judgment, is one which ac-
that it will be misused. This assumption, not one which in any basic sense threatens cepts the challenge of communism with the
expressed in Lord Action's maxim that such settled communities as the United courage and determination to meet it with
"power corrupts, and absolute power cor- States or Great Britain. Nonetheless, by every instrumentality of foreign policy-
rupts absolutely," is common to all effective reason of the differences in training and out- political and economic as well as military,
and with tha willingness to see the struggle
democracies. This principle is one of in- look between the soldier and the politician, through t ear in the to seer the may be
stinctive distrust-of power itself wherever it the possibility of mutual distrust or even as into as
to to mevadeeet t the
the
exists. It has nothing to do with the motives hostility is ever present in a time of grave necessary. . Those se who ty, seek
of any group or individual who may wield it. threats to the national security. Our mill- bchallenge-or, in re old adventures abroad and waunty
softness s
It has been directed against big business, big tary leaders are experts in the complex tech- at home are res real abroad and witch
labor, and big government, and now, in- nical questions of national defense. Their the softness of seeking escape from panul
evitably, it is directed against our big Milt- counsel, with its admirable qualities of ex- realities resort illusory from pa. by to
tary Establishment. pedition and decisiveness, is indispensable most astonishing of the propositions
of the ostal right ghofr contention that
There are powerful barriers in the United to political leaders. Politicians, on the The mos
States to the rise of a political military es- other hand, must concern themselves with a of internal Co gat Is unist menace contention the prat
tablishment-the country's long history of wide variety of nontechnical factors, includ- rheas problem of the cold wThey thus
the recruitment system ing the interplay of diverse interests in a many a wretched handful of war. r They is s Comm in
which creates a corps of officers nurtured in pluralistic society. This involves intermi- the United States with greater power and
this history; the officer rotation system; the nable bargaining and compromise-a process hfluen it d St the Soviet ea Union r and Cond i
than strong bonds of our professional soldiers to which may often strike military experts as mist China with their vast military and
the political and social values of the demo- inefficient or even dangerous to national political power. I think that this viewpoint
cratic; society from which they are drawn; security. In the higher reaches of the de- is strati absurd. It reflects an amazing
and, finally, the longstanding tradition, fence hierarchy, the expert who knows what p y
should be done finds himself at the mercy lack of confidence in the wisdom and good
which tightly woven into the whole fabric sense of the American people and their
co American military custom, that the office of the politician who knows what can be ability to identify and reject Communist
corps should none done. propaganda. If this proposition were true,
The roots of f the American military tra- Under these circumstances, it can readily we would be wasting billions of dollars on
dition lie deep in the history of the Western be understood that dedicated and patriotic the Armed Forces hemselves, funds whin
World, particularly' that of the English- soldiers are subjected at times to a great instead should be transferred to the FBI to
speaking countries. Since the emergence of temptation to descend into the arena of po- fight isubversion. In fact, the to
years received all of the funds the FBI
the modern state system in Europe, and per- litical conflict. Few of our military leaders has for internal
haps even further back in the Middle Ages, have done so-a fact which evidences their requested of ee Congress. The s It has
the military, like the church, in most West- wisdom as well as their restraint. The few danger exists and requires constant vigilance,
ern countries has enjoyed special status, who have raised their voices in public par- but it would be a tragic irony if in false and
prestige, and perquisites. With its special tisan controversy have inadvertently done a panic-stricken mistrust of our own free so-
privileges went special responsibilities. Like disservice both to the American people and we were to mistrust the overriding dan-
States, church, the military, in the United to the Military Establishment itself. clety States, Great Britain, and other countries, The effectiveness of our armed serv gar-that of worldwide Sino-Soviet impe-
ices rialism.
