COLLECTED WORKS OF MAO TSE-TUNG 1917-1949 VOLUMES 5-6

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100040001-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 235
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: November 1, 1978
• Content Type: REPORT

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1 November 1978
COLLECTED WORKS OF MAO TSE-TUNG
(1917 - 1949)
VOLUMES 5-6
U. S. JOINT PUBLICATIONS RESEARCH SERVICE
ME
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Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC DATA
1? kr?porr No.
JPRS 71911-4
2.
3. Recipient's Accession No.
SHEET
4. I'it a an Subtit c
S. Report Date
1 November 1978
COLLECTED WORKS OF MAO TSE-TUNG
(1917-1949), Vols 5-6
6.
7. Authur(s)
8. Performing Organization Rept.
9. Performing Organization Name and Address
10. Project/Task/Work Unit No.
Joint Publications Research Service
1000 North Glebe Road
11. Contract/Grant No.
Arlington, Virginia 22201
12. Sponsoring Organization Name and Address
13. Type of Report & Period
Covered
As above
14.
15. Supplementary Notes
MAO TSE-TUNG CHI, Hong Kong, 1975
16. Abstracts
This report contains selected speeches, articles,
essays, reports, 'letters,
interviews, declarations, decrees, telegrams, poems, inscriptions of Mao
Tse-tung covering a multitude of subjects.
17. Key Words and Document Analysis. 17a. Descriptors
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Behavioral and Social Science
Political
Mao Tse-tung
17b. Identifiers/Open-Ended Terms
17c. COSATI Field/Group 05
18. Availability Statement
19. Security Class (This
21. No. of Pages
Unlimited Availability
Repo) Ss
CLAFIED
232
Sold by NTIS
20. Security Class (This
22. Price
Springfield, Virginia 22151
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COLLECTED WORKS OF MAO TSE-TUNG
(1917 - 1949)
VOLUMES 5-6
Hong Kong MAO TSE-TUNG CHI in Chinese, Vols 1-10, Oct 1975
CONTENTS PAGE
Vol 5 (pp 9-45, 47-82, 169-188, 219-235, 275, 283, 305-337)
Anti-Japanese Declaration for National Salvation (28 November 1935) ...... 1
Order No 2 of the Executive Committee of the Central Government of
the Chinese Soviet Republic (15 December 1935) ......................... 4
Declaration of the Soviet Central Government to the Inner Mongolian
People (20 December 1935) .............................................. 6
Resolution on Current Political Situation and Party Tasks
(25 December 1935) ..................................................... 9
Announcement of the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's
Red Army (1 March 1936) ................................................ 27
Declaration Against Traitors Chiang Kai-shek and Yen Hsi-shan for
Blocking the Eastward March of the Resist-Japan Vanguard Force of the
Chinese People's Red Army To Resist Japan and for Sabotaging the
Resist-Japan Rear (5 April 1936) ....................................... 29
Open Cable Message for Armistice and Negotiations for Establishing
Alliance Against Japanese Aggression (5 May 1936) ...................... 32
Declaration of the Soviet Central Government to the Moslem People
(25 May 1936) .......................................................... 35
Declaration on the Northern March of Armed Forces from Kwangtung and
Kwangsi to Combat Japanese Aggression (11 June 1936) ................... 38
Declaration of the Central Government of the Soviet to the Society of
Brothers (15 July 1936) ................................................ 41
- a - [II - CC]
[III - CC - 80 S&T]
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CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Directive on the Land Policy (22 July 1936) ......................... . 44
Open Letter From the Chinese Communist Party to the Kuomintang
(25 August 1936) .................................................. 47
Letter From Mao Tse-tung to Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei (22 September 1936) ..... 56
Editorial--Chairman Mao's Talks (15 October 1936) .................... 59
Letter From Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, and Others to Chiang Kai-shek
(1 December 1936) .................................................. 61
Letter to Comrade Lin Piao (1936) ..................... 63
Letter to Old Comrade Hsu (February 1937) ........................... 64
Talk on Sino-Japanese Problems and the Sian Incident (1 March 1937). 65
Letter to the Spanish People (15 May 1937) .......................... 77
On Anti-Japanese Democracy and North China Youth (1937) ............. 79
Letter to Browder, Secretary General of the U.S. Communist Party
(24 June 1937) .................................................... 86
The 8 July Cable Sent by Generals of the Red Army to Generalissimo
Chiang on the Japanese Offensive Against North China (8 July 1937). 87
The 8 July Cable Sent by Red Army Generals to Sung Che-Yuan and
Others on the Japanese Offensive Against North China (8 July 1937). 88
Foreword No. 1 to 'Rural Investigation' (6 October 1937) ............. 89
Inscription for the Founding and Opening of Shen-Pei Public School
(1937) .............................................................. 90
Talk With 'Hsin-Chung-Hua Pao' Reporter in Yenan (On One-Party
Dictatorship) (2 February 1938) ................................... 91
Talk With Reporter of Associated Press (February 1938) .............. 105
Speech at Rally in Commemoration of the 13th Anniversary of the
Death of Dr Sun Yat-sen and of Fallen Officers and Men on
Battle Front (13 March 1938) .................................... 110
Notice of the Rear Area Office of the 8th Route Army of the
Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Border Area Government (15 May 1938) ........ 114
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CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Vol 6 (pp 147-161, 163-240, 265-315, 339-341)
Reply Cable From Chinese Communist Party Central Committee to
U.S. Communist Party National Congress (June 1938) ............... 117
Talks With Messrs (K'o-Lo-Man),(Ya-Te), (Fu-Lu-Te), and (Lei-K'o-Nan)
of the World Student Federation Delegation (Yenan 2 July 1938)... 118
Our Views on the National Political Council (5 July 1938) .......... 124
Message of Greetings From Comrade Mao Tse-tung to the National
Political Council (6 July 1938) .................................. 128
On the New Stage (12-14 October 1938) .............................. 129
Dialectic Materialism (Lecture Outline) (1938) ..................... 189
To American Friends of the Chinese People (1938) ................... 216
Inaugural Statement. of the 8th Route Army Military-Political
Journal (2 January 1939) ......................................... 217
The Chinese Army Should Emulate the Red Army of the Soviet Union
(16 February 1939) ............................................... 221
Political Orientation for National General Spiritual Mobilization
(1 May 1939) ..................................................... 223
The People of China and Great Britain Are on the Same Front
(1 June 1939) ...................................... 228
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[Text] Declaration to Resist Japan and Save the Nation issued by the
Central Government of the Soviet People's Republic of China and the
Revolutionary Military Commission of the Resist-Japan Red Army of China
Workers, peasants, soldiers, students, free lances, merchants, indus-
trialists, the Northeast Revolutionary Army, the Northeast Volunteer
Army, officers and soldiers of all armed units, and fervent determined
patriots!
After the four northeast provinces, comes the loss of North China, half
of the nation. Wishing to turn all the Chinese people into stateless
slaves and all of China into a colony, the Japanese imperialist bandits,
after annexing the four northeast provinces, are now swallowing all of
North China, and even all of China.
Confronted with the destruction of the nation and extinction of the race,
the Chinese people absolutely will not await death with their hands tied.
Only by a general mobilization of the army, navy, and air force and the
people of all of China for a sacred anti-Japanese national revolutionary
war, in order to knock down Japanese imperialism and exterminate the big-
gest traitor in China since the beginning of history, will the nation of
China gain a final and complete liberation.
The Central Government of the Soviet People's Republic of China and the
Revolutionary Military Commission of the Resist-Japan Red Army of China
have continuously appealed to the people of the entire nation to unite
and wage war against Japan. They sent the main force of their own Red
Army on a long expedition of 25,000 li, undergoing all kinds of hard-
ships to fight Japan in the North. The situation has become even more
urgent. Now is the time to ask the people of the entire nation to con-
tribute their strength, money, guns, and knowledge, to unite, to struggle,
and to confront the common enemies of the Chinese people with an unwaver-
ing determination; therefore, the Central Government of the Soviet
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People's Republic of China and the Revolutionary Military Commission of
the Resist-Japan Red Army of China do hereby declare to the people of the
entire nation that, regardless of the political factions, armed units,
social organizations, or individual classes, as long as they are willing
to resist Japan, we will not only be willing to form a resist-Japan com-
bat agreement with them, but also organize with them a resist-Japan
coalition army and a national defense government. For the resist-Japan
coalition army and the national defense government,.we find the follow-
ing 10 major outlines necessary.
(1) Confiscate all the assets of Japanese imperialism in China for
resist-Japan expenses.
(2) Confiscate the land and assets of traitors and spies and divide them
among the workers, peasants, and disasters victims and refugees.
(3) Relieve disasters and control flood; settle the people's living.
(4) Abolish all harsh levies and vexatious taxes; develop industry and
commerce.
(5) Raise wages and rations; improve the living standards of workers,'
soldiers, and teachers.
(6) Develop education; relieve students unable to attend school.
(7) Realize democratic rights; release all political prisoners.
(8) Develop production technology; relieve jobless intellectuals.
(9) Rally the workers and peasants of Korea, Taiwan, and Japan and all
anti-Japanese strength to form a firm alliance.
(10) Establish close, friendly relations with nations or states expressing
sympathy for China's resist-Japan national movement or maintaining a
friendly neutrality.
The Central Government of the Soviet People's Republic of China and the
Revolutionary Military Commission of the Resist-Japan Red Army of China
appeal to the people of the entire nation to support our proposal and
immediately send delegates to discuss the concrete measures. We believe
that, as long as we can realize this proposal with one mind and by con-
certed effort, the final victory is ours.
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government of the
Soviet People's Republic of China
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Chu Teh, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Commission
of the Resist-Japan Red Army of China
? "On the United Front--Our Proposal to Resist Japan and Save the Nation
in the Past Year" mimeographed (-- hand copied), January 1937
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ORDER NO 2 OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT OF THE
CHINESE SOVIET REPUBLIC
[Text] In view of the active aggression by Japanese imperialism and the
urgency of China's situation, the workers, peasants, and patriots of the
entire nation are actively participating in the national revolutionary
struggle and resisting the Japanese aggressors and their running dogs,
Chiang Kai-shek and his gang. As a result of the rule of traitor Chiang
Kai-shek and others, China's economy has sunk into a hopeless state,
especially the rural economy, and the peasants of the entire nation have
risen to resist and riot. The rich peasants have changed their attitude
of hostility toward the soviet revolution and begun to show sympathy for
the anti-imperialist and land revolutionary struggles. To expand the
national revolutionary front to resist Japan and punish Chiang, the
Soviet Central Committee has decided to revise the policy on the rich
peasants.
(A) In regard to the land of the rich peasants, except the portion
leased to tenants at a feudalistic high rent which must be confiscated
similar to the land of the landlords, the land farmed by the rich peas-
ants themselves or by hired help, regardless of the quality of the soil,
will not be confiscated.
(B) The movable assets and the domestic animals and farm tools of the
rich peasants, except items used for feudalistic usury, leasing, and
exploitation of the peasants, will not be confiscated.
(C) Besides the unified graduated taxes, the local governments may not
impose levies or special taxes on the rich peasants.
(D) Where the laws of the Soviet are not violated, the governments of
all levels must protect the freedom of the rich peasants to engage in
industry and commerce and to hire labor.
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(E) In areas (prefectures) where all the land is equally divided by
demand of the greatest majority of the masses, the rich peasants have
the right to the same shares as the ordinary peasants.
(F) The rich peasants must be punished according to law when they
violate the laws and orders of the Soviet; when they perform counter-
revolutionary activities, they must be punished according to the Provi-
sional Regulations for the Punishment of Counterrevolutionaries.
(G) The rich peasants still have no right to join the Red Army or any
of the armed units (including the Red Guard), nor the right to vote.
(H) The Land Law and all other laws and orders promulgated previously
which conflict with this order are hereby abolished.
(I) This order becomes effective on the day of its promulgation (in non-
contiguous areas, on the day of its receipt). All decisions rendered
according to previous laws before this order becomes effective will
remain valid. There may be no reversal.
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman
"Order No 2 of the Executive Committee of the Central Government of the
Chinese Soviet Republic," 15 December 1935
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[Text] Dear people of Inner Mongolia! Currently we are at the critical
moment of world changes. Are you willing to submit to the slaughtering
and cutting by Japanese imperialism and Chinese warlords, become their
cannon fodder, and perish, or will you rise to the occasion, vigorously
exert yourselves, and strive for complete equality of the supreme
Mongolian people with the nations of the world? You must choose between
the two, and we hope you will decide promptly.
To occupy all of China, the ambitious and arrogant Japanese imperialism
must first take Manchuria and Mongolia; to gain world supremacy, it must
first occupy China. This barbarous scheme is now being gradually
realized, and the first to suffer the consequences are the people of the
Three Northeast Provinces and the five North China provinces and the
entire nation of Inner Mongolia. The cunning and despicable Japanese
bandits, with their sweet words and evil intent, are resorting to all
kinds of fraudulent measures and borrowing "Great Mongolianism" to
attain their goal of taking over all the land and assets of Mongolia and
enslaving the entire people of Inner Mongolia. They are preparing to
turn your soil into a battlefield and your people into cannon fodder in
order to achieve their goal of attacking the Chinese Soviet People's
Republic, invading the Outer Mongolian People's Republic and the Soviet
Union, and finally destroying the Mongolian nation. If you do not
believe this, you only have to look at the people of the three provinces
of Korea and Taiwan who cannot use their own language, who have no free-
dom, of residence, movement, farming, or raising livestock, and whose
political and economic powers are entirely controlled by the Japanese.
If you will then look at the military defense and military installations
of Japanese imperialism in Chahar and its Hsing-an Head Office and all
its other conspiracies, you will clearly see the unprecedented crisis
confronting the nation of Inner Mongolia. Then there are also the
Chinese warlords headed by the shameless Chiang Kai-shek who not only
consider themselves the suzerain but have even designated the entire
region of Inner Mongolia a province and driven the Mongolian people to
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an area south of the Yellow River and north of the Yin-shan mountains,
and constantly order minor warlords Ching Hsiu-yueh and Kao Shih-hsiu
to take the pastures and salt ponds, in order to destroy gradually the
Mongolian nation, serve as the road cleaners of Japanese imperialism,
and hasten the end of Inner Mongolia.
In the several years of courageous fighting, the Central Government of
the Chinese Soviet People's Republic and the brave Red Army units have
dealt innumerable severe blows to Japanese imperialism and warlord
Chiang Kai-shek. The Chinese Red Army has become an invincible force,
especially the courageous Central Red Army. After an expedition of
25,000 li, it broke the world march record and successfully fulfilled
the plan to resist Japan in the North. The fighting goal of the Chinese
Red Army is not only to liberate the entire nation of China from the
oppression of imperialism and the warlords, but similarly to struggle
for the emancipation of other weak nations, and primarily it must help
solve the national issue of Inner Mongolia. We feel that only when the
nation of Inner Mongolia joins us in our fight before it can preserve
the glory of the Genghis Khan era, avoid national perdition, step on to
the road of national recovery, and gain independence and liberty similar
to the nations of Turkey, Poland, the Ukraine, and the Caucasus. There-
fore, this government declares to you:
(1) The entire area of the original 6 mengs, 24 pu's, and 49 banners of
Inner Mongolia, the 2 pu's of Chahar and T'u-mo-t'e, and the 3 special
banners of Ninghsia, whether changed to county jurisdiction or deemed
grassy plains, must be returned to the people of Inner Mongolia and con-
sidered the territory of the nation of Inner Mongolia. The names and
administrative organizations of the provinces of Jehol, Chahar, and
Suiyuan must be abolished, and no other nation may occupy or seize under
any excuse the territory of the nation of Inner Mongolia.
(2) We feel that the people of Inner Mongolia have the right to solve
all their internal problems, and no one has the authority to interfere
by force in their living, habits, religion, ethics, and all other rights.
Meanwhile, the nation of Inner Mongolia may organize according to its own
desire. It may, according to the principle of self-determination,
organize its own life and form its own government. It has the right to
form alliances with other nations. It also has the right to establish
its separate entity. In sum, the nation is supreme, and all nations are
equal.
(3) All the Chinese, Moslem, and Manchurian nationals in Inner Mongolia
must, according to the principle of national equality, develop democracy,
so that all such minorities will receive the same treatment as the Inner
Mongolians, and they must have the freedoms of language, religion, and
residence.
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(4) First of all, Pao-t'u--wan occupied by Ching Hsiu-yueh, the area
occupied by Kao Shih-hsiu, and the two salt ponds must be returned to
the Inner Mongolian people, and the vicinity. of the Great Wall, such
areas as Ning-t'iao-liang, An-pien, and Ting-pien, must be designated
as a commercial zone, in order to develop trade between us.
(5) Our Worker and Peasant Red Army guerrillas, or any other armed unit,
has absolutely no intention to attack the grassy plains, but neither
should you permit transit of the troops of the Chinese warlords and
Japanese imperialism through the grassy plains to attack us and hasten
your own perdition. We wish to unite with you and form a defense and
offense alliance, in order to knock down our common enemies.
In sum, as long as you realize the necessity of the liberation of the
Mongolian nation, refuse to become people without a country, and have
the determination to resist Japanese imperialism and the warlords of
Chiang Kai-shek's China, then, regardless of whether you are aristocrats
or ordinary citizens, we will render you friendly and substantial aid.
The Mongolian people have always been known to the world for their
courage and fighting ability. We believe that, once you consciously
organize, wage a national revolutionary war, and oust Japanese imperial-
ism and the Chinese warlords from the territory of Inner Mongolia, no
one will have the audacity to claim that it is easy to take advantage of
the sons of Genghis Khan. Please think it over carefully. And it is
hoped that we will mutually send delegates to discuss our great cause.
It is so declared.
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government, the
Chinese Soviet People's Republic
20 December 1935
"Declaration of the Soviet Central Government to the Inner Mongolian
People" (mimeographed), December 1935
* "Analysis of the Current Situation," Theory and Practice Press, 1935
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RESOLUTION ON CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION AND PARTY TASKS
Passed by the Chinese Communist Party Central Politburo
25 December 1935
[Text] I. Nature of the Current Situation
A?fundamental change has occurred in the current political situation,
demarcating a new era in China's revolutionary history. The manifesta-
tions are the attempt of Japanese imperialism to turn China into a
colony, the pending expansion of China's revolution into a great nation-
wide revolution, and the imminence of the world revolution and war.
After annexing the four Northeast provinces, Japanese imperialism has
now occupied all of North China and is preparing to swallow all of
China, in order to turn China from the semi-colony of the various
imperialists into Japan's colony. This is the basic characteristic of
the current situation.
As the open and armed occupation of the four Northeast provinces aroused
the anti-Japanese anger of the whole of China, Japanese imperialism has
adopted a more subtle approach. It utilizes the Kuomintang Nanking
government to issue orders and appoint certain Chinese traitor warlords
and politicians as its agents in North China, with the intention of
eventual direct armed occupation. Though the means is more cunning and
vicious than that of "18 September," it is merely a transition stage to
direct armed occupation and the establishment of a nation of North China
and its puppet government. A second puppet Manchukuo government will be
the inevitable outcome. The many warlords and politicians, rich gentry,
compradors, and capitalists, constituting the major components of China's
traitor clique, especially the pro-Japan factions among them, will serve
as the constituents and supporters of the puppet government. Without
this large group of spies and traitors, Japanese imperialism will not
find it so easy to turn China into its colony.
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By its act of annexing North China and preparing to swallow the entire
China, Japanese imperialism brings the great calamity of the loss of the
nation and the destruction of the race to. the 400 million Chinese people.
This calamity forces all the Chinese who are unwilling to lose their
country or to serve as spies and traitors to the only path available to
them; they have to launch a sacred national war against Japanese
imperialism and its running dogs, the spies and traitors. To defend
their own nation, all patriotic Chinese people will fight the bloody war
to the final end. This is the inevitable response to the venture of
Japanese imperialism to destroy the nation and race of another country.
After swallowing the four northeast provinces, a relatively small bomb,
Japanese imperialism begins to swallow China proper, a gigantic bomb.
The act of Japanese imperialism to swallow China singlehandedly has
aggravated the internal conflicts of imperialism to an unprecedented
extent. For its own goal, imperialism absolutely cannot tolerate Japan.
A Pacific war is inevitable. Meanwhile, Great Britain wishes to acquire
certain concessions and compromises from Japan so that it can devote its
main force.to its major enemies, the Soviet Union, America, and Italy.
The act of Japanese imperialism to swallow China has promoted the weaken-
ing and collapse of China's counterrevolutionary regime, first of all the
regime of Chiang Kai-shek, the chief traitor. Chiang Kai-shek's con-
sistent traitorous policy has not only.caused him to lose certain social
and mass bases, but also reduced his territory. His long struggle against
the soviet,. especially the five-"encirclements" and his pursuit of the
Central Red Army, has consumed, exhausted, and dispersed his forces. The
dream of a fascist unification of China has declared final bankruptcy.
The Fifth Kuomintang National Congress was actually a loot dividing
conference unfavorable to Chiang Kai-shek. He can only rely more on
betraying China to maintain his dying control, while such betrayal fur-
ther hastens the destruction of his rule.
This situation aggravates further the contradictions and conflicts
between the Chiang faction warlords and other warlords and increases the
possibility of a war against Chiang on a new status of a new nature.
The act of Japanese imperialism to swallow China occurs precisely at the
time when China's soviet movement is shifting.to a new situation. Since
the Central Red Army withdrew from the central soviet area and certain
soviet areas along the lower Yangtze suffered partial losses, with the
new victories won by the Red Army on all fronts, the creation of new
bases, the shift of the guerrilla war in the old soviet areas into
counteroffensive, and the vigorous development of the new guerrilla war-
fare, the difficult time has passed. After a long march of 25,000 li
stretching over 12 months, the Central Red Army defeated Chiang Kai-shek's
pursuit, declared the bankruptcy of the encirclement, pursuit, blockade,
and interception of imperialism and its running dog Chiang Kai-shek,
broke the long march record of history, pointed out, by means of the
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propaganda teams, the way to relieve misery and save the nation to more
than 200 million people in the 11 provinces traversed by it, and, like a
seeder, scattered the seed of revolution. The smashing of the third
enemy "encirclement" in the Shensi and Kansu soviet areas after the
Central Red Army effected a junction with the 25th, 26th, and 27th
Armies, demonstrated even more clearly the arrival of the new period of
the soviet movement. In combination with the current new general revo-
lutionary situation, it becomes an important component of the new sit-
uation of China's revolution. It points out that the ironclad strength
of the Soviet Red Army exists in the great strengths of the Chinese peo-
ple to resist Japanese imperialism and save China from the calamity of
losing the nation and the race.
The act of Japanese imperialism to swallow China has again awakened the
Chinese people, made them realize the critical situation of the pending
calamity, and stirred up a national revolutionary high tide. This high
tide has been created after innumerable temperings in China's revolu-
tionary history (mainly the great revolution of 1925-1927); it has been
created when China already has its soviet revolutionary bases and the
existence of a revolutionary situation; it has been created under the
pending new cycle of a world revolution and war; it has been created
when the Soviet Union already has the strength to overcome all the
aggressive nations and aid the oppressed people. Therefore, it is
extremely widespread and firm, and produces an interaction with the
world revolution by mutually influencing and mutually aiding each other.
Undoubtedly, the new anti-Japanese national revolutionary high tide has
not only awakened the more backward strata of the workers and peasants
in the nation and caused them to participate actively in the revolutionary
struggle, but also attracted the broad petty bourgeois masses and the
intellectuals to the revolution. The total collapse of China's national
economy, the millions who have lost their jobs or land, and the millions
of disaster victims and refugees have closely linked the new anti-
Japanese national revolutionary high tide with the daily struggles of
the masses for salvation and survival and greatly expanded the strong-
hold of the national revolution and its mass foundation. The revolu-
tionary wrath of the broad masses is fermenting in all areas of China,
and begins to manifest itself again in the anti-Japanese demonstrations
of the students in the large cities. In the counterrevolutionary
stronghold, there are new vacillations, splits, and conflicts. A part
of the national bourgeoisie, many rural rich peasants and small land-
lords, and even some of the warlords have become sympathetically neutral
toward the budding new national movement, with the possibility of parti-
cipation. The national revolutionary front has expanded.
Today's world is on the eve of a great revolution and a great war. The
economic crisis of all the imperialist nations and the resulting revolu-
tionary crisis make it impossible for imperialism to find another way to
save the situation except war. Doubtlessly the danger of a second
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imperialist world war exists in Japanese imperialism's large-scale attack
of China and Italian imperialism's aggression of Abyssinia. Meanwhile,
the national revolutionary wars waged by China and Abyssinia and the
maturing of the revolutionary crisis in the imperialist nations and their
.colonies will doubtlessly lead to a world revolution. Currently, on the
eve of revolution and war, we can clearly see the weakening of the world
counterrevolutionary strengths and the rise of the world. revolutionary
strengths. In the future, the world war and world revolution will put an
end to all the counterrevolutions in the world. Under such a situation,
China's revolution is no longer isolated as in the past. The world revo-
lution is an effective aid to China's revolution, while the latter has
become a great factor in the world revolution. In the future, China will
aid the world revolution with the noble position of the entire nation.
The same principle applies to the relationship between Japan and China.
Under the leadership of the powerful Japanese Communist Party, Japan's
workers and peasants and the oppressed nations (Korea and Taiwan) are
preparing to struggle for the overthrow of Japanese imperialism and the
building of a soviet Japan. Thus, China's revolution and Japan's revolu-
tion are joined under the common goal of "knocking down Japanese imperial-
ism." Japan's revolutionary people are the effective helpers of China's
revolutionary people.
The situation is the same with the Soviet Union. Today's Soviet Union
has the strength to overcome the imperialists which have the audacity to
provoke it (the Second Five-Year Plan nearing completion; the power of the
Red Army). When all the peaceful means toward Japanese imperialism are
ineffective (several proposals to form a mutual nonaggression pact) and
Japan actively provokes the Soviet Union, the latter is ready to hit the
aggressor. Thus, China's revolution, Japan's revolution, and the Soviet
Union's struggle against the aggressor are joined on the foundation of a
common goal--knocking down Japanese imperialism, and the Soviet Union
becomes the most effective aid to China's revolution.
China's revolution has a favorable environment and a brilliant future.
Nevertheless, its main enemy, imperialism, especially the ferocious and
arrogant Japanese imperialism at present, is prepared to confront it with
determination and strength. In regard to China's counterrevolutionary
group, as its ruling force is weakened more than ever before, it has no
choice but to render greater service to the vicious tiger, rely on the
wicked Japanese imperialism, and launch a desperate attack on the revolu-
tionary people. When we consider the unbalanced development between this
situation and China's revolution currently still in existence, we know
that China's revolution has endurance. It points out to China's revolu-
tionary people and their leader, the Communist Party, that they must be
prepared for a long-term war against the enemy and to be ready for hard
work! Without tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of revolu-
tionary soldiers, it will not be possible to bring about the final
liquidation of the enemy. All strategies and all effort must be directed
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toward organizing millions of people into the great national revolutionary
battlefield. To prepare a great force is to prepare for the victory of
the final battle.
II. The Party's Strategy and Line
The current situation tells us that the act of Japanese imperialism to
swallow China has shaken the entire nation and the whole world. The
relations among the political parties of all classes and strata in China's
political life and the armed forces have again changed, or are in the
process of changing. The national revolutionary front and the national
counterrevolutionary front are in the process of yet another reorganiza-
tion. Therefore, the party's strategy and line are to activate, rally,
and organize all the revolutionary strengths of the entire nation to
resist Japanese imperialism, the major enemy at the present time, and
traitor Chiang Kai-shek. Regardless of who they are, what factions, what
armed units, or what classes, as long as they oppose Japanese imperialism
and traitor Chiang Kai-shek, they must all be rallied together to launch
a sacred national revolutionary war, expel Japanese imperialism out of
China, knock down the control of the Japanese imperialist running dogs,
gain the thorough liberation of the Chinese nation, and preserve its
independence and territorial integrity. Only the most extensive anti-
Japanese national united front (the lower and the upper strata) will
overcome Japanese imperialism and its running dog Chiang Kai-shek.
Naturally, the different individuals, different organizations, different
social classes and strata, and different armed units will have their
different motives and standpoints in the anti-Japanese national revolu-
tion. Some wish to maintain their existing position, others wish to gain
the leadership power of the movement and limit the movement within the
realm permissible by them, and still others truly strive for the thorough
liberation of the nation of China. Precisely because of such different
motives and standpoints, some of them will vacillate or rebel right at
the beginning of the struggle, others may become negative halfway and
withdraw from the front, and there are those who wish to struggle to the
bitter end. Nevertheless, our task is to rally not only all possible
anti-Japanese basic strengths, but all possible anti-Japanese allies; it
is to ask the people of the entire nation to contribute their strength,
money, guns, and knowledge, so that not one patriotic Chinese is left
out of the anti-Japanese front. It is the party's most extensive national
united front, and the general line of its strategy. Only by this line
will we mobilize the strengths of the people of the entire nation against
the common enemy of all the people, Japanese imperialism, and traitor
chief Chiang Kai-shek.
China's worker class and the peasants remain the fundamental motive power
of its revolution. The broad petty bourgeois masses and the revolutionary
intellectuals are the reliable allies in the national revolution. A firm
alliance between the workers and peasants and the petty bourgeoisie
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constitutes the basic strength to overcome Japanese imperialism and the
spies and traitors. In regard to a part of the national bourgeoisie and
warlords, no matter how much they disagree with the land revolution and
the soviet system, if they are sympathetic with or adopt a friendly
neutrality toward the struggle against Japan and the spies and traitors,
or if they directly participate in the struggle, it is favorable to the
deployment of the anti-Japanese front, because it serves to weaken the
total counterrevolutionary strength and increase the total revolutionary
strength. To attain this goal, the party must adopt all kinds of suit-
able methods or patterns to win them over to the resist-Japan front. Not
only thus, but even in the stronghold of the landlord and comprador
classes, they are not all unanimous. As a result of the competitions
among many imperialists in China in the past, various traitor groups
have emerged, with conflicts and contradictions among them. The party
must also resort to many means so that certain counterrevolutionary
forces will temporarily take the position of not actively opposing the
anti-Japanese front. The same strategy must apply to imperialists other
than Japan.
When activating, rallying, and organizing the strengths of the people of
the entire China in order to resist their common enemies, the party must
firmly and steadfastly struggle against all tendencies of vacillation,
compromise, surrender, and rebellion within the united anti-Japanese
front. All those sabotaging the anti-Japanese movement of the Chinese
people are spies and traitors, and we must all rise and attack them.
The Communist Party must, by its own positive, thorough, and correct
anti-Japanese, anti-spy, and anti-traitor words and deeds, gain the
leadership power of the anti-Japanese front. And only under the leader-
ship of the Communist Party will the anti-Japanese movement achieve
thorough victory. In regard to the broad masses on the anti-Japanese
front, their demands involving their basic interest must be satisfied
(the demand of the peasants for land; the demand of the workers, poor
people, soldiers, and intellectuals for improvement of their life).
Only when their demands are met can the broad masses be mobilized to the
anti-Japanese battlefield, the anti-Japanese movement acquire endurance,
and the movement march toward total victory. Only thus can the party
gain leadership power in the anti-Japanese movement.
III. The National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army
The most extensive and the supreme form of the national united front
against Japan and the traitors consists of the National Defense Govern-
ment and the Resist-Japan Allied Army. In view of the existence of
sentiments unfavorable to the soviet system and the land revolution but
favorable to the movement against Japan and the traitors, the situation
of local Balkanization resulting from political and economic imbalance,
the partial territorial success of the Chinese soviet political power at
the present time, and the gravity of the acts of the spies and traitors,
the national counterrevolutionaries, in their roles as accomplices to
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Japanese imperialism, the organization of the National Defense Govern-
ment and Resist-Japan Allied Army is not only feasible, but necessary.
