REDS PLAN 'TO USE FREEDOM' TO DESTROY THE FREE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70-00058R000100120028-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2000
• Sequence Number: 28
• Publication Date: May 25, 1956
• Content Type: MAGAZINE

MAY 251956
WS "&9 e& elease 2001/03/02: CIA-RDP7 &$001
A
U. S. News & World Report
Allen Dulles Warns- CPYRGHT
REDS PLAN "TO USE FREEDOM"
CPYRGHT
TO DESTROY THE FREE
What the t re ,li 'pl n ' to do ne~it: infil-
trate Commune is i to parliaments" and trade-
unions throughout nth West.
The aim a series of new coups, like that
which toppled the Government of Czechoslo
vakia in 194$
So concludes- Allen W. Dulles, the Director
Following is full text of an address by Allen W. Dulles,
Director of Central Intelligence, as prepared for delivery at
a dinner of the "University of Pennsylvania Law Review" in
Philadelphia on May 4, 1956:
may be appropriate an posse y r
group of eminent lawyers, to discuss the techniques which
the Communist leaders boast they intend to adopt to under-
mine the structure of free government based on the rule of
law.
I have always been impressed at our seeming reluctance to
give credence to official statements which are made by po-
litical leaders in other countries when we disagree fervently
with what they say or when their statements seem at the
time to be bombastic or unrealistic.
Take for example, Hitler's "Mein Kampf." Written in 1924,
it had wide circulation in Germany and left a deep impres-
sion on the German people. Over here it received little at-
tention until after the outbreak of World
War II. Yet in this book was the blue-
print of the Hitlerian policy of the supe-
riority of the Herrenvolk ["master race"],
of the manifest destiny of the German
Reich, of the anti-Semitic campaigns,
and of the whole trend of Hitlerism. If
we Americans had really paid attention
to that book in the decade or more after
its publication, we would have been far
better alerted to the dangers which Hit-
ler represented for our own country and
our civilization.
Much the same can be said about the
writings of Lenin and Stalin. We were
too inclined to laugh off their theories of
world revolution and of the inevitability
of conflict between Communism and the
free world. Yet Stalin's writings on the
"Problems of Leninism" and the "Short
History of the Communist Party" were
circulated in tens of millions of copies
throughout the Soviet Union and the
Comm- st world an nall
~e eived
Y
p some sli iQr'1~i r r s t~p~e 2001 /O3/,U q
the U ."S Central "Intelligence Agency.
Mr. Dulles explains how the new leaders of
Russia "have told. us what they propose to
do," and he "outlines the "significance of those
steps.
You get Mr Dulles's views, too, on what
the West can" do to combat latest Soviet plans.
Now we are told that the cruder forms of Stalinism are to
be buried and we have the somewhat cold comfort of learn-
ing that we must look to Marx and Lenin and their teachings
for guidance as to Soviet behavior.
Lenin's theories have ' never really been codified into a
dogma which is as readily available as, for example, "Das
Kapital." Lenin was very prolific in his writings. One can
find many inconsistencies and paradoxes which today give a
wide choice to the somewhat puzzled leaders in the Kremlin.
It is no easy job, they find, to quietly bury history and the
memory and the record of their late dictator and hero, Stalin.
Now they are groping through the Marxist-Leninist philoso-
phizing for precepts to give a new cloak to their present
policy.
Some of these have taken form in the pronouncements of
the recent Twentieth Party Congress. This was an extraordi-
nary affair. Over a period of 12 days the Soviet leaders
poured out a cascade of verbiage-the length of the speeches
corresponding roughly to their respective
positions in the present Soviet hierarchy.
From Khrushchev we had an 8-hour
speech and roughly 56,000 words, from
Bulganin 4 hours and 27,000 words,
from Mikoyan 2 hours and 14,000 words,
and so on. For whatever significance
length may have, Kaganovich and Ma-
lenkov were next in the standings, with
Molotov reduced to a mere 8,000 words.