gradually discovered that the retention of Its depends upon the maintenance of their Implicit in much of the propaganda of the
special status and its effectiveness in per- unique prestige and integrity. These will radical right is the assumption that our free
r ts mission were best served by remain intact only so long as the services
rigorous s pwith corruption and
onpolitical decay. It permeated
rigous absention from the controversies adhere to their tradition of n society
said, for example, that the
a trad io pof dianp There smergon professionalism. No group
or institution can schools and churches of this country are in-
and u intrigu
thus a tradition of disciplined abstention participate in political debate without itself filtrated with Communists. I recently re-
in political activity. In the few instances becoming an object of partisan attack. It eetal a with propaganda sheet s. recently -
in the modern history of the West in which is precisely because of its status as a non- ceiv which cals self t f romran erg iZa-
this tradition did break down, the military, political institution that the military in the dtion eclared among other tthat reign
like the church in similar circumstances, past has enjoyed the virtually unanimous declared of Congress who things ng s for Yo "Any
found itself beset by hostile reactions and support of the American people and has thus Member should C gre s who for te for f a in
the weakening of public confidence. been beyond partisan assault. It will be aid be
The military remains in accord with the recalled that the late Senator McCarthy, an act of treason," I do not understand how
an organization can be regarded as conserva-
cvalves d aour so eats, There asare no who repd a in or frgroups and individuals, tive that in effect charges the majority of the
fun a fl
in France, , for example, , between n the p prof cc- in ct, such r t t groups and ing Members of every Congress since World War
e cs- took omany a ny fatal l step p toward his own undoing II and three Presidents with treason.
sional soldier and the rest of society with when he directed his irresponsible charges Extremist and Irresponsible pronounce-
the to the written and unwritten rules- against the U.S. Army. The prestige of the s being r heard in oho land
general political consensus-of our so- Army was such that the people rallied to its meats are widely heard in the land.
ciety. Generally the military profession is a defense. It is my hope that the armed In a n speech at gh, sponsored
fair representation of all of the major ale- services will never yield to misguided Warfare rn Pittsburgh, of Greater
merits of American society. The principle of temptations which can only shatter the high by in bar of with various local
civilian supremacy thus remains intact even esteem in which they are held. The pres- Pittsburgh Chamber Seminar
Pitts ceopoopefaotion retired rear
admiral
in the face of an enormous expansion in the ervation of that esteem is essential to the militared the organizations, theme that retired rear power and influence of the Armed Forces. success of the Armed Forces in fulfilling policy developed World War tI has can foreign
rny
In the most democratic of societies, how- their assigned mission and essential also, pia played into Soviet hands, that the United
ever, there are differences in spirit and mood therefore, to the defense of the Republic. plates is militarily incapable of the Uiey
between the professional soldier and the The appeal of certain ideas espoused by surprise and that of surviving
negotiations
politician or statesman. The politician the radicals of the right is not difficult to with the tee Soviet
Russians for disarmament ae in
must move tentatively in an atmosphere in understand. To a nation beset by onerous wet appeasement. In a speech last week a
which goals and means often become mixed. challenges and responsibilities, they offer prominent elected n a official denounced a
Mr.
Only in the most general terms does he have deceptively quick and simple solutions. prom n bunch of muddle-minded advisers.
predefined objectives, and excessive preci- They tell us that we have only to proclaim Kennedy's
pro-
that sion will only make movement difficult. The our dedication to total victory over world Contending t e Cour fore t casei stance assailed
soldier works differently. His objectives are communism and to root out subversives- gram
defined clearly in advance; he will then state real and imaginary-at home and our prob- as irresponsible elements those who favor
his requirements and dispose his forces so as lems will be solved. They tell us that our the independence of the emergent nations of
to gain the object. As one student of mill- system of alliances and our military and the world. And he declared that it was
tary affairs recently expressed it: "In mill- economic commitments abroad are unneces- fatuous nonsense for American foreign policy
tart' arrangements flexibility Is a necessary ary and dangerous, that they somehow to take cognizance of some nebulous thing
evil and ambiguity may easily cost lives; in "play into the hands of the Communists." we call world opinion.