The Chinese people adopt many different patterns to resist Japan and the
traitors, and the degree of awareness of those participating in the anti-
Japanese movement is not the same. The Communist Party members must
seize all opportunities to activate, organize, and lead the struggles
of all patterns and all degrees and channel them to the stage of the
National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army. All anti-
Japanese and anti-traitor elements, regardless of which class, which
political faction, which social organization, or which armed unit they
represent, may join the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan
Allied Army. The National Defense Government is the political power
organization of the united front of all the anti-Japanese and anti-
traitor strength throughout China and the united leadership organ of the
anti-Japanese and anti-traitor national revolutionary war. In the class
sense, it is an alliance of all classes under the common goal to resist
Japan and the traitors.
To organize the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied
Army promptly, and to give this government and army a broader mass foun-
dation and greater armed strengths, the strategy of the Communist Party
is not to wait for the spontaneous emergence of the anti-Japanese peo-
ple's organizations and anti-Japanese armed strength before organizing
them, but to direct its own members to activate all the patriotic ele-
ments and all the organizational, class, stratum, factional, production
and mercantile, cultural and educational, student and teacher, modern
and old fashioned, social and political, worker-peasant and petty
bourgeois, national bourgeois, urban, rural, and armed strengths,
initiate all kinds and types of anti-Japanese and anti-spy and traitor
organizations (resist-Japan association, anti-Japanese federation, etc.),
organize all kinds and types of anti-Japanese and anti-traitor troops
(resist-Japan volunteer army, the New 19th Route Army of the People's
Revolutionary Army, etc.), and form political power structures (resist-
Japan governments of the counties, districts, and cities, the people's
revolutionary government, etc.). When such organizations, troops, and
political power structures are assembled, and the strengths of the
soviet and the Red Army added to them, we will have the organizations
of the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army.
After the formation of the National Defense Government and the Resist-
Japan Allied Army, we must, every day, activate new organizations, new
local governments, and new troops, continuously eliminate the vacillating
and renegade elements, and continuously absorb new strengths, so that the
National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army will become
a government and an army which, instead of decadent, are vigorous and,
instead of weak, possess a tremendous combat strength. As for some areas
where resist-Japan governments and resist-Japan allied forces have sprung
up freely without undergoing the party's activation and guidance due to
the weakness of the party's strength in such areas, or without the
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participation of the soviet and the Red Army due to their distance, the
party organizations in such areas must actively aid, support, and parti-
cipate in them. This is the concrete work line of the Communist Party
to realize the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied
Army.
As the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army are
the most extensive and the supreme form of the organization of the
national united front against Japan and the traitors, they must possess
the most extensive action outline. The outline is as follows:
1. Resist Japan and save the nation; recover lost territory.
2. Confiscate all the assets of Japanese imperialism in China for resist-
Japan expenses.
3. Confiscate the land and assets of all the traitors and spies and
divide them among the workers, peasants and disaster victims and
refugees.
4. Relieve disasters and control flood; settle the people's living.
5. Abolish all harsh levies and vexatious taxes; develop industry and
commerce.
6. Raise wages and rations; improve the living standards of workers,
soldiers, and teachers.
7. Develop education; relieve students unable to attend school.
8. Realize democratic rights; release all political prisoners.
9. Develop production technology; relieve jobless intellectuals.
10. Rally the workers, peasants, and all oppressed masses of Korea,
Taiwan, and Japan to form a firm alliance. Establish close friendly
relations with nations or states expressing sympathy for China's national
movement or maintaining a friendly neutrality.
The Communist Party must, in the process of the resist-Japan struggle,
seek the realization of these outlines and, through these outlines, the
realization of the party's 10 great outlines.
IV. The Soviet People's Republic
The most extensive united front against Japan and the traitors has its
special significance today; it is the success of the soviet in many
areas in China, which is fundamentally different from the period of the
great revolution of 1925-1927. The success of the soviet movement led
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by the Communist Party in many areas in China in the past 9 years has
supplied a fundamental strength to the new anti-imperialist high tide,
given hope to the people of all the nation, furnished live examples of
seizing freedom, liberation, and independence from the hands of imperial-
ism and traitors, laid the firmest foundation and base for the most
extensive national united front, guaranteed the endurance and eventual
thorough victory of the new great revolution, and provided the central
support to the National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied
Army.
To gain a broad and powerful foundation for the national united front,
the Soviet Worker-Peasant Republic and its Central Government declare
that its name is hereby changed to the Soviet People's Republic and that
many parts of its policies, which are the policies of the Soviet Worker-
Peasant Republic, are revised for better adaptation to the situation of
resisting Japanese imperialism in its attempt to turn China into a colony.
Such revisions primarily manifest more fully that the soviet represents
not only the workers and peasants, but the nation of China. The funda-
mental interest of the nation of China is the freedom, independence, and
unity of China, and only under the firm policy of the soviet will such
fundamental interest be gained and safeguarded and the enemies to such
interest, imperialism and traitors, thoroughly overcome.
The Soviet People's Republic declares that it is willing to rally the
broad petty bourgeois masses around itself and that it is willing to
grant the rights to vote and to be elected to all the revolutionary
petty bourgeois elements. The soviet will protect, as far as possible
by its policies and powers, all the urban and rural small industry and
commerce hit by imperialism and China's counterrevolution. The soviet
has long abolished all the harsh levies and vexatious taxes imposed by
the Kuomintang warlords and promulgated the unified graduated tax favor-
able to the small producers.
The Soviet People's Republic declares that all intellectuals sympathetic
to the anti-Japanese and anti-traitor movement,. whether they were
Kuomintang members or worked for the Kuomintang government in the past,
will enjoy favorable treatment from the soviet government. The soviet
will give them work, relieve their unemployment, and furnish them the
opportunity to develop their talent in culture, education, art, science,
and technology. The soviet will grant refuge to all the intellectuals,
.writers, artists, scientists, technical personnel, and newspaper report-
ers who have been expelled, scorned, or mistreated by Japanese imperialism
or the traitorous Kuomintang government. (All of them may come to the
soviet areas.) The soviet will grant the rights to vote and to be elected
to all the revolutionary intellectuals, writers, artists, scientists,
technical personnel, and newspaper reporters (regardless of whether they
are of landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist background).
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The Soviet People's Republic declares that all White army officers
(regardless of rank) and soldiers who are willing to resist Japan and
the traitors will have the right to receive favorable treatment from the
soviet, and that the Soviet Red Army is willing to give work to all the
unemployed soldiers rejected or disarmed by the traitorous Kuomintang
government. Even those who once fought against the Red Army, once they
lay down their arms, be they officers or soldiers, will receive favorable
treatment. All the injured will receive medical attention. The soviet
will grant the rights to vote and to be elected to all those White army
officers and soldiers who wish to serve in the Red Army and are loyal to
the cause against Japanese imperialism and its running dogs the traitors.
The Soviet People's Republic and its Red Army propose to all the indi-
viduals, organizations, political factions, and armed units in the entire
nation which wish to participate in the cause against Japanese imperial-
ism and its running dogs the traitors to organize together the National
Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army. Regardless of what
kind of armed units, the soviet and the Red Army are willing to form an
agreement with them to resist Japan and punish the traitors, similar to
the resist-Japan anti-Chiang agreement formed between the Soviet Red
Army and the 19th Route Army in the past. However, in the past, the Red
Army was unable to render direct substantial aid promptly to the 19th
Route Army (nor did the 19th Route Army make a positive request) to
repel Chiang Kai-shek's attack of Fukien, which was wrong. Hereafter,
substantial aid must be rendered, as much as possible, to all the
friendly units resisting Japan and punishing the traitors until the
stage of direct combat coordination. To reach the goal of resisting the
common enemies, the Soviet Red Army needs the victory and development
not only of itself, but also of its friendly allied units.
The Soviet People's Republic revises its policy on the rich peasants.
The assets of the rich peasants will not be confiscated. Except that
part used for feudal exploitation, their land, whether farmed by them-
selves or by hired help, will not be confiscated. When all the land in
a village is equally divided, the rich peasants have the right to the
same shares as the poor and middle peasants.
The Soviet People's Republic adopts a policy more lenient than before
toward the national industrial and commercial capitalists. Where it is
beneficial to both sides, it welcomes them to invest in the territory
of the Soviet People's Republic and establish plants and stores, and it
will protect their property and reduce the taxes as much as possible,
in order to develop China's economy. In areas occupied by the Red Army,
all industry and commerce beneficial to the anti-Japanese and anti-
traitor movement will be protected so that the people of the entire
nation will understand that the Soviet People's Republic not only safe-
guards political freedom but is the best place to develop China's indus-
try and commerce.
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The Soviet People's Republic declares to the overseas Chinese that it
commends them for their patriotic activities in aid of China's revolution
and that, though those like Chiang Kai-shek have long deserted the revo-
lution, the Soviet People's Republic and the patriotic people of the
entire nation have continued the courageous cause since the Taiping
Rebellion and are determined to save China from destruction and turn it
into a powerful and prosperous nation. The day of the national victory
of the Soviet People's Republic is the time of the liberation of the
overseas Chinese. All the policies whereby the Kuomintang government
led the overseas Chinese to slavery must be thoroughly eradicated, and
replaced with policies of active protection of the overseas Chinese.
The soviet grants the privilege of refuge to all the overseas Chinese
compatriots currently rejected or expelled by Japanese imperialism and
other imperialist nations, and it welcomes overseas Chinese capitalists
to develop industry and commerce in the soviet areas.
All the policy revisions are for one fundamental goal: Overcome Japanese
imperialism and its running dogs the traitors, seek the freedom, libera-
tion, and independence of the nation of China, and strive for the
national victory of the revolution.
To implement the policies successfully, to fight Japanese imperialism
promptly, and to safeguard the leadership power of the national united
front, the party and the soviet have a policy which has always been con-
sistent but which requires a greater effort to make it more adapted to
the needs of the national united front. It is to expand the Resist-Japan
Red Army, to expand the resist-Japan guerrilla, to expand the territory
of the Soviet People's Republic serving as the resist-Japan base, to
smash the offensive of the traitor troops, to cleanse the resist-Japan
path, to consolidate the resist-Japan rear, to thoroughly solve the land
issue, to recruit the majority of the workers and peasants, to win over
the traitor troops and Japanese imperialist soldiers, to propose to the
minorities the formation of an alliance for common struggle, and to
implement a flexible foreign policy.
The Red Army is the resist-Japan vanguard. Only the expansion, consoli-
dation, and proper employment of this vanguard will assure the success of
the'anti-Japanese war. Today, the slogan to "struggle for the expansion
.of a 1-million-strong Red Army" must be closely linked to the urgent
anti-Japanese war to avert destruction. To overcome Japanese imperialism
and its running dogs China's traitors, the Red Army must be expanded to
several million. But first it must be expanded to 1 million. The posi-
tive effort toward this goal of not only every Red director, soldier,
local cadre, and soviet personnel, but also the revolutionary people of
the entire nation, is most important. The elevation of the technical
conditions of the Red Army, the improvement of technical and tactical
education, the intensification and popularization of political work, the
centralization of the leadership of the Revolutionary Military Affairs.
Commission, the assurance of material supply, and especially the
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conformity of the strategy and battle direction with the correct prin-
ciples (opposing adventurism when on the offensive; opposing conserva-
tism when on the defensive; opposing escape-ism when shifting) are all
indispensable conditions for victory.
Guerrilla warfare must be developed in the entire country, while stressing
the areas occupied by Japanese imperialism and their vicinities, areas
under traitor Chiang Kai-shek, and the resist-Japan bases (soviet areas)
of the Red Army and their vicinities. All guerrilla troops must emerge
as a part of the national war and closely link themselves with the land
revolution of the peasant masses. Guerrilla warfare must be made to
produce a great strategic effect in the anti-Japanese anti-traitor strug-
gle. The party must make the guerrilla units the creators of resist-
Japan bases (soviet areas); it must make all areas where the guerrilla
troops are present establish resist-Japan people's revolutionary political
power (county, district, and township resist-Japan governments, revolu-
tionary committees, and even soviets) severed from Japanese imperialism
and the traitorous control; it must make the guerrilla expand rapidly
and become a resist-Japan revolutionary army; it must make the young
students and revolutionary soldiers engulfed in the anti-Japanese tidal
wave join guerrilla warfare in large numbers; it must unite all the guer-
rilla units, whether currently under the party's leadership or not, on a
common foundation.
It will not be possible to succeed in overcoming Japanese imperialism and
its running dogs China's traitors without expanding the territory of the
Soviet People's Republic, i.e., the Red Army bases. Only when large sec-
tions of land controlled by the traitors are turned into soviet terri-
tory will the Red Army have a backing and the resist-Japan war its rear.
We must strive for perfection in the many tasks within the soviet terri-
tory, enforce the correct policies, make the soviet territory impregnable
and an area admired, cherished, and emulated by the people of the entire
nation.
All attempts of the traitor troops to attack the resist-Japan bases and
model.areas of the people's political power must be ruthlessly repelled,
smashed, and destroyed. To repel such counterrevolutionary attacks is
the responsibility of not only the Resist-Japan Red Army and the anti-
Japanese people of the soviet areas, but also the anti-Japanese people
of the entire nation. The party must appeal to all the anti-Japanese
people of all of China and of all the soviet areas to struggle in defense
of their own bases, to resist the traitors' sabotage of the rear of the
resist-Japan war, and to oppose the blocking of the Red Army by the
traitors. Linking the civil war of China with the national war is a
fundamental principle of the party's guidance of the revolutionary war.
It will be impossible to succeed in overcoming Japanese imperialism and
its running dogs the traitors without the participation of the majority
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of the millions of workers, peasants, soldiers, poor people, and revolu-
tionary masses under the control of Japan and the traitors. The anti-
Japanese anti-traitor national united front of the party and the Soviet
Red Army must be expanded to all areas where the masses are found, and
all the mass struggles must be raised from the low level to the high
level, from the local to the national, and from the ordinary to the stage
of resisting Japan and the traitors' political regime by force. Only
when the struggles inside and outside the territory of the Soviet Peo-
ple's Republic are joined will Japanese imperialism and its running dogs
the traitors be overcome.
It will be impossible to succeed in overcoming Japanese imperialism and
its running dogs the traitors without recruiting the great majority of
the worker class. We must build firm strongholds in the major enter-
prises of key cities, organize broad mass organizations by utilizing all
open and semi-open possibilities, start from the concept of striving for
victorious results (even very small victories) by assessing the concrete
environment, activate, organize, and lead the worker masses in economic
and political struggles, and give attention to the protection and educa-
tion of cadres in the enterprises. We must accumulate the great strengths
of the worker masses in preparation for a decisive battle. Striving for
the leadership power of the worker class in China's revolution is the
party's fundamental principle in the worker movement.
It will be impossible to succeed in overcoming Japanese imperialism and
its running dogs the traitors without the participation of the peasants,
constituting 80 percent of China's population, in the struggle front.
The Communist Party and the soviet must satisfy the peasants' demand for
land and struggle for the thorough solution of the land issue and the
elimination of the rural feudal oppression. Only thus will we be able
to mobilize millions of the peasant masses to take up arms and march to
the battlefield against Japan and the traitors, to furnish an inexhausti-
ble source of reinforcement to the national revolutionary war, and to
turn the main objective of plunder by Japanese imperialism and China's
national counterrevolution, the peasants, into China's national revolu-
tionary army resisting such plunder. In areas occupied by Japan and
their vicinities, we must first confiscate the land and assets of spies
and traitors and distribute them to the peasants. Thereafter, in the
struggle process, according to the people's own experiences, we will
intensify the struggle and undertake the thorough solution of the land
issue. The party's fundamental principle is to link the land revolution
and the national revolution.
Nor will it be possible to overcome Japanese imperialism and the several
million troops of China's traitors without the aid of the soldiers. We
must, on a broad mass foundation, undertake the work on the soldiers.
The party must appeal to the people of all soviet and White areas, Red
Army soldiers, and guerrilla fighters to strive for the disintegration
of the traitors' troops. When the tens and hundreds of millions of
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people unwilling to become stateless slaves persuade the millions of
officers and soldiers unwilling to become stateless slaves by sincere
advices, by communicating with their relatives and friends, by letters
of reproach, and by agitating slogans, it cannot help but influence them.
Our slogans are: Chinese will not fight Chinese! Unite, workers, peas-
ants, merchants, and students, and defend China by force; unite the Red
Army and the White army,.and knock down Japanese imperialism and the
traitors! Travel expenses to those who wish to return home; land to
those who wish to farm; those wishing to resist Japan join the Red Army
and the volunteer army!
By its own example and sincere slogans, the Soviet People's Republic
tells the oppressed Mongolians and Moslems: Organize your own state!
Japanese imperialism and the traitors are our common enemies. Unite
and knock down the enemies!
On the foundation of not overlooking any possibility for victory over
Japanese imperialism and China's traitors, the foreign policy of the
Soviet People's Republic is to negotiate with all nations, factions,
and even individuals opposed to Japanese imperialism and its running
dogs the traitors for the necessary understandings, compromises, diplo-
matic ties, and treaties of alliance. The Soviet People's Republic and
its government do not shoot off arrows without selection of target. The
Soviet People's Republic is willing to establish friendly relations with
all those struggling in their own interest which is beneficial to the
Soviet People's Republic's effort to resist Japan and punish the traitors.
All policies and all effort are for victory over Japan and the traitors.
Anything against this goal will be rejected. This is the strategic line
of the Communist Party and the soviet.
V. Closed-doorism, the Party's Major Danger
To overcome Japanese imperialism and its running dogs the traitors, the
common enemies of the Chinese people, the Communist Party members must.
penetrate the masses, and participate in and lead all mass, national,
and class struggles. Here, the key is the application of an extensive
united front. Such a united front will, on the one hand, concentrate
the maximum strengths against the major enemies and on the other hand,
enable the broad masses, according to their own political experiences,
to understand the accuracy of the party's ideas and rally them under the
party's banner. The issue of the revolutionary leadership power must be
more profoundly understood. To gain the leadership power in China's
revolution, the Communist Party cannot rely only on the party's propa-
ganda and agitation; it must make all the party members demonstrate
leadership in their practical actions and daily struggles. It is not
enough for them to perform work among the lower level masses (which is
the main thing), but they must know how to conduct negotiations, dis-
cussions, compromises, and concessions with the upper level leaders of
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other parties and factions who are connected with the lower level masses,
in order to win those among them with whom continued cooperation is pos-
sible, expose finally the wavering, deceitful, and renegate elements
before the masses, and expel them by the strength of the masses. For
the party to gain leadership power, relying only on activities in the
worker class (which is important) is not enough; the Communist Party
members must perform their activities in the rural villages and among
the poor people, soldiers, petty bourgeois, intellectuals, and even the
revolutionary allies, struggle for their intimate interests, and convince
them that the Communist Party is the representative of the interests of
the majority of the people of China as well as the worker class and that
it represents the entire nation. In all areas where the masses are
found, regardless of how reactionary the leaders of such areas are, the
Communist Party members must go there and perform revolutionary work.
Only when the Communist Party members demonstrate that they are the most
energetic and vigorous vanguard of China's revolution which nothing can
stop, and not "holy disciples" conducting abstract discussions of com-
munist principles, will the Communist Party gain the leadership power of
China's revolution.
To make a bolder application of the extensive united front for the party
to gain leadership power, the party must wage a firm struggle against the
"leftwing" closed-doorism in the party. Under the present situation,
closed-doorism is the party's major danger. The sources of closed-
doorism are as follows: First is the lack of understanding of the cur-
rent new political situation, which leads to the lack of understanding
of the necessity to change the strategy to suit the new situation.
Second is the inability to,link the party's basic slogans and fundamental
policy outlines with the current action slogans and political action out-
lines in practical actions. Third is the inability to flexibly apply
Marxism, Leninism, and Stalinism to China's unique concrete environment,
but turning them into rigid dogmas. Such closed-doorism tendency is
manifested, in essence, in the fear of the enemies, the fear of the
masses, and the lack of confidence in our own strengths, resulting in the
fear to apply the strategy of an extensive united front. Actually, it is
identical with rightwing opportunism. Its continuation will cause the
party to become severed from the masses and relinquish its task of
striving for the leadership power of China's revolution. Therefore, the
party must firmly oppose "leftwing" closed-doorism, boldly apply the
extensive united front, penetrate the millions of masses, have no fear of
certain possible errors, and learn the technique of leading the masses
in struggle. Naturally, in the struggle against "leftwing" closed-
doorism, there must be no relaxation of the struggle against rightwing
opportunism. Rightwing opportunism suppresses the struggle of the masses
for their intimate interests, sacrifices the demand of the peasants for
land and that of the workers, poor people, and soldiers for better treat-
ment for the interests of the national bourgeoisie and the rich peasants
and the partial interests of its allies, is afraid to use the weapon of
criticism against the allies, and has no courage to lead the masses and
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force the allies to proceed to a higher stage of the revolution. It may
accept the influence of the national bourgeoisie, the upper level petty
bourgeoisie, and the rural rich peasants and turn itself into their tail.
There is no doubt that it is possible for the Ch'en Tu-hsiu-ism of 1927
to revive among some of the party units and party members in the new
great revolution. The party must wage a firm struggle against such
rightwing opportunism. Nevertheless, currently, "leftwing" closed-
doorism is the party's major danger. The current opposition to the
rightwing tendency is precisely for the purpose of successfully over-
coming the "leftwing" tendency and thoroughly breaking down closed-
doorism, so that the strategy of an extensive united front is correctly
and boldly applied in all tasks. Then, the party will not be lagging
behind the mass struggles, and the masses, beginning with the struggles
for their daily intimate interests, will be elevated to the position of
participating in the national revolutionary war to resist Japanese
imperialism and its running dogs the traitors, the common enemies of the
Chinese people.
VI. Expansion and Consolidation of the Communist Party
To accomplish the sacred mission shouldered by the Chinese Communist
Party in the great historical era, the party must be expanded and con-
solidated organizationally. In the new great revolution, the Communist
Party needs hundreds of thousands and millions of fighting members
before it can lead China's revolution to thorough victory.
As the vanguard of China's proletariat, the Chinese. Communist Party must
absorb large numbers of workers and tenant peasants into the party and
form a workers' backbone in the party. Meanwhile, as it is also the
vanguard of the entire nation, all those willing to struggle for its
principles, regardless of their background, may join the party. All
the courageous. fighters in the national land revolution must be absorbed
into the party to perform the party's work in all aspects. Since China
is an economically backward semi-colony and colony, peasants and intel-
lectuals of petty bourgeois background often constitute a majority in
the party. However, this does not lower in the slightest the Bolshevik
position of the Chinese Communist Party. As proven by the facts, a party
of such components can complete the glorious mission bestowed by the
Comintern, the vanguard of the world proletariat; it can struggle ardu-
ously and persevere courageously. Among the communist parties in all
the nations in the world, except the party of the Soviet Union, the
Chinese Communist Party occupies a glorious advanced position.
We must struggle against the closed-doorism tendency in the party when
developing the organization. Whether an individual can struggle firmly
for the principles proposed by the party is the major criterion of
membership. While attention must be given to the social composition,
it is not the major criterion. The party must act as a smelting furnace
of communism and temper the many new members willing to struggle for its
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principles into Bolshevik warriors with the highest class awareness. The
struggle between the two fronts in the party and communist education con-
stitute one of the means to attain this goal. The party's ideological
unanimity in Bolshevism is the concrete manifestation of its firm leader-
ship of the proletariat. Closed-doorism on the issue of organization,
which, instead of starting from the positive fighting needs, starts from
the concept of fear, must be thoroughly destroyed. Innumerable active
elements and mass leaders have emerged, or are emerging, in the great
struggles of the national revolution and the land revolution. The party
organization must, with warm welcome, open the door to them. The party
does not fear the infiltration of certain opportunists. It assures the
stability of its organization with the Bolshevik political line and iron
discipline. It does not fear the uneven political levels of the non-
proletarian party members; it will elevate them to the position of van-
guard by means of the communist education.
Large numbers of cadres must be trained. The party needs thousands and
tens of thousands of new cadres so that they can be sent group by group
to all fronts. It is not necessary to teach them every item of leader-
ship skills before assigning work to them, but what is necessary is to
enable them to learn in struggle. We do not use the cadres and party
members as we do machines. Instead, we cherish and trust them, assign
them suitable work, and fully develop their talent and initiative. We
do not treat them with the bureaucraticist attitude. Instead, by means
of persuasive explanation of the tasks and concrete instructions of the
work, we vividly and vigorously link them with the party's leading organs.
In regard to the errors of the cadres and party members in ideology or
work, we do not discourage them lightly, call them opportunists, or even
punish them. Instead, we conduct patient and repeated persuasive educa-
tion. Errors in ideology and work are inevitable, but they can be cor-
rected. The spirit of studying in Leninism and the tempering of experi-
ence in struggle are precisely the excellent means to correct errors.
The firepower of struggle in the party must be directed toward those
comrades who persist in their erroneous viewpoints and refuse to study,
undergo tempering, or accept education. Organizational conclusions of a
certain extent are only necessary for those comrades who have committed
serious errors and cannot be convinced by persuasion. Nevertheless,
all inner-party struggles and organizational conclusions must still con-
tain the essence of party education toward the party concerned. Only
when it comes to those opportunists who have consistently followed the
wrong line, the party must not, because of their temporary expression of
remorse, assign them important work.
In this great era of struggle, the rallying of party cadres firmly around
the party's leading organs possesses a determining significance. As the
party must unite the entire party and lead the broadest masses to the
war of national revolution and land revolution, it cannot succeed without
many capable cadres serving as the links. The correct organizational
line and cadre policy constitute the premise of this task.
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The Chinese Communist Party Central appeals to the entire party and
cadres to struggle for the firm implementation of the party's strategies
and lines, spread the united front to the entire nation, build the
National Defense Government and the Resist-Japan Allied Army, make the
Soviet People's Republic the state of the entire people, make the Red
Army the troops of the entire nation, make the party a great people's
party, link the land revolution and the national revolution, and link
the civil war with the national war. Long live the sacred national war!
Long live China's independence, freedom, and unity!
Long live the Soviet New China!
"An Analysis of the Current Situation," Theory and Practice Press,
1936
* "Selections of Current Event Discussions" (December Resolution),
Chih-hsin Printing Press, 1 May 1937
"Reference Material of China's Revolutionary History," Vol 3, Chinese
People's University, 1957
A "Documents on the Cooperation Between Kuomintang and the Communist
Party to Resist Japan"
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ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE RESIST-JAPAN VANGUARD ARMY OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S
RED ARMY
[Text] The following is announced: As Japanese imperialism pursues an
outrageous course in North China without restraint, as Chiang Kai-shek,
Yen Hsi-shan, and Sung Che-yuan, with their servile attitude, follow
their habit of fawning on foreigners, and as the destruction of the
nation is imminent, the Military Affairs Commission of the People's Red
Army of the Central Government of the Soviet People's Republic of. China
orders this army to march east and resist Japan. This army wishes to
ally with all patriots and revolutionaries, without distinction of being
new or old, factions, or background, as long as they are sympathetic with
the resistance of Japanese imperialism, in order to pursue together the
great cause of the national revolution. Wherever this army marches, it
will protect the patriotic movements, the revolutionary people, the
interests of the workers and peasants, the intellectuals, and the indus-
try and commerce of the area. It advocates the cessation of all civil
wars and the alliance of the Red Army and the White army, in order to
confront Japan unanimously. It wishes to negotiate and reach agreements
or understandings with all patriotic soldiers, whether they actively
cooperate with this army to resist Japan or passively refrain from
opposing this army and the patriotic people in their resistance of Japan.
China's greatest enemy is Japanese imperialism. All the people of China
must rise as one, unite, and defend the nation. If the skin be lost, how
can the fur be laid on? If the nation perishes, what good is one's life?
Raise the just banner in the nation; announce the punitive expedition in
China! Those with strength must donate their strength; those with money
must donate their money; those with guns must donate their guns; those
with knowledge must contribute their knowledge. Making 1 man equivalent
to 10 is our spirit; making 10 men equivalent to 1 is our strength. The
nation of China will not perish; Japanese imperialism will fall. The
destiny of success or failure is self-evident without need of argument.
Those who fail to understand the great principles, but fawn on the
foreigners and trample on the people, or even resist this army, are
severing-themselves from the people of the nation, and this army will
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punish them as spies and traitors. Unite, workers, peasants, merchants,
students and soldiers!
Down with Japanese imperialism!
Down with spies and traitors!
Long live the resist-Japan national war!
Long live the new China of freedom and .equality, and territorial integrity!
It is so announced.
P'eng Te-huai, Commander in Chief
Mao Tse-tung, Chief Political Commissar
? "Announcement of the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's
Red Army" (mimeographed), 1 March 1936
* "Tou Cheng" [Struggle], No 96 (mimeographed), 1936
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DECLARATION AGAINST TRAITORS CHIANG KAI-SHEK AND YEN HSI-SHAN FOR BLOCKING
THE EASTWARD MARCH OF THE RESIST-JAPAN VANGUARD FORCE OF THE CHINESE
PEOPLE'S RED ARMY TO RESIST JAPAN AND FOR SABOTAGING THE RESIST-JAPAN REAR
5 April 1936
[Text] Patriotic compatriots of the entire China!
Since the loss of the five North China,provinces in fact though not in
name, the Japanese imperialist bandits are speeding toward the annexa-
tion of all of China.
At this critical moment of the nation and the race, the Central Govern-
ment of the Soviet People's Republic of China and the Revolutionary
Military Commission of the Chinese Resist-Japan Red Army have time and
again demanded the cessation of all civil wars. All must unite to resist
Japan together, without distinction of Red Army or White army. A national
Resist-Japan and Save-the-Nation Congress must be convened to organize a
National Defense Government and a Resist-Japan Allied Army. The main
force of the Red Army of the entire nation must concentrate in Hopeh to
block the advance of Japanese imperialism. In view of the urgent demand
of the entire country to resist Japan and save the nation, the Central
Government of the Soviet People's Republic and the Revolutionary Military
Commission of the Chinese Resist-Japan Red Army organized the Chinese
People's Resist-Japan Vanguard Army to cross the river and march east,
resist Japan and punish the rebellious, and report to the anti-Japanese
compatriots of the entire nation that it fought in the vanguard and vented
a righteous anger. Yet, willing to serve as the running dog of Japanese
imperialism, Shansi's Yen Hsi-shan has mobilized his entire armed forces
to block the path of the Red Army to resist Japan. The outrageously
wicked traitor head, Chiang Kai-shek, is helping him with up to 10 divi-
sions of men against the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese
People's Red Army, and has ordered the troops of Chang Hsueh-liang and
Yang Hu-ch'eng to push north and sabotage our resist-Japan rear in the
Shensi and Kansu soviet areas!
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Look! When Japanese imperialism swallowed five North China provinces and
the Japanese army and Manchukuo troops marched into Peking, Tientsin,
Chahar, and Suiyuan, Chiang Kai-shek ordered his troops to withdraw com-
pletely from the five North China provinces. Yet when the Red Army
marched east to resist Japan and threatened its security in the five
provinces, Chiang Kai-shek transferred his troops to Shansi to attack
the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's Red Army. Today,
everyone knows Japanese imperialism's new scheme to annex North China:
It is the concrete implementation of the so-called Hirota's three great
principles. The joint "anticommunist" agreement of China, Japan, and
"Manchukuo" is now being firmly carried out by traitor chief Chiang Kai-
shek.
The Central Government of the Soviet People's Republic of China and the
Revolutionary Military Commission of the Resist-Japan Red Army of
China declare to all the patriotic compatriots in the entire China that
Japanese imperialism plans to destroy China under the name of joint "anti-
communism" of China, Japan, and "Manchukuo" and mobilize all the traitor
troops against the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's Red
Army. For the freedom, independence, and territorial integrity of the
nation of China, we are determined to exterminate with our full strength
the traitor troops blocking the path of our Vanguard Army to resist Japan
and sabotaging our rear so that we will smash Japanese imperialism's new
scheme to destroy China and strive for an immediate direct encounter with
Japan. We also appeal to the patriotic compatriots of the entire nation
to rise together, resist Japan and punish the rebellious, and support the
eastern expedition of the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese Peo-
ple's Red Army, in order to save the nation from perdition. The victory
of the Red Army in resisting Japan and punishing the rebellious is the
victory of the patriotic compatriots of the entire nation; it is the
victory of the nation of China.