The total amounted to some 500,000-
600,000 words which the patient party
faithful had to endure.
Apparently, however, the Soviet have
found some practical uses for the ora-
torical achievements of the Twentieth
Party Congress. The recent de-Stalin-
ization program has rendered obsolete
practically all of the history books and
many standard textbooks used through-
out the Soviet Union. Something has to
replace these books and, until the new
historians can rewrite a proper Soviet
histor the speeches of the Part Con-
I, -111 V9 i.
00 .
132 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 25, 1956
 Approved For Release 2001/Q 70'22GSIR-RDP70-00058R000100120028-7
"' U. S. News 9 World Report
,, ,,.... "Weapons of subversion and civil war will still be used"
We have recently come across a directive issued by Marshal
Zhukov to the Soviet armed forces which deals with the
"historical" decisions of the Congress and accepts them as
the basis for the political indoctrination of Soviet military
personnel. This directive prescribes that the writings of the
Congress are to serve the purpose of military indoctrination
and discipline.
A further directive to the Soviet forces in the occupied
areas issued a couple of days later indicates that Marshal
Zhukov has taken action to withdraw from children's and
officers' schools all the textbooks on World War II which
attribute the victory to the military genius of Stalin. This
directive ordered that the class hours previously scheduled
for the study of such books were to be devoted instead to a
study of the decisions of the Party Congress. Further, ex-
aminations were not to be given on those portions of the
offending histories praising Stalin which had already been
taught to the students.
Possibly like the students of the Soviet Union we should
spend some time on what the Soviet leaders at the Party Con-
gress have just been telling us. Tucked away in all this oratory
are the statements of the policy which we may expect to see
the present Kremlin leaders follow for the immediate future.
They have told us in no uncertain words what they propose
to do to us. It is better not to ignore this.
Old Objectives, New Methods
While we read in these speeches that war is no longer in-
mw evitable, and that some kind of coexistence is possible, it is
clear that Soviet objectives remain basically unchanged, but,
they say, can be achieved by new methods. For example, this
is what Khrushchev said in his speech of Feb. 14, 1956:
"The right-wing bourgeois parties and their governments
are suffering bankruptcy with increasing frequency. In
these circumstances, the working class, by rallying around
itself the toiling peasantry, the intelligentsia, all patriotic
forces, and resolutely repulsing the opportunist elements
who are incapable of giving up the policy of compromise
with capitalists and landlords, is in a position to defeat the
reactionary forces opposed to the popular interest, to
capture a stable majority in the parliaments, and trans-
form the latter from an instrument of bourgeois democracy
into a genuine instrument of the peoples' will." "In such
an event," he adds, "this institution, traditional in many
highly developed capitalist countries, may become an organ
of genuine democracy-democracy for the working people."
Translated into a little less flamboyant language, this means
that the Communists propose to infiltrate our free legislative
systems, to take over our parliamentary governments, and to
use the freedom which our system of government gives to
destroy all vestiges of that system. Though they did not quote
it specifically, we can be sure that the Soviet leaders still
accept the view announced most vividly in Lenin's own hey-
day, in the statutes of the Third Communist International in
1920-that "the Communist Party enters such institutions [as
parliaments] not for the purpose of organization work, but in
order to blow up the whole bourgeois machinery and the
"w parliament itself from within."
Speaking in February a few days after Khrushchev,
Mikoyan was a bit more precise. He told how the Soviet Gov-
ernment had accomplished uutheps~ae objectives in the }}past], and
ow particularly the roveQr or l eiease LU
how he e put put it: : /kPP
h 01/u /02
"By force of the favorable postwar situation in Czecho-
slovakia, the socialist revolution was carried out by peace-
ful means. Communists came into power after having allied
themselves not only with the parties of the working people
which were close to them but also with the bourgeois parties
which supported the common national front. The Czecho-
slovak people won by way of a peaceful development of rev-
olution." And Mikoyan concluded that, "in their own way,
yet also without civil war, the working class of Bulgaria,
Rumania, Hungary, Poland ,and other People's Democracies
arrived at the victory of the socialist revolution."