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1308 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 2'
The extremists of the right call themselves postwar France and Italy. It is illuminat- must be used, not independently and consec-
conservative. In my judgment their views ing to note that th W
'
the
i
emar Republic in utively, but terdependently and consists not conservative, but radical-radical be.. Germany was destroyed by Nazis and Co:m- ously. Realismn
i in world politics consists in
cause they fail to distinguish between demo- mwsists acting in league for their common knowing how and when to shuffie the various
cratic social progress and totalitarian. com- purpose of destroying the democratic re- factors in the face of changing dangers and
munism, regarding the former as a step publ'.ic. The experience of these countries opportunities.
toward the latter. The true conservative is reveals that the totalitarianism of the left No one understood the subtleties and com-
one who wishes to conserve the historic and the totalitarianism of the right have plexities of foreign policy better than Win-
values of our society. Ile recognizes that the a single common bond; their shared hos- ston Churchill, who wrote: "Those who are
world does not stand still and that, because tility to democracy and freedom.
it does not, we must at times modify and The United States has been virtually free sharp clear cut solutions of di~fficultr and oh-
reform traditional practices through orderly throughout its history of the destructive scure problems, who are ready to fight when-
processes of change in order to adapt them presence of a powerful disloyal opposition. ever some challenge comes from a foreign
to new conditions. Social progress is thus With the exception of a few marginal groups, power, have not always been right. On the
seen to be the indispensable means of pare- our political parties and our people have other hand, those whose inclination is to
serving traditional values in a changing shared a virtually unanimous faith in con- bow their heads, to seek patiently and faith-
world. stitutional Government and free institu- fully for peaceful compromise, are not always
Far from being a step toward commu- tions. We have enjoyed the immense bene- wrong. On the contrary, in a majority of
nism, social progress through orderly arid fits of political consensus among a people instances, they may be right, not only moral-
constitutional procedures is one of the best who were born free and who never in their ly but from a practical standpoint. How
defenses against communism. The reforms history have had a serious or prolonged many wars have been averted by patience
which were undertaken in the United States flirtation with any form of absolutism. and persisting good will. How many wars
in the 1930's are believed by many to have It is this incontestable fact of history that have been precipitated by firebrands. How
thwarted the Communist movement which reduces the shrill charges of the radical many misunderstandings which, led to wars
might have thrived on the mass suffering right, and of the radical left as well, to pal- could have been removed by temporizing."
caused by the depression. Governmental pable nonsense. The realities of American foreign policy lie
action, for example, in the creation of the Now as in the past the success of our na- in the fact that the world has undergone
TVA, or the Arkansas River development tional policies must be rooted in the basic revolutionary changes since World War II
program, is not, in my opinion, a step to- unity and consensus of the American people. and that the end of this historical upheaval
ward communism. We are now encourag- This consensus, in a time of overriding is not yet in sight. To live in a world of
ing the nations of Asia, Africa, and :Latin danger, must of necessity consist in unified revolution, arid to attempt to shape the
America to undertake basic economic and national support of our elected leaders, and forces of change toward constructive pur-
soctal reforms because experience has shown especially the President of the United States, poses requires patience, discipline, and sus-
that social progress is the key to stability the Commander in Chief of our Armed tained effort. Only by the cultivation of
and popular support for governments, and Forces. "Although the rod of fire may be these qualities can the American living in
that these in turn form the most solid bar- passed about," wrote the historian Herbert the 1960's hope to escape the defeatism and
viers to Communist penetration. Fens, "it comes back to him. It is his `yes' despair that arise when initial efforts fail
Those who have faith in our free people or 'no' that settles history," The President to produce total victory.
and our free institutions must dismiss the alone, in his role as teacher and moral The basic principles of American foreign
wild charges of extremists as malicious and leader, can arouse the American people from policy for a world in permanent revolution
absurd. Only if our society is in an ad- apathy and indifference and inspire them to were shaped in the years immediately fol-
vanced state of distintegration is it as sus- the ell'orts and sacrifices that must be made lowing World War II, or more specifically, in
ceptible to Communist infiltration as the if we are to survive in this century of peril. the spring of 1947 in what has been called
radicals of the right contend. I, for one, f
believe that our free society is strong and
stable, and that it is strong because it Is
free. Because this is so, we need not be
fearful of Communist propaganda. The
American people can be counted upon to
reject it as they have always rejected
totalitarian doctrines.
Those who contend that our free society
is permeated with corruption and sub-
version are in fact espousing a line that the
Communists themselves would be the first
to applaud.