Stop all civil wars; resist Japan together unanimously; create a resist-
Japan people's front of all parties and all factions!
Oppose the "joint anticommunism" of China, Japan, and "Manchukuo" and the
destruction of China!
Ally with Russia and the communists; resist Japan together for China's
independence and freedom!
Convene a National Resist-Japan Save-the-Nation Congress; organize a
National Defense Government and a Resist-Japan Allied Army!
Support the Red Army for immediate direct encounter with Japan!
Support the concentration of the main force of the Red Army of the
entire nation in Hopeh against Japan!
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Concentrate the army, navy, and air force of the entire nation in Hopeh
against Japan!
Down with traitors Chiang Kai-shek and Yen Hsi-shan blocking the Red Army
from resisting Japan and sabotaging its rear!
Arm the people of the entire China; knock down Japanese imperialism; knock
down spies and traitors!
Long live the resist-Japan national revolutionary war!
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government of the
Soviet People's Republic of China
Chu Teh, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military
Commission of the Chinese Resist-Japan Red Army
5 April 1936
"Declaration Against Traitors Chiang Kai-shek and Yen Hsi-shan for
Blocking the Eastward March of the Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the
Chinese People's Red Army To Resist Japan and for Sabotaging the Resist-
Japan Rear" (mimeographed), 5 April 1936
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OPEN CABLE MESSAGE FOR ARMISTICE AND NEGOTIATIONS FOR ESTABLISHING
ALLIANCE AGAINST JAPANESE AGGRESSION
5 May 1936
[Text] The Military Commission of the Nanking. National Government, the
entire army, navy, and air force, all parties, factions, organizations,
and newspaper publishers of the entire nation, and all compatriots unwill-
ing to become stateless slaves:
Ever since the Soviet Central Government and the Revolutionary Military
Commission of the Chinese Red Army organized the Resist-Japan Vanguard
Army of the Chinese People's Red Army to cross the river and march east,
the Vanguard Army was victorious wherever it went, and the entire nation
responded. Nevertheless, just when it occupied the T'ung-p'u railway and
actively prepared to march east to Hopeh and make direct contact with
Japan, Chiang Kai-shek sent over 10 divisions to Shansi, cooperated with
Yen Hsi-shan to block its path to resist Japan, and ordered Chang Hsueh-
liang and Yang Hu-ch'eng and the troops of northern Shensi to march on
the Red area in Shensi and Kansu and sabotage our resist-Japan rear.
The Resist-Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's Red Army actually
should concentrate its entire strength to wipe out Chiang's troops block-
ing its path, in order to attain the goal of direct contact with Japan.
Nevertheless, after repeated consideration, the Soviet Central Government
and the Red Army Revolutionary Military Commission feel that, in face of
the national calamity, when we engage in battle, regardless of which side
wins, it will be a loss to China's national defense strength and only
please Japanese imperialism. Furthermore, among the troops of Chiang
Kai-shek and Yen Hsi-shan, there are many patriotic soldiers who wish to
stop the civil war and resist Japan together. Though obeying the orders
to block the path of the Red Army, they actually find it an act against
their conscience.
In view thereof, for the purpose of preserving the national defense
strengths in order to carry out the war to resist Japan, for the purpose
of firmly performing our proposal to the people of the nation to stop the
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civil war and resist Japan together, and for the purpose ofhastening the
final awareness of Chiang Kai-shek and the patriotic troops under him,
though many victories were gained in Shansi, the Worker-Peasant Democratic
Government and the Red Army Revolutionary Military Commission are with-
drawing the People's Resist-Japan Vanguard Army to the west bank of the
Yellow River. By this act, they express their sincerity to the Nanking
government, the army, navy, and air force, and the people of the entire
nation. We hope, within 1 month, to cease all hostilities and negotiate
for peace with all the armed units attacking the resist-Japan Red Army
in order to attain our goal of resisting Japan together.
The Soviet Central Government and the Red Army Revolutionary Military
Commission hereby solemnly advise the gentlemen in the Nanking govern-
ment: At the critical moment of losing the nation and the race, you
should, according to reason, immediately repent and, with the spirit of
"brothers quarreling within the walls will defend themselves against the
outsiders together," stop the civil war on a national scale, first of all
in Shensi, Kansu, and Shansi. Both sides must send delegates to discuss
the concrete measures to resist Japan and save the nation. This will
benefit not only you gentlemen, but also the nation and the state. If
you persist in your erroneous ways and continue to serve as spies and
traitors, your control will finally collapse, and you will be_deserted
and overthrown by the people of the entire nation. The proverb says:
"When a thousand men point their fingers, you die without illness." It
also says: "Lay down the butcher knife and immediately become a Buddha."
We hope you will give the matter your serious consideration.
The Soviet Central Government and the Red Army Revolutionary Military
Commission appeal to all the organizations, parties and factions, and
people of the entire nation who are unwilling to become stateless slaves
to support our proposal to cease hostilities and negotiate for peace and
resist Japan together, organize an association to promote the cessation
of the civil war, and send delegates to block the firing line between the
two sides and to further and supervise the complete performance of our
proposal.
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government of the
Soviet People's Republic of China
Chu Teh, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Commission
of the Chinese People's Red Army
5 May 1936
? "Reference Material on China's Revolutionary History," Vol 3, Chinese
People's University, 1957
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* "Yenan Revolutionary Museum," Cultural Publishing House, September
1959
* "Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the Resist-Japan Period,"
"Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung," Vol 1, footnote 4
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DECLARATION OF THE SOVIET CENTRAL GOVERNMENT TO THE MOSLEM PEOPLE
25 May 1936
[Text] Dear Moslem brothers:
The second imperialist world war to redivide the colonies will soon break
out. The people and land of China's five races are cut away in large
sections by Japanese imperialism, which is now advancing toward Suiyuan,
Ninghsia, Kansu, and Sinkiang. The calamity of the destruction of your
roots and extermination of your race is imminent. Will you resign to
destruction and division by others, or will you rise and fight and strive
for the independence and freedom of the Moslems? The glory of the recovery
of the Turkish Moslems will serve as the compass to all the Moslems and
all the oppressed nations. At this critical moment, we hope you will rise
up immediately!
The Moslems suffered the oppression and exploitation of China's ruling
class in the past decade or more, especially the harsh levies and
vexatious taxes of Chiang Kai-shek's Nanking government, which made the
life of the Moslems unbearable. The Nanking government also frequently
provoked ill feelings between the Moslems and the Chinese, to the extent
of mutual slaughtering. It would then send troops to suppress them,
causing the Moslem and Chinese people to lose all their energy, in order
to benefit its cruel and greedy regime. In the past several years, the
Kuomintang warlords headed by traitor Chiang Kai-shek recklessly capitu-
lated to Japanese imperialism and attempted to sell all the interests of
the Chinese people. With the fall of the four northeast provinces, the
loss of the five North China provinces in fact if not in name, and the
activity of the autonomy movement of southern Fukien, the Nanking govern-
ment has now designated the four northwest provinces as an "anticommunist"
zone. The entry of the Nanking troops into Kansu is the major step to
destroy the northwest and suppress the independence movement of the
Moslems, Mongolians, and Tibetans.
The Chinese People's Soviet Government and the People's Red Army Resist-
Japan Vanguard Army have always considered the resistance of imperialism,
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especially Japanese imperialism, and the thorough liberation of the
Chinese nation and other small and weak nations their fundamental tasks.
As the eastward march of the Vanguard Army against Japan is blocked by
traitor Chiang Kai-shek, they feel that consolidating the rear defense,
developing the resist-Japan base, and rallying all people and nations
unwilling to become stateless slaves, primarily the minorities of the
Northwest, in order to prepare for direct confrontation with Japan, are
more important. Therefore, the westward march of the resist-Japan Peo-
ple's Red Army is not only a necessary step in the practical preparation
against Japan, but also an excellent opportunity for the independence and
liberation of the Mongolians, Moslems, and other small and weak minori-
ties, especially the Moslems. Therefore, we solemnly declare to the
Moslem people:
1. According to the principle of national self-determination, we advo-
cate that the affairs of the Moslems must be completely handled by the
Moslems themselves, that, in all Moslem areas, the Moslems must establish
their independent and autonomous political power and handle all the
political, economic, religious, custom, ethical, educational, and other
matters, and that, in all areas where the Moslems constitute a minority,
under the principle of national equality, the Moslems, with the district,
township, and village as the units,,must manage their own affairs and
establish their own government.
2. According to the principle of the freedom of religion, we will protect
Mohammedanism and the Ahongs and guarantee the absolute freedom of belief
of the Moslems.
3. Armament is an indispensable condition of an independent and autonomous
nation. We wish to rally all armed strengths of the Moslems and to help
and develop them. We wish to arm the Moslems and form an independent
"Moslem Resist-Japan Army." We hope that the Moslem armed forces will
become one of the major strengths in the Resist-Japan Allied Army.
4. Abolish all the harsh levies and vexatious taxes imposed by the war-
lords, bureaucrats, and militia; improve the life of the Moslems.
5. Protect the Moslem language; develop the culture and education of the
Moslems; start Moslem newspapers; raise the Moslem political and cultural
levels.
6. The Moslems and Chinese must unite closely to knock down Japanese
imperialism and the spies and traitors.
7. Form an alliance with Turkey, Outer Mongolia, the Soviet Union, and
other nations and states sympathetic with China's endeavor for the
thorough liberation of all races and resist Japan together.
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Dear Moslem brothers! Now is the time when the small and weak nations
rise up and struggle for survival and strive for thorough liberation.
You are situated between the already liberated Soviet Union, Outer
Mongolia, and Turkey and the Chinese Soviet Red Army in the process of
liberation. As long as you will become aware and rise up and struggle,
victory will be yours. It is solemnly declared.
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government of the
Soviet People's Republic of China
25 May 1936
"Struggle," No 105, 12 July 1936
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DECLARATION ON THE NORTHERN MARCH OF ARMED FORCES FROM KWANGTUNG AND
KWANGSI TO COMBAT JAPANESE AGGRESSION
[Text] Recently, Japanese imperialism's large troop reinforcement in
Hopeh and Chahar for the direct occupation of North China, its organizing
of nationwide smuggling to destroy China's customs system and national
economy, and its launching of the autonomy movement in Fukien all prove
that it is carrying out its plan to destroy all of China at an unprece-
dented speed. Not only failing to show the slightest resistance, but
Chiang Kai-shek's Nanking government assists Japanese imperialism in its
aggression everywhere, suppresses all the resist-Japan national salvation
movements of the Chinese people, blocks the eastward march of the Resist-
Japan Vanguard Army of the Chinese People's Red Army, signs the "Sino-
Japanese Anti-Communist Agreement," leads the wolf into the house,
rejects the dissident in order to create an individual dictatorship, and
enables Japanese imperialism to do as it pleases. At this time when the
Japanese bandits and the shameless traitors are creating havoc in China,
all the patriotic soldiers and compatriots with conscience and enthusiasm
are filled with righteous. anger, and they swear to struggle to the bitter
end for the survival of the nation of China!
When Kwangtung and Kwangsi raise high the righteous banner to resist Japan
and send their troops north, and demand that the Nanking government
immediately send troops to resist Japan together, wherever their righteous
voice is heard, the people of the nation become stimulated. On behalf of
the resist-Japan people and resist-Japan Red Army, we wish to express our
respect and support to the patriotic soldiers and compatriots of Kwangtung
and Kwangsi and declare our desire to form a resist-Japan alliance to
their authorities and struggle together. We appeal to the patriotic
soldiers in the entire nation to rise up and respond to the patriotic
compatriots of the nation, expand the resist-Japan and national salvation
movement, and coordinate with the uprising of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. The
current military action against Japan must be expanded to a sacred national
revolutionary war of armed resistance of Japan by the people of the entire
country. Meanwhile, we demand that the Nanking government immediately
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repent, accede to the demands of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and mobilize the
army, navy, and air force of the whole China to march north and resist
Japan. The Chinese People's Red Army is willing to concentrate in Hopeh,
serve as the vanguard to resist Japan, and begin direct confrontation with
Japanese imperialism.
Nevertheless, since Kwangtung and Kwangsi expressed their intentions,
Chiang Kai-shek's Nanking government not only has not indicated any sin-
cerity to accede to their demands, but has delayed time and again, and
openly accused the authorities of Kwangtung and Kwangsi for provoking a
.civil war and destroying unity, while surreptitiously transferring large
troops to block the troops of Kwangtung and Kwangsi from marching North
and resisting Japan, provoking and alienating, and activating a civil war,
in order to sabotage the resist-Japan front. In regard to such criminal
acts of Chiang Kai-shek, the people of the entire nation absolutely refuse
to become stateless slaves. The patriotic soldiers must immediately sever
themselves from Chiang Kai-shek's policy to capitulate to Japan and march
North to resist Japan together with the troops of Kwangtung and Kwangsi
and the Red Army!
The matter is urgent! Patriotic soldiers and compatriots of the entire
nation must closely unite, concentrate their forces against Japanese
imperialism, and attack together! More than ever before, the Chinese
people urgently demand a firm resist-Japan united front. We must firmly
oppose the Second Kuomintang Central General Meeting called by Chiang
Kai-shek and his National Congress. We advocate the immediate holding
of a national resist-Japan congress. We ask all the resist-Japan and
anti-traitor political, social, and occupational organizations and armed
units in the nation to elect their own delegates to the congress and
immediately realize the following outlines:
(1) Announce the severance of relations with and declare war on Japan;
punish Manchukuo; recover the lost territory in the Northeast and North
China.
(2) Abolish all unequal treaties between China and Japan and cancel all
traitorous loans.
(3) Punish the spies and traitors who gave up power and territory and
brought calamity to the nation and the people.
(4) Mobilize the army, navy, and air force of the entire China for direct
contact with Japan.
(5) Confiscate all the assets of Japanese imperialism and the spies and
traitors for use as resist-Japan expenses.
(6) Guarantee the freedoms of speech, publication, meeting, and forming
associations to resist Japan and save the nation; release all political
prisoners.
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(7) Organize a national defense government and a resist-Japan allied
army.
(8) Ally with all states and nations in the world treating us with
equality; ally with all oppressed people in Japan.
These are the outlines to resist Japan and save the nation demanded by
the people of the entire China, and they should be the outlines of
Kwangtung and Kwangsi in sending troops to resist Japan. We sincerely
hope that the patriotic leaders of the two provinces will courageously
activate and support the people's patriotic movement to resist Japan,
extensively arm and organize the resist-Japan people, cooperate with the
people of the entire nation, and struggle for the thorough realization of
these outlines. We believe that only when the resist-Japan armed forces
and the resist-Japan people become one, and only when the resist-Japan
armed forces become the armed forces of the resist-Japan people, will the
great cause of liberating the nation of China initiated by Kwangtung and
Kwangsi attain its final victory.
Support Kwangtung and Kwangsi in sending troops to march North against
Japan!
All patriotic soldiers of China unite with Kwangtung and Kwangsi and
hit Japan together!
Oppose Chiang Kai-shek's blocking of the righteous troops of Kwangtung
and Kwangsi from marching North against Japan!
Calla national resist-Japan and save-the-nation congress!
Oppose Chiang Kai-shek's.Second Kuomintang Central General, Meeting and
his National Congress!
Oppose Japanese imperialism's smuggling; confiscate all contrabands!
Down with Japanese imperialism!
Long live the resist-Japan united front of the people of the entire China!
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Government of the
Soviet People's Republic of China
Chu Teh, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Commission
of the Chinese People's Red Army
11 June 1936
? "Struggle," No 104, 3 July 1936
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DECLARATION OF THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT OF THE SOVIET TO THE SOCIETY OF
BROTHERS
15 July 1936
[Text] Gentlemen of the Society of Brothers:
Recently, the barbarous bandit conduct of Japanese imperialism, the sworn
enemy of the nation of China, to annex China is becoming ever more fierce.
Not only taking our four northeast provinces by force, but they are
actually controlling all of North China. Not only utilizing smuggling to
destroy China's entire economic life and aggravate the miseries of bank-
ruptcy and unemployment, but they have resorted to their colonial system
in Taiwan and Korea and sent 50,000 reinforcements to North China. All
such political and economic measures are for the purpose of turning North
China into a second "Manchukuo" and the base to attack the whole China.
Japanese imperialism is in the process of carrying out unlawful aggression
in China's northwest and Central and South China, wishing to turn the
entire country into its colony and the 400 million people into its slaves
and beasts of burden. The calamity of losing the nation and the race is
imminent. Thirty thousand catties hanging by a single hair, we are at the
critical moment between life and death, between survival and perdition.
Except the minority of traitors and spies, all the Chinese with any
righteous feeling and all those unwilling to become stateless slaves are
filled with a powerful anger and wish to wage a death struggle against
Japanese imperialism! Recently, southwest military leaders Li Tsung-jen
and Ch'en Chi-t'ang raised high the resist-Japan big banner, marched
north, and demanded that Chiang Kai-shek of the Nanking government send
troops to resist Japan. The resist-Japan national revolutionary war has
entered a new stage.
The Society of Brothers has always followed the principle of promoting the
Chinese to eliminate the Manchurians, and hitting the rich to relieve the
poor. It actively participated in the anti-Manchurian revolutionary move-
ment of 1911, and the north Shensi revolution also received much support
and participation of the Society of Brothers comrades. Comrades such as
Hsieh Tzu-ch'ang and Liu Chih-tan were not only leaders in the Red Army,
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but also models in the Society of Brothers. Such revolutionary spirit and
glorious achievements must be brought to a greater light today, and the
society must struggle for the salvation of themselves as well as China.
The Chinese Soviet People's Central Government has made declarations time
and again, announcing its principle of national salvation and appealing to
all those unwilling to become stateless slaves to unite together, without
distinction of parties or factions or classes, and together fight our
common enemies--Japanese imperialism and the spies and traitors, in order
to gain. the independence and liberation of the nation of China. The
Society of Brothers has always been an organization representing national
patriots and the broad peasant and laboring masses. Oppressed by the
government, the warlords, and the bureaucrats, branded as "low-class peo-
ple," and slandered as "bandits," the society cannot exist in the open.
The abuse suffered by the society from the hands of the ruling class is
more or less identical with what we have suffered! As you advocated pro-
moting the Chinese to eliminate the Manchurians in the past, we now advo-
cate resisting Japan to save the nation; as you advocate hitting the rich
to relieve the poor, we advocate hitting the local tyrants and divide the
land; as you care not for money but for justice and associate with the
heroes and tough guys in the world, we sacrifice ourselves to save China
and the world and rally the oppressed and exploited nations and classes
and strata in the whole world. Our viewpoints and principles are not much
different; our enemies and our future are completely identical. Therefore,
with great sincerity, we declare to all our brothers of the Society of
Brothers of the whole country: Regardless of what misunderstandings and
dissatisfactions between us in the past, we must now forget and discard
them. We must unite under our common desire to resist Japan and save the
nation, form a close and brotherly unity, and together save the nation from
calamity with righteousness in our hearts. This is your sacred obligation
and that of the people of the entire China!
The Soviet Government is the government of the oppressed people of China.
We undertake the responsibility of receiving and protecting all those
abused and persecuted by the Kuomintang government. Therefore, the
Society of Brothers may exist openly under the Soviet Government. We
have established a Society of Brothers reception office to receive the
heroic, courageous, noble, and righteous people. It is our hope, and we
request and welcome the members of the society in all areas, either in
person or by delegates, to come to us and discuss the plans to save the
nation. We eagerly await and welcome you. We shout:
Bring forth the revolutionary spirit of the Society of Brothers of the
past!
Unite, the Society of Brothers and the people throughout China, to hit
Japan and promote China!
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Long live the liberation of the nation of China!
Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Chinese Soviet People's
Central Government
15 July 1936
"Struggle," No 105, 12 July 1936
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22 July 1936
[Text] To make the soviet truly the center of unity of the people of the
entire nation, all its current policies must embody a clear popular
essence and a profound national quality. The land policy has always
occupied the major position among all its policies. By carrying out the
land revolution, it will not only relieve the peasants, constituting 80
percent of the national population, of feudal exploitation, but also
encourage them to participate actively in the national liberation cause
and reinforce the national revolutionary strength. Since the Central
Politburo conference in December last year, the soviet has made many
important changes in the land policy (such as the rich peasant and small
landowner policies, the decisions on.class analysis and certain special
problems, etc.).. Such changes have gained the support of the broad peo-
ple and produced practical results in the soviet area. Nevertheless, to
attain the goal of liquidating the feudal remnants and building, within
all possibilities, a broad people's resist-Japan united front by means
of the enforcement of the land policy, we must further scrutinize it and
make the necessary changes.
Therefore, the Central has made the following decisions on this issue:
(1) All the land and assets of spies and traitors will be confiscated
in their entirety.
(2) The land, grain, buildings, and assets of the landlord class will
be confiscated. After confiscation, the landlords will be given land
for farming and the necessary production tools and material. The quan-
tity and quality of the land will be determined by the majority opinion
of the local peasant masses.
(3) The land of the following categories of small property owners will
not be confiscated:
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(a) Free lances, technical personnel, teachers, medical students, small
merchants, and handicraftsmen.
(b) Workers who saved the money for the land by their own labor.
(c) Small landlords whose living conditions are very inferior.
(d) Those who were originally not landlords but were forced to rent
their land out due to the loss of labor force.
(e) Those who worked as hired help even though they rented out their own
land.
(4) The land belonging to resist-Japan soliders and those dedicated to
the resist-Japan cause will not be confiscated.
(5) The land and the surplus production tools (farm tools; domestic ani-
mals) of the rich peasants will not be confiscated. Where the division
of all land is carried out upon the demand of the basic peasants, the
land of the rich peasant landlords must also be included in the division,
but the rich peasants must receive their shares, according to the general
rules of division (receiving the same shares as the peasants in general).
(6) In regard to the land belonging to large farmowners and enterprisers
(enterprise owners who do not rely mainly on land rent exploitation, but
on hiring large numbers of help to farm their land or raise livestock),
as their production pattern is rather progressive, they will be handled
according to the rich peasant policy. Where the majority of the peasants
demand division, the land, animals, and grain of the large farmowners
and enterprisers must be surrendered for division.
(7) In case of merchants who are also large landlords, their land is
handled similar to the landlords in general, but the commerce part of
their assets must not be infringed upon.
(8) High interest loans are cancelled. The Soviet Peoples Government
will promulgate a new loan regulation and restrict the interest rates in
the soviet area. Nevertheless, commercial loans and loans between the
laboring people are not included among those cancelled.
(9) The leasing of land is permitted in the soviet area. However,
regardless of the type of owner renting out land, the cruel and slavish
leasing of the old days must be abolished. The leasing regulations
promulgated by the Soviet Government must be observed without exception.
(10) The living conditions of rural workers must be improved. The
Soviet Government will formulate special regulations on rural hired help
for promulgation and enforcement.
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The foregoing decisions become effective immediately in the newly created
soviet areas. In the old soviet areas where the land has been divided,
the original method will be followed and there will be no change. The
Soviet Central Government will formulate and promulgate the concrete and
detailed regulations for implementation of the foregoing decisions
separately.
Central, 22 July 1936
"Selections of Current Event Discussions," Chih-hsin Printing Press,
1 May 1937
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OPEN LETTER FROM THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY TO THE KUOMINTANG
25 August 1936
[Text] Gentlemen of the Central Committee and the entire membership of
the Chinese Kuomintang:
It has been a year since this party, the Soviet Government, and the Red
Army published the declaration to resist Japan. Though our proposal to
organize a national united front and rally all parties, factions, and
fields to resist Japan together has won the support of the patriotic
leaders and people of the entire country, as your party and your party
government hesitate over its acceptance, the sacred national self-defense
war, up till now, has not been launched. Meanwhile, the Japanese bandits
take advantage of the gap and march straight in, taking a foot after gain-
ing an inch. The tragic calamity of perdition is imminent. The entire
nation is in a panic, unable to live through the day. Such grave danger
of the nation and the people has been entirely caused by the erroneous
policy of your party and your party government. Now is the critical
moment of the nation and the race. This party cannot but again shout to
you in desperation: Immediately stop the civil war; organize a national
resist-Japan united front; launch the sacred national self-defense war;
resist the aggression of Japanese imperialism; defend and recover China's
territorial sovereignty; save the people of the entire nation from deep
water and searing fire. If you continue the internal squabbles and
refuse to shift the muzzle of the gun toward the outside, change the
policy of concession to resistance, turn the situation of split to unity,
and alter the condition of dispersal to unanimity, then the calamity and
damage will be unimaginable, while your infamy will remain irrevocably
through the generations. With an attitude of sincerity, we are writing
to you gentlemen and the Chinese Kuomintang membership.
After reading the declaration of your party's Second Central General
Meeting and the report of Committee Chairman Chiang at the meeting, we
find that your Second Central General Meeting has not made an affirma-
tive answer to the issue of averting perdition and seeking survival-an
issue which has been worrying the people of the entire nation day and
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night, and that it has not made a complete revision of the foreign
policy of your party's Fifth General Congress--"before it is completely
hopeless, peace must not be abandoned; before the final moment arrives,
sacrifice must not be discussed lightly." It cannot but greatly dis-
appoint the patriotic people of the entire nation.
In his report, Committee Chairman Chiang made a new explanation of the
policy of your party's Fifth General Congress. He stated: "The Central's
minimum limit in diplomacy is to preserve the integrity of territorial
sovereignty. We absolutely will not tolerate the infringement of our
territorial sovereignty by any nation; we absolutely will not sign any
agreement encroaching upon our territorial sovereignty; we absolutely
will not tolerate any instance in violation of our territorial sovereignty.
To put it more clearly, should anyone wish to force us to sign anything
damaging to our territorial sovereignty, such as the recognition of the
puppet regime, that would be the time when we could no longer tolerate
the situation, the time of our final sacrifice." Committee Chairman
Chiang's explanation was extremely necessary, because the Chinese people
never could figure out what constituted the minimum limit when "peace is
completely hopeless" or when would be "the final moment of sacrifice."
We admit that Committee Chairman Chiang's explanation shows certain
improvement over the past, and we sincerely welcome such improvement.
Nevertheless, basically it still cannot satisfy the demand of the people
of the nation, because in his report, he also felt that "the diplomatic
situation in the past 6 months has not reached the stage when peace is
hopeless. Rather than being hopeless, one might say that there has been
a ray of hope in the past 6 months compared with before. I daresay that
the most recent diplomatic outlook has not reached the final moment."
Therefore, he still hesitates to bring up the task of organizing a resist-
Japan united front, and he still refuses to immediately launch a sacred
national resist-Japan war. With Abyssinia's failure as an excuse, he
continues the policy of concession. This is extremely regrettable. It
is far too inadequate to satisfy the demand of the people of the nation.
In view of the people of the entire nation, the fall of the four north-
east provinces, the loss of the greater part of Chahar, the rampage of
the East Hopeh Anti-Communist Autonomous Government, the puppetry of the
Hopeh-Chahar Political Committee, the stationing of large numbers of
Japanese troops in Hopeh and Chahar, the destruction of the economic power
of North China, the open smuggling inundating the whole country, the
desperate situation of national industry and commerce, the approaching
bankruptcy of the state finance, the demolition of the customs authority,
the general installation of Japanese special service organs in North
China, and even the northwest provinces, the large scale attack on Sui-
yuan by Japanese and puppet Mongolian troops, the formation of the Inner
Mongolian government, the unrestrained flight of enemy planes in China's
territorial sky, the reckless conduct of Japanese tramps, the direct and
indirect intervention in the students' patriotic movements and the peo-
ple's patriotic expressions by the Japanese bandits, the massacre of
large numbers of worker-peasant masses, the intolerable insults suffered
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by many patriotic people, soldiers, police, and reporters, and even by
many of the important members and government officials of your party, the
forced withdrawal of troops defending the land, the alert of Tsingtao,
the instigation of the South China autonomy movement, etc. were all tre-
mendous losses to China's territorial sovereignty. In the view of the
people of the entire nation, the Sung-hu [Shanghai], Tang-ku, Ho [0149]-
Mei [2734], and North China anti-communist agreements, and other unpub-
lished written and unwritten pacts were all treaties involving the loss
of sovereignty and territory. Therefore, in the view of the people of the
entire nation, peace has long been hopeless and the final moment of sacri-
fice has long arrived. Short of launching the people and the armed forces
of the entire nation to wage a resolute self-defense war, the total loss
of China's territorial sovereignty cannot be averted.
Except by launching the strengths of the entire China to hit back firmly,
the bandit plan of Japanese imperialism to destroy China definitely will
not change. The changes in the pattern of aggression, the shifts in its
direction, and the expression of the so-called "economic aid" are.not for
the purpose of ceasing aggression, but precisely for the purpose of facil-
itating it. Thus, should one feel that, after marching into Hopeh and
Chahar, the Japanese bandits would concentrate on the economic aggression
of the five North China provinces and therefore, there would be hope of
peace, one would only be deceiving oneself as well as others. Should one
think that the Japanese bandits would stop its aggression north of the
Yellow River while we could enjoy partial peace south of the river, it
would also be an illusion. Look! When you gentlemen are loudly pro-
claiming that peace is not yet hopeless, the Japanese and puppet troops
of northern Chahar are advancing on a large scale against Suiyuan. After
establishing special service organs in Suiyuan, Ninghsia, Inner Mongolia,
and Kansu, Japanese imperialism built main and auxiliary airfields in such
areas. It arbitrarily set up a consulate in Szechwan which led to the
massacre of our patriotic compatriots. After reinforcing the troops in
North China, the ferocious and savage Japanese army is poised for action,
and minor confrontations occur frequently along the defense line of the
29th Army. The situation of North China is becoming ever more dangerous.
Such espionage groups as the military investigation and economic investi-
gation committees of the Japanese bandits travel arrogantly everywhere
without restraint, entering every crack. Their espionage network spreads
throughout the country, even within various organizations of your party
and your party government. All these indicate that the situation is
extremely critical. That peace is absolutely' impossible and the resistance
war absolutely inevitable is unequivocal. Your views are entirely wrong.
In the declaration of your party's Second Central General Meeting, you
stated solemnly: "The prerequisite to defense against aggression is to
concentrate all national salvation strengths under, the direction of the
Central Government, unifying the pace and consolidating the battle line.
Therefore, the necessity of unity and discipline is an unshakable iron-
clad principle. Meanwhile, the unity of the army and government and
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military command is especially the minimum requirement of a modern nation."
We fully agree that launching the maximum strength of resistance of the
people of the entire country and concentrating and unifying the national
salvation forces of the whole nation for the thorough victory of the
resistance war are absolutely necessary. As early as the "18 September"
incident, this party and the Soviet Government and the Red Army appealed
to the people and troops of the entire country to wage a sacred national
revolutionary war and expel Japanese imperialism from China. After the
"28 January" Shanghai war, this party and the Soviet Government and the
Red Army proposed to the armed units of your party and your party govern-
ment encircling and attacking the soviet area to stop the war, discuss
peace, and resist Japan together. After the North China incident, we
again proposed the policy of organizing promptly the most extensive
resist-Japan united front to include all parties, all factions, and all
fields in China. Innumerable times, we requested your party and your
party government to stop all civil wars and resist Japan unanimously, and
we suggested calling a resist-Japan national salvation congress elected
by all the people and all the armed units willing to resist Japan, in
order to formulate a plan to resist Japan and save the nation and to
elect a unified nationwide national defense government and organize a
resist-Japan coalition army for a large-scale resist-Japan war. We firmly
declared that the Soviet Government was willing to become a component of
such a national defense government and the Red Army was willing to serve
under the general headquarters of the resist-Japan coalition army, to be
in charge of certain designated front, and to guarantee the completion
of all combat missions. All the proposals of this party and the Soviet
Government and the Red Army are completely compatible with the demands
of the people of the entire country and constitute the only correct policy
to avert perdition and seek survival. The people of the entire nation
have never been so urgent in their demand for the cessation of the civil
war and for concentration and unity, in order to resist Japan together.