Of course, I do not wish to leave with you the impression
that even for the immediate future the Soviet proposes to
limit their subversive techniques to the single policy of infil-
trating Western parliamentary systems and then taking over
and destroying these systems. The weapons of subversion
and of contrived civil war will still be used wherever they
think they can get away with them. And there will be no
abandonment of the use of strikes and such forceful tactics,
especially through labor unions.
Since the end of the war, they have ruled with an iron hand
the largest labor unions in France and Italy, and they have
substantial influence in a very .large number of trade-unions in
other countries. They have shown great ability to foment
strikes for political Communist ends in countries where their
parliamentary representation is nonexistent or negligible; as,
for example, recent strikes in the Scandinavian countries and
even the 1954 clock strike in England bore the marks of Com-
munist initiative and control. Even here in the United States we
are not immune to this type of sinister Communist penetration.
As there is no time to discuss all the programs of action
the Soviet outlined at the Party Congress, I shall deal only
with their clearly announced policy of manipulating our free
parliamentary systems to their own ends.
How Subversion Is Worked
First, it may be useful to review briefly some past examples
of their attempts to use the techniques of subverting free
governments.
Here it is interesting to note that there is no instance where
the Communists have taken over a country by free elections
or have obtained a parliamentary majority by free elections.
Unfortunately, it is also true that the Communists have moved
in without having a majority status.
Past Communist take-overs of free countries have generally
featured most, if not all, of these four elements:
1. The use of force from outside, or the overhanging
threat of force.
2. The obtaining by the Communists through popular
vote of at least an effective minority position.
3. The willingness of other parties, most often the par-
ties of the left, but in some cases even parties of the ex-
treme right, to join in political alliances and to admit
Communists to key positions in the government.
4. Communist manipulation of key ministries so that
non-Communist elements were driven out of positions of
influence.
The best example of this process is, of course, that of
Czechoslovakia. Mikoyan pointedly and ominously boasted of
this Soviet "feat." Additional variants are found in the cases
f Anfl rx &W4 a i Od~
o D
diia1l0 0 04- actual
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 25, 1956 133
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 2001/03/02 : IA-R P70-00058R000100120028-7
U. S. News & World Report
. . . "Stalin lulled" Czechoslovakia "into a feeling of security"
presence of Soviet forces on the spot played a decisive role.
In Czechoslovakia, some of the same effect was obtained by
the presence, just across the border, of strong Soviet forces and
by the fact that the Soviet had previously occupied Prague
and many other important Czech centers and had been able,
by their terrorist and infiltration methods, to gain a position of
strength which far exceeded the numerical representation in the
population at large. In fact, they prepared the way for the coup
before they evacuated their troops in 1945.
Beginning in 1945, Moscow exercised heavy pressure on
the free Czech Government headed by President Benes.
Hoping to be able to work with the Kremlin and anxious to
insure the quick withdrawal of Russian troops, Benes went to
Moscow in March of that year. He sought agreement on the
forming of a coalition Government acceptable to the Soviets
which would include some of the pro-Communist emigres who
had been collected in Moscow during the war and who
flooded back to their home country to play roles preassigned
to them by the Kremlin.
When the parliamentary Government of President Benes
was actually reconstituted, the anti-Communist forces were
badly divided among four or more parties. The Communist
Party, as usual, presented a monolithic front. Under these
conditions, the elections of 1946 gave the Communists 38
per cent of the votes. Thus they became the largest single
party, their leader Gottwald was named Prime Minister, and
the Communists were able to take over certain key ministries,
including Interior, Information and Finance, with a crypto-
Communist in charge of Defense.