Indeed, the radicals of the right, whose
avowed intent is to save our society from
destruction, are painting the same picture
of ineptitude and decay that the Com:mu?.
fists, whose aim is the destruction of our
society, would want the American people
to believe.
There is a tendency in the history of
democratic nations for overly emotional
groups and individuals to react to threats
from foreign totalitarian powers by per-
mitting themselves to entertain illusions
regarding totalitarian :forms of an opposite
tendency. Thus, for example, when we were
threatened by the right-wing totalitarian-.
Ism of Nazi Germany, a few Americans sud-
denly professed to see democratic virtues
in the Communist absolution of the left..
Now that we are endangered by Communist
imperialism instead, a few Americans have
fallen prey to the delusion that the radical-
ism of the right is not totalitarian at all
but is in reality the true philosophy of
freedom.
It is my belief that all forms of radical
extremism, left or right, are anathema to
failed to unite behind their chosen leaders
to overcome external dangers. By their
wreckless charges that the evils that threat-
en our survival are not external but are
within our society, the extreme rightwingers
generate distrust and suspicion and, in so
doing, threaten to shatter the basic unity
of the American people and to undermine
the consensus in which vigorous and suc-
cessful national policies must be rooted.
The problem was admirably expressed in
a recent editorial which appeared in the con-
servative Arizona Daily Star of Tucson, Ariz.
"It is one of the unfortunate characteristics:
of American life" the editorial pointed out
historic principles of American foreign
policy were radically overhauled. The land-
marks of that transformation were the Tru-
man doctrine and the Marshall pian.
Through these instruments the United
States acknowledged its permanent Involve-
ment in the affairs of the world. The re-
sponsibilities of the United States were now
extended beyond the con"nes of the Western
Hemisphere to the far outposts of the free
world.
The revolution in American foreign policy
was expressed in the policy of containment,
which implied the permanent commitment
of American resources around the perimeter
"that too many of our good citizens and gov-? of the Soviet, empire. The Marshall plan
ernmeat officials have a definite inclination implied the involvement of the United States
to think in terms of reckless absolutes, when. in world affairs in an even more intimate
it comes to foreign policy. Americans like way. The United States now recognized its
to think in terms of freedom and democracy? responsibility to help nations which were
as if they were something that could be be- threatened with economic disaster and, be-
queathed automatically by us to all nations yond that, its responsibility to help develop
of the world. Similarly, we are prone to a viable international economic and politi-
boast and threaten and talk in terms of total cal order.
war. If it is not that, we must have total These were days of imagination and in-
peace. Tragically, we think that by total novation in our foreign policy. The crisis
war we can bequeath to the world total of the 1960's derives from our failure to adapt
peace." The editorial further pointed out the now classic policy forms of 1947 to new
that "There is a vast difference between tell- conditions and new challenges.
ing the masters of the Kremlin that we will The conditions of the world have been
stand by our rights in Berlin with all of the greatly altered since the immediate post-
might and power our country can mobilize, war period. Four fundamental changes have
and in making irresponsible threats. It is occurred.
one thiing to make war to defend our rights First. The balance of military power has
it is quite another thing to go out on another changed radically. In the years following
.futile crusade, and expect total victory to the war we forged a system of alliances
give us what we want." which, with our monopoly of atomic power,
Americans, unfortunately, tend to take a provided substantial protection for the
p
e ?~ ?
~o to worm War it, we thought of inter- That protection has now diminished and it
have far more in common with each other national relations too much in moral and has been replaced by a highly unstable nu-
than either does with genuine democracy. legal terms. Since 1946 we have Increasingly clear stalemate, which Winston Churchill has
The unholy alliance of left and right is shifted our thoughts to the terms of military called the "balance of terror."
an old combination in certain countries of strength and balance-of-power alliances. The second great transformation of recent
continental Europe. Together they have Actually, a successful foreign policy has many years is the impressive recovery of Western
formed the "disloyal oppositions" which facets-military, political, economic, cul- Europe to booming economic well-being and
ve beleaguered the democratic center in tural, moral, and ideological. All of these substantial political stability as well. The
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ESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
1 G 1 CONGR
military dependence of Western Europe on any arid collection of predetermined for-
the United States remains, while in the polit- mulas and prescriptions, that will determine
ical field it has diminished and economic our capacity to meet the Communist chal-
dependence has all but ended. lenge.