Only the Japanese bandits and their agents will incite continued splits
and continued civil wars, because only by so doing will the condition
for the destruction of China be created for the Japanese bandits.
Nevertheless, the "concentration and unity" advocated by your party's
Second Central General Meeting is actually putting the cart before the
horse. You must know that the civil war and disunity of the past decade
have been entirely a result of the erroneous policy of relying on
imperialism followed by your party and your party government, especially
the consistent nonresistance policy since the "18 September" incident..
Under your slogan of "pacifying the internal before driving out the
external," you have been waging the civil war continuously from year to
year, launched innumerable encirclements of the Red Army, and suppressed
with all your might the patriotic and democratic movements of the people
of the entire country. Up till very recently, you have relinquished the
northeast and North China and forgotten that Japanese imperialism is
China's biggest enemy, while devoting all your strengths against the
soviet and the Red Army, pursuing the internal squabbles within your own
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camp, blocking the path of the Red Army against Japan, sabotaging the
resist-Japan rear of the Red Army, ignoring the demand of the people of
the entire nation to resist, Japan, and depriving the people of their
freedom and rights. Patriotism is a crime, and jails for the wronged are
scattered all over the country; betrayal deserves reward, and the spies
and traitors celebrate together in their official robes. To seek con-
centration and unity with such erroneous policies is truly looking for
fish on a tree, and the result will be exactly the opposite. We now tell
you gentlemen seriously: If you do not fundamentally change your erroneous
policies, if you do not turn your hostility toward Japanese imperialism,
but continue to aim at your own compatriots, then, even if you wish to
barely maintain the status quo, it will be impossible. Concentration and
unity and the so-called "modern nation" are mere empty words.
What the people want are the concentration and unity to resist Japan and
save the nation, not the concentration and unity to flatter the foreigners
and trample on the people. What they eagerly demand is a government truly
devoted to the salvation of the nation and the people, a truly democratic
republic. They demand a democratic republican government protecting their
interests. The major outlines of such a government must be: First, it
can resist external aggression; second, it can give the people their demo-
cratic rights; third, it can develop the national economy and reduce, or
even eliminate, the misery of the people. When it comes to a "modern
nation," these are the only outlines required by the colonial and semi-
colonial China in modern times. The people of the entire nation, with an
eager desire and a firm determination, are in the process of struggling
for the realization of this goal, yet the policy of your party and your
party government is completely opposite to the desire of the people. To
thus seek the people's confidence is absolutely impossible.
The Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Soviet Government, and the
Chinese Red Army now solemnly state: We support a united democratic
republic of the whole nation, a congress elected by general popular vote,
a resist-Japan national salvation delegates' mass meeting of the people
and the resist-Japan troops of the entire nation, and a united national
defense government. We declare: Upon the formation of a national united
democratic republic, the soviet area will become a part thereof, the
delegates of the soviet area will participate in the national congress,
and the. same democratic system will be carried out in the soviet area.
We feel that the national defense conference decided upon by your party's
Second Central General Meeting and the people's congress now being called
by your party and your party government cannot fulfill the task of con-
centration and unity to resist Japan and save the nation. According to
the national defense conference regulations passed by your party's Second
Central General Meeting, the organization of the conference is limited to
a minority of your party and your party government and its duty is merely
to serve as an advisory organ to your party and your party government.
That such a conference will not be able to accomplish anything or gain
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the confidence of the people is extremely clear. Meanwhile, according
to the "Draft of the Constitution of the Republic of China" and the
"Organization Law and Delegates' Election Law of the People's Congress"
passed by your party government, the people's congress which you gentle-
men wish to convene likewise will not be able to accomplish anything or
gain the people's confidence, because such a people's congress is merely
an organ manipulated by your party and a few officials of your party
government; it will be an accessory and an ornament of the few officials.
Such national defense conference and people's congress possess not the
slightest resemblance to the national resist-Japan national salvation
congress (national defense conference) and the democratic republic of
China and its congress advocated by this party. We feel that a resist-
Japan national defense conference must include the delegates of all
parties, all factions, all fields, and all armed units and become a power
organ truly able to decide on plans to resist Japan and save the nation.
A united national defense government will be created from the conference.
Meanwhile, the people's congress must be a congress created by a general
election by the people of the entire nation and serve as the supreme power
organ of the democratic republic of China. Only such national defense
conference and national congress will win the welcome, support, and par-
ticipation of the people and place the great cause of saving the nation
and the people on a firm foundation. Otherwise, no matter how fancy the
terms, it absolutely will not produce any practical benefit or gain the
consent of the people. The failure of the many conferences called by
your party and your party government all along is the best evidence
thereof.
The Second Central General Meeting of your party also stated: "The
arrival of dangers and difficulties can be expected. We must not, because
of the dangers and difficulties in national affairs, relax on the per-
formance of our proper responsibilities.... In regard to the fate of the
nation, this party will devote all its mind and talent and persevere from
beginning to end." True, your party is the political party in control of
the largest part of China's territory, and the political responsibility
of all measures introduced so far must be shouldered by you. Under the
Kuomintang government of one-party dictatorship, the Kuomintang absolutely
cannot evade its responsibility. Especially since the "18 September"
incident, your party has violated the public opinion of the country,
deserted the interest of the nation, followed an absolutely erroneous
policy, and led to the loss of almost half of China. Such responsibility
cannot be shifted to anyone else. In our view and that of the people of
the entire country, as close to half of China has been lost through your
party, we cannot but charge you with the responsibility of recovering the
territorial sovereignty. Meanwhile, many conscientious persons in your
party have now awakened to the dangers of losing the nation and to the
force of public opinion and begun to change, to feel anger and dissatis-
faction toward those in your party who have brought misfortune to the
party and the nation. The Chinese Communist Party sympathizes completely
with such changes and eagerly welcomes the determination and awareness of
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those members of the Chinese Kuomintang who are patriotic and conscientious
and who preserve, and are in the process of stimulating, the heroic bearing
of the nation of China. We welcome their spirit of sacrifice and reform
in face of the national crisis. We know that many conscious and patriotic
people exist in your Party Central and provincial party units, in your
Central and provincial governments, in the fields of culture, education,
science, art, journalism, industry, women, religion, medicine, and police,
in all kinds of people's organizations, especially the broad troops, and
among the new and old members of the Kuomintang and the leaders of all
levels, and that such people are growing in number every day. It is
extremely encouraging. The Chinese Communist Party members are ready at
all times to associate with such Kuomintang members and organize together
a national united front against the biggest enemy of the entire nation--
Japanese imperialism. We hope that these Kuomintang members will promptly
form a controlling power in the party, overcome those members who disregard
the national interest and serve as agents of Japanese imperialism, who are
pro-Japanese spies and the worst and most shameful members of their party,
and who constitute an insult to Mr Sun Yat-sen, revive the spirit of
Mr Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary three principles of democracy, restore his
three great policies of allying with Russia, the communists, and the work-
ers and peasants, implement, with their "mind and talent," the three prin-
ciples of democracy, the three great policies, and Mr Sun Yat-sen's last
will, firmly shoulder the responsibility of continuing his revolutionary
cause, resolutely expel Japanese imperialism together with the patriotic
leaders and people of all parties, all factions, and all fields in the
nation, and struggle against the destruction of China, for the democratic
rights of the people, for the development of the national economy to
relieve the greatest majority of the people from their miseries, and for
the realization of a democratic republic of China and its democratic con-
gress and a democratic government.
The Chinese Communist Party declares to all members of the Chinese
Kuomintang: If you truly do so, we will firmly support you; we will be
willing to form with you a firm revolutionary united front, similar to
the great united front against national and feudal oppression formed by
the two parties in the first revolution of 1925-1927, because it is the
only correct path to avert perdition and seek survival today.
Gentlemen and the entire Kuomintang membership, most likely you have not
forgotten the glorious history of the cooperation between the two parties
in the previous revolution. As a result of such cooperation, all national
and feudal oppressors trembled with fear before us. The national oppres-
sors at that time, especially Japanese imperialism, deeply realized that
our cooperation would lead to thorough victory and to the complete libera-
tion of China. Thus, they provoked and alienated, threatened and induced,
and resorted to extreme measures, and finally they succeeded in provoking
one side of the cooperation and put an end to the first united front.
When you gentlemen look into your conscience in the deep of the night,
most probably you will heave a long sigh of regret. Now everyone knows
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that, had the Chine-8c Kuomintang cooperated with the Chinese Communist
Party to the final end, China would not have been in such a tragic sit-
uation today; China would have been an independent and free country!
Today, the people of the entire nation hope urgently that the two parties
will renew their cooperation and save the nation. They believe that only
a renewed cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and
a general cooperation with all parties, all factions, and all fields in
the nation will truly avert perdition and attain survival. Nevertheless,
Japanese imperialism and the spies and traitors will inevitably again
attempt to sabotage such cooperation, because they know full well that
such cooperation will deal them a fatal blow. The "three great princi-
ples" centering on "anti-communism" proposed by Japanese imperialism to
your party government is an attempt to forestall cooperation between the
Kuomintang and the Communist Party and to prepare to destroy any coopera-
tion. However, the issue is very clear. Will you join Japanese imperial-
ism and the spies to build an anti-communist united front--a united front
of national perdition? Or will you join the Chinese Communist Party and
the people of the entire country to build a resist-Japan united front--a
national salvation united front? The moment of decision is here. Any
hesitation or vacillation is a loss to the state and the nation and a
gain to Japanese imperialism. The key to our cooperation is in the hands
of your party. As stated at the Second Central General Meeting of your
party, in regard to the fate of the nation, your party has a responsi-
bility. If you are truly willing to shoulder the responsibility of saving
the nation and seeking survival, now is the time to make the decision.
Once the nation is lost, there will be no point in discussing cooperation.
It will then be too late to regret! As for us, we have long prepared to
send our plenipotentiary delegates to any place at any time and discuss
the concrete measures with the delegates of your party, in order to form
promptly a concrete agreement to resist Japan and save the nation, and we
will firmly abide by such agreement.
Once the united front between you and us, the united front among you and
us and all the parties, factions, and fields-in the nation, is success-
fully formed, then you and us and the people of the entire country will
have the right to shout: Let the spies and traitors and all the spineless
slaves shout in face of the might of Japanese imperialism that "China is
not capable of resisting Japan," but the children of the great nation of
China will never surrender, never capitulate! We will struggle for the
independence and liberation of the great nation of China to the last drop
of our blood! China absolutely is not Abyssinia! The nation of China
of 450 million will one day stand up majestically in the east, raise high
the banner of final victory of the national revolution, and, hand in hand
with all free and liberated nations in the world, including the nation of
Japan except its imperialist elements, control the entire globe! Control
the bright and brilliant new world! Let our enemies tremble in face of
our united front, for victory will be ours!
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We extend to you our national revolutionary salute!
Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party
25 August 1936
? "Struggle," No 110, 5 September 1936
* "Selections of Current Event Discussions," Chih-hsin Printing Press,
1 May 1937
* "Reference Material of China's Revolutionary History," Vol 3, Chinese
People's University, 1957
"Guide to the Resist-Japan National United Front" (1), Resistance War
University Training Department
"Records of Kuomintang-Communist Cooperation To Resist Japan"
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LETTER FROM MAO TSE-TUNG TO TS'AI YUAN-P'EI
22 September 1936
[Text] Dear Mr Chieh-min:
It has been 20 years since I listened respectfully to your noble dis-
courses and magnificent theories in the classrooms of Peking University
in the old capital during 4 May Movement period!
What kind of day is today? It is the day when the nation and the state
are in desperation. The old like those of your generation, the middle
aged like me, and the young like today's students, without distinction
of rich or poor, of workers, peasants, merchants, or students, or of
beliefs and preferences, will all fall into the hands of foreign aggres-
sors. The rivers and mountains will no longer be our rivers and moun-
tains; the people will no longer be our people; the cities will no longer
be our cities. Such catastrophe of national perdition and racial extinc-
tion is unprecedented since ancient times in the whole world. How will
you handle it? The Communist Party proposed creating a resist-Japan
united front. As the people in the nation all find it feasible, you
probably will also find it feasible. However, some among those in power
may find it infeasible or suggest postponement. When the robbers enter
the front door and one does not resist, when the tiger bites and one does
not fight, when the people are led to a desperate situation, how-will you
handle it? Mr Sun Yat-sen's policy to ally with Russia, the communists,
and the peasants and workers was effective in the first revolution of
1925-1927. The period of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Communist Party was also the most revolutionary period of the Kuomintang.
When Mr Sun's revolutionary policy was abandoned, civil war became con-
tinuous and external troubles, similar to a broken dike, became untrollable!
Though only renewing a former proposal, the letter of 25 August from the
Communist Party to the Kuomintang embodies actually the best means to avert
perdition. How will you handle it? In the "New Literature" opinion state-
ments, the name which appears foremost is yours. Seeing your name after
20 years, I feel a reverence and an intimacy. Mr Chieh-min, you expounded
a brand-new theory different from the general run of new and old
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reactionaries. You must realize that I was not the only one who
rejoiced upon reading it, nor the Communist Party alone, but a count-
less number of people! From comrades to friends, it is again doubtless
that those who rejoice over your sympathy for the cause to resist Japan
and save the nation are definitely not limited to myself, or the Com-
munist Party, alone, but all the conscientious sons and daughters of the
nation. Nevertheless, one more step should be taken beyond the 100-foot
pole and, if you take the lead with your sense of righteousness and make
plans to block the wild tide at this critical moment of national.perdi-
tion with your position as a great national leader of the Kuang-fu and
Tung-meng Societies and an academic leader of the Peking University and
the Central Research Institute, not just by words alone, but also by
action, not just with sympathy, but also by advocation, and if you
severely censure the Nanking government and ask it to stop the civil war
immediately, abandon its erroneous policies of compromise toward the
external and harsh demands of the internal, abolish its national perdi-
tion policy of punishing the patriotic and rewarding the treacherous,
launch the army, navy, and air force of the entire nation for a true
resist-Japan war, revive the spirit of Mr Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary
three principles of democracy and three great policies, rescue our 450
million compatriots from deep water and searing fire, call a resist-Japan
national salvation congress of all parties, all factions, all fields, and
all military units, convene a national congress elected by the people,
establish a national defense government united against the external,
build a true democratic republic, place the country in a powerful and
prosperous position, and promote the nation among the free and liberated,
then, your name will shine through 1,000 generations, spread among the
people of the whole nation, and become a household word. Instead of
reducing in the least bit the enthusiasm of those who hear your words
several thousand li away, you will enhance it.
Please remember me to Messrs. and Mesdames Sung Ch'ing-ling, Ho Hsiang-ning,
Li Shih-tseng, Wu Chih-hui, Chang P'u-ch'uan, Yu Yu-jen, Sun Che-sheng,
Chu Chueh-hsien, T'an Li-ming, Liu Ya-tzu, Shao Li-tzu, Wang Ching-wei,
Ch'en Pi-chun, Ching Heng-yi, Ch'en Kung-po, Ku Meng-yu, Tseng Chung-ming,
Kan Nai-kuang, Chang Ching-chiang, Tai Chi-t'ao, Chen Kuo-fu, Ting Wei-fen,
Sung Tzu-wen, Ch'en Shu-jen, Ch'u Min-yi, P'eng Tse-min, Li Jen-ch'ao,
Li Te-lin, Ch'en Yu-jen, Tsou Hai-pin, Hsu Chi-lung, Chu Chi-ch'ing,
Pai Yun-t'i, En-k'o-pa-t'u, Li Fu-lin, Chen Hu-fang, Ch'eng Sung-yun,
Tang Meng-hsiao, Chu Yi-chih, Li Hsieh-ho, Po Lieh-wu, Liu Chen-huan,
T'an Yi-ju, Chang Chih-pen, Feng Tzu-yu, Hsieh Hui-sheng, Mao Tsu-ch'uan,
Chiang Hsi-yen, K'ung Keng, Kuo Mo-jo, Shen Yen-ping, Ch'en Wang-tao,
Li Ho-ming, Hu Shih-chih, Chang Hsing-yen, Chou Tso-jen, Ch'ien Chieh-p'an,
Fu Szu-nien, Lo Chia-lun, Tuan Hsi-p'eng, Ch'en Pao-o, Chang Tung-sun,
P'eng Yi-hu, P'eng Ch'uan-fang, Yang Tuan-liu, Hu Tzu-ching, Ch'en Feng-
huang, Chou Ku-ch'eng, Shu Hsin-ch'eng, and all my old friends of the
party and the state, academic teachers and friends, and friends in
society.
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As the catastrophe is imminent, I hastily present my opinions. Sharing
the same boat in wind and rain, I hope to hear your instructions. I wish
you good health.
Mao Tse-tung
22 September 1936
? "On the United Front--Our Advocation To Resist Japan and Save the Nation
in the Past Year," mimeographed (+ hand copied) January 1937
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[Text] Soviet Central Government Chairman Comrade Mao Tse-tung today
publishes his talks: "The Soviet Central Government and the People's
Red Army Military Commission have issued an order.
"(1) All Red Army units will cease any attack of the National Revolu-
tionary Army.
"(2) They are only permitted to take the necessary measures of self-
defense when attacked.
"(3) All the personnel and weaponry of the National Revolutionary Army
captured by us when it attacked us will be returned when the said army
starts to resist Japan. Those who wish to join the Red Army may do so.
"(4) There may be no interference when the National Revolutionary Army
is being shifted to resist-Japan positions, and all possible aid must be
rendered. We have decided to again earnestly request all units of the
National Revolutionary Army and the Nanking Government to stop the civil
war against us and resist Japan together. The request is now being
drafted. As currently the situation of Chahar, Suiyuan, and Shansi is
critical to the extreme, we eagerly hope to cooperate with the Nanking
Government in order to reach the goal of aiding Suiyuan and resisting
Japan, and averting perdition and seeking survival. If the Nanking
Government feels a sincere concern over the national calamity, stops the
civil war, and sends troops to resist Japan, the Soviet wishes to aid it
with its full power, and it is also willing to make the main force of the
Red Army in the entire nation serve as the vanguard for a decisive battle
against the Japanese bandits."
The people here find Comrade Mao Tse-tung's talks published today unsur-
passable in earnestness and sincerity. Japanese imperialism and the spies
are creating rumors every day, in an attempt to prove that the Soviet Red
Army's proposal for a resist-Japan united front is merely a means to
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overthrow the Kuomintang. Chairman Mao's words today have quashed by
one stroke such rumors and slander. We know that his words will clear
up the doubts in the minds of the patriotic elements in the Kuomintang
and the National Revolutionary Army, because the Red Army has declared,
through Chairman Mao, that it has no intention to capture the personnel
and weaponry of any unit of the National Revolutionary Army, nor to
eliminate its troops or overthrow the Kuomintang Nanking Government.
The goal of the Soviet Government is to unite China by peaceful means,
form a democratic republic of China, and expel Japanese imperialism from
the country. Such advocation has now been made extremely clear.
? "Mao Tse-tung's Talks on Stopping the Civil War and Resisting Japan"
(mimeographed)
* "Red China," No 307, 22 October 1936
* "'Important Talks on Stopping the Civil War and Resisting Japan,' Mao
Tse-tung on the Sino-Japanese War," Shensi People's Publishing House,
October 1937
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LETTER FROM MAO TSE-TUNG, CHU TEH, AND OTHERS TO CHIANG KAI-SHEK
1 December 1936
[Text] Dear Mr. Kai-shek:
Since August of last year, the Communist Party Soviet and the Red Army have
asked you many times to stop the civil war and fight the Japanese together.
Response was unanimous from all parties and factions but you continued to
pursue your own way, first by ordering the encirclement and suppression as
manifested by the campaign of Chi-luo [4160 0925] township last winter. When
we attempted to march toward the Hopeh-Chahar front by crossing eastward
over the Yellow River, you blocked us at the Fen [3083] river basin. As
we did not wish to expend the strength of our national defense needlessly,
we headed west to find other means to oppose the Japanese, and, at the same
time, published a proclamation to bring you to your senses. In the past
several months the situation in eastern Suiyuan has become critical. Then
we thought you would change course and dispatch massive forces to carry out
the war of opposition against Japan. But who was to know that instead you
sent only eight regiments under Tang En-po [3282 1869 0130] to succor Suiyuan
while amassing a huge force of 260 regiments under the command of Hu Tsung-
nan [5170 1350 0589], Kuan Ling-cheng [7070 7792 1767] Mao Ping-wen [3029 3621
2429], Wang Chun [3769 0971], Ho Chu-kuo [5516 2691 0365], Wang I-che [3769
0110 0772], Tung Ying-pin [5516 5391 2430], Sun Chen [1327 7201], Wan Yao-
huang [8001 5069 3552], Yang Hu-ch'eng [2799 5706 1004], Ma Hung-pin [7456
7703 6333], Ma Pu-fang [7456 2965 5364], Kao Kuei-tzu [7559 2710 3320],
Kao Shuang-ch'eng [7559 7175 2052], Li Hsien-chou [2621 0103 3166], and
others to form a savage army intent upon destroying the Red Army opposing
Japan and savaging the Soviet areas battling the Japanese. We could not
return in kind the hatred.you have built up in your heart so we ordered our
Red Army to stop attacking your troops and to retreat step by step in order
to protect ourselves and our bases of opposition against Japan and we loathe
its plundering offensives against us. Our enthusiasm is at its peak to aid
the officers and soldiers fighting against the Japanese at Suiyuan. You,
on the other hand, have concentrated all your forces to engage in a civil war
of killing each other. Being in the field ourselves we know only too well
the feelings and sentiments of the rank and file of the armies in the north-
west, and there is no difference between theirs and ours. We greatly desire
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to stop this suicidal civil war and go forth into the battlefield of war
against Japan at an early date. Look at your own troops known as the crack
brigade. They were unable to avoid the tragedy of the Shan Ch'eng Pao [1472
1004 0202] campaign. The reason is not that they were unable to fight but
that they were unwilling to have Chinese fight Chinese and would rather
surrender their weapons to the Red Army. Why do you not spend a night to
analyze the differences between the objectives sought by the people and by
the military and find the reason for it? Take heed of the worsening situation
in Suiyuan, the weakness of the forces manning the fronts, the war of opposi-
tion along.the Great Wall and the 28 January Campaign of Shanghai. The
world is in turmoil. It rests on your honor. alone to make the critical decision.
It will come from you, and you alone, whether the civil war will end today
and tomorrow, the Red Army, together with the mighty forces assembled by you
in the northwest for suppression purposes, will march to the fronts of opposi-
tion against Japan. This will increase the defensive strength of Suiyuan
a dozen times over, and it will enable us to avenge the nation, protect our
lands, and recover lost territories. You will then be regarded as a glorious
hero opposing the Japanese and the fragrance of your fame will remain for.a
hundred generations. Why don't you then take such a course? We have the
courage to once more beg you in all sincerity to make a decisive decision
and grant us our request to save the nation, transform enmity into friendship,
and fight the Japanese together. This will not be a great good fortune for
us alone, but it will also be the only way out for the people of the entire
country. Today we have but two choices, fight or surrender to the Japanese.
Vacillation will only bring about the destruction of the nation, slavery to
us, loss of the faith of the nation, and eternal damnation. We do not wish
to see later generations pointing at us and saying that the man who betrayed
China was Chiang Kai-shek. Instead, we want the people of China to remember
you as a hero who reformed in time to save the nation and the people. It is
said, "Fear not to correct your errors," and it is also said, "the butcher
who lays down his, knife at once becomes a Buddha." We sincerely hope your
honor will observe with care which path is to be taken. We wait with impatience
your weighty decisions and knowledgeable counsel and of your intentions.
[Signed] Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, Chang Kuo-t'ao, Chou En-lai, Wang Chia-
chiang, P'eng Te-huai, Ho Lung, Jen Pi-shih [0117 1732 2514], Lin Piao,
Liu Po-ch'eng, Yeh Chien-ying, Chang Yun-i [1728 0061 6654], Hsu Shang-ch'ien,
Ch'en Ching-chih [7115 2533 3112], Hsu Hai-tung [1776 3189 2639], Tung Chen-
t'ang [5516 2182 1016], Lo Ping-fei [5012 3521 6540], Shao Shih-p_'ing [6730
1709 1627], Kuo Hung-t'ao [6753 3163 3447], and the 200,000 men of the
Chinese Red Army.
? On the United Front--Our proposals during the past year for opposition
against Japan and saving the nation. (Mimeographed) January 1937
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[Text] Comrade Lin Piao:
I am in full agreement with your letter. However, there is something I
would like to add with regard to the cultural and educational aspects of the
third section that form the most fundamental part of the entire educational
plan (the nurturing of multiple abilities in the recognition of words, composi-
tion, reading of books, newspapers, etc.). It follows that the tool of culture
is part of the "Practical" in accordance with the theory of equal importance
of theory and practice you propounded. A student's further development will
be restricted when he leaves school with everything learned but without the
ability to read books and compose. Even though he has learned all that has
to be learned, though not much in quantity or depth, but is able to read
books and compose, then he will have a basic foundation of things which will
be in frequent use after he leaves school. If you concur with this proposal
I would suggest that in the next 4 months increase the curriculum on culture
(recognition of words, reading books, composition, and other departments)
in the second and third sections. I would like this to be increased to one-
fourth or one-third of the entire study period (including the period for
self-study). Please give thought to this problem, and make culture an im-
portant criteria at the time of scheduled examination. Salute.
0 "Long Live Mao Tse-tung's Thoughts," April 1967.
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LETTER TO OLD COMRADE HSU
February 1937
[Text] Old Comrade Hsu:
Twenty years ago you were my teacher, you are still my teacher now, and you
will still be my teacher in the future. When the revolution met with failure
many of the Communist Party members deserted the Party and some of them
even went over to the side of the enemy. In the fall of 1927 you joined
the Communist Party, and the attitude you adopted was very much that of an
activist. In comparison with many young, robust Communist Party members
you were even more active, even more fearless of difficulties, and even more
eager to studiously learn about new things during the long, arduous period of
struggle since that time to the present.
All the obstacles and difficulties [associated with] old age and senility
and feebleness have melted from in front of you. What about the others?
They used these as excuses for not doing anything. You know much but
frequently find yourself lacking while it is "half a canteen of water" pre-
tending to be "a full one" with others. You are a thinking man,. and you do
what you say, but for others, something unclean hides in a corner of their
hearts. You are with the masses at all times, but others are happy to be
separated from the masses. In every way you showed yourself to be a model of
obedience to the discipline of the Party and the revolution, while for others
discipline is something to be applied to restrict others, and they themselves
are exceptions. You are first for the revolution, first for work, and your
first consideration is for others. Others put publicity, recreation, and
themselves first. You always select difficult tasks to perform and you have
never shirked your responsibilities. There are people who only want to select
the easy and light tasks, and shirk responsibilities. In all these I have
great respect for you. I am willing to emulate you, and also hope all the
comrades in the Party learn from you. On your 60th birthday I am sending
this letter to you as a greeting. I wish you good health and long life, and
I hope you will become the model for all members of the revolutionary party
and for the people of the nation. I give you my revolutionary salute.
? "Long Live Mao Tse-tung's Thoughts," April 1967
* "Teacher"s Journal," 18 January 1957
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[Text] On 1 March, the American authoress Smedley visited the Soviet area.
and met with Comrade Mao Tse-tung at Yenan. They talked of the Sino-Japanese
problems and the Sian Incident; the highlights of this conversation are as
follows:
Smedley: Have there been any basic changes in the United Front policy now
implemented by the Communist Party and the one that was discussed with Mr. Snow
last fall?
Mao: Speeking from a basic viewpoint, there have been no changes, as mani-
fested in the following:
I. Our United Front is anti-Japanese, therefore it is not against all
imperialism but against Japanese imperialism because it is now launching
aggression against China. However, we ask the British, the United States,
France, and the Soviet Union to be sympathetic toward China's anti-Japanese
movement, on at least not to oppose it. We are willing to establish friendly
relations on these fundamental points.
II. Our United Front is a national one. It means that with the exception
of traitors it includes the entire nation, all parties and factions, and
all classes. It has been said that the Communist Party promoted the people's
front, but this is incorrect. The Communist Party promoted a national front.
In comparison with the popular fronts of France and Spain this kind of national
front has a greater scope.
III. Therefore, the principal political program of this anti-Japanese
National Front should include the following:
1. Domestic peace and unity;
2. Fighting a war of resistance against Japan;
65
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3. Democratic freedom for the people'
4. The Nanking government is to be transformed into a true government of
national defense which absorbs all parties and factions and oust the pro-
Japanese faction;
5. Change in the system of government should be based upon a democratic
republic with. general elections for the national assembly;
6. Improve the people's livelihood;
7. Develop industry and commerce;
8. Unite with those countries in sympathy with the Chinese resistance
against Japan.
Smedley: To what degree are you willing to sacrifice in order to bring the
anti-Japanese National United Front to fruition?
Mao: A historical perspective is necessary. Since the beginning of the
summer of 1927, the Kuomintant cast aside the.United Front of the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party, discarded Dr. Sun Yatsen's policy of uniting with
Russia, the Communist Party, and the peasants and workers, threw away the
political program of national independence and democratic freedom and also
took a diametrically opposite course. This compelled us to reluctantly take
up the responsibility of the Chinese revolution alone and to implement
Soviet political power and the policy of agrarian revolution, thereby placing
us in opposition to the Kuomintang. The policy adopted then, and which was
in opposition against the Kuomintang, was entirely correct and necessary.
However, following the 18 September Incident, the Communist Party published
a proclamation requesting an end to the civil war and announced its willingness
to contract an agreement under the three conditions with the Kuomintang to
have internal peace and carry out a war of resistance against Japan. But
only the 19th Route Army agreed with our proposal at that time while the
Nanking government refused to do so completely and, at the same time, launched
a massive encirclement and suppression campaign. When the North China incident
erupted and the peril to the nation reached its most critical point, we
further published on 1 August 1935 the proclamation to organize an anti-
Japanese allied army and a government of national defense. In December of the
same year we published a program for organizing an anti-Japanese National
United Front Party and also set forth the guidelines for the United Front.
This new policy was immediately accepted by the masses upon its proclamation,
and many patriotic elements in the Kuomintang likewise agreed with and
accepted this policy. This was because we were facing an even larger enemy
and only by ending the civil war could we carry out the war of resistance
against Japan and gain revenge. This set a new stage in Chinese politics.
But the Kuomintang was still unwilling to discard its old policies. Last
August we again wrote a long letter to the Kuomintang resolutely demanding
that the target of antagonism be shifted from the internal one to that of
the Japanese aggressors, that the three great policies of Dr. Sun Yat-sen
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be revived, and also set forth the idea of transforming the national system
into a democratic republic, convening a general election of the national
assembly, to request it to repent the past and make a new beginning with the
people. We announced that the Soviet area was willing to implement a similar
democratic system throughout the nation. This letter received wide support
from among the Kuomintang, but the central government of the Kuomintang did
not answer our letter. The Sian Incident exploded and the nation was faced
with a major crisis. The danger lies in the fact that Japan will seize this
opportunity to launch its offensive, and the peaceful solution of this matter
was indeed an act of providence. In order to consolidate internal peace and
quickly launch the war of resistance against Japan, we sent an important cable
to the Kuomintang on 10 February on the eve of the opening of the Kuomintang's
Third Plenary Session. The cable carried the following points:
1. The Soviet Government will become the Government of the Special Region
of the Republic of China, and the Red Army will become the National Revolu-
tionary Army which will also be under the direction of the Nanking Government
and the Military Commission.
2. A thoroughly democratic system is to be implemented within the territories
of the Government of the Special Region.
3. The policy of overthrowing the national government shall cease in the
country (this guideline was implemented last year, and we are reiterating
this only).
4. The policy of confiscating the land of the landlords will be discontinued.
These new expressions were for the sole purpose of dispelling doubts among
the various circles and nullifying the opposition in order to establish the
Anti-Japanese Nation United Front with the Kuomintang. As for the Kuomintang,
a program was set forth requesting a basic change in their former policies,
waging war against the foreigners, practicing democracy domestically, and
improving the livelihood of the people.