During all this period, Stalin had cultivated President
Benes and lulled him into a feeling of security as to Moscow's
intentions. Meanwhile, they were building up their control
of the Czech military forces, the trade-unions, and the inter-
nal-security policy. Finally, one of Moscow's principal "ex-
pediters," Valerian Zorin, now Soviet Ambassador to Bonn,
was sent to Prague and the minority Communist Party seized
power in February, 1948, without firing a shot.
The principal Czech anti-Communist leaders either es-
caped abroad, committed suicide or were eliminated by arrest.
Non-Communist parties were liquidated by the armed seizure
of their headquarters and newspapers. A purge commission
dealt with all so-called unreliable political leaders. President
Benes was forced to resign in June, 1948, and the Communists
took over and ever since have maintained supreme control.
There are many lessons to be learned from this historical
precedent. When the Communists obtain an effective minority
position in any parliamentary body, it is a sign of serious if not
critical danger. If, in addition to that, they have important
places in the Government and in particular control the Minis-
tries of Defense and Interior, then that danger Is greatly aug-
mented and the country in question is ripe for take-over.
The situation in Hungary as the war was coming to a close
was, as I suggested above, dominated by the Soviet military
occupation. Nonetheless, the Hungarian non-Communist
political leaders bravely started out to form a free Govern-
ment, and in the first postwar elections in November, 1945,
the anti-Communist parties had over 300 seats to about 70 for
the Communists.
Then the trouble started. The Soviet military authorities
proceeded to arrest, to drive from the country or terrify and
blackmail the leaders of these non-Communist parties so that,
in the next elections, in 1947, the Communists substantially
increased their representation and became the largest single
party, although the opposition groups still had a majority.
The latter, however, were badly divided and, facing the
(Continued on page 136)
NEWS FOR RUSSIA'S WORKERS-THE SHIFTING KREMLIN LINE
1 34 U. S. NEWS & V/OR' D REPORT, May 25, 195!
 Approved For Release 2001/03/02 : CIACARZJI-f 0058R000100120028-7
U. S. News & World Report
9 9 * emocracy in Hungary was cut away, piece by piece"
pressure tactics of the Communists supported by the Soviet
military, they were reduced to impotence and the Communists
took over. By 1948 most of the anti-Communist leaders were
dead, jailed or had fled.
Rakosi, one of the Hungarian renegade artisans of all this
terror, still maintains a very precarious hold over the Hun-
garian Government as the stooge of Moscow. Today he is
trembling in his boots since, as you can well imagine, he
represented the Stalinist line and the Stalinist techniques, and
sooner or later the new anti-Stalinist look may mean his
downfall. In February of 1952, however, he was in fine fettle
and described with glee and in the utmost detail the entire
history and techniques of the destruction of the free Govern-
ment of Hungary.
I recommend the study of his speech of Feb. 29, 1952, by
those who are interested in understanding what Khrushchev
and Mikoyan mean today when they tell us that one of their
main weapons is to undermine our democratic institutions.
Rakosi points out how the presence in the country of the
Soviet Army prevented any attempt to defend with force the
security of the anti-Communist government and served to
protect the Communists from "imperialist intervention."
Meanwhile the Soviet Union, he states, shielded the Corn-
munist plotters in Hungary from "diplomatic interference of
the great Western Powers." Rakosi frankly admitted that
Soviet interference in Hungary's internal affairs was both
"quite frequent and of great help in the strengthening of
the Communist Party.' " He then describes, step by step, the
success of the Communist intrigue and points out that the
Smallholders' Party, the strongest anti-Communist party, was
constantly compelled to expel or discard individuals dis-
credited by Communist blackmail. This gradual day-by-day
slicing off of hostile elements, i.e., non-Communist leaders,
he described as "salami" techniques. In other words, he
boasted that democracy in Hungary was cut away, piece by
piece, just as we slice up a sausage.
By Ballots or by Bullets
These two illustrative examples, Czechoslovakia and
Hungary, could be further emphasized by tracing the Com-
munist take-over in Poland, Rumania and Bulgaria, But two
examples may serve the purpose. It is useful to have the
ballots but there are situations, and the Soviet Union is adept
in bringing them about, where bullets prevail.