The third significant change has been a The overriding question is whether this
fundamental alteration in Soviet foreign Nation is prepared to accept the permanent
policy. Ten years ago, one of the greatest and inescapable responsibilities of having
assets of our own foreign policy war the become ia ?nvnoth as a Nation, during which
-- -
VV GAI.Gi is ~??v.w -.-------
cracked, Stalin could be counted upon to
take some drastic action which would galva-
nize the West to renewed efforts and unity.
Khrushchev's foreign policy is of a quite
different nature. His tactics are far more
varied. Besides using diplomatic and mili-
tary pressures wherever these seem prom-
ising from his point of view, Khrushchev
seeks to subvert the entire non-Communist
world through the impact of Soviet power
and economic and technological accomplish-
ments. The Khrushchev approach is more
skillful, more insidious, more subtle, and,
therefore, far more challenging to the
nerves, the patience, the resourcefulness,
and the dedication of the West.
The fourth overriding change of our time
is the rise of the former colonial and semi-
colonial nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America, These nations, most of which are
uncommitted and all of which are caught
up in the emotional fervor of nationalism,
be-
are now the great prize in the struggle
tween East and West. Their political and
economic stability, and their continuing free-
dom from Communist subversion and domi-
nation, are now among the foremost objec-
tives of our foreign policy.
It is against the background of these great
transformations that we must reassess the
foreign policy of the United States for the
decade ahead. The crisis of our foreign pol-
icy at present derives from the failure to
devise adequate responses to these four
great changes in the world situation.
The policies devised in 1947 have been
largely successful. With only a few excep-
tions the power of the Soviet Union and of
Communist China have been militarily con-
tained. Such losses as have been suffered
are counterbalanced, and perhaps more
than counterbalanced, by the growing uni-
fication of the resurgent nations of West-
ern Europe and by the gradual development
of a broader Atlantic community consist-
ing of nations which possess a great pre-
ponderance of world resources and industrial
productivity.
We must now focus our efforts on the in-
sidious challenges of psychological penetra-
tion, of political subversion, of economic
conquest, of the use of foreign aid and trade
as political weapons. To meet these threats
we have already begun to devise, and we
must now go on to perfect, new and varied
instruments of foreign policy that go far
beyond containment and military alliances.
Foreign policy in our time is inseparable
from domestic policy. It is more accurate to
think of every aspect of public activity as
How we conduct
li
cy.
part of national po
ourselves in Cuba, Laos, Berlin, or Monte- the governments of the world. AdvY nce-
video are indicative of our maturity or lack ment toward this objective will require per-
of maturity as a nation. But our neglect sistent effort in the face of inevitable frus-
of education, our tolerance of criminal ac- trations. More fundamentally it will re-
tivity, our impulsive reactions to the crimi- quire the cultivation of qualities that are
nal hijacking of an airplane are also indica- associated with maturity rather than youth
tive of our maturity or lack of it, of the trust- -qualities of wisdom as well as resource-
worthiness of our national-or foreign- fulness, persevering determination as well as
policy, and of the integrity of our "national righteous all, dedi agon, and, place perhaps mosteof
style."'
We must view the nation not as a set of bravado.
compartments in which foreign and domestic The purpose of our foreign policy is the
affairs are neatly divided but rather as a very gradual improvement of human life on
unified. whole. And in this view of things, earth. Our success is not guaranteed and if
we must understand that it is only as we our efforts are to be coherent and sustained,
are ready to sacrifice many of our personal we must accept this fact with sobriety and
and group interests and predilections that we serenity. Besides patient and continuous
have a chance of surviving as a society, not effort we must bring to the task a little of a
b it is luck ut by our own
character as a people, srather s than consumingimessianiem l will surely lead little. to emphasize
--
our iw oa'- s"-'-',, ---------
exhilarating and successful adventres. Our
history-from the Minutemen to the Alamo,
from the conquest of the West to the charge
up San Juan Hill-was an unbroken chroni-
cle of victory and success. But that was in
the days of our youth and we live now in a
far more difficult and more dangerous
world-a world in which we must come of
age. Neither God nor nature has preordained
the triumph of our free society and it would
be a tragic mistake to assume the inevitabil-
ity of our survival.