Smedley: How are you going to implement the principle of your United Front
here and in other areas? For instance, toward businessmen, the intelligentsia,
landlords, peasants, workers, soldiers, and other aspects.
Mao: There is not much difference now as in the past with regard to business-
men. From the outset we proposed the development of national industry and
commerce, and wherever the Red Army goes they protect the businessmen. The
Red Army won acclaim recently when they not only protected the businessmen
but did not even confiscate land from a single landlord when they were in
the area around Sian and Sanyuan. This is a well publicized affair. As
for the Soviet area, commerce has complete freedom within it.
As in the past the present policy is to protect the intelligentsia, giving
preference treatment to technicians, literary persons, and artists. Our
attitude toward them is of respect.
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We do not confiscate the land of the landlords so long as they do not oppose
the policy of war against the Japanese and save the nation.
With regard to workers we adopted various methods to improve their treatment.
On the question of our attitude toward the Kuomintang troops, we should unite
in a friendly manner under the national front, especially with the Whampoa troops
with their glorious history, fight the Japanese together with our guns pointed
against the foreign enemies, and stop all internal wars. Although the Red
Army has fought the Kuomintang for 10 years, we are not bitter against them
at all, and we are willing to shake hands with them and fight for the defense
of the nation under a unified command, and we believe they hold similar
feelings. We are all willing to consult the Kuomintang and people from various
circles with regard to the aforementioned policies in order to reach a unani-
mous concensus of opinion and make this a guideline of the various important
articles regarding policies against Japan, the system of government, and others,
including all of them within the program of the national front so that they
will be implemented throughout the country.
Smedley: Does the new policy of the United Front mean taht Chinese Communist
Party members will'forego class struggle and become democratic for the sake
of establishing the national front?
Mao: As I have said before, the practical policies that the Communist Party
has decided to carry out have the sole objective of truly opposing the Japanese
and defending the nation. Therefore, domestic peace must be realized and the
situation of two regimes in opposition eliminated, otherwise a war of resis-
tance against Japan will not be possible. This is known as minority interests
taking a subordinate position to majority interests, placing class interests
in subordination to national interests. All political parties and individuals
in the country should understand this important significance. Communists
will not chain their own viewpoints to that of the interests of one class of
the moment. Instead, they are very sincerely concerned about the interests
of the entire country and of all the people, and they are also concerned
about long-range interests. With regard to class struggle, it is our opinion
to suitably resolve this problem through endeavors on both sides as follows:
First, with regard to landlords and capitalists, they are wealthy and have
power. They must first of all respect the national interest and take steps
to improve the livelihood and treatment of workers and peasants. This is be-
cause if they carry on as before perpetrating unhuman oppression and exploita-
tion of workers and peasants caring only for the interests of their own and
of one class, then it will not be possible for the workers and peasants to
exist, let alone fighting a war of resistance. The nation will be lost and
the landlords and capitalists will also become colonial slaves. Therefore,
landlords and capitalists with the least bit of conscience should express
their love for the nation and agree to the improvement of the economic and
politic life of the workers and peasants made necessary by the war of resis-
tance to save the country. There definitely cannot have a situation in which
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only they have food to eat while the workers and peasants do not, and only
they have political freedom while the workers and peasants have none. I
believe that the running dogs of the Japanese, that is the traitorous elements,
are the only ones who do not care for the general situation and the interests
of the nation. Even at this crucial point of national and racial extinction
they still put all their efforts into oppressing and exploiting the workers
and peasants. With regard to this aspect of the demands, we have already
presented them to the Kuomintang on behalf of the workers and peasants of
the entire country, and the Kuomintang should have a satisfactory answer for
us for the sake of the general situation and the national interest.
Second, the masses of poor and suffering workers and peasants are without
wealth and power, but they are the foundation of the nation and the largest
class. And at this crucial point of national and racial extinction, their
most important task., similarly, is to resist the Japanese and defend the
nation. Furthermore, they will become the main force for the war of resistance
against Japan for national salvation which, without them will not be possible.
When their economic life and political life have been reformed, their dissat-
isfaction with the landlords and capitalists and the Kuomintang will lessen.
The workers and peasants, too, must also take into consideration the general
situation and the national interests, therefore, we do not propose to make
any demands which are not suitable to the war of resistance to save the nation.
It is because for this very reason that the Communist Party proposed the
improvement of people's livelihood and cessation of the confiscation of land.
There is no doubt at all that these policies set forth by the Chinese Communist
Party are patriotic in nature. Some say, the communists are internationalists
and do not care for national-interests nor do they desire to defend the father-
land. This is complete nonsense. The communists are internationalists and
are in favor of the one world movement. But at the same time, they are
patriots defending the fatherland. For the sake of defending the fatherland
they are willing to shed their last drop of blood. The 15-year national
liberation struggle led by the Communist Party is known by everyone. This kind
of patriotism and internationalism are not in conflict, because only with an
independent and liberated China can there be participation in the one world
movement.
Smedley: What will the conditions for peace with Japan be if the Chinese
National Front Government is established? Should talks still be held between
China and Japan?
Mao: If Japan desires peace we will not reject negotiations and our conditions
for peace will be as follows:
First, Japan is to abolish its policy of aggression against China and abrogate
its so-called mainland policy and the Three Principles of Hirota, respect the
independence of China and relations between the two countries will be as
equals.
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Second, abolish the Yin Ju-keng eastern Hopeh government, Manchukuo, and
return of the four provinces of Northeast China, and Northern Chahar.
Third, withdraw the troops garrisoning North China.
Fourth, stop Japanese airplanes from flying freely all over China.
Fifth, abolish all intelligence organizations in the various areas of China.
Sixth, prohibit violent and irresponsible attitudes extended by Japanese
toward the Chinese within the boundaries of China.
Seventh, cease smuggling.
Peace talks should be carried out only under the condition that the Japanese
agree to discuss these conditions. All negotiations leading to the sacrifice
of sovereignty of Chinese territories will be opposed. However, you should
understand that only with the establishment of a people's government in Japan
can talks be carried out based on these conditions. Currently, Japan has a
military government and such possibilities do not exist.
Smedley: Is the war against Japan inevitable?
Mao: It is unavoidable. Before the people of Japan overthrow their mili-
tarist government Japan will not desist in her aggression policies, therefore,
war is unavoidable. The threat of war is further intensified with the pact
between Germany and Japan.
Smedley: The Japanese say that cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Chinese Communist Party in China is an obstacle to peace in the Far East.
What is your answer to this theory?
Mao: The so-called "Peace in the Far East" claimed by the Japanese militar-
ists means that China should not resist but let Japan occupy it, taking it over
as it pleases. At the same time those countries like Britain, the United
States of America, and France who are concerned with the Chinese question also
should not oppose them. This is "a country lost without a fight," and it is
the "Peace in the Far East" that the Japanese militarists want. But there
is another kind of peace in the Far East, and that is to carry out the steps
I mentioned before--Japan is to abolish its policy of aggression, return the
four northeastern provinces, withdraw its garrison troops, etc., so that the
Chinese people can live peacefully, and peaceful commerce can begin between
China and the various countries of the world. Of course, this is another
kind of peace in the Far East. This is the only true peace which the Chinese
people want, and which is also needed by all peaceful countries throughout
the world. It is also something that the people of Japan want. It is only
the Japanese militarists and their allies in aggression, Germany and Italy,
the two fascist countreis that do not want this kind of peace. Therefore,
we can put it this way: The "Peace in the Far East" we oppose is the former
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kind, and the one we approve of is of the latter kind of peace, and we propose
substituting the latter kind of peace for the former. This is because the
"peace" that is on the lips of the Japanese militarists is another name for
war, and it is a synonym of slavery for the Chinese people. It is another
name which threatens all the other peaceful countries of the world, and, by
the same token, will bring the greatest harm to the Japanese people. In my
view we should "obstruct" this "peace."
Smedley: Does contradiction exist between world peace and the Sino-Japanese
war: Can a point of amelioration be found?
Mao: Of course there is. The majority of the people and the countries of
the world desire peace, but the Japanese militarists hope for war. This kind
of contradiction cannot be reconciled in accordance with the program of the
Japanese. There is only one way to resolve this contradiction and that is
for the peaceful 'countries of the world to join with China to oppose Japan's
policy of aggression, compelling the Japanese militarists to bow to world
opinion. In another respect, if war cannot be avoided China should fight
resolutely in resistance. Only these methods will be compatible with world
peace. The foundation of world peace can be established only on the policy
of stopping and opposing aggression.
Smedley: Do you think such peace treaties as the Nine-Power Treaty, the
Kellogg-Briand Pact and league pact will be able to stop Japan declaring war
against China? What impact will these treaties have in the Sino-Japanese
war? And what are their significance?
Mao: Today, it looks like as if these treaties truly express a hope for
peace, therefore, the aggressor countries have manifested their determined
opposition. But such treaties will only have the force of moral restriction
of an aggressor country such as Japan. It will not be possible to stop them
from declaring war against China. These treaties will have no influence on
the Sino-Japanese war, therefore, it does not have any practical political
significance. A new treaty must be available if it is desirable to stop
Japan warring against China, and this treaty must include concrete measures
to take forceful action against the aggressive violence of Japan, of the
kind similar to the collective security of the Pacific that was negotiated.
Only this kind of treaty can truly stop wars, and when wars erupt, they can
also be quickly extinguished.
Smedley: Can China immediately go to war against Japan after the United
Front Government has been established? Or will a considerable period of
preparation be needed?
Mao: This depends on Japan. Regardless of when China is attacked by the
Japanese, it should offer resistance immediately. However, we do not propose
to provoke Japan. Since our policy is defensive warfare, we should rapidly
set about making preparations in all respects thoroughly so that China will
be able to handle any incident at any time. We are not against preparation,
but we do oppose "long-term preparation" which seeks compromise under the
pretext of preparation.
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.Smedley: Will the resources and finances available to the Chinese people
be adequate to launch a victorious war of resistance against Japan without
international aid, and can China shoulder the responsibilities of the finances
and economics of war?
Mao: China must fight the war of resistance even without friendly troops,
and with the resources and natural conditions China has prolonged warfare
can be sustained. The 10 years of the Red Army's fighting history is living
proof. But we are seeking friendly forces because Japan already has its
bandit allies, and China cannot elect for isolation, and on this basis we
propose that the five countries of China, Britain, the United States, France
and Russia set up an allied Pacific Front. This kind of allied war front is
to assist China, and, at the same time,. it is mutual help. Japan's aggression
is not only China's misfortune but also that of the world, as Germany is a
great catastrophe to the world, and since these two aggressor countreis have
formed an alliance, I feel that the five countries of China, Britain, the
United States, France and Russia should quickly unite as one or else face
being destroyed one by one.
Smedley: Under the present circumstances--that is, under the situation of
Italian-German-Japanese alliance--what impact will such a war have on the
economy, finances, and commerce of Japan? Can Japan carry this war through
successfully with the.assistance of these two countries?
Mao: It is absolutely of no benefit to the Japanese people for Japan to carry
out aggression against China. The final result of Japan's war against
China will be the financial,. economical, and political collapse of Japan.
This fact is understood not only by the Japanese people, but even those
bourgeoisie with foresight, but the Japanese militarists are completely blind
to it. The Japanese militarists have already formed a world-wide league
for aggression, and they hope to receive help from Italy and Germany in coordi-
nated offensives. They hope to carry through the war of aggression against
China using this method and get hold of the entire world as well. Of course
their dream is perfect and satisfactory, but in my view, the end result will
not be that way. The Chinese people should have the confidence of overcoming
the Japanese in warfare.
Smedley: Why did the Communist Party elect for a peaceful solution to the
Sian Incident? This was a complete surprise and we hope you will give us
an explanation.
Mao: It is not an event that is out of expections, but entirely within
reason. It is simply that nobody connected it with the political proposals
set forth in the past by the Communist Party. With the beginning of the
Japanese aggression we have been willing to stop the civil war since only
with internal peace can there be an anti-Japanese war of resistance. In
such things as the announcement 4 years ago that we were ready to contract
an agreement with the Kuomintang troops-to fight the Japanese under the
three conditions set forth, the proclamation made on 1 August of last year,
and last year's letter to the Kuomintang all expressed our sincere desire
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to establish a new United Front with the Kuomintang. During the Sian Incident
there were people in the country who vigorously fomented civil war and the
seriousness of it was critical. A peaceful solution would. not have been
possible without Chang Han-ch'ing accompanying Mr. Chiang Kai-shek back to
Nanking on 25 December and follow up steps taken in accordance with Chiang
Kai-shek's handling of the Sian Incident. Soldiers would have been every-
where and to what disastrous ending it would bring nobody would know. But
it would provide the Japanese with the best opportunity for aggression, and
because of this China might have been lost, or at least most grieviously
harmed. When the Sian Incident occurred, the Japanese militarists and some
Chinese from the areas of Nanking, Shanghai, Peiping, and Tientsin claimed
that it was a communist plot. That was completely false. The incident rose
from differences in political views within the Kuomintang on the questions
of resisting Japan and domestic reforms, and it was an incident that erupted
suddenly of which we had no prior knowledge. After the incident there was
opposition between Nanking and Shensi, and again there were people who
claimed that the Communist Party was turning Sian into another Madrid. This
is again completely at odds with reality. The political circumstances between
the Chinese and the Spanish are fundamentally different. In Spain there was
no other recourse but civil war, but in China, today, the only objective is
to wage a war of resistance against outsiders, and there must be peace
domestically. The peaceful solution to the Sian Incident has proved that
these claims were mere conjectures and some of them were outright malicious
lies.
Smedley: Many people claim that the Sian Incident was concocted by the
Communist Party, and that red flags flew high over the walls of Sian. They
also accuse the Red Army of seizing young men and women in the Sanyuan area.
What are the facts of this case?
Mao: Red flags on Sian's walls must have been seen only by the Japanese and
traitors, for they have yet to be seen by the people of Sian. As for seizing
young men and women of Sanyuan, this must also have originated from the
Japanese and traitors,-and the truth can be found only by asking the young
men and women of Sanyuan. In official documents it is still asserted that
the Red Army kills and burns, oppressing the people and destroying the rural
areas. They have repeated this over and over again for 10 years and they
are still not tired of it and must say it again. Of course the person who
made the statement has the freedom of speech, but the people of all China
also have the freedom to look at the facts themselves. The government has
not promulgated a law prohibiting people to take a look at facts with their
own eyes, and anybody can go to those places where the Red Army has passed
through or been stationed to see for themselves what the facts really are and
there is no need for me to talk more about this.
Smedley: It is going the rounds that the policy of the Communist Party is
to concede to the Kuomintang, surrendering to them and be repentent. What
are your views on this?
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Mao: I know there are people outside saying this, but of note is that the
Japanese are not willing to say that. The Japanese want`the Kuomintang and
the Communist Party to fight each other, and they are absolutely against
this kind of "concede, surrender, and.repent" policy. Because the Japanese
militarists deeply understand that regardless of whether people called
it "conceding, surrendering, and. repenting," such a policy adopted by the
Communist Party toward the Kuomintang would mean in practice dealing a heavy
blow against the Japanese policy of aggression. In viewing the Chinese
problem there is one standard, and that is the Japanese will definitely oppose
any policy that is revolutionary, and they will welcome any policy that is
counterrevolutionary. It is only necessary to look at what the attitude of
the Japanese is in order to investigate the.correctness of any policy or
action. By just taking a look at the way the Japanese oppose the so-called
policy of "conceding, surrender, and repentence" will verify how revolutionary
our policy is. The Communist Party requests the Kuomintang to and their 10-
year-old policy and change to the new policy of national revolution and
democratic revolution. These requests were expressed in the cable sent to
the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang congress concerning the convening of
a national salvation congress, democratic freedom for the people, improve-
ment of the people's livelihood, rapid preparations for a war of resistance,
and other matters. Under these circumstances the Communist Party is willing
to change the names of its Soviets and the Red Army, and its opposition
against the Kuomintang, and cease confiscating land from the landlords.
These measures are without doubt a major concession made by the Communist
Party to the Kuomintang. However, this concession was necessary because it
is based on an even greater and more important principle, which is the urgency
and need to resist Japan and save the country. This is known as mutual
concession, and joint unity. With regard to the resistance against Japan,
the intelligent people in the Kuomintang leadership and party members under-
stood this significance. But there are people within the country possessing
the Ah Q spirit who go about boasting that the concessions we made is "con-
ceding, surrender, and repentence." It iw well known that Lu Hsun, who passed
away recently, wrote a story about a person known as Ah Q. This Ah Q is
always victorious under any circumstances, although it would have been failure
for others. Let them say what they wish, there are Ah Q's throughout the
world. Besides, there are personages suffering from.;'left tending guilibility"
and you can find them everywhere. Sun Ming-chiu [1327 0682 0046], who shot
and killed Wang Yi-che [3769 0110 0772], is an extreme example of such people.
Theirs is patriotic enthusiasm, and they are sorrowed by the historical
tragedy of losing political power and home territories. They are pure hearted
people but they lack political experience. They are unable to orient them-
selves when major events occur; they do not understand the relationship of
the part to the whole in a situation, and they cannot distinguish the past
from the present, the difference between today and tomorrow, and the connec-
tion between them. First, they opposed Mr Chiang's return to Nanking; later
they oppose peaceful solution to the incident. As with regard to Sian, some
of the people not only do not understand the Communist Party, but also do
not understand Chang [1728], Yang [2799] and others who supported peace.
They do not understand that although progress by the Kuomintang was slow, a
united resistance against Japan still exists. In the Kuomintang and within
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the national revolutionary army the anti-Japan fervor is mounting daily. The
majority of the leaders and party members can join us and the people to work
together for the cause of anti-Japanese national salvation war. The sincerity
of the changes in the Kuomintang policies have yet to satisfy the people
but a beginning has been made. From the resolution of the third plenary
session comes evidence of these changes. They do not know how to make distinc-
tions between the majority of those patriots and possible patriots within
the Kuomintang from those elements that are actually betraying the nation,
the so-called pro-Japanese faction, and they have these two mixed up. They
also do not understand that the responsibility of all progressive elements
in the country is to persuade those who do not understand our viewpoints for
the moment and bring them around to an understanding so that we can face
the common enemy. There must be patience in this work, and at times there
must be concessions. So long as it does not go against the cardinal principle
of anti-Japanese national salvation there is space for consultations. We
can only submit the aforementioned self-criticism to those who have a high
degree of impatience and do not understand our policies. But for those whose
only thought is personal and group benefits and who have pushed national
interests out of their minds, this will be no self-criticism regardless of
whether they are the pro-Japanese faction or those giving lip service to
resistance against Japan. It is also not a matter of a few words of sarcasm
directed against them but a means to expose their schemes and prevent them
from plying their trade.
Smedley: What is your attitude toward the Three People's Principles?
Mao: We have come to believe in the Three People's Principles long ago,
otherwise how could we join the Kuomintang from 1925 to 1927? Many of the
members of the Communist Party have been members of the Kuomintang's Central
Committee and provincial party committee members. I was one of them, as well
as Lin Po-ch'u [2651 0130 3255], Wu Yu-chang [0702 3768 4545], Tung Pi-wu
[5516 1801 2976], Hsieh Chueh-tsai [6200 6030 0762], and Tung Wei-chien
[5516 1919 0256]. Many of our people, such as Chu Teh, Chou En-lai, P'eng
Teh-huai, Liu Po-ch'eng, Ho Lung, Lin Piao, Yeh Chien-ying and Hsu Hsiang-
ch'ien, were former leading cadres of the Kuomintang's revolutionary army.
The current task is to struggle for the actual realization of the revolutionary
Three People's Principles. This is to say that nationalism for an independent
and liberated China must be realized through the war of resistance against the
outsiders, in order to realize democratic freedom internally, establish a
system of general elections for the national assembly, republic with the power
to the people, and improvement of people's livelihood to alleviate the suffer-
ings of the people under the principle of people's livelihood. The Three
People's Principles is not incompatible with our current political program,
and we are asking the Kuomintang precisely for these things. In our letter
to the Kuomintang of last August we requested them to revive the three principles
of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. We are most resolute and most loyal in our struggle to
bring about a China governed by the three principles. The agrarian reform
policy practiced in the past is but the proposal of Dr. Sun Yat-sen that those
who farm shall have their land. As to our continuing belief in communism
there is_no conflict there. When Dr. Sun Yat-sen was still living he agreed
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to our continuing belief in communism. In recent times you can name it and
you will find it in the Kuomintang. There are many in the Kuomintang who
believe in capitalism, and there are also quite a few believers in anarchism.
Some of them believe in Confucianism, Buddhism, the Methodist denomination--a
conglomeration of all sorts of beliefs. It is necessary only for the current
revolutionary political program to become unified and unanimous thereby form-
ing a foundation of unity for national salvation, then all doubts will be
dispelled and we shall take the path of facing the nation's peril together.
The bright and prosperous future of China rests on this.
Collection of Current Discussions, Chih-hsin Printing Bureau 1 May 1937
The Sino-Japanese Problem and the Sian Incident Collected Essays of
Mao Tse-tung (On Certain Victory in the War of Resistance) (excerpts)
The Ta-chung Publishing Co. December 1937
The Eighth Route Army (On Certain Victory in the War of Resistance in
China), War of Resistance Publishing House, 10 December 1937
The Eighth Route Army Resisting the Japanese (On Certain Victory in the
War. of Resistance) War of Resistance Publishing House, January 1938
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LETTER TO THE SPANISH PEOPLE
15 May 1937
[Text] To the armed comrades of the Spanish people!
We of the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Red Army, and the Chinese
Soviet hold the view that the war being fought under the leadership of the
Spanish government is the most sacred one in the world. This war is not only
being fought for the very existence of the Spanish nation, it is also a war
fought on behalf of the oppressed peoples of the world. This is so because
the Spanish people and its government are resisting the Italo-German fascist
imperialists and Spanish rebels who are destroying world civilization,
culture, and human justice. The Spanish government and its people are now
fighting the Italo-German fascist imperialists who are now going all out to
support the fascist imperialists of Japan who are attacking China in the
Orient. The fascist imperialists of Japan are putting all their effort into
China. After forcefully occupying our Four Northeastern Provinces, they
launched their aggression against north and central China. Without the help
of the Italo-German fascist imperialists, the Japanese fascist imperialists
would not be launching such frenzied offensives against China as they are
doing today.
The Chinese Communist Party is in full concurrance with the unification of
all parties and factions on the people's front. Furthermore, we are also
calling upon all parties and factions in China to unite and form a national
unified front to oppose the Japanese fascist imperialists. This work is
being carried out with utmost urgency. A victory for us will be a blow against
the Japanese fascist imperialist, and this will also help the people of Spain
and its government.
We believe that the struggle of the Chinese people cannot be separated from
the struggle of the Spanish people. Today, the Chinese Communist Party is
using its struggle against the Japanese fascist imperialists to help and
encourage the Spanish people. The Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Red
Army, the Chinese Soviet, and the Chinese people are deeply moved by your
victories on the northern and southern fronts and in protecting Madrid. The
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newspapers in our Soviet areas daily publish news concerning your heroic and
courageous struggle. We are firmly convinced that the unification of all
parties in your people's front is the foundation for your final victory.
We unreservedly concur with the 10 major guidelines set forth by the Spanish
Communist Party.
Besides pointing out the similarity between your struggle and the struggle
we are engaged in the East, we would like to mention that Trotskyite bandit
elements have infiltrated our ranks. Only by resolutely opposing these in-
ternal renegades can we consolidate our fronts, and by launching a struggle
opposing our own enemies we are also helping you in your struggle in Spain.
In China there are over 100 different newspapers and periodicals that publish
news, articles, and photos and they are sympathetic with your heroic struggle
for democracy and freedom. We know-that your victory will directly assist
us in our struggle against the Japanese fascist imperialists. The cause you
are struggling for is our cause, too. We read with deep emotion about the
International Brigade composed of people from various countries of the world,
and we are very happy to learn that there are Chinese and Japanese participants.
Many comrades of the Chinese Red Army are willing to go to Spain and join
you in your struggle, and not a day passes without their discussing your
struggle and the situation in the entire country of Spain. If there had not
been the Japanese enemy to be dealt with, we would certainly have joined
your ranks.
You all know that the Chinese Red Army has gone through 10 years of ceaseless
warfare of the most difficult kind. There were no resources, hunger and cold
were constantly with us, and there was no supply of arms and ammunition. But
in the end we finally won our present victory. We understand that you and
your troops are going through the same difficulties we experienced, but we
believe that you will be victorious. Our 10-year struggle has taught us that
if a revolutionary people and army oppose an enemy unwaveringly and without
fear of difficulties, they will be certainly victorious.
We, the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Red Army, the Chinese Soviet,
and the Chinese people, extend our deepest comradely respect to the heroic
men and women of Spain who are fighting for their democratic system. Through
them is expressed the spirit of unlimited unity and friendship of the oppressed
nations of the world. As we had done before, we shall continue to keep our
attention focused every hour, every day on the course of your struggle, and
we shall be happy and joyous with all the victories you win, and we believe
that final victory will definitely be yours.
Mao Tse-tung
15 May 1937
Yenan, Shensi Province
?
Collected
articles of Mao Tse-tung, The Ta-chung Publishing Company
December
1937
National
Savior Daily, Vol 123, Paris National Savior Daily
18 September 1937
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[Text] Question: How are the recent peace negotiations between the
Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party going?
Answer: The talks are still in progress. The common political program for
the two parties is of primary importance since it is the basis for their
cooperation. If there is no such program cooperation will not be complete,
and the principles underscoring the program are the revolutionary tasks of
nationalism, democracy, and people's livelihood. On the reorganization of
the military and the transformation of the Soviets, these concrete tasks will
be carried out soon. So far, what the Kuomintang has expressed is still not
enough, for example the charges brought by the leaders of the save the nation
party of Shanghai. The various limitations set upon the rules and regulations
governing the national congress and the treatment of Shanghai textile plant
workers were quite disappointing.
Question: Has the danger of civil war been completely eliminated?
Answer: On the surface it appears that the danger of civil war has passed,
however it still exists although it is not significant now. If peace is said
to be wholly successful it will lead the people to slacken their efforts
in the movement to "consolidate peace." Cessation of civil war on a nation-
wide scale still has not been achieved today. The Communist Party on their
part has issued orders to Red troops dispersed all over the country to stop
fighting, but the Kuomintang troops are still carrying on with their annihi-
lation offensives. Fighting is still going on along the border areas of
Fukien-Chekiang-Kiangsi, Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei, Hunan-Kiangsi, and the Hunan-
Hupeh-Kiangsi provinces, and we are requesting the Kuomintang to stop their
offensives against these areas. The opposition of Nanking and the local
areas also exist. Only through exercising absolute democracy can these
dangers of opposition and civil war be completely averted.
Question: What are the views of the Communist Party with regard to the various
factions in Nanking?
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Answer: We are willing to join with all those Kuomintang elements who are
sympathetic with the national democratic revolution, as for those who are not
we shall carry out the work of explanation to make them understand and not
to interfere with the national democratic revolution. The Kuomintang left
wing's approval for peace and the movement for democratic war of resistance
is still developing, and they hope to see the entire country united, the Three
People's Principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen revived, and the Kuomintang reformed
in order to revive its revolutionary spirit. A certain section of people are
not resolute enough, they do not unreservedly accept the tasks of national
democratic revolution and entertain doubts about cooperation between the
Kuomintang and the Communist Party. They are struggling against the impact
and the pull of the people's tasks which are pushing them to the side of the
people. Another body of people, the so-called pro-Japan faction, also exist
within the Kuomintang. The entire country, as well as the majority in the
Kuomintang, are very much dissatisfied with them. If they do not change
their attitudes they will be destructive to the.people and to the Kuomintang.
Question: What kind of development was attained with regard to the United
Front after the Sian Incident?
Answer: There was development in the United Front Movement after the Sian
Incident, significantly the contact between the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party. There were also modifications in the attitude of suspicion toward
the policy of the Communist Party. They did not oppose the cooperation of
the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and there was also a diminishing in
the views held by the "leftists" opposing the peaceful solution of the Sian
Incident. However, distrust of the Nanking government still exists in literary
circles, the student bodies, and the media, because Nanking, so far, has
given no concrete expression of its willingness to thoroughly and resolutely
change over. Many erroneous things were still held on to by the government,
thereby leading to distrust throughout the nation. We say "everybody should
work," but the complete changeover of the Nanking government must wait for
the people to continue with their work and this is not necessary. There
is hope for a United Front in the future. There must be unity within the
country before we can attain the objectives of the war of resistance. This
is quite obvious.
Question: What is the reaction of the various parties and factions within
the country toward the United Front idea?
Answer: With the exception of traitors, all other parties and factions are
in sympathy with the idea of nation-wide unity. Many of the bourgeois class
have welcomed and agreed with the policy of peace obtained by the Communist
Party during the Sian Incident. However, some of the obdurate personages
adopted an attitude of opposition. If these elements do not change their
attitudes they will be in actuality helping Japanese imperialism regardless
of what their subjective viewpoints are. In accordance with what we have
learned, it is.precisely those traitorous elements who are directly under
the command of the Japanese who are the fiercest opponents of unity within
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the country. For instance, the likes of the Trotskyite elements are quite
obvious examples. The activities of these elements are, beyond the shadow
of a doubt, the activities of traitors. In dealing with this portion of
people will use all available means to expose their plots so that they will
not be able to deceive the masses and have the people of all China recognize
them as the public enemy of the nation so that they will rise en masse and
attack them.
Question: How will the problem of opposition between Nanking and the factions
holding local powers be resolved?
Answer: The existence of this opposition between Nanking and the factions
holding local power will be a disadvantage in dealings with foreign matters.
It is our policy to diminish such oppositions as much as possible in order
to attain the objective of uniting against the foreigners. In order to achieve
such an objective the Nanking government and the various provinces should all
take a step toward rapproachment. Foremost, there must be progress on the
question of democracy, only thence can opposition be eliminated and we all
step onto the great road of united opposition against the Japanese.
Question: How can a suitable solution be worked out on the question of
class struggle in the policy of the United Front?
Answer: It will be impossible to eliminate class contradictions before the
class system is done away with. Faced with the war against Japan, we must,
however, seek a suitable solution for this problem. Therefore, in the program
of the United Front, we proposed giving the people democratic rights in the
political field, and improvement in livelihood in the economic field. It is
inevitable that workers and peasants will rise in opposition when they are
oppressed politically and economically, and this contradiction can be alleviated
only by giving them democratic rights and improving their livelihood. We will
set forth in the mutual political program now in the process of being negotiated
with the Kuomintang that the workers will have the freedom of assembly,
association, and speech and universal suffrage. Improvements must be made
in the treatment of workers and in their working conditions. As for the
peasants, there should be cuts in rents and taxes. With regard to the land
problem it should be settled through legislation and other suitable methods.
Question: Why are you now stressing the question of democracy?
Answer: At other times I have talked a lot about the relationship between
democracy and opposition against Japan. In order to secure peace and unity
in the country, peace will not be consolidated and there will be no true
unity if there is no democracy. It requires the participation of the people
of the whole country to fight Japan and if there is no democracy the civilians
cannot participate, and there will be no peace and unity. The war of resis-
tance will become impossible without the participation of the people, and
even if the fight is carried on victory cannot be guaranteed, therefore, the
democratic system is a necessary condition for victory in the war of resis-
tance against Japan and it is absolutely indispensable. Therefore, it is to
be victorious against Japanese that we stressed the question of democracy.
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Question: How are you going to promote the realization of political democracy?
Answer: The realization of political democracy is dependent upon the demo-
cratic movement. Political democracy will not be realized without the broad
masses of people demanding for and giving impetus to the democratic movement;
All parties and factions and various circles throughout the country should
unite and struggle to win democratic rights. The military throughout the
country should support this democratic movement. We can achieve victory over
Japan and save China and avoid the danger of becoming a colony only by realiz-
ing political democracy and giving the people the freedom to take part in
politics. In practical implementation of the democratic movement we must
give our attention to the election, convention, and holding of the national
congress. We should pay attention to winning complete freedom of speech,
assembly, and association, as well as patriotism and saving the nation. These.
are the very minimum of democratic rights and if the entire nation turns in
this direction it will be possible to realize a unified democratic republic.