So much for our past experience with Soviet "Project Take-
Over." Does the Kremlin now see fresh opportunities where
the clearly announced program of Messrs. Khrushchev and
3ulganin might now be put into operation?
First, a word on the element of force. There are few places
n the world where a free country is so at the mercy of Soviet
r Communist Chinese force as the satellites stood in 1945-47.
hanks to NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] in
urope, to SEATO [Southeast Asia Treaty Organization] in
he Far East, to the Baghdad Pact in the Middle East, and to
ndividual commitments of the U. S. in other areas, the free
orld's umbrella of strength extends almost all the way
round the periphery of the Sino-Soviet bloc. We sometimes
hink of this great effort, in which the U. S. has played the
eading part, as designed only to meet force. But we must
ever overlook that it also has vital importance in meeting
ore subtle Communist tactics.
Of course the blunting of the elements or threat of force
oes not do the whole job. It does tend to channel Soviet
ctivities into the struggle for power by other means.
In this - :+.
opportunities where they now have the strongest penetrations
into the parliamentary machinery of free governments.
In several countries these penetrations are serious.
Red Lawmakers in Italy, France
In the Italian Parliament of 590 members, there are now
143 Communist members. To these must be added 75 Nenni
fellow-traveling left-wing Socialists, or a total of 218, who
consistently vote and act with the Communists. Together in
the last elections, in 1953, their total popular vote was 9.5
millions, or 35.5 per cent of the total.
The French Chamber of Deputies presents another situa-
tion the Kremlin may be studying. There are today about
150 Communist members in the Chamber, out of a present total
of about 600.
In Indonesia, the Communist Party received 6 million votes,
or 17 per cent of the total electorate, in the elections of Septem-
ber, 1955, and they have a representation of 39 members, or
16 per cent of the total of the Indonesian Assembly.
In some 35 countries of the world, the Communist Party is
illegal. Here their rank and file, though seriously large in
several cases, must work through underground channels and
the more obvious fellow-traveling front organizations, with-
out direct political representation in parliamentary bodies.
However, in such areas as Singapore, Communist-influenced
parties have an important position and serve as effective
vehicles for Communist activity.
Once established as a party to be reckoned with, the next
crucial factor is the ability of Communist parties to enter into
alliances with other parties so as to increase their electoral
strength, and above all to participate in governments formed by
the alliance. The prospects and partners for such alliances-
united fronts or "popular fronts"-vary greatly between countries.
In Italy, the Communists could hardly aspire to an early
participation in any Italian government, but there are some
supporters for the idea of an "opening to the left" to admit
the Nenni Socialists to the Government. This would be about
the same as admitting the Communists themselves.
In France, the dominant wing of the Socialist Party is op-
posed to any dealing with the Communists. Of course, Com-
munist readiness to do business with anyone is wholly con-
sistent with the Communist record, back to and beyond the
time when the Communists joined with the Nazis to destroy
democratic government in Germany.
A few years ago I would have thought that Communist
parties in Europe would have great difficulty ever again in
obtaining allies among any non-Communist parties. Then the
experience of 1939-41 was still vivid when the Communists
tried to sabotage the war effort against Hitler up until
Moscow itself became involved. Today, however, the danger
of parliamentary compromises with the Communists, even in
Europe, is not to be ignored.
In Asia, this threat is even greater because it is generally less
well understood. A recent Indonesian government permitted
Communist influence to reach far into the Ministry of Defense.
More than in Europe, the Communist parties have managed in
many countries to acquire a dangerous degree of "respectabil-
ity" and of acceptance as "just another political party."
On the other hand, despite the relatively solid basis for
.action which they have in many countries and the prepara-
tions for this campaign which they have been making over
the past 10 years or more, the Communists face real obstacles.