History plays cruel tricks. It allowed us
to believe that the triumphs of our past
were the product of or vigor and resource-
fulness alone. What we failed to perceive in
our past was the presence of another ele-
ment-the element of an improbable run of
luck-the luck of a rich and unspoiled con-
tinent far removed from the centers of power
politics and world conflict.
That immunity from the conflicts and af-
flictions of the Old World ended 50 years
ago.
Woodrow Wilson knew it. He perceived
the ultimate fact of this century of Ameri-
can history-not that America must come
out into the world but that the world had
come in on America. "There can be no ques-
tion," he said in his address to the Senate
of July 10, 1919, "of our ceasing to be a world
power. The only question is whether we can
refuse the moral leadership that is offered
us, whether we shall accept the moral lead-
ership that is offered us, whether we shall
accept or reject the confidence of the world."
America rejected the confidence of the
15359
false hopes and frustration, while action
without purpose is action without meaning
or hope. But a little of a sense of mission
can guide us-unencumbered by either ex-
travagant hopes or unwarranted despair-
toward worthy and attainable objectives.
These are not easy counsels. But they are,
I think, counsels of reality. We must learn,
among other things, that there are limits
to foreign policy and limits to the objectives
which a nation can hope to realize in the
world-even so powerful a nation as the
United States. One of the principal lessons
of the two World Wars of the 20th century
is that wars, even when they end in total
victory, generate more problems than they
solve. We must come to grips with the fact
that there are no final and complete im-
mediate solutions, that while some problems
can be solved, others can only be alleviated
or deferred while we wait for deeply rooted
trends and gradually changing circumstances
to reduce present tensions and to foster the
conditions for solutions and accommodations
that cannot now be foreseen.
Our national purpose is a process to be
advanced rather than a victory to be won.
That process if the defense and expansion
of our democratic values, the furtherance
of which rest ultimately on the wisdom, the
maturity of judgment, and the moral fiber
of a society of free individuals. The culti-
vation of these qualities and the advance-
ment of the democratic process, both in
our own internal affairs and in interna-
tional relations, are the responsibility of
every individual in a free society. If we
are to meet the challenges of our time, we
must reject the false and simple solutions
of irresponsible extremists who cannot, or
will not, accept the world as it is. We
must instead dedicate ourselves to the
national purpose with fortitude and dis-
cipline. These are the imperatives of mil-
CALENDAR
world in 1919. We preferred to count on a
continuation of the good luck that had never
before failed us. It was a thoughtless and
unsuccessful gamble for which both we and
the world have already paid an incalculable
price. Nonetheless, there are those among
us who are still bemused with the dazzling
illusions of our lost youth. since
rospects have narrowed greatly
O
ur p
the lost opportunity of 40 years ago. I
do not know how long it will be before they
finally dim into darkness if we do not finally
reconcile ourselves to the burden of con-
tinuing and onerous responsibility in a
harsh and dangerous world. Our power is
inseparable from continuing trusteeship, and
this trusteeship, as Wilson perceived, derives
not from choice but from inescapable com-
pulsions-"the compulsion of honor, the
compulsion of interest, and the compulsion
of humanity. * * ?"
Our proper objective as a nation must be,
as it was to Woodrow Wilson, "to make a
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, I move
that the Senate proceed to consider the
measures on the calendar beginning with
Calendar No. 682, Senate bill 2000.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The question is on agreeing to the
motion of the Senator from Main.
The motion was agreed to.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The measures on the calendar,
beginning with Calendar No. 682, will be
stated.
BILL PASSED OVER
The bill (S. 2000) to provide for a
Peace Corps to help the peoples of in-
terested countries and areas in meeting
their needs for skilled manpower was
announced as first in order.