Question: What is the attitude of the Communist Party toward the current
national congress?
Answer: The current national congress is of national defense in nature, and,
at the same time, it forms a bridge to cross from dictatorship to democracy.
Therefore, the entire country should participate and the Communist Party
intends to take part. With regard to the election, convention, and tasks
of the national congress, the Nanking government has not been democratic
about it. If they do not make any revisions then the congress will have very
little effect, therefore, the entire country should join in requesting the
Nanking government to revise those illegal regulations. The election of the
national congress should have the participation of the people. Ample freedom
should be permitted for convening and opening this congress and its task
should not be limited to the discussion of the Constitution but must be ex-
panded to discuss thoroughly and concretely the policy of fighting the Japanese
to either save the country or lose it. The opinions of the Communist Party
regarding the national congress have already been proclaimed to the country.
They have also been proposed to the Kuomintang and talks are now being held.
The objective is to have the congress accomplish the task of democratic
opposition against Japan.
Question: What are the views of the Communist Party on the question of free-
ing political prisoners?
Answer: Long ago, the Communist Party requested the release of political
prisoners throughout the country. This request is still being made and it is
incorporated into the talks held with the Kuomintang. If the Nanking govern-
ment desires to express a thorough transformation of its policy there is no
reason why the political prisoners should not be freed. However, there has
been no concrete expression from the Kuomintang presently on this question.
Although they have verbally agreed to free political prisoners nothing of this
sort has actually taken place. Besides, incidents of continuing arrests of
patriotic prisoners have occurred. The trial of the leader of the Save the
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Nation party in Suchow was a great disappointment for the people, and there
were also many within the Nanking government who were dissatisfied. If the
Nanking government sincerely desires to express its determination to make
a new beginning.with the people it should immediately release the seven
leaders-of national salvation and proclaimed them to be innocent.
Question: What suggestions do you have with regard to the question of pre-
paring for the war of resistance?
Answer: We must immediately put up resistance regardless of when the Japanese
imperialists launch its offensive against us. We are prepared to deal with
incidents at any moment without regard to when or where the war erupts. But
if Japan does not launch a massive armed attack against China for the moment
and adopted a relatively mild policy during the period of preparation for
aggression, we should then utilize this moment to take positive action in
the work of preparing for the war of resistance. The "preparations" we have
set forth has a different context from the principle of preparation propounded
by the Kuomintang in the past. The Kuomintang's preparation theory is to
pacify domestically first and then drive out the foreign enemy. It was a
civil war with no defined boundaries, and an attrition on the forces to resist
Japan. Today's preparations in the making are for stopping the civil war,
consolidate domestic peace, realize political democracy, open the doors to
all freedomes of the people to save the nation, organize the masses, train
and arm them, and, at the same time, to accelerate the accomplishment of the
preparation work for resisting the enemy in such areas as the military,
political, finance, economy, culture and education. The war of resistance
in China seeks-final victory. The sphere of this victory is not limited to
Shanhaikuan nor is it restricted to northeast China. It encompasses the
liberation of Korea and Taiwan, and even the success of the people's libera-
tion revolution in Japan. This is our proposal for the preparations for the
war of resistance.
Question: What is your estimation of the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese war?
Answer: There are two possibilities for the conclusion of the war. First,
China is completely victorious over Japanese imperialism, the Chinese nation
gaining freedom and liberation, the success of the United Front within the
country, a close unity between the government and the people, victory for the
international peace front, support of the peace forces within the Japanese
nation, striving to attain the conditions that will bring about such a future.
But the most important and decisive condition for winning such a future is
the self-unity of the Chinese people and a determined war of resistance.
Without this condition the war of resistance is hopeless. Second, Japanese
imperialism achieves its objective of transforming China into a colony solely
its own. This danger also exists. This will happen only under such condi-
tions as when the Chinese people are scattered and not united, offering no
resistance or fighting a war of resistance irresolutely and haphazardly, and
not uniting with their friends who are helping them. If the Chinese people
continue to sleep, the enemy will take away their house. The Communist Party
is struggling for the first one. Setting forth the proposal of a National
United Front is to achieve this first future. We call on all parties,
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factions, and classes to resolutely oppose the attempt to make China a colony
and demand the freedom and liberty of China. We must struggle to the end
with the enemy in order to achieve victory in realizing such freedom and
liberty.
Question: What are your views on the recent closeness between Britain and
Japan?
Answer: The rulers of Japan and the conservative government of Britain between
them are planning to ameliorate their conflicts by carrying out negotiations
of compromise in order to achieve their objective of sacrificing China. The
Chinese people cannot allow them to carve up China as they please, and the
Chinese people must give their closest attention to this matter. Should the
Nanking government manifest vacillation and apathy in the task of protecting
national interests, the people and patriots within the Kuomintang must not
show them any mercy. At the same time we must realize that the compromise
between the two countries of Britain and Japan has not yet formed a good base.
It is true that there will always be the possibility of compromise between
Britain and Japan but there is a limitation as to where and when. The
British want to preserve the status quo, but its contents are easily mutable.
This can be seen from the step-by-step retreat made by the British after
18 September. Basically, the policy of Japan to solely occupy China and the
open door policy held by Britain and other imperialists are in opposition
to each other. But temporary and partial compromises are possible because
Britain can sell out the interests of China at any time in order to attain
the objective which will be to its interest. Regardless of the degree of
compromise reached between Britain and Japan, the Chinese people should not
for a single moment drop their guard regarding the life and death of China,
and in the movement to resist Japan we must not place too much trust in
Britain. By understanding clearly the basic nature of the British we will not
be taken in by them. China cannot be completely isolationist. Dr. Sun Yat-sen's
policy of union with Russia has practical political significance today. The
relationship between China and Russia should advance a step closer and be
improved upon. The interests of the United States in the Far East is also
incompatible with the continental policy of Japan, therefore, the United
States should not be an idle bystander with regard to the question of China
and we should make a distinction between the British conservative party and
the broad masses of the British people. With regard to the British conservative
party's policy on Western Europe, it vacillates between the peace front and
the fascist front and it has already aroused great dissatisfaction among the
country's people. If they once again hobnob with the Japanese aggressors to
seek a compromise, they will not only arouse the opposition of the Chinese
people but it is doubtful whether they will have the sympathy of their own
people. The organizing of a world-wide peace front is proceeding in depth
and breadth, and it is also making preparations to stop all fascism. The
liberation movement of China is closely connected with the liberation movement
of the world and our future is absolutely bright.
Question: What hopes do you hold for the youths of the North?
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Answer: The youths of the North are the vanguards in the struggle for national
liberation. The majority of them should unite and struggle to the end for
national democratic revolution. Many among them are troubled by the situation,
and a solution should be sought in a collective movement, and this movement
is a struggle to realize democracy and the war resistance against Japan. The
youths of the North should heighten their enthusiasm for achieving freedom of
the people's livelihood. Striving to achieve the patriotic freedom of democracy
forms one link in the core of the political life of today. For instance, if
some people only talk about resisting Japan and do not understand the realities
of the struggle for political democracy, then resistance against Japan will
not be effective. The reformism of the bourgeoisie is having an impact on
the youths of the North. Its attempt is to draw them from. the front lines to
the rear areas, from an environment of excitement to peace and quiet, and
from positions of leadership to become followers, thereby extinguishing the
leadership roles played by the youths of the North in the national democratic
revolution, and the youths should struggle against such reformism and strictly
examine the influence and trends of these reformists and completely overcome
them.
"Collected Articles of Mao Tse-tung," Ta-ching Publishing House, December
1937
* Mao Tse-tung on the Sino-Japanese War (resistance against Japan, democracy,
and the youths of the North), Shensi People's Publishing House, October
1937
"The People's Companion," Vol 1, 4th edition.
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LETTER TO BROWDER, SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE U.S. COMMUNIST PARTY
24 June 1937
[Text] Dear Comrade Browder:
Through the courtesy of a comrade's visit we are writing to you, our respected
comrade Browder, a good friend of the Chinese people and a leader of the
American people.
The Chinese Communist Party are similarly faced with a historical task. This
task is no other than to oppose and overthrow Japanese imperialism's policy
of aggression. The Chinese Communist Party is endeavoring to bring about a
National United Front of opposition against Japan. Although our work is
currently in the midst of a difficult period we have made progress, and we
are also giving all our efforts to achieve the results we are working for.
We hear from American friends and other sources that the Communist Party of
America and the masses of America are very much concerned about the Chinese
struggle against Japan and are giving us help on many fronts. This makes us
feel that our struggle is absolutely not a solitary one. From the heroic
and courageous aid given us from abroad we feel that when victory becomes
ours, it will be very useful to the struggle of liberation waged by the
American people.
The world is on the eve of a big explosion. The working class of the world
and all people seeking liberation must unite and rise to engage in a common
struggle. In closing I give you my revolutionary salute!
Mao Tse-tung
24 June
This is a letter written on 24 June of this year by Mr. Mao Tse-tung to
Mr Browder, the secretary general of the U.S. Communist Party on behalf of the
Chinese people seeking the sympathy of the United States and the proletariat
of the world for the struggle of the Chinese people against Japan. An im-
portant document, it has been selected for inclusion. (Original in English)
* Famous articles of the War of Resistance, Wartime Publishing Co.
8439
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THE 8 JULY CABLE SENT BY GENERALS OF THE RED ARMY TO GENERALISSIMO CHIANG
ON THE JAPANESE OFFENSIVE AGAINST NORTH CHINA
8 July 1937
[Text] To His Excellency, Generalissimo Chiang, Lushan
The Japanese have attacked Lukouchiao [Marco Polo Bridge], carrying out the
planned stage of seizing North China with force of arms, and the news brings
us unmeasurable sorrow and anger. Peiping and Tientsin are important cities
in North China and it is impermissible to lose them again. We respectfully
beg you to issue strict orders to the 29th Route Army to offer courageous
opposition and order the Third Plenary Session to issue an edict for a war
of resistance, carry out general mobilization country wide, defend Peking
and Tientsin, protect North China, and recover lost territories. The officers
and soldiers of the Red Army are willing to give their lives for their country
under the leadership of the Generalissimo and fight the enemy in order to
attain the objective of defending the nation and our territory. This is
urgently submitted and we wait in readiness for your orders.
Respectfully, Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, P'eng Teh-huai Ho Lung, Lin Piao, Liu
Po-ch'eng, and Hsu Shang-ch'ien.
Guide to the Anti=Japanese National United Front
Liberation Publishing House, April 1938
* "Liberation," Vol 11, 7 August 1938
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THE 8 JULY CABLE SENT BY RED ARMY GENERALS TO SUNG CHE-YUAN AND OTHERS ON THE
JAPANESE OFFENSIVE AGAINST NORTH CHINA
8 July 1937
[Text] The honorable messers Sung Ming-hsuan [1345 2494 6513] of Peiping,
Chang Tzu-chung [1728 5261 1813] of Tientsin, Liu Ju-ming [0491 3067 2494]
of Chang-chia-kou, and Peng Chih-an [7458 3112 1344] of Pao-ting:
The Japanese offensive has surprised and angered the nation, the courageous
and heroic opposition put up by the 29th Army in the Lukuochiao campaign has
become known throughout the country and the people are willing to back them
up. We boldly request the planning of all the armies to fight in defense of
Peipping and Tientsin and to pretect North China. We shall not allow the
Japanese to occupy an inch of our country's territory and we. shall shed the
last drop of our blood in its defense. The officers and soldiers of the
Red Army are filled with righteous anger and are prepared to march at any
given moment to follow your armies and engage the Japanese in a fight to
the death. Besides cabling Generalissimo Chiang and friendly armies to kill
the enemy, we specially submit this and await for your instructions.
Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, P'eng Teh-huai, Ha Lung, Lin Piao, Liu Po-ch'eng, and
Hsu Shang-ch'ien.
? Guide to the Anti-Japanese National United Front
Liberation Publishing House, April 1938
* "Liberation," Vol 11, 7 August 1938
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FOREWORD NO. 1 TO 'RURAL INVESTIGATION'
[Text] Of all the materials I personally collected from the rural areas
during the period from the'Northern Expedition in 1927 to my departure
from the Central Soviet Region in 1934, only the following are left:
(1) the Hsun-wu Investigation; (2) the Hsing-kuo Investigation; (3) the
Investigation of Tung-t'ang and Other Places; (4) the Mu-k'ou Tsun
Investigation; (5) the Land Distribution in Southwestern Kiangsi; (6) the
Problem of Land Rental with Unharvested Crops; (7) the Mistakes in Land
Struggle in Kiangsi; (8) the Rich Peasant Problem After Land Distribution
in Yung-hsin; (9) the Two Initial Stage Land Laws; (10) the Chang-kang
Hsiang Investigation; and (11) the Ts'ai-ch'i Hsiang Investigation. The
last two had been published in "Struggle News" in the Central Soviet
Region. The original manuscript of the other nine investigations, which
survived the long march, are preserved. All the other materials were
lost. The most regrettable loss is the Five Hsien (Changsha, Hsiangtan,
Hsianghsiang, Hengshan and Liling) Investigation, done in Hunan in the
spring of 1927. It was lost because of the Hsu K'o-hsiang rebellion.
The Ningkang and Yunghsin investigations made in the spring of 1928 at
the Chingkang mountains were lost because of the fall of the Chingkang
mountains. The materials preserved here were all from the Central Soviet
Region. The first nine parts reflected land distribution at its early
stage. The last two parts reflected land distribution as it was thoroughly
implemented. Incomplete as they are one can get a general idea from these
materials. This is a kind of historical material in which some of the
viewpoints were my opinions at that time and which I have subsequently
changed.
Mao Tse-tung
6 October 1937
Yenan
1004
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[Text] We should cultivate a large group of people. These people are
the vanguards of revolution. These. people have political farsightedness.
These people are full of the spirit of struggle and the spirit of sacri-
fice. These people are frank, faithful and sincere, positive, and straight-
forward. These people do not seek self-interest, but are solely devoted
to national and social liberation. These people are not afraid of diffi-
culties, they always firmly and bravely go ahead in the face of difficul-
ties. These people are not fanatic elements; or seekers of the limelight.
Rather, they are people with their feet firmly on the ground and forti-
fied with realistic spirit. If China has a large group of vanguards like
them, the mission of China's revolution can be smoothly accomplished.
? "Long Live Mao Tse-tung's Thought," April 1967
* "Mobilization," No 10, 23 October 1937
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TALK WITH 'HSIN-CHUNG-HUA PAO' REPORTER IN YENAN (ON ONE-PARTY
DICTATORSHIP)
2 February 1938
[Text] Question 1: Is the present political system in the Soviet Union
a one-party dictatorship?
Answer: The Soviet Union is a country under the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat, that is, a worker-peasant socialist dictatorship state and not
a state under a party dictatorship. From the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint,
class dictatorship and party dictatorship are two different things. Party
is only an organization of the most awakened people in a class. A party
should and can only play a leading role in a country under a proletarian
dictatorship. A party should not and cannot take the place of a class to
effect a dictatorship. Therefore, Lenin and Stalin, founders of the
political system of the Soviet Union, never mixed party dictatorship and
class dictatorship as one problem. Instead, when occasionally borrowing
the so-called term of "dictatorship," they referred only to the leader-
ship function of the party in the country's political system. In order
to enable you to understand and believe my interpretation, I am glad to
introduce to you what Lenin and Stalin said about this problem. For the
sake of recollection and understanding, I wish to introduce to you espe-
cially Lenin's opinion cited in Stalin's book "Concerning the Problem of
Leninism" and Stalin's own opinion on this problem. In the section on
"Party and Worker Class in Proletarian Dictatorship System" in this book,
Stalin made detailed and clear expositions on Lenin's opinion on this
problem. For instance, he said:
"For example, here in our Soviet Union, in a country under proletarian
dictatorship, this fact should be regarded as the highest manifestation
of the leadership role of the party., This fact is that our Soviet or
other mass organization, in resolving any important political or organi-
zational problem, must base its decision on the direction of the party.
In this sense, it may be said: proletarian dictatorship, in fact, is
the 'dictatorship' of the vanguard of the proletariat, or the 'dictator-
ship' of the party of the proletariat because the party is the basic
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leadership force of the proletarian class." Please see Lenin's talk about
this problem at the Second World Congress of the Comintern:
"(Tienaire) said: He advocates proletarian dictatorship, but his under-
standing of proletarian dictatorship is not entirely the same as our
understanding of it. He thinks that the proletarian dictatorship as we
understand it is in substance the dictatorship of a minority of the pro-
letarian class who are well organized and awakened. It is'true that
during the capitalist era when the proletarian class was subjected to
incessant exploitation and unable to develop their ability as human
beings, the greatest characteristics of the workers political party is
that this political party can include only a minority of its own class.
The political party can only unite with a minority of its own class, just
like the fact that in any capitalist society the really awakened workers
constitute only a minority of all the workers. Hence, we cannot but admit
that only this awakened minority can guide and lead the broad masses of
workers. If Comrade Tienaire says that he is the enemy of the political
party and at the same time advocates letting a minority of the best
organized and most revolutionary elements give direction to the entire
proletarian class, then I would say that there is actually no difference
in opinion between us." (See "Complete Works of Lenin," Vol 25, p 347)
However, is this to say that we can put an equal sign between proletarian
dictatorship and the role of party leadership (or party "dictatorship")?
Is this to say that we can regard the former and the latter as one thing?
May we substitute the former for the latter? Of course not. Of course,
we should not say so. For example, Comrade (Sulin) had said that "prole-
tarian dictatorship is our party's dictatorship." (Please see "Lenin's
Theories on Party," p 95) This way of saying evidently regards "party
dictatorship" and proletarian dictatorship as one thing. From the stand-
point of Leninism, may we accept as correct this matter of regarding these
two things as one thing? No, we cannot.
From this we can see that what is carried out in the Soviet Union is
proletarian dictatorship, not the Communist Party dictatorship. To con-
fuse class dictatorship with party dictatorship is neither in agreement
with Marxist-Leninist theory, nor with the facts in the Soviet Union. I
think, as far as the Soviet aspect of this problem is concerned, the
opinion of the founders of the Soviet political system, Lenin and Stalin,
is the most authoritative and most creditable.
Question 2: Although the Soviet Union is not under party dictatorship,
why is there only one communist party in existence in the Soviet Union?
Answer: In one respect, this is the result of the choice of people's
will during the long struggle among the various parties and factions in
Russia. That is, the result of the fact that the Russians, in their long
historical struggle, had become tired of and rejected other parties and
only supported the Communist Party. In another respect, due to the fact
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that in the socialist Soviet Union, there is no social base for the
existence of other political parties, and consequently there is no neces-
sity or possibility for the existence of other political parties. In
order to make you understand and believe my way of interpretation, per-
haps the best thing to do is to introduce to you what Stalin himself said
on this problem. The fact that the Soviet Union has only one Communist
Party in existence is not a result of the workers' manipulation or imagi-
nation, or the use of administrative order. It is, rather, a result
formed by historical life. Concerning this point, Stalin said clearly
in his talk with the First American Workers Delegation on 9 September
1927. He said:
"The position of our Communist Party, the position of being the only
public political party throughout the country (the position of one-party
monopoly) is neither created at will, nor out of empty imagination. This
kind of position can never be deliberately created by the use of adminis-
trative order. The monopoly of our Communist Party grows spontaneously
from actual life, and was gradually formed in history. It is the result
of the total bankruptcy and the subsequent fall of the Socialist Revolu-
tionary Party and the Menshevik Party."
In the Soviet Union, there is no social foundation for the existence of
other political parties besides the Communist Party, and there is no
necessity and possibility for the existence of other political parties.
Concerning this point, Stalin made a special explanation in his report
on the new constitution of the Soviet Union on 25 November 1936. He
said:
"At last, there is another group of critics. If the above-mentioned
group of critics blame the draft constitution of the Soviet Union for
abandoning the workers class dictatorship, then this group of critics is
just the opposite. They blame the draft constitution of the Soviet Union,
saying that it has not changed the present situation in the Soviet Union
at all. They say it has not given up dictatorship of the working class,
and it does not tolerate the freedom of various political parties, and it
still maintains the validity of the present leadership position of the
Communist Party in the Soviet Union as before. At the same time, this
group of critics regards the lack of freedom for various political parties
in the Soviet Union as a sign of violation of the principle of democracy."
"I admit that the draft of the new constitution of the Soviet Union still
retains the validity of the dictatorship of the working class as before,
and preserves the present leadership position of the Communist Party
without any change. If respectable critics regard this as a weakness of
the draft constitution of the Soviet Union, then we can only express our
regret. We Bolsheviks regard this as a merit of the draft constitution
of the Soviet Union."
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"As to the freedom of various political parties, then, our viewpoint in
regard to this problem is slightly different. A political party is part
of a social class, and the vanguard of that class. Only in societies
where there are antagonistic classes whose interests are mutually antago-
nistic and irreconcilable with each other, in other words, only in a
society where there are capitalists vs. workers, landlords vs. peasants,
rich farmers vs. poor farmers, etc. can we talk about the existence of
several political parties and the freedom of their existence. In the
Soviet Union, capitalists, landlords, and rich farmers disappeared a long
time ago. Today, the Soviet Union has only two classes of people, workers
and farmers. The interests of these two classes are not only not antago-
nistic, but, on the contrary, are harmonious. Therefore, in the Soviet
Union, there is no basis for the existence of several political parties,
and consequently there is no basis for their freedom. In the Soviet
Union, there is a basis for only one political party--the Communist Party.
In the Soviet Union, only one party--the Communist Party which bravely
and thoroughly safeguards the worker-peasant interest--can survive. The
Communist Party has done a good job in protecting the interests of these
two classes. About this point, few can doubt."
"Everyone is talking about democracy, but what is democracy? In capital-
ist countries, there are antagonistic classes. Democracy there, in the
last analysis, is democracy for those who have power, and democracy for
the minority who have property. Democracy in the Soviet Union, con-
versely, is democracy for the laborers, and democracy for all the people.
From this we can see that what violates the principle of democracy is not
the new constitution of the Soviet Union, but the constitution of the
capitalist class. Therefore, I think the constitution of the Soviet
Union is the only thoroughly democratic constitution in the world."
From this we can see that the existence of one party can only be achieved
in a country with a social foundation like that of the Soviet Union where
other parties have been totally rejected and overthrown by the masses of
people during the course of revolution and where there is no other party
in existence.
Question 3: How can Germany and Italy carry out one-party dictatorships?
Answer: First of all, we must make a clear distinction between one party
in power in a country, and the real existence of one party in a country.
It is true that in Germany and Italy there is only one party in power,
but this is not to say that the political party in power is the only
party in existence in these two countries. In Germany, the fascist
National Socialist Party is the only party in power today, but all the
other political parties before the fascist party came to power--the
Social Democratic Party which had the support of hundreds of thousands
of German voters during the last election (1933), the Communist Party
which had 5-6 million voters, and other historical and traditional capi-
talist class parties in support of a democratic system with several
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million voters--are still in existence and active, although their
existence and activities are covert and illegal. Anyone who goes to
German cities and rural villages to make a careful investigation will
immediately see that although hundreds of thousands of anti-government
party elements are confined in concentration camps, the Social Democratic
Party, the Communist Party and other parties in support of democracy and
against fascist dictatorships are still struggling secretly and bravely.
They secretly publish papers and magazines. They are engaged in educating
and organizing the masses of people under difficult conditions. The
German political exiles in France, Czechoslovakia and Belgium are con-
tacting political parties in Germany for establishing an anti-fascist,
democratic people's front. In the leadership organizations of Social
Democratic Internationale (or the Second International) and Comintern
are seated delegates from the German Social Democratic Party and the
German Communist Party. The situation in Italy is not any different from
that in Germany. Similarly, the Italian Communist Party, Social Demo-
cratic Party and all other democratic parties are courageously and
secretly conducting their anti-fascist activities. In the same manner,
the delegates of these.parties are establishing an anti-fascist popular
front inside and outside of Italy. Delegates of the Italian Communist
Party and Social Democratic Party also occupy important positions in the
leadership organizations of the Third International and the Second Inter-
national.
From this we can see, it is right if we say that in Germany and Italy
there is only one party in power, and there is only one party which has
legal status. It is totally unrealistic to say that there is only a
fascist party in existence in these two countries.
Question 4: Some people say: Now Kuomintang should carry out "one-
party dictatorship." What is your opinion on this problem?
Answer: First, if what you call "one-party dictatorship" refers to the
control of national government by the Kuomintang alone, then this is a
fait accompli today because, as everybody knows, all responsible persons
in the national government are Kuomintang members, or persons whom the
Kuomintang chooses to appoint of its own will. Up to now there is nobody
representing other Chinese parties in the government. Our Chinese Com-
munist Party is China's biggest political party outside the Kuomintang.
Today we do not ask for participation in the government. This point has
been frankly and earnestly announced on behalf of the Central Committee
of the Chinese Communist Party by our party leader Comrade Ch'en Shao-yu
[7115 4801 44161 in his interview with American correspondent Pai Te-en
on 25 December 1937, and by another leader of our party, Comrade Chang
Wen-t'ien [1728 5113 1131] [or Lo Fu 3157 3940] in his article "Consoli-
date Kuomintang-Communist Cooperation To Strive for the Victory of the
War of Resistance Against Japan" published in "Chieh-fang," No 28. On
this point I wish to represent the Chinese Communist Party to make a
serious announcement again: We of the Chinese Communist Party now
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earnestly help the Kuomintang fight the Japanese, but we do not ask for
participation in the national government at this time.
Second, the so-called one-party dictatorship, whereby one party controls
the country's political power, does not necessarily have to adopt the
method of "dictatorship." If the so-called "one-party dictatorship"
method is actually equal to the policy carried out by the Kuomintang in
the last decade, then I think it calls for consideration. In my opinion,
although the Kuomintang is able to maintain its one-party control of
political power, for the sake of concentrating all the talents to resist
Japan and save the country and expressing the people's will of resisting
Japan and saving the country, it seems that the Kuomintang should use
considerably democratic measures. Of.course, these democratic measures
are measures absolutely beneficial to the war of resistance, and measures
which will absolutely consolidate the government and further enhance
people's support of and confidence in the government.
Question 5: Now there are people who say that the Kuomintang should
carry out its "no party outside the party" policy. In other words, a
policy which does not allow the legitimate existence of any political
party except the Kuomintang. Sir, what is your opinion on this problem?
Answer: To allow only one party, the Kuomintang, legitimate existence
means not only nonrecognition of the lawful existence of the Communist
Party and other political parties (the National Youth Party, National
Socialist Party, etc.), but is also an attempt to eliminate other polit-
ical parties by armed force. This is not only not a new theory, but an
old fact which has been carried out for 10 years. However, the miserable
result of this fact is not only ceaseless internal strife, but also an
invitation to unprecedented foreign aggression. The painful experience
of China's actual political life in the last decade tells us: The
Kuomintang's policy of attempting to eliminate other political parties by
armed force has failed; meanwhile, the Chinese communist attempt to
create a one-party leadership regime under China's existing conditions
has not reaped the anticipated results. The experience of the first
Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation which resulted in the victory of
the Northern Expedition and the serious national crisis caused by the
Kuomintang-Communist Party split in the last 10 years has taught comrades
of both parties and all the people of China a bitter truth; that is, the
real effective way for creating a united China is not continued internal
strife with one party opposing or attempting to eliminate another party,
but pooling the strength of all parties on a common political basis to
form a national united front; first of all, close cooperation between the
Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. The basic reason why China
has been able to carry on the war of resistance against Japan in the last
6 months is the consolidation and unification of all national forces
within the country. The specific formula and specific content is the
formation of the national united front against Japan by various parties
with the Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation as the foundation. That
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is, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party have not only abandoned their
mutual nonrecognition and mutually antagonistic stand, but carried out
hand-in-hand cooperation in the interest of the anti-Japanese and national
salvation war. That is, the Kuomintang has abandoned its former stand
which denied the existence of the communist and other parties and carried
out the policy of uniting with all other anti-Japanese parties in the war
against Japan. The Communist Party and other anti-Japanese parties also
abandoned their former anti-Kuomintang stand and cooperated with the
Kuomintang in pursuing the common cause of resisting Japan and national
salvation. From this we can see that the forging of an anti-Japanese
national united front by all parties and factions is a necessary premise
for China's war against Japan. Lack of this premise or destruction of
this premise will indeed put China in continued internal turmoil. Once
China is in internal turmoil, there will be no way to continue the war
against Japan. This is a truth easily seen and recognized by everybody.
It is precisely because of this that the Japanese militarists always
attempt to apply, in addition to their military aggression, the poisonous
plot of "using Chinese to control Chinese." Their first attempt is to
instigate another internal strife among the parties in China in order to
destroy the Anti-Japanese National United Front. From this we can see,
the theory propounded by some people today for banning all political
parties aside from the Kuomintang is in fact a theory which has been
negated by historical facts of China, as well as an attempt to push China
back to a tumultuous situation which existed before the national unifica-
tion for the war of resistance against Japan. At the same time, it will
make the situation of a united China formed by the united front against
Japan unable to continue, and subsequently creates again a situation in
which China is powerless to resist Japan. Therefore, no matter how loudly
the proponents of this theory shout "national unity," if unfortunately
their theory is put into effect, the result would definitely be the
destruction of the national unification already formed today. No matter
how loudly the proponents of this theory give lip service to "resist
Japan," if unfortunately their theory is put to practice, the result will
definitely be the destruction of unification against Japan and we will be
unable to continue the war against Japan. It is precisely because of this
that I firmly believe that such a theory in the name of national unifica-
tion but actually detrimental to unification, such a theory in the name of
fighting Japan but actually harmful to the war effort against Japan, and
such a theory which will draw China back to the miserable situation which
existed before unanimous unification against foreign aggression, will
definitely be opposed by patriotic people, definitely be negated by the
armed units throughout the country, and at the same time definitely be
denounced and rejected by the wise leaders and comrades of the Kuomintang
who are dedicated to the country and the people and who are willing to
continue the war against Japan. This is not strange at all because,
first of all, this kind of theory is not in conformity with and runs
against reality. These people say: If there are nother parties which
also have legal status, then the war effort against Japan will be hampered
by party squabbles. Facts have proved that when only one party, the
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Kuomintang, was allowed to exist with legal status and other parties were
not allowed to exist with legal status, China did have a very serious
party squabble which had caused it to fail to resist Japan, or, at best,
resist Japan in some places, and made China powerless to launch an all-
out war against Japan. On the contrary, as soon as the Kuomintang
allowed other political parties to have legal status and cooperated with
other political parties, civil war stopped and party squabbles came to an
end, and an unprecedented unification in both national administration and
armed forces was achieved. Consequently, China became able to conduct an
unprecedented sacred war of national defense for safeguarding national
existence and seeking national liberation. These people say if other
political parties are allowed legal status, then the legal existence of
multiple parties will become an element hampering national unity or
destroying national unity. Facts in China have proven that when only
the Kuomintang had legal status and other political parties were denied
legal status, the country became tumultuous and incessant civil wars
ensued. Conversely, once other political parties were allowed legal
status, national unity immediately emerged. Even though there were
quarrels among the parties on certain problems, they never used firearms
as weapons for criticism; at most they used mutual and friendly criticism
as their weapon. Facts in England, the United States, France, Belgium,
Switzerland and other countries prove that the legal existence of multiple
parties has never hampered or destroyed their national unity. From this
we can see, the theory that only when one party, the Kuomintang, is allowed
to exist legally can China be unified and fight Japan is a theory incom-
patible with the actual life in China, and a theory which will make China
neither really unified nor able to really resist Japan. This kind of
theory can never be accepted by China's soldiers and civilians who sup-
port national unification and resolutely resist Japan.
Question 6: Now there are people who say, since the Communist Party has
declared that it believes in the Three People's Principles then it can no
longer believe in communism. Sir, what is your opinion?