First of all, they have alerted us to their program. While
people world-wide sometimes seem dan erousll complacent
A_Rr1D70-00 6858 1ArAA,I7n&DA_7
136 u. ,,,NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 25, 1956
 Approved For Release 2001/0W?~Re AiRDP70-00058RO00100120028-7
U. S. News & World Report
... Reds show "ski in manipulating tree insti u ions
a d even skeptical, it may yet be possible to rouse them to
t eir dangers.
Secondly, the Communists do not have any acknowledged
p rty members in high government positions, of Cabinet
rank, for example, in any of the free countries, even where
t ey have large parliamentary representation. In both France
a d Italy, in the immediate postwar period, they did have
s itch representation, but were thrown out in the early years
following the war.
While undoubtedly in many free countries they have in-
fi trated sensitive positions, this has been done on a clandes-
t e basis and here and there vigilant steps are being taken
t ferret them out. In particular today they do not have
1 sitions of control in the army or in the internal-security
s rvices of any free country. Naturally, they are looking for-
ard to any chance of improving this situation.
Finally, the free world has had a real assist from
hrushchev.
Not only was his dinner with the executives of the British
abor Party somewhat less than cordial in atmosphere, but
rejected out of hand the request of the British Laborites-
i which, by the way, Gaitskell and Bevan joined forces
mpletely-for the freeing of certain Social Democrats known
t be imprisoned behind the Iron Curtain. On his return
t Russia, Khrushchev has continued the attack and accused
t e Laborites of Frying to "curry favor with reactionary tir-
es" by raising the question of the Social Democrats. This
isode is not likely to incline the European Socialists in the
irection of a "ride on the tiger."
Doing Tricks With Parliaments
All in all, the Communists must, however, see some pros-
ects of success by their so-called "parliamentary means." It
worthwhile to note that the Communists have made some
ery sophisticated studies of the government structure of
ee countries. They have learned how to manipulate their
arliamentary representation, once elected, and also how to
et elected. Further, they know quite well what types of
arliamentary systems are most vulnerable to their type of
ubversive action.
They endeavor, in every way possible, to influence the
onstitutional structure of free countries so as to eliminate
strong executive. They themselves have collective or one-
an n dictatorships, reserving all power in the hands of the
ew with their party congresses represented by hand-picked,
potent and powerless stooges. Presumably they judge this
o be the most secure form of government, the least subject
o outside attack. They consider that the governments which
re most vulnerable to their tactics are those at the other
xtreme, where. all power is given to the people's representa-
ives, with as little delegation as possible to the executive.
In connection with the formulation of the French Con-
titution in 1945, the Communists made a strong attack on
he idea of a powerful executive. They fought to divide up
he authority between various elected bodies. In fact, the
rst draft of the postwar Constitution went so far in this
irection that the French people repudiated it, and a less
Communist-oriented Constitution was then voted.
In Italy, in 1946, they voted as a bloc to destroy the in-
titution of the monarchy.
When issues of this nature arise, one always can tell where
ommunist influence will be thrown.
Then, insofar as the electoral procedures are concerned,
hey abhor anything in the nature of a two-party system
free institutions. Their effort is to favor a multiplicity of
parties. This opens the door to intrigue and helps to build up
the minority and weaken the majority rule.
In general, they like the idea of the voting systems under
which even small minorities have a chance of gaining depu-
ties in parliament. In fact, they have often found that the
proportional system of voting could serve them as a secret
weapon.
In certain free countries where the proportional system
prevails, the non-Communist parties have tried to introduce
various means of defeating this Communist maneuver. In
France, for example, they have the system of electoral al-
liances-apparentements-and in Italy somewhat the same
system has prevailed. Under this system, linked tickets of
several parties are presented. The French electoral law of
1951, which is still in effect, provides that, if the linked par-
ties gather an absolute majority in a given constituency, they
gather in all the seats for that district. In the 1951 French
election, this system worked quite well and reduced the
Communist representation from 164 seats to 97, whereas
under the pure proportional representation of the Communists
would have had 172. But these tactics do not always work.