Mr. MUSKIE. I ask that the bill go
over, inasmuch as it is not properly a
calendar item.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem--
pore. Objection is heard, and the bill
will be passed over.
EMERGENCY EVACUATION PAY AD-
VANCES TO MILITARY DEPEND-
ENTS FROM OVERSEAS
The bill (H.R. 7724) to provide for
advances of pay to members of the
armed services in cases of emergency
evacuation of military dependents from
oversea_pf"eas, and for other purposes,
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15360 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Auustl
was considered, ordered to a third read-
ing, was read the third time, and passed.
PAYMENTS FOR DAMAGE; DUE TO
AIRCRAFT OR MISSILE ACCIDENTS
The Senate proceeded to consider the
bill (H.R. 7934) to authorize the Secre-
taries of the military departments to
make emergency payments to persons
who are injured or whose property is
damaged as a result of aircraft or mis-
sile accidents, and for other purposes,
which had been reported from the Com-
mittee on Armed Services with an
amendment, on page 2, line 2, after the
word "of", where it appears the first
time, to strike out "$2,000" and insert
$1,000".
The amendment was agreed to.
The amendment was ordered to be
engrossed, and the bill to be read a third
time.
The bill was read the third time, and
passed.
BILLS PASSED OVER
The bill (H.R. 4785) relating to with-
holding for State employee retirement
disability, and death benefit system pur-
poses, on the compensation of certain
civilian employees of the National
Guard, was announced as next in order.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I re-
quest that this bill go over.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pare. The bill will go over.
The bill (H.R. 6103) for the relief of
the Stella Reorganized School R-I, Mis-
souri, was announced as next in order.
Mr. MUSKIE. Over, by request.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro teln-
pore. The bill will be passed over.
ELWOOD BRUNKEN
The bill (S. 631.) for the relief of El-
wood Brunken was considered, ordered
to be engrossed for a third reading, read
the third time, and passed, as follows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and
directed to pay, out of any money in the
'rroasury not otherwise appropriated, to El-
wood Brunken of Tripp, South Dakota, such
sum as the Secretary of Agriculture deter-
mines the said Elwood Brunken would have
been entitled to receive under his crop in-
surance policy with the Federal Crop In-
surance Corporation for crop losses sustained
by him in 1959 had the croplands on which
such losses were sustained not been deter-
mined (after such losses were sustained) to
be noninsurable by the Federal Crop In-
surance Corporation. In determining the
amount the said Elwood Brunken would
have been entitled to receive, the Secretary
of Agriculture shall subtract an amount
equal to the amount refunded to the said
Elwood Brunken by the Federal Crop Insur-
ance Corporation on ;account of insurance
premiums paid by him for the years 1958
and 1959.
HOWARD B. SCEIMUTZ
The bill (S. 651) for the :relief of
Howard B. Schmutz was considered,
ordered to be engrossed for a third read-
ing, read the third time, and passed,
as follows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and
directed to pay, out of any money in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to
Howard B. Schmutz, of Salt Lake City, Utah,
the sum of $1,242.50. The payment of such
sum shall be in full satisfaction of all claims
of the said Howard B. Schmutz against the
United States for reimbursement of one-half
of the costs incurred by him in constructing
two reservoirs on federally owned land in
reliance upon the approval by the Agricul-
tural Stabilization Committee of Mohave
County, Arizona, of his application for Fed-
eral sharing of the costs of constructing such
reservoirs under the agricultural conserva-
tion program for 1959: Provided. That no
port of the amount appropriated in this Act
in excess of :10 per centum thereof shall be
paid or delivered to or received by any agent
or attorney on account of services rendered
in. connection with this claim, and the same
shall be unlawful, any contract to the con-
trary notwithstanding. Any person violating
the provisions of this Act shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor and upon convic-
tion thereof shall be fined in any sum not
exceeding $1,000.