Answer: First of all, I wish to say that since Communist Party members
have declared that they will struggle for the realization of the Three
People's Principles, some people say that this is tantamount to giving
up their belief in communism. I wish to make a serious statement once
again on behalf of our party: This is a rumor spread by troublemakers,
and is absolutely untrue. We are Communist Party members. We declared
that we are willing to struggle together with Kuomintang comrades to
accomplish the unfinished revolution of Dr Sun Yat-sen--that is, the
goals of the Three People's Principles for China's equality in inter-
national status, political equality and economic equality. At the same
time, we will never give up our own communism which we have believed in
for so many years and for which we have sacrificed and struggled for so
many years. Next, some people say, if you declare that you will struggle
for the realization of the Three People's Principles, but at the same
time you believe in communism, then this is in contradiction to the stand
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of the Three People's Principles because it and communism are incompati-
ble. Concerning this point, I wish to point out seriously once again
that this kind of saying is entirely wrong. This kind of saying is
neither in agreement with the theory and the action of Dr Sun Yat-sen,
the founder of the Three People's Principles and the revolutionary tutor
of the Kuomintang, nor with the actual situation of China's revolution.
Theoretically, the substance of the Principle of Nationalism, Principle
of Democracy and Principle of People's Livelihood under the Three People's
Principles are tolerable with such thoughts advocated by communism as the
complete overthrow of imperialist oppression in order to enable the
Chinese people to attain national independence, the complete destruction
of feudalistic oppression in order to enable the Chinese people to have
democracy and liberty, and the complete transformation of China's economic
system in order to enable the Chinese people to enjoy a happy livelihood.
Therefore, it is absolutely untrue that communism and the Three People's
Principles cannot tolerate each other. It is, therefore, not impossible
that our party and Kuomintang can lawfully coexist and cooperate hand in
hand. Concerning this point, Dr Sun Yat-sen had clearly indicated more
than once in his talks on the Principle of People's Livelihood. He said:
"Hence, as soon as we talk about social problems, the majority of the
youth agrees with communism. They want to carry out Marxism in China.
What, after all, is the intention of those young patriots who accept
communism? Their intention is good. Their ideal is to resolve the prob-
lem at its root, thinking that if we wish to set the basis of political
and social problems right, the fundamentals of these problems must be
resolved. Therefore, they actively organize the Communist Party and con-
duct activities in China. Now, our old comrades of the Kuomintang have
a lot of misunderstanding about the Communist Party.
"....In ancient times, as soon as man conquered nature and animals, money
came into being. Then machines were invented. Those extremely clever
people monopolized all the material in the world for their own self-
interest and wanted other ordinary people to be their slaves. So came
an era of severe fighting among men. When will this kind of fighting end?
It will not end until a new communist era is restored. In the so-called
fight among men, what do they fight for? They fight for bread and jobs.
When the era of communism comes, everybody will have bread and rice to
eat so that there is no need to fight, and fight among men will be
avoided. Therefore, communism is the noblest ideal for resolving social
problems." (See "Chung-san Chuan-chi" [Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen],
Vol 1, "Second Talk on the Principle of People's Livelihood," p 38)
Regarding the value of Marxism, Dr Sun said: "As to the books written
by Marx and the theories he invented, they represent the culmination of
human thoughts over the last several thousand years. Thus as soon as his
theory was made known, it was widely accepted all over the world. All
the scholars believed and followed him."
From what I said before, you may see that from Dr Sun Yat-sen's own
writings on the theories of the Three People's Principles you can never
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find any indication that the Three People's Principles and communism are
repugnant to each other. As to the indications of Dr Sun Yat-sen's
actions on this problem, they are facts well known to everybody. The
Communist Party was founded in 1921. Since its founding, Dr Sun had
close relationship with members of the Communist Party. In 1924 when
Dr Sun made up his mind to reorganize the Kuomintang, he openly
cooperated with the Communist Party. The cooperation was very intimate.
It had not only established a Kuomintang-Communist Party national revolu-
tion alliance, but also permitted Communist Party members to participate
in Kuomintang organizations in their personal capacity to share the tasks
of revolution. At that time, the Communist Party had only about several
thousand members in the entire country, the party was founded only a few
years ago, and Communist Party members joined the Kuomintang in their
personal capacity to struggle together for the cause of national revolu-
tion. Under those circumstances did Dr Sun demand that those communist
members should not believe in communism? No. Or under those circum-
stances, did Dr Sun propose that only the Kuomintang was allowed to exist
and the Communist Party was not allowed to exist at the same time? No.
He did not; rather he resolutely opposed anyone making such a request or
advocating this idea. This is exactly why Dr Sun was great, farsighted
and discerning because he deeply understood: the birth of any doctrine
or any political party is not accidental; it has its social foundation
and historical background. Nobody can be forced to believe anything,
nor can anybody's belief be eliminated. In history there were numerous
people who died martyrs for their beliefs. Any social foundation or
organization supported by the masses can never be dispersed by force or
eliminated. In history numerous revolutionary organizations continued to
exist and develop under tremendous pressure and suppression. Today's
situation is quite different from before. The Chinese Communist Party
already has 17 years of revolutionary history. It has hundreds of thou-
sands of members, a strong organization which has long combat experience,
a leadership cadre which is unswervingly and bravely struggling for their
doctrine, their party, their revolution, the Chinese people's liberation,
and the liberation of mankind, and the faith and support of millions of
people. How can we talk about eliminating the Communist Party members'
faith in communism and their party organization? If we say that we
should renounce our belief in communism just because we have declared
that we are willing to struggle for the thorough realization of the Three
People's Principles, this is entirely a misunderstanding because our
understanding of the relationship between the Three People's Principles
and communism is exactly the same as that of Dr Sun Yat-sen--that is, we
think that they are good friends and can tolerate each other. Therefore,
not only during the first Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation had our
Communist Party members struggled together with comrades of the Kuomintang
for the implementation of the Three People's Principles in their capacity
as Communist Party members, but also during our lone bitter revolutionary
struggle after our split with the Kuomintang our objectives remained to be
China's national independence, democracy, liberty and happy livelihood-
objectives in conformity with the basic thinking of the Three People's
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Principles. The difference between today's situation and that during the
Kuomintang-Communist Party split is that during the split we Communist
Party members struggled single-handedly for our own communist ideal as
well as the revolutionary ideal of the Three People's Principles. Now
the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are cooperating with each other
again, we Communist Party members are struggling together with our com-
rades of the Kuomintang again for our common revolutionary cause.
Therefore, under this condition, if there is any person who asks Com-
munist Party members to give up their communist thinking and their
organization, this is not only unacceptable to the Communist Party, but
also in direct violation of Dr Sun Yat-sen's doctrines and actions.
[omission] to promote the Three People's Principles is repugnant to com-
munism." (See "Chung-san Chuen-chi," Vol 1, "Second Talk on the Prin-
ciple of People's Livelihood," p 42) From this we can see that Dr Sun
Yat-sen publicly pointed out that it was a mistake for some of the com-
rades of the Kuomintang to think that the Three People's Principles and
communism are not compatible. Why has this mistake occurred? As Dr Sun
Yat-sen has particularly pointed out in his talk ("Chung-shan Chuan-chi,"
pp 44 and 45), the reason is that these people don't understand the inter-
relationship among the Three People's Principles in general, and that
people don't understand the Principle of People's Livelihood in particu-
lar. Therefore, after giving the reason, Dr Sun continued in his talk:
"Why dare I say that our comrades of revolution did not understand the
Principle of People's Livelihood? It is due to the fact that during the
recent Kuomintang reorganization many comrades, because of their opposi-
tion to the Communist Party, went so far as to say that communism is
different from the Three People's Principles, that it is good enough to
carry out the Three People's Principles in China, and that communism can-
not be accepted. Then what, after all, is the Principle of People's
Livelihood? In my last talk I raised a new question: What is the center
of gravity of the development of civilization, the improvement of economic
organization, and the progress of morality in society? The people's
livelihood is the center of gravity. People's livelihood is the motivat-
ing force of all activities in society because if the people's livelihood
is not satisfied, civilization of society cannot be developed, economic
organization cannot be improved, and morality will degenerate. All
injustices, such as class war, sufferings of the workers and various
kinds of suppressions are attributable to the failure in resolving the
problem of unsatisfied livelihood. Therefore, all anomalies in society
are the effects, while the problem of people's livelihood is the cause.
According to this reasoning, what is the Principle of People's Livelihood?
The Principle of People's Livelihood is communism, or socialism. There-
fore, in regard to communism, not only that we cannot say it is in con-
flict with the Principle of People's Livelihood, but we should say it is
a good friend. Those who advocate the Principle of People's Livelihood
should make a careful study." Continuing in his talk, Dr Sun Yat-sen
raised the question: "Since communism is a good friend of the Principle
of People's Livelihood, why do the Kuomintang members oppose communism?
The reason is perhaps that members of the Communist Party themselves do
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not know what communism is, and frequently make remarks opposing the Prin-
ciple of People's Livelihood, thus causing hostile reaction from the
Kuomintang. However, we cannot blame the entire Communist Party or its
doctrines for the behavior of these ignorant and mischievous party members.
We can only say that these are their personal conduct. Therefore, we
should never use the undesirable personal conduct of a few Communist Party
members as the standard to oppose the Communist Party; that is, we should
not
oppose
communism as a doctrine on the basis of some personal conduct.
Why
should
have this problem arisen among our comrades? The reason is
that
they
don't understand what the Principle of People's Livelihood is.
They
don't
know that the Principle of People's Livelihood, after all, is
communism." From this passage of Dr Sun Yat-sen's talk, what conclusion
can we draw? Our conclusion should be: First, the Three People's Prin-
ciples and communism can tolerate each other and coexist. The Three
People's Principles has good relations with communism. Second, those who
think the Three People's Principles cannot tolerate communism actually are
people who do not understand the Three People's Principles, especially the
Principle of People's Livelihood. These people should be only an extremely
small minority in the Kuomintang. Similarly those who think communism
cannot tolerate the Three People's Principles are also actually people
who do not understand communism, especially the relationship between
communism and the Three People's Principles. These people should also
be only an extremely small minority in the Communist Party. In regard
to the solution of this problem, Dr Sun thought that this is only the
personal conduct of certain members of both parties. One party should
not oppose the other party as a whole or its doctrines just because of
such personal conducts. Third, Dr Sun thought, not only should those who
advocate communism understand the Three People's Principles, but also
those who advocate the Three People's Principles should carefully study
communism. This is a brilliant, open, and unselfish attitude. We Com-
munist Party members extremely admire this attitude of Dr Sun's. Indeed,
any great thought or doctrine in the world is not the patented commodity
of a certain group of people or a certain party. It should and certainly
will welcome anybody to study it and carry it out. Not only that we are
willing to struggle for the implementation of the Three People's Principles
but also that we welcome anybody--first of all, comrades of the Kuomintang,
to study communism carefully according to Dr Sun Yat-sen's guidance. We
are deeply convinced that all those who are willing to struggle for the
liberation of mankind and really understand communism (or Marxism) must
recognize that Marxism is the noblest ideal for resolving social problems
and the best cumulation of human thinking over the last several thousand
years. Communist society is the most satisfactory, happiest and the
most fortunate society, which should not be regarded as something to be
afraid of. It is precisely because of this that our country's greatest
contemporary revolutionary Dr Sun said: "Judging by the actual situation
in China, the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation has led to the
viable development of the revolution during 1925-1927, and the great
victory of the Northern Expedition, while the split between the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party has created an unprecedented serious situation
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characterized by domestic turmoil and foreign aggression in the last 10
years." Now that the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are cooperating
with each other, externally we are able to wage an unprecedentedly glori-
ous war of national defense; internally we are able to achieve a political
and military unification unprecedented in the last several decades and
created a great unprecedented consolidation of all the forces of the
parties and classes of the entire nation. This has made all our fellow
countrymen and the people all over the world feel that this is the only
opportunity and hope for survival during this critical moment of life and
death struggle for the Chinese nation. Whether the legal coexistence of
two doctrines and two parties is beneficial or harmful to the Chinese
people and the nation should be adjudged by live and commonly known facts,
not by biased or subjective wishes of a small number of people. The past
and present ironclad facts in China have proved once again that as soon
as the Three People's Principles and communism help and cooperate with
each other, the country is unified and the revolution forges ahead; as
soon as the Three People's Principles and communism oppose each other and
negate each other, the country is divided and the revolution runs into
difficulty. Therefore, any idea in violation of this fact cannot be
carried out. If unfortunately such an idea is carried out it will defi-
nitely create new disasters for the country and the nation.
From this we can see, the opinion that the Three People's Principles and
communism cannot tolerate each other and, as a consequence, the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party cannot lawfully coexist is an opinion without
foundation and detrimental to the liberation of the country and the nation.
This kind of opinion is not only in violation of the bequeathed theory and
deeds of Dr Sun Yat-sen, but also in contradiction to the actual situa-
tion in China. The danger of this opinion lies in changing the good
domestic situation characterized by unanimous opposition to foreign
aggression into a possible situation where people's eyesight is turned
inward, thus causing internal trouble.
Therefore, at the conclusion of this interview, I wish to repeat and
seriously tell you a few words on this problem. If the content of the
so-called Kuomintang one-party dictatorship is Kuomintang control of the
political power of the government, this is already fait accompli, and
this is not a problem. Although we Communist Party members do not par-
ticipate in the government ourselves, we absolutely support the national
government which is leading the country in the war against Japan. Today,
only the Japanese fascist militarists deny the authority of the national
government and attempt to overthrow the national government. Today only
those Trotskyists and their disciples who execute the will of the secret
service agencies of the Japanese aggressors spread the rumor that the
national government is a Karensky-type temporary and transit regime, and
consequently adopt the traitor's policy of "perfunctorily accommodating
on the surface" with the national government, but "actually preparing to
bring about its downfall." The support and help of the Communist Party
members to the national government are absolutely sincere, started from
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the fundamental stand of the basic interest of the country and the nation.
At the same time, if the content of Kuomintang one-party dictatorship is
enlarged to or misinterpreted as meaning that the communist and other
political parties are not allowed to exist legally, or that the Communist
Party members are not permitted to believe in their own communism, then
this is absolutely not a new theory, but an old fact. This is a return
to the unworkable deadend road method of 10 years ago. If this idea is
put into effect, it will be harmful not only to national unification, but
also to the war effort against Japan. It will fragment the already formed
national united front against Japan, and thus endanger the war of resistance
and national salvation. This thinking will definitely be utilized by
Japanese fascist militarists and Chinese traitors. It is precisely
because of this that I can hardly believe this kind of thinking will have
the sympathy of those knowledgable persons in the Kuomintang who take the
basic interest of the country and the nation seriously, not to mention the
sympathy of those unbiased nonpartisan soldiers and civilians who value
national unification and dedicate themselves thoroughly to the war against
Japan. However, since this problem is publicly raised at this moment when
the national crisis is increasingly acute, we cannot but seriously alert
the Communist Party members, all political parties and fellow countrymen
who are dedicated to the war effort against Japan and for national salva-
tion. This concerns not only the relationship between the Kuomintang and
the Communist Party, but also all other parties and the fate of the entire
Chinese nation. Therefore,. I hope my fellow countrymen from all walks of
life throughout the country and the farsighted discerning gentlemen of all
parties would pay serious attention to the tendency of development of this
problem, make every effort to insure that China's anti-Japanese national
united front based upon the cooperation of all parties will not be threat-
ened and the national unification, the anti-Japanese war, and the national
salvation movement will not be endangered so that we can carry on the war
to the very end and win the final victory for our country and nation.
? "Talk With HSIN-CHUNG-HUA PAO Reporter in Yenan," 1939
* "Liberation," 11 January 1938
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February 1938
[Text] Reporter: Now there are many people who are pessimistic about
China's war against Japan. What is your opinion, Sir?
Answer: I am entirely optimistic about this because the course of
China's war of resistance is inevitably one of defeat first and then
victory, and one of initial weakness gradually turning strong. This has
become a definite direction. In the early stage of the Sino-Japanese
war, the general situation was that Japan was strong and China weak. But
in the future Japan's weakness will be gradually exposed, and China's
strength will be gradually built up. Japan is now borrowing money to
wage the war. Aside from the 2.2 billion yen spent in the last 6 months,
Japan is said to need 4 billion yen or more. This has greatly depleted
its national strength. Japan's international credit has deteriorated,
and the price of its bonds has dropped. Its "quick battle, quick ending"
plan has failed. Let us ask how can it have so much money to prolong the
war indefinitely? Militarily, Japan's battle front has been extended
several thousand miles from Hangchow to Paotow. It does not have enough
men to be deployed just for defense. Therefore, its military strength is
gradually weakening in proportion to the extent of deep penetration and
wide expansion. It occupies long stretches of railways, and troops have
to be sent to guard each railway station. Japan has mobilized one-third
of its armed forces to invade China. If it wants to occupy Hankow,
Canton and other cities, it has to mobilize hundreds of thousands of
additional troops. At that time, its situation will become worse.
Japan's enemy is not China alone. Additionally, because of its domestic,
international and other major contradictions, Japan will definitely be on
the road to total collapse.
Question: Did you say, Sir, that China's strength can be gradually
enhanced?
Answer: According to the war experience in the last 7 months, militarily
if we can employ mobile warfare, position warfare and guerrilla warfare
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and coordinate these three types of warfare, we can definitely put the
enemy force in an extremely difficult position. In my opinion, at
present, aside from using 200,000 to 300,000 crack troops to form a few
strong field armies to launch annihilating attacks on the enemy's advanced
units in a mobile warfare, we should also have 80,000 to 90,000 troops,
organized into 20 or 30 hardcore guerrilla regiments with 3,000 to 4,000
men in each regiment, led by resolute and dynamic commanders and with
their political work strengthened, deployed in front of the enemy's battle
line from Hangchow to Paotow. These forces should fight their way to the
rear of the enemy line through 20-30 gaps along this long battle front.
If this strategy is properly applied, the guerrilla units can work
together with the local masses and proliferate into numerous small guer-
rilla units which will definitely be able to establish numerous anti-
Japanese bases behind enemy lines, mobilize hundreds of thousands of the
masses, and forcefully coordinate with the mobile field armies and thus
throw the enemy into discomfiture. As to position warfare, we should not
regard it as our main strategy at present because we are technologically
inadequate. However, we must build a national defense industry, and manu-
facture heavy and advanced weapons ourselves. At the same time, we should
find ways to transport these weapons so that we can effectively conduct
both defensive and offensive positional warfare. This is very necessary.
Some people say that we only advocate guerrilla warfare. That is nonsense.
We have always advocated the coordination of mobile, position and guer-
rilla warfares. At present, we are using mobile warfare as the main tac-
tic, and the other two as complementary tactics. In the future, we should
make position warfare effectively coordinated with mobile warfare. Guer-
rilla warfare, as a way of battle, is always complementary. However,
guerrilla warfare in semi-colonial national wars, especially in countries
with vast territories, occupies an important place in strategy. Polit-
ically, we already have domestic unity, and have the sympathy and support
of the democratic countries all over the world. However, our present
achievements are still not enough, and should be further strengthened.
The strengthening of the aforementioned military and political positions
is necessary. Only if we continue to exert our effort, can we strengthen
our military and political positions, and this forecasts brightness in the
future.
Question: Is the 8th Route Army being surrounded by the Japanese on all
sides and facing the danger of being routed or annihilated by the
Japanese?
Answer: The 8th Route Army is presently engaged in an enlarged guerrilla
warfare in four areas. The first area is a pocket bordered by the Peiping-
Hankow, Peiping-Suiyuan, Chengting-Taiyuan, and Tatung-Puchow railways and
the adjacent areas to the east and the north of this pocket. This area
has 12 million people who are resolutely against the Japanese, and work-
ing closely with the armed forces. This is a large bulwark of the war of
resistance. The 8th Route Army has firmly established its foothold here.
Although the enemy is stepping up its attack on this area, it is impossible
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for him to chase them out, not to mention annihilating them. Several big
branch units of the 8th Route Army advancing toward the east have now come
close to Tientsin-Pukow Railway. The second area is in northwestern
Shansi, south of the Peiping-Suiyuan Railway, west of the northern sec-
tion of the Tatung-Puchow Railway, and east of the Yellow River. The
third area is in southeastern Shansi and southwestern Hopeh bordered by
the Peiping-Hankow, Chengting-Taiyuan and Tatung-Puchow railways. The
fourth area is in southwestern Shansi. The 8th Route Army is intimately
associated with the local people, ready to severely attack the enemy's
communication line at any time. They have scored many major and minor
victories, and greatly bogged down the enemy's advance forces. In view
of these areas, what China has lost are only several railways and a few
cities, and it has not lost anything else. This fact illustrates to the
entire nation that if we adopt this method everywhere in the country, the
enemy can never annihilate China. This is one of the solid foundations
for launching an offensive in the future for recovering the lost terri-
tory.
Question: Sir, do you think this Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation
is of permanent nature?
Answer: I think so. The 1928 split was against the wishes of the Com-
munist Party. The Communist Party has never wanted to split with the
Kuomintang. In the last 10 years, both the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party and the people all over the country had lived through hardship
experiences which should strengthen future unification. The purpose of
the present and future cooperation is to fight the Japanese together and
to rehabilitate the country together. Under this principle, as long as
our friendly party has the same sincerity as we have and as long as we
have the supervision of the people of the entire nation, this cooperation
will definitely be long lasting.
Question: True, the Communist Party in its declaration on the current
situation has said that the Kuomintang and the Communist Party will not
only fight Japan together, but also rebuild the country together after
winning the war against Japan. But, may I ask how can these two polit-
ical parties which represent two different classes of people cooperate
with each other in building a new country?
Answer: China is in a semi-colonial status. Right now, it is in a
critical moment facing the danger of being wiped out as a nation. Even
its semi-colonial status is in danger. Although party is different from
class, they share this same status. This has predetermined that the two
parties can cooperate not only in resisting the Japanese aggression but
also in rebuilding the country. But this cooperation is cooperation
under a definite platform, and cooperation based on a principle. It must
be genuine cooperation, not just for experience or appearance. If this
cooperation is divorced from a common platform or principle, it will of
necessity degenerate into expediency or cooperation only in appearance.
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This is not permissible by any political party which stands by principle.
Cooperation based upon principle and a common platform is comparable to
the righteous friendship between two persons. Only this kind of righteous
friendship can last long.
Question: What is this "democratic republic" advocated by the Communist
Party?
Answer: The democratic republic we advocate is a country which has a
system whereby its representative bodies are organized by representatives
selected by people who are unwilling to be slaves through unrestricted
universal election. This kind of country is a country based on the prin-
ciple of people's rights. By and large this has been advocated by
Dr Sun Yat-sen a long time ago. The policy of rebuilding China should
be formulated in this direction.
Question: Is the Communist Party satisfied with the present central
government? Is it still necessary to convene an ad hoc national con-
gress?
Answer: We support the present central government because of its adher-
ence to the policy of waging a war of resistance against Japan, and its
action in providing leadership in this war. But we wish this government
to substantiate and broaden its basis and make necessary reforms in its
internal administration so as to be more beneficial to the war of
resistance. We have proposed to convene an ad hoc national congress.
This was also proposed by Dr Sun Yat-sen. In our opinion, it will be
beneficial for consolidating the country and strengthening the forces
for the war effort. As to what method we should use more beneficial to
the war effort, we have no predetermined opinion. As long as it is
really beneficial to the war of resistance, any method can be adopted.
Question: Does the Chinese Communist Party provide leadership to the
anti-Japanese activities of the Volunteer Army in Manchuria?
Answer: The Chinese Communist Party indeed has a close relationship with
the anti-Japanese Volunteer Army in Manchuria. For example, such famous
Volunteer Army leaders as Yang Ching-yu [2799 7231 1342], Chao Shang-chih
[6392 1424 1807], Li Hung-kuang [2621 4767 0342] and others are all Com-
munist Party members. Their meritorious services in the hard struggle
against Japan is well known to everybody. A national united front exists
there also. Aside from Communist Party members, there are also other
parties, other different armed units and mass organizations of the
people. They have united under a common policy.
Question: Sir, what is your general thinking about the United States?
Answer: The American Democratic Party's support of international peace,
President Roosevelt's condemnation of fascism, the Scripps Howard
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newspapers' sympathy toward China's war against Japan, and especially the
support of the broad masses of American people for China's struggle
against Japan-all these are welcome and for which we are grateful. But
we hope that the United States will take a further step by uniting with
other countries to give the brutal Japanese some real censure. It is
time for China, the United States and other anti-aggression countries to
take a further step in their unification against the enemy.
[Associated Press correspondent Mr Wang Kung-ta [3769 0361 6671] visited
Yenan in February 1938, and had a talk with Comrade Mao Tse-tung. This
article is based on Mr Wang's minutes and previously checked by Comrade
Mao.--Editor of "Chieh-Fang"]
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SPEECH AT RALLY IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 13TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF
DR. SUN YAT-SEN AND OF FALLEN OFFICERS AND MEN ON BATTLE FRONT
[Text] Today is the 13th anniversary of the death of Dr Sun Yat-sen.
We are here holding such a solemn commemorative rally. Meanwhile, the
war against Japan has been going on for 8 months. Many brave officers
and men have made the ultimate sacrifice. We are holding here such a
grave commemorative rally. All these are not at random or accidental.
They have their reason in the development of our nation's history.
Where does the greatness of Dr Sun Yat-sen lie? It lies in his Three
People's Principles, his united front policy, and his hard struggle
spirit. When I met Dr Sun Yat-sen in Kwangtung, the Kuomintang First
National Congress was in session. The new outline of the Three People's
Principles written personally by Dr Sun Yat-sen, that is, the famous
"Declaration of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang," was
adopted. At that time, the united front policy based on Kuomintang-
Communist Party cooperation began to be put into effect. This united
front included domestically uniting with the Communist Party, the work-
ers and the peasants, and externally uniting with those nations which
treat us equally to share the common struggle. The famous "Three Great
Policies" were established at that time. Dr Sun Yat-sen's outline of
the Three People's Principles and his united front policy are the great-
est contributions to the Chinese nation from a great revolutionary of a
country in a semi-colonial status. Dr Sun's greatness also lies in his
hard struggling, unyielding, unbending and unfailing revolutionary per-
severance and revolutionary spirit. Without this kind of perseverance,
and without this kind of spirit, his doctrines and policies could never
be carried out. The first sentence of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Testament, which
we just recited a moment ago, said: "I have declared myself to the
national revolution for 40 years." During those 40 years, he experienced
much hardship and complicated situations, but the more he was frustrated,
the more vigorously he struggled. Unyielding and unbending, he always
came back with redoubled strength after each failure. When many of his
followers showed signs of despair or were even ready to surrender or
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desert the cause, Dr Sun stood firm. He insisted on his doctrines. Dur-
ing his lifetime, he had never neglected to develop his Three People's
Principles. Never was there a time when he disregarded his doctrines.
He always insisted on and developed his Three People's Principles. The
Declaration of the First National Congress indicated the development of
the Three People's Principles. So was his effort for the united front.
Dr Sun had not only insisted on but developed the united front from a
policy for the overthrow of the Manchus by uniting with all revolutionary
parties and underground societies to a policy for the overthrow of
imperialism and feudalist influence by uniting with the Communist Party,
the workers and the peasants. All these, in combination with his fear-
less, unyielding, unbending, and undaunted revolutionary perseverance
and his practical revolutionary spirit, portray Dr Sun as a model, great
revolutionary. Today we have another united front. This united front is
much more broadened than the last. The enemy with which this united front
is dealing is much more formidable. The program this united front is to
execute is basically the same as that stated in the Declaration of the
First National Congress, although it has undergone some development in
form and content. In the future, there will definitely be further
developments. For attaining the goal of implementing the Three People's
Principles, enlarging the united front and defeating our enemy, we must
manifest our hard struggling, unswerving and uncompromising revolutionary
spirit through revolutionary practice. If we are to commemorate Dr Sun
Yat-sen not merely as a matter of perfunctory formality, we must pay
attention to the following: First, struggle for the thorough implementa-
tion of the Three People's Principles. Second, struggle for the consoli-
dation and enlargement of the anti-Japanese national united front. Third,
manifest the hard struggling, unyielding, unbending and unfailing revolu-
tionary spirit. I think these are the most pertinent, most substantial
and the greatest heritage left by Dr Sun. All Kuomintang members, all
Communist Party members and all patriotic countrymen should accept and
develop this heritage! To judge whether one is a loyal disciple of
Dr Sun, we should see his attitude toward these three precious heritages.
Now let us talk about the commemoration of our fallen officers and men
in the war against Japan. Since the Lukou-chiao incident, a great war
unprecedented in the history of the Orient has lasted 8 months. The
enemy has thrown in all available forces. Their purpose is to wipe out
China. Its strategy is to win a quick victory through a quick war. How
about us? We have also employed all our available forces to resist.
Our purpose is to defend our fatherland. Our strategy is protracted
warfare. In the last 8 months, our land and air forces gave a heroic
account of themselves, a great national unity is carried out throughout
the country, several million troops and numerous people have joined the
fireline, and several hundred thousand of them have heroically given
their lives while executing their duties. Among them, many were
Kuomintang members, many were Communist Party members and many others
were nonpartisan. We sincerely mourn for those who are dead, and we
shall remember them forever. From Generals Meng-ling [6787 1125 7881],
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Tung Lin-ko [0157 7792 7040], Chao Teng-yu [6392 6260 4416], Jao Kuo-hua
[7437 0948 5478], Liu Chia-ch'i [0491 1367 4388], Chiang Yu-chen [1203
3768 6297], Ch'en Chin-hsiu [7115 6930 4423], Li Kuei-fan [2621 2710 0030],
Huang Mei-hsing [7806 2734 5281], Yao Tzu-hsiang [1202 1311 7449], and Pan
Chan-kuei [3382 0594 7608] to each warrior, all were noble and great models
for the Chinese people. The Chinese nation is not a flock of sheep.
Rather it is a great nation richly marked by a sense of self-respect and
human righteousness. For national self-respect, human righteousness and
their right to live on their own land, the Chinese people will never per-
mit the Japanese fascists to achieve their lawless purposes without pay-
ing a heavy price. Our methods are war and sacrifice. We use war against
war. We use a revolutionary war for righteousness against a barbarian
war of aggression. This spirit has been proven during the several thou-
sand years of our national history. Now, another great proof is given.
It was for this proof that General Ho Meng-ling and several hundred
thousand men have sacrificed their lives. We are sure that the Japanese
fascists will make further advances. They will attack Sian, Chengchow,
Wuhan, Nanchang, Foochow, Changsha and Canton. They want to devour all
of China. But we wish to inform the fanatic enemy that his objective can
never be attained. The enemy should not think that he has achieved his
purpose after occupying our territory. He has not and will never achieve
his purpose. In the verdict of history the victory of the Japanese
fascists can only be temporary, not permanent. There are enough reasons
to prove that the eventual victory belongs to our side. When the war
comes to an end, they can only occupy a part of our territory, it being
impossible for them to occupy the whole country. If they can fight a
quick war for the cities, then they will have to fight a protracted war
for the vast rural areas. For example, they have occupied several main
roads and several cities in Shansi, but the vast countryside, which is
many times bigger than the occupied areas, still belongs to China. We
have to tell our fellow countrymen this reason. The Japanese can only
achieve a partial occupation of any province. They do not have enough
strength for deployment. In addition, their barbarian policy has angered
every Chinese. China has a huge army and hundreds of millions of people.
It is carrying out an excellent national united front policy. All these
have predetermined which side is going to win the protracted war and the
final victory. In the future, if Japan occupies a larger part of China
as a result of bloody battles, we can use the remaining smaller part as
our base to continue the war and win victory. But in the larger portion
of China, Japan can only occupy big cities, main roads, and some plains.