In the 1956 French elections, fought out under the same
system, the failure of the non-Communist parties to join as
they had done in 1951 resulted in the Communists' obtaining
approximately the same proportion of the seats as they would
have had under the straight proportional system.
As a New Yorker, I well recall that we introduced propor-
tional representation in voting for the New York City Council
shortly before World War II. As a result of this, two Com-
munists were elected to the City Council on an open Com-
munist ticket. Under a majority system, the Communists
would not have elected anybody.
I may add that New York City learned a lesson and the
proportional system was abolished.
The Communists do not restrict their activities to manipu-
lating electoral laws in their favor, or to appealing to groups
of minority interests who, like the Communists, would get
nowhere without the proportional system. They also do not
hesitate to take strong action to frustrate the will of the voter
after the ballot boxes have been closed.
Fast Work in Italian Election
An important case of this kind occurred in Italy in the 195' 1
elections. Here the non-Communist Italian parties tried to
graft onto their proportional system an element of the direct-
majority type of voting system by providing that any party or
coalition of parties which achieved more than 50 per cent
of the vote would automatically receive a bonus bringing the
total seats to at least 65 per cent. The vote in this election was
very close and, in fact, the affiliated anti-Communist Italian
parties appeared to have obtained' a scant margin over the 50
per cent. By clever postelection tactics and catching the
authorities napping, the Communists were able to contest and
fraudulently throw out a sufficient number of votes-several
hundred thousand-to reduce the non-Communists just below
the 50 per cent mark. They got away with it. The system for
handling challenged votes was just too archaic.
These examples show the skill and adroitness of the Com
munists in manipulating our free institutions and the meth
anisms of free elections. These are complicated, often im
perfect.
We have had our own election frauds. At least they were
not attributable to a foreign power. The Communists try to
e a ark Continued on a e 140)
Jrpy,b
nd rWijk) r't rule h an lar e
- - - - - - - - - - - - -
138 'J. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 25, 1956;,
 U. S. lvv~sr didFRer Release 2001 /0A?Y DP70-000588000100120028-7 port
v s are having no easy saying"
use our shortcomings to promote their own ends, hopefully
looking forward to the day when they can successfully
maneuver themselves,, ntQ a position of such power that they
can destroy the entire: free electoral system.
Of course, as I have suggested, the Communists now hope
that people more and more will come to look at them as just
another political party, a bit to the left but still of sufficient
respectability so as not to cause any lifting of eyebrows
against those who are members of it. They openly boast that,
just as in the Italian situation, they will soon make peace with
Socialists elsewhere and that together they will go forward
to organize what is generally known as the popular front.
Socialists Reject "Popular Front"
The Kremlin still hopes for this, despite the fact that Com-
munist united fronts have been rudely rejected by the So-
cialist parties in France, Germany, Austria and elsewhere.
Also, they find themselves in some embarrassment here be-
cause of Khrushchev's crude anti-Socialist remarks in London
and Moscow to which I have already alluded.
In concluding, I wish to say a word about the ability of
parliamentary systems in the free world to meet and turn back
the offensive which the Soviet has announced against it.
On my desk in Washington, I keep handy a series of letters
which a century ago Lord Macaulay exchanged with a Mr.
H. S. Randall, an American citizen, who had just published a
life of Jefferson and engaged in considerable correspondence
with Macaulay with regard to the Jeffersonian philosophy
of government which he, Randall, was defending against
Macaulay's attacks.
In the letter of May 23, 1857, Macaulay, in writing to
Randall, expressed the view that "institutions purely demo-
cratic must sooner or later destroy liberty, or civilization, or
both." He went on to say, "I have not the smallest doubt that,
if we had a purely democratic government here [England], the
effect would be the same. Either the poor would plunder the
rich, and civilization would perish, or order and property
would be saved by a strong military government, and liberty
would perish."