GIOVANNA VITIELLO
The bill (S. 1787) for the relief of
Gi.ovanna Vitiello was considered, or-
dered to be engrossed for a third reading,
read the third time, and passed, as fol-
lows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, for the
purposes of sections 101(a) (27) (A) and
2011 of the Immigration and Nationality Act,
the minor child, Giovanna Vitiello, shall be
held and considered to be the natural-born
alien child of Antonio Vitiello, a citizen of
the United States: Provided, That the nat-
ural parents of the said Giovanna Vitiello
shall not, by virtue of such parentage, be
accorded any right, privilege, or status under
the Immigration and Nationality Act.
JOHANN CZERNOPOLSKY
The bill (S. 1880) for the relief of
Johann Czernopoisky was considered, or-
dered to be engrossed for a third reading,
read the third time, and passed, as fol-
lows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, not-
withstanding the provision of section 212(a)
(6) of the Immigration and Nationality
Act, Johann Czernopolsky may be issued a
visa. and admitted to the United States for
permanent residence if he is found to be
otherwise admissible under the provisions
of such Act, under such conditions and con-
trols which the Attorney General, after con-
sultation with the Surgeon General of the
United States Public Health Service, Depart-
ment of Health, Education, and Welfare,
may deem necessary to impose: Provided,
That unless the beneficiary is entitled to
care under chapter 55, title 10, United States
Code, a suitable and proper bond or under-
taking, approved by the Attorney General,
be deposited as prescribed by section 213 of
the Immigration and Nationality Act: Pro-
vided further, That this exemption shall
apply only to a ground for exclusion of which
the Department of State or the Department
of Justice had knowledge prior to the enact-
ment of this Act.
FARES SALEM SALMAN HAMARNEH
The bill (S. 1906) for the relief of Fares
Salem Salman Hamarneh was consid-
ered, ordered to be engrossed for a third
reading, read the third time, and passed,
as follows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and Ilou: r of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, for the
purposes of sections 101 (a) (27) (A) and 205
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the
minor child, Fares Salem Salman Hamarneh,
shall be held and considered to be the natu-
ral-born alien child of Mr. and Mrs. Sarni
Khalaf Hamarneh, citizens of the United
States: Provided, That the natural parents
of the said Fares Salem Salman Hamarneh
shall not, by virtue of such parentage, be ac-
corded any right, privilege, or status under
the Immigration and Nationality Act.
SONJA DOLATA
The Senate proceeded to consider the
bill (S. 233) for the relief of Sonja Dolata,
which had been reported from the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary, with an amend-
ment on page 1, line 11, after the word
"Act," to insert a colon and "And pro-
vided further, That unless the benefi-
ciary is entitled to care under the De-
pendents' Medical Care Act (70 Stat.
250), a suitable and proper bond or un-
dertaking, approved by the Attorney
General, be deposited as prescribed by
section 213 of the Immigration and Na-
tionality Act," so as to make the bill
read:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, not-
withstanding the provisions of paragraph
(1) of section 212(a) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act, Sonja Dolata may be issued
an immigrant visa, and admitted to the
United States for permanent residence if she
is found to be otherwise admissible under
the provisions of such Act: Provided, That
this Act shall apply only to grounds for ex-
clusion under such paragraph known to the,
Secretary of State or the Attorney General
prior to the date of the enactment of this
Act: And provided further, That unless the
beneficiary is entitled to care under the De-
pendents' Medical Care Act (70 Stat. 250), a
suitable and proper bond or undertaking,
approved by the Attorney General, be de-
posited as prescribed by section 213 of the
Immigration and Nationality Act.
The amendment was agreed to.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed
for a third reading, was read the third
time, and passed.
YOUNG JEI OH AND SOON NEE LEE
The Senate proceeded to consider the
bill (S. 547) for the relief of Young, Jei
Oh and Soon Nee Lee, which had been
reported from the Committee on till
Judiciary, with an amendment, in line
8, after the word "the", to strike out
"beneficiary" and insert "beneficiaries",
so as to make the bill read:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United Stales of
America in Congress assembled, That, for
the purposes of sections 101(a) (27) (A) and
205 of the Immigration and Nationality Act,
the minor children, Young Jei Oh and Soon
Nee Lee, shall be held and considered to be
the minor alien children of Mr. and Mrs.
Robert J. Riddell, citizens of the United
Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP75-00149R000200940023-5