"You may think that your country," says Macaulay to
Randall, "enjoys an exemption from these evils. I will frankly
own to you that I am of a very different opinion. Your fate
I believe to be certain, though it is deferred by a physical
cause. As long as you have a boundless ex- t f IF t'1 d
n
In the hundred years that have elapsed since these words
were written, we have proved that even as wise a man as
Macaulay can be wrong. We have found an anchor not only in
the Constitution given us by the wisdom of our forefathers
but, even more than that, in the development of a sound
electorate whose common sense has protected us from the
evils which Lord Macaulay predicted.
We must recognize, however, that we are far more fortu-
nate than most of the peoples of this earth. True, in this
century, we have gone through two world wars, but our land
was virtually untouched by any enemy. We have a vast
economic base, plenty of room for expansion, food in super-
abundance. We have had few of the grave economic, political,
and population problems that face so many other countries.
Many of these countries, particularly those which have a
new-found freedom, have yet finally to prove that the bases
of their representative governmental systems are firmly
anchored and that they will not be threatened by some of
the dangers which Macaulay so vividly describes.
Furthermore, in addition to the internal stresses and strains
of the democratic processes, we are now definitely alerted
by the official pronouncements of the Kremlin that the
Communists working from the outside propose to do every-
thing they can to aggravate the difficulties of constitutional
government in the free world. Hence, many countries will
have to face not only the domestic problems of the type
which Macaulay has cited, but also serious roadblocks inter-
posed by an international troublemaker, to the achieving of
Lincoln's great dream of government of the people, by the
people, for the people.
In the troubled political atmosphere prevailing in many
parts of the world today, we are told that a great foreign
power, with vast resources to back a program of subversion
and cajolery, proposes to do everything that it can to see to
it that free governments shall perish and that dictatorships
of the proletariat, allied with Moscow, shall be established
throughout the length and breadth of the lands.
Thus, Communism, bred out of the ravages of World War
I and strengthened by the devastation of World War II, is
attempting to guide the sails of the ships of state of many
free countries, particularly those where free institutions are
either in their infancy or have been weakened by the stresses
of two world wars.
o er e an "Danger but No- Panic"
unoccupied land, your labouring population will be far more
at ease than the labouring population of the Old World; and, It is well to recognize the danger. There is no ground for
while that is the case, the Jeffersonian policy may continue to panic. As I have suggested, nowhere outside of the U.S.S.R..
exist without causing any fatal calamity." with the qualified exceptions of Czechoslovakia and Guate-
Then Macaulay goes on to say that when New England mala, have the Communists succeeded in subverting a free
will be as thickly populated as old England, when we have government except with the aid of armed force. This is true
Manchesters and Birminghams, our institutions will be put for China, North Vietnam, and the other Eastern European
to the test, distress will make laborers mutinous and dis- satellites. Meanwhile, the Soviet Communists themselves
contented, the demagogue will take over from the statesman, are having no easy sailing. They have thrown over their
"spoliation will increase the distress" and "distress will pro- pilot of the last two decades and have taken on some
duce fresh spoliation." Either a Caesar or Napoleon will take apprentices trained in the old school but who may find
over, he writes, or "your republic will be as fearfully plun- themselves more and more out of line with many of their
dered and laid waste by barbarians in the twentieth century crew.
as the Roman Empire was in the fifth; with this difference, Fortunately, good charts and a knowledge of where the
that the Huns and Vandals who ravaged the Roman Empire shoals lie are a mariner's best guide. The Kremlin leaders
came from without, and that your Huns and Vandals will have have told us what they propose to do; their course has been
been engendered within your own country by your own in- charted. It is up to the leaders of the free world, working
stitutions." together as allies and friends, to help to uncover and to
The most pungent phrase in this pungent letter is frustrate this Communist design which otherwise could
Macaulay's conclusion: "Your Constitution is all sail and no threaten to wreck the free institutions of many countries and
anchor." e
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 25, 1956