If we can organize and arm the majority of our people in the countryside
and establish many anti-Japanese bases, such as the bases we have estab-
lished at Wu-tai Shan, we will have the Japanese army surrounded. Some-
day, after all important party, political and military tasks are improved
on a nationwide basis, our outer-perimeter force will be coordinated with
our inner-perimeter forces for a well concerted big offensive. At that
time our effort must also be coordinated with the support of the revolu-
tionary forces of the world and the support of the people's revolutionary
force in Japan. Who can say that the final victory will not be China's?
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Who can say that General Ho Meng--ling's blood was shed in vain? Who can
say that the Japanese robbers will not be driven out of China? Who says
that Dr Sun Yat-sen's three great ideals--national liberation, freedom of
people's political rights, and happy livelihood--cannot be carried out in
China? We want all Chinese people to have this kind of clear understand-
ing and firm conviction. We want them to understand that the best policy
is to wage a protracted war. Under the leadership of the central govern-
ment and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, we must in this great war, with
one heart, break the shackles or the threatening shackles for slaves.
At this rally, we wish to salute all the officers and men on the front
because they are fighting heroically for the final victory. We wish to
salute all the family members of our soldiers who are engaged in this war
against Japan, especially the family members of those who died martyrs in
this war because these families have produced such soldiers who fought so
valiantly for their country unafraid of sacrifice. We wish also to salute
all those devoted, self-denying and public minded workers and leaders at
all levels and in all walks of life engaged in the war against Japan in
the rear because their work has directly or indirectly helped the war
effort. At this rally let us salute our national leader and commander in
chief Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek because of his unyielding, unbending
and unfailing leadership in waging and directing this great war against
Japan.
Fellow countrymen at this rally! Fellow countrymen all over the country!
Let us be united forever! Down with Japanese imperialism! Long live
China's national liberation!
* "Liberation," No 33, 1 April 1938
* Guide to Anti-Japanese
April 1939
National United
Front, (4), Liberation Press,
1004
CSO:
4005
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NOTICE OF THE REAR AREA OFFICE OF THE 8TH ROUTE ARMY OF THE SHENSI-KANSU-
NINGHSIA BORDER AREA GOVERNMENT
15 May 1938
[Text] The public is hereby notified:
Since the Lukouchiao Incident, the entire country and nation's forces
and patriotic fellow countrymen under the leadership of the central
government and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, are dedicated resolutely
to the war of resistance against Japan. The officers and men on the
battlefront are shedding their blood and sacrificing their lives. All
parties and factions are sincerely united. People from all walks of
life are making a concerted effort to save the country. These are strong
safeguards for a bright future for China as a nation and a victory against
Japan. All our countrymen should march ahead along these lines. The
soldiers and civilians in the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia border area are a
constituent part of China. They obey the leadership of the central
government and exert their efforts to prevent their country from perish-
ing. Everything we have done has been open and upright. We struggle
hard without claiming any credit. All the people in the country regard
us highly in their conversations. This office of the border area govern-
ment cannot but encourage all people in the area to exert their effort in
order to thoroughly carry out our mission. Not a single person is allowed
to neglect his duty, and nothing should be done to jeopardize the task of
national salvation. Recent investigations reveal that there are some
elements who, in disregard of the general situation, use different methods
to compel the peasants to return the land and houses already distributed
to them, or compel the debtors to repay their already abrogated debts,
or compel the people to change the already established democratic system,
or sabotage the already established military, economic, and cultural
organizations, and other mass organizations. They are even disguised
spies who contact bandits to instigate rebellion in the armed units,
survey the land and draw maps, secretly investigate local situations,
and openly oppose the propaganda of the border area government. These
conducts are evidently in contradiction to the basic principle of unifi-
cation for fighting Japan and in violation of the public opinion of the
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people in the border area. They attempt to create internal trouble,
instigate class struggle for destroying the united front, destroying
people's interest and destroying the prestige of the border government,
increase the difficulty for mobilization against Japan, and create
skepticism in the mind of the people toward their supreme commander and
the central government. This is attributable to a few stubborn elements
who, disregarding the interest of the country and the nation, willfully
pursuing their whimsical wishes and even being utilized by the Japanese
aggressors, misrepresent themselves as a means to camouflage their covert
activities. In the last few months, many reports were received from
people in various hsien. There are several such reports each day caus-
ing an unusually heavy work load. In order to strengthen the war effort
against Japan, consolidate the rear area, and protect the interest of the
people, this office of the border government cannot but forbid the above-
described activities. It is deemed appropriate to notify the public as
follows:
(1) In the territory under the jurisdiction of the border government,
all land and houses distributed and all debts nullified at the beginning
of domestic peace in the country should not be changed at will as this
office of the border government must protect people's obtained interests.
(2) All military, political, economic and cultural organizations already
established and all such organizations established, improved or developed
according to the principle of national united front against Japan at the
beginning of domestic peace in China should be guarded against intrigues
and sabotage as this office of the border government must protect their
activities and promote their development.
(3) Under the principle of resolutely carrying out the central govern-
ment's platform for war of resistance and national reconstruction, this
office of the border government is glad to promote any anti-Japanese and
national salvation activities, and welcomes people from all walks of
life to give their bona fide assistance. However, all those who entered
and then stayed in the border area without the consent of this office or
the border government or without any identifying documents issued by
this office or the border government are forbidden to engage in any
activities, no matter what activities they are, in order to prevent
imposters, traitors and spies.
(4) During this tense period of war against Japan, people are allowed to
inform on and arrest, if there is concrete evidence, elements who attempt
to sabotage, willfully create trouble, incite people, or covertly gather
military information in the border area. If the accusations are found
true, severe punishments will be meted out without exception.
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All the soldiers and civilians in the entire border area must observe
and not violate the above four points. Any who dare to instigate trouble
are hereby warned that these words are followed by law enforcement. Don't
say that they are not forewarned.
Chairman Lin Po-chu [2651 0130 3255]
Director Hsiao Ching-kuang [5618 0513 0342]
1004
CSO: 4005
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REPLY CABLE FROM CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY CENTRAL COMMITTEE TO U.S. COMMUNIST
PARTY NATIONAL CONGRESS
[Text] The 10th National Congress of the U.S. Communist Party and Chairman
Foster and Secretary General Browder of the U.S. Communist Party Central
Committee sent a congratulatory cable to the Chinese Communist Party Central.
Upon its receipt, the Chinese Communist Central immediately replied. The
text of the reply is as follows:
In care of the U.S. "New York Workers Daily,"
Chairman Foster and Secretary General Browder of the U.S. Communist Party
Central Committee and all delegates to the 10th National Congress: On behalf
of the Chinese Communist Party Central and the entire membership, we salute
the vanguard of the American worker class--the vanguard which dedicates itself
to the defense of peace, progress, and democracy of America, and we wish to
thank your party and the people of America for their support and sympathy
for China's National Liberation War.
Support the close unity between the brother parties and between the peoples
of China and America! Long live the independent, free, and happy new China!
Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, Wang Ming, Chou En-lai, Lo Fu, Po Ku,
Hsiang Ying, Ch'en Yun
?"New China Daily" (Ch'ungking), 8 June 1938
6080
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TALKS WITH MESSRS (K'O-LO-MAN), (YA-TE), (FU-LU-TE), AND (LEI-K'0-NAN) OF
THE WORLD STUDENT FEDERATION DELEGATION
Yenan 2 July 1938
[Text] Question No 1: What are the significance and function of the
Border Region in China currently? Please tell us. We wish very much to
clarify this point.
Answer: You must understand the nature of the Frontier before you can
understand its significance and function in China. What is the nature of
the Border Region? In a word, it is a democratic anti-Japanese base.
First, in regard to the people, they all have their own organizations. The
people of the Border Region, as long as they remain under the principle of
resisting Japan, all have their freedoms of speech, publication, meeting.,
and forming associations. Be they organizations of workers, peasants, merchants,
students, intellectuals, women, children, or free lances, all of them have
such freedoms. The Communist Party and the Border Region Government actively
support and aid them, enabling them to develop more generally. Here, only
the traitors are restricted in their activities. In regard to the traitors,
no freedom is granted them.
Next, the Border Region has become the region directly involved in the re-
sistance war. A part of the 8th Route Army is stationed here, and there
are also local armed forces. In regard to such troops, there is a demo-
cratic spirit in the relationships between the officers and soldiers and
between the troops and the people, so that there is unity between the officers
and soldiers and between the military and the civilian, resulting in an in-
vincible force in the resist-Japan war.
Thirdly, education in the Border Region is also anti-Japanese and democratic.
You can see this spirit in the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University
and the Northern Shensi Public School.
Fourthly, this also holds true in the economic aspect. The principle is to
benefit the resistance war, and the operation is by the democratic spirit.
The fairly developed cooperative here and the agriculture of the peasants
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who have obtained land, for instances, are all based on such spirit, im-
proving the people's life and benefiting the resist-Japan cause. Here,
we have taxation, but no harsh levies and vexatious collections. We imple-
ment a sort of unified progressive tax, compatible with the principle mentioned
above.
Fifthly, which is the most important, all levels of the Border Region
Government are elected by the people by means of voting. Here, we have
proved one point: The claim of some people that, "among the intellectually
backward workers and peasants, the election system cannot be introduced" is
incompatible with the facts. The result of popular election here is not bad,
which anyone with eyes can see. When the people elect those they like to
handle the affairs of the government, the result is very good. It is much
better than the system of appointing government officials. It is especially
positive and effective in mobilizing the people's strength to participate
in the resist-Japan war. What is different from the Soviet of the past is
that the sphere of voting and being elected has been enlarged. Be they
workers, peasants, women, intellectuals, students, merchants, or property
owners, as long as they do not oppose resisting Japan and are at least
18 years of age, they have the right to vote and to be elected.
All the aspects discussed above link the resist-Japan war with the demo-
cratic system and will. produce a great effect. Under such a system, regard-
less of his occupation or activities, everyone can manifest his talent.
Individuals with whatever skill can bring it to light.
Such is the nature of the Border Region--the characteristics of the Border
Region. Once one understands such nature and characteristics, one will
understand its national significance and function. The nation should also
adopt this system. It should link the resist-Japan war with the democratic
system, striving for victory of the resist-Japan war by the general intro-
duction of the democratic system. If, in the whole nation, the people have
.full freedoms of speech, publication, meeting, and forming associations,
the officers and soldiers in the army become one, the military and the civilian
become one, education is pursued with the democratic spirit, economic con-
struction is carried out by launching the strength of the people and linked
with improving their life, the election system is introduced for all levels
of the government, and the people's representative organs are formed on all
levels, all for the purpose of striving for victory in the resistance war,
then victory over Japan can be expected soon. The democratic system is
already a matter of history in foreign countries, but China has yet to intro-
duce it. The function of the Border Region is to set an example for the
people of the entire nation, so that they will understand that this system
is most beneficial to resisting Japan for national salvation, and the only
correct war to resist Japan and save the nation. This is the significance
and function of the Border Region in the nation. To have this system adopted
in the whole country, the people of the entire country must truly understand
it and find it feasible. Therefore, we welcome the people of all parties
and factions, and those without party or factional affiliations, to come
and take a look. Many have come and looked, especially the young students.
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Aside from a minority who find this system not good, the majority find it
good. This is encouraging. The Border Region is a part of China. Under
the leadership of the central government, it is similar to other parts of
China, except for one point: This is an area which practices the democratic
system. It is the characteristic of the Border Region, and we hope it will
spread throughout China.
Currently, there are two kinds of incorrect views of the Border Region:
Some few obstinate elements say that nothing is good in the Border Region.
Apparently this view is incompatible with the facts. Others say that this
area is similar to paradise, without any defect. This view is also excessive.
One should describe it correctly as follows: Its democratic system and
anti-Japanese spirit are very good, and deserve the emulation and reference
of the people of the entire nation. Nevertheless, the work here is still
restricted by certain conditions, and material difficulty is one instance.
Many tasks await continued effort before they can be more successful. It is not
a situation where everything is excellent and no improvement needs to be
sought. Therefore, we welcome the criticism of outsiders in order to make
the work personnel here strive harder. This must also be pointed out. Now
that you have favored us with your visit to Yenan, we welcome your criticisms,
pointing out the defects for us to correct, and making it more beneficial
to the great cause of resisting Japan to save the nation.
Question No 2: What is the function of the Chinese Communist Party in
China at the present time?
Answer: This is a very simple question. Persevering in the resistance war,
persevering in the United Front, and persevering in a war of endurance
constitute the basic principle of the Chinese Communist Party at the present
time and its work and function in the entire nation.
What is persevering in the resistance war? To compromise or to persevere
in the resistance war is an existing issue. We advocate resistance to the
final end and oppose any kind of compromise. We with to persevere in the
resistance war together with the Kuomintang and other parties and factions
and the people of the entire nation, without wavering, until we recover our
lost territory and reach the Yalu River.
What is persevering in the United Front? It means national unity to the
very end. Only when there is national unity will there be perseverance in
the resistance war. Though there is national unity at present, we must
unite even more. Not just uniting several parties and factions, but we
must unite the people of the entire nation. Only when the people of all
fields in the nation are united in a definite organization and when they
can all activate their positivity in the resistance war will the United
Front be consolidated and expanded.
What is persevering in a war of endurance? China now has two types of people.
Those of one type say: "China will perish; it cannot wage a war of endurance."
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Those of the other type say: "China will soon expel Japanese imperialism;
there is no need for a war of endurance." We find both views incorrect.
First, China definitely will not perish. Though Japan is powerful, its
foundation is inadequate, and i t has many domestic and international con-
flicts; though China is weak, it is a large country, and it has many superior
domestic and international conditions. Therefore, though China has lost
much territory, it can persevere in the war and will win final victory. How-
ever, it is difficult to defeat Japan soon, because, while there are condi-
tions making victory possible, such conditions cannot be completely realized
within a short period of time. Be it China's progress, Japan's internal
collapse, or international aid, all require a fairly long period of time
before the goal is reached. Hence, we must prepare for a long-term war,
and we must not hope for immediate victory.
Thus, the current policy must be: First, persevering in the resistance war;
second, persevering in the Anti-Japanese United Front; third, persevering in
a war of endurance.
What does the Chinese Communist Party do in the country? The items discussed
above are what it does. The Chinese Communist Party wishes to unite with
all parties, all factions, and the people of the whole country and implement
the policy. This is the function of the Chinese Communist Party in the en-
tire nation.
Question No 3: Does China have the conditions to shorten the duration of
the war?
Answer: To shorten the duration of the war, three conditions must be re-
enforced: First, China's United Front must be. further consolidated and
expanded. This is fundamental. Under the policy of the United Front, all
items of work must be greatly developed and advanced. Such development and
advance will shorten the war by that much. The second condition is the
help of the people inside Japan. Currently, such help has started, such as
the unwillingness of the Japanese soldiers to fight, some committing suicide,
some surrendering, and other distributing anti-war handbills. The anti-war
thinking of the Japanese people is. also developing. If the soldiers and
people of Japan will become more aware, the duration of the war will be
shortened by that much. The third condition is the help of the various
nations in the world. We need the help of the world students, the help of
the world people, and also the help of the governments of the nations. If
such help becomes greater and more prompt, then the war will be shortened.
These three conditions are mutually linked. If China accelerates its progress
and its unity, it will, in turn, accelerate the development of the helping
strengths inside Japan and of the nations in the world. If the development
of the helping strength in Japan and the nations of the world is accelerated,
it will, in turn, accelerate the development and progress of the anti-
Japanese strength in China. China's blow to Japanese imperialism constitutes
an aid to the Japanese people, and it will hasten the development of the
liberation struggles of the Japanese people. This applies to the world
also. China's resistance war is, at the same time, an aid to the people of
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the world against our common enemy. Therefore, the many kinds of anti-
fascist forces of China, Japan, and the world are mutually influencing and
mutually aiding one another. World peace cannot be divided; the world is
one entity. This is the characteristic of world politics at present. The
greater the presence of the three conditions, the shorter will be the duration
of the war. It is the mission of the Chinese Communist Party and all the
anti-Japanese parties and factions and people, and also that of all the
progressive parties and all the peoples of Japan and the world. Ours is a
war of endurance, but we must strive for the conditions to shorten it.
Without such conditions, the idea of shortening the war will be merely an
empty thought.
Question No 4: After the final. victory of the resistance war, what will
be the main mission of the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer: After the victory of the resistance war, the main mission of the
Communist Party, in a word, is to build a free and equal democratic nation.
In such a nation, there will be an independent democratic government, a
congress representing the people, and a constitution consistent with the
people's wishes. In such a nation, all the races are equal, and they will
build their relations under the principle of equality. In such a nation,
there will be an independent democratic government, a congress representing
the people, and a constitution consistent with the people's wishes. In such
a nation, all the races are equal, and they will build their relations under
the principle of equality. In. such a nation, the economy will develop;
agriculture, industry, and commerce will progress greatly, jointly operated
by the state and the people. There will be an 8-hour work system; the peasants
will own their land; the unified graduated tax will be enforced; there will
be peaceful trading with foreign countries, and agreements of mutual benefit
will be formed. In such a nation, the people will have complete freedoms
of speech, publication, meeting, association, and religion; all types of
superior talents will have a chance to develop; science and culture will be
advanced; illiteracy will be wiped out in the entire country. In such a
nation, the troops are not opposed to the people, but become one with them.
Such a nation is not yet a socialist state, nor its government a Soviet
government, but a state and a government practicing a complete democratic
system and under the principle of respecting private ownership. Such is
China's modern state. China greatly needs such a state. With such a state,
China will depart from the semi-colonial and semi-feudal position and become
a free and equal nation; it will depart from the old China and become a new
China. The Communist Party desires to unite with all parties and factions
and the people of the entire country,. so that everyone will strive to build
such a nation. Such a nation has been desired and striven for by the people
of the entire country for several decades and by Dr Sun Yat-sen. The build-
ing of such a nation is not started the next day after chasing Japan to the
Yalu River. All items of work in the process of the resistance war are
connected with the building of such a nation, except that many important
tasks, such as basic economic construction, can only be completed after
the victory of the resistance war. During the resistance war, we must have
the prerequisites for the building of such a nation, and the main thing is
to expel Japanese imperialism. Such a mission is not only that of the Communist
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Party, but should also be that of the Kuomintang and other revolutionary
parties and factions as well as that of the people of the entire nation.
It is China's historical mission.
Question No 5: What do you think are the main tasks of China's students
and young people in the resistance war? What are the main tasks of the
students and young people of the workd in the movement to aid China?
Answer: The tasks of China's young people may be classified into the
general and the specific. The general tasks are identical with what has
been discussed before. They are to persevere in the resistance war, to
persevere in the United Front, to persevere in a war of endurance, to expel
Japanese imperialism, and to build a free and equal democratic republic.
These are the common tasks of the people of China regardless of their age
or occupation, without any distinction. The distinction is in the specific
tasks. What are the specific tasks of China's youths? There specific tasks
are to strive for their own specific interests, such as improvement of
education and learning, the right to participate in the movement to save
the nation while in school, the right to organize student and youth groups
and to form national salvation organizations, the right to vote and to be
elected for those 18 years of age or over, the right of the impoverished to
attend school without paying tuition, the obligation of the young people
to go to the front line in large groups, etc. As for the main tasks of the
world youths in helping China's resistance war, I feel that, first of all,
they must, through the World Student Federation, make the majority of the
world youths and students understand the necessity of jointly resisting
Japan and helping China, and also the fact that such work is linked with
their own interests. As world peace cannot be divided, the fascist world
aggression is the enemy of world peace. Next, the students are the bridge
to link with the people. Through the students, the people of all nations
must be made to understand the necessity to resist Japan and help China and
the relations of such work with their own interests. As for the concrete
means of help, they may include verbal and written propaganda, urging the
people and governments to render us material aid, boycotting trade with
Japan, or even organizing an international anti-Japanese volunteer army and
preparing to participate in the war in China at the proper time. On behalf
of a large international student organization, you come to China to inspect
and give us your great sympathy. All the people. of China are grateful to
you. I salute you on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese
people! I hope that, when you return to your countries, you will bring the
truth of China's great resist-Japan war to the students and people of the
world. Let you and us unite forever and fight for China's freedom and equality,
and for the permanent peace happiness of the world!
"Liberation", No 45, 23 July 1938
* "Selections of Mao Tse-tung's National Salvation Discussions," Chungking
Hsin-hua Jih-pao [New China Daily] Press, 1939
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5 July 1938
[Text] The National Political Council will hold its meeting shortly. Seven
of our Chinese Communist Party members have been selected as council members.
The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party has formally decided
that our seven members will accept the government invitation and join the
National Political Council. For this reason, many reporters, council members,
and Communist Party members and friends of all areas ask us for our views
on the National Political Council. We now jointly express our views as follows:
In the violent environment of the resistance war, the holding of the National
Political Council meeting apparently demonstrates progress of China's political
life toward the democratic system; it apparently demonstrates an advance of
the unity of China's parties and factions, races, classes and strata, and
regions. Though in regard to the method of creation and the provision of
functions and powers, the National Political Council is not a plenipotentiary
representative organ of the people as might be desired, it does not, for these
reasons, lose its effect and meaning today--the effect of further uniting all
forces in the entire nation to wage the resistance war and save the nation
and of an initiation of the nation's political life toward true democracy.
Therefore, besides continuing our effort to promote the formation of a pleni-
potentiary people's representative organ by means of popular election in the
future, we Communist Party members will participate in the work of the National
Political Council with a most positive, eager, and sincere attitude. Mean-
while, we feel that, the active participation in the work of the National
Political Council constitutes a part of the important work to reenforce the
defense of Wuch'ang-Hankow and the resistance war effort of the third period;
it constitutes also a part of the foundation to promote the future formation
of a people's plenipotentiary representative organ. We will participate in
the National Political Council on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party,
sincerely wishing to join hands and strive together with the council member
comrades of the Kuomintang and other parties and factions and of those without
party or factional affiliations, in order to discuss and decide, in a friendly
and harmonious manner, the concrete means and implementation measures bene-
ficial to, the victory of the resistance war and the building of the nation,
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so that we will deal effective blows to and defeat the Japanese bandits
and lay the foundation for an independent, free, and happy new nation of
China.
To attain the goal of defeating the Japanese bandits and building an inde-
pendent, free, and happy new nation, we must, primarily, in the military
aspect, seek the strengthening of the combat power of the troops on the front
line, the large-scale expansion of the people's guerrilla warfare in enemy
occupied areas, and the creation of vigorous troops with modern equipment;
in the political aspect, improve the political structures, promote the building
of provincial, county, and local public opinion organs, and generally launch
and organize the broad masses to actively participate in the war; in the
economic aspect, intensify the creation of national defense industries, re-
adjust the wartime finance and currency, raise the industrial and agricultural
production, and safeguard and improve the people's livelihood by means of
all kinds of effective measures. Meanwhile, all military, political, and
economic improvements hinge on the continuous consolidation and expansion of
the Anti-Japanese National United Front. All these items have been discussed
repeatedly and in detail in the documents and declarations of the Chinese
Communist Party iii the past several years (such as the Declaration of 1 August
1935, the Ten Great Policies for Anti-Japanese Resistance and National Salva-
tion published in September last year, the Declaration of the Chinese Communist
Party Central Committee on the Current Situation made in December last year,
and the views of the leading comrades and members of the Party), and we trust
they are well known to the people of the country. In actively participating
in the work of the National Political Council, we will sincerely implement
all instructions of the Central of our party and continue to strive for the
realization of the advocations of our party in the resistance war period.
At the first session of the National Political Council, the iron hooves of
the enemy have entered the heartland of China; enemy artillery is permeating
the regions of the Yangtze, Huai, Yellow, and Han rivers; Anhwei, Kiangsi,
Hunan, and Hupeh are under enemy threat; Wu-ch'ang-Hankow has become the
target of enemy reconnaissance. Therefore, our most urgent problem is how
to defend Wuch'ang-Hankow and win the victory of the third period resistance
war.
Currently, we feel that the most urgent issues requiring prompt solutions are
roughly as follows: How to mobilize the military strength, manpower, finance,
and material to defend Wuch'ang-Hankow, our military, political, economic,
and communication center, and effectively wage the third period resistance
war; how to reform the current conscription system with its innumerable de-
fects and replace it with the recruiting system by broad political mobiliza-
tion, so that the troops of China will have continuous replacements with
soldiers possessing a vigorous national consciousness and the creation of
a new army will progress promptly and effectively; how to adopt concrete
measures to truly attain the goal that "those with money will donate money;"
how to guarantee the minimum improvement of the people's life so that those
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with strength will donate their strength; how to generally activate and organize
the masses and, at the same time, unify the mass movements and organizations
under the general principle of the resistance war and democracy; how to safe-
guard the people's freedoms of speech, meeting, publication, and association
and the legitimate rights of the resistance war parties and factions; how to
truly and effectively train the young people, so that they can shoulder the
responsibilities of cadres to resist Japan and build the nation, in order
to overcome their disappointment over the many young people's training classes
today; how to improve the political structures of all levels, primarily
those of the county level and below; how to conscientiously promote local
self-government. All these are urgently desired by the people of the entire
nation and necessary to the victory of the resistance war. We will discuss
them with those in all fields holding the same views and propose bills in
the National Political Council.
Today, the enemy bandits are creating havoc and our front line soldiers
are fighting bloody battles for the survival of the nation of China. In the
great and noble national battlefield, our thousands and tens of thousands of
soldiers, without distinction of parties and factions, without distinction
of boundaries, are mutually helping one another, turning the gun muzzles
toward the enemy with one mind and one heart, and gloriously merging their
blood together. We believe that, in the meeting hall of the National Political
Council, similar to the battlefield of the National Liberation War, all the
council members will absolutely not discriminate between the "party in power"
and the "party out of power" or engage in any prejudicial disputes between
parties and factions; on the contrary, they will sweep aside all misunderstandings
without distinction of parties or factions, without distinction of areas, and
jointly and unanimously devote their effort to the final victory of the re-
sistance war, because the program of the resistance war and national construc-
tion promulgated by the Kuomintang Provisional Congress is not only recognized
by the Party as being basically identical in direction in its wartime political
policy with the Party's wartime program, but also approved by other parties
and factions. The National Government and its national policy to persevere
in a long-term resistance war and strive for the final victory of the state
and the nation are unanimously supported by the people of the entire nation.
On such foundation, we believe that the work of the National Political Council
will be successful in an atmosphere of harmony and friendship.
Finally, we Communist Party council members will not evade in the slightest
our proper responsibilities in front of the people of the entire nation just
because the National Political Council has not been created by popular election.
We deeply realize that, as the National Political Council members are the
public servants of the people, their messengers, and their representatives,
we will faithfully follow their instructions and their will and work hard;
we will struggle for the realization of the will, desire, and demand of the
people of China. We firmly believe that consolidating the national unity and
expelling the Japanese bandits constitute the most urgent demand of the people
of China today. We will not relax, nor fear difficulties, but will firmly
and faithfully struggle hard for the satisfactory realization of this most
urgent demand inside and outside the National Political Council. We hope that
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the people of the entire nation, whether individuals or organizations, will
givt us Ills tructLons and liel.p. If we make mistakes, we hope you will criticize
and censure us. We hope that we and all the council members, as the people's
representatives in a sacred public opinion organ, will, under the help,
supervision, encouragement, and criticism of the people of the entire nation,
fulfill the responsibilities of the National Political Council and of each and
every council member.
Mao Tse-tung,_Ch'en Shao-yu, Ch'in Pang-hsien, Lin
Tsu-han, Wu Yu-chang, Tung Pi-wu, Teng Yin-ch'ao
5 July
? LIBERATION, No 47, 1 August 1938
* "Resistance War Documents of the Chinese Communist Party," first edition
Hung-mien Publishing House (Hong Kong), August 1946
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MESSAGE OF GREETINGS FROM COMRADE MAO TSE-TUNG TO THE NATIONAL POLITICAL
COUNCIL
6 July 1938
[Text] Council Chairman Mr Wang Ching-wei and Vice Chairman Mr Chang
Po-ling of the Wuch'ang-Hankow National Political Council and the entire
council membership:
At this time, upon the anniversary of the resistance war, when the entire
nation, from top to bottom, is united together, rallying time and again in
spite of the setbacks, and swearing to expel the powerful bandits, while the
enemy attacks are becoming ever more ferocious, the holding of the meeting
of the National Political Council in Wu-ch'ang-Hankow provides a precedent
for a constitutional government and initiates the expression of the public
opinion. All people of the nation celebrate and rejoice deeply over the
event. I have a seat on the council. However, due to trivial matters, I
am unable to personally attend and listen to your noble discussions. Never-
theless, I have.entrusted my comrades to express my limited personal views
beneficial to the momentous issues of the resistance war and national con-
struction, in order to contribute my little effort. The calamity is pressing
in on us and the nation is in danger of perdition, but the public opinion has
been expressed, and there is a great hope to turn the tide. While the means
to turn the tide are many, I feel that the following three points are the
most fundamental: The first is to persevere in the resistance war; the second
is to persevere,in the United Front; the third is to persevere in a war of
endurance. If we can advance with these points in mind, without relaxation,
victory will doubtlessly be ours. On this day of the inauguration of the
council, I solemnly send this cable to congratulate you, and I extend to you
my national revolutionary salute.
Mao Tse-tung
? LIBERATION, No 46, 23 July 1938
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The new stage of development in the national war against
Japan and the Anti-Japanese National United Front--a re-
port made at the sixth enlarged plenum of the Sixth CCP
Central Committee held from 12-14 October 1938.
[Text] Comrades, I am representing the Central Political Bureau to make a
report to the sixth enlarged plenum of the Sixth CCP Central Committee. What
am I prepared to talk about? What I need to talk about is divided into
several parts as follows: 1) from the fifth to the sixth enlarged plenums
of the Sixth Central Committee; 2) summation of the 15 months of war against
Japan; 3) the new stage of development of the war against Japan and the
Anti-Japanese National United Front; 4) current urgent tasks for the entire
nation; 5) a protracted war and long-term cooperation; 6) China's war against
agression and the world-wide anti-fascist movement; 7) the Chinese Communist
Party's position in the national war; 8) the Seventh National Party Congress.
These are the questions I wish to address.
Comrades, what tasks are we to carry out by convening the sixth enlarged
plenum of the Sixth CCP Central Committee in the midst of a situation in which
we hear gunfire echoing all over the country, and find the peril of world
war pressing upon us so urgently? What. are our objectives? We definitely
must forever unite with all patriotic parties, factions, and compatriots
throughout the nation,. overcome new difficulties, and mobilize new forces
to stop the enemy's attacks for the present, and carry out our counterattacks
in the future, so as to attain the objective of driving out Japanese imperialism
and establish a republic based on the Three People's Principles. We abso-
lutely must have freedom, we definitely will win--these are our objectives,
and it is also the general orientation of my report.
I. From the Fifth to the Sixth Enlarged Plenums of the Sixth CCP Central
Committee.
1. The Convening of the Sixth Enlarged Plenum of the Sixth CCP Central
Committee.
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It has been nearly five years now since the general membership meeting of
our party's Sixth Central Committee held its fifth plenum in Kiangsi Province
in January 1934. We were unable to gather together in one body because the
various Central Committee members were scattered all over the country and
abroad working under various different situations. But, this time, most of
the Central Committee members are attending, with the exception of a few
comrades. Moreover, many comrades who are leaders of various tasks from
various areas throughout the country have also come. This has made this
general membership meeting the one with the greatest number of people attend-
ing since the convening of the Sixth Enlarged Plenum. Originally, it was
intended for the Seventh Congress of the CCP Central Committee to be convened
this year, but we had to postpone it until next year because of the urgency
of the war. But the current situation has set before us many problems which
must be clearly resolved in order to achieve victory in the war against
Japan. Therefore, we have convened this enlarged general membership meeting
of the CCP Central Committee.
2. From the Fifth to the Sixth Plenums
In the past 5 years, our party had experienced very many events of great
importance. The transition of a situation in which the various parties,
factions, and classes in the country were opposed to each other to that of
the Anti-Japanese National United Front, and the transformation of the civil
war into a war against Japan, are the biggest and most important events. The
unfortunate disruption of the United Front of the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party in 1927 was the reason that caused the civil war in the past. This
was created by the historical circumstances of that time.
How, then, was the policy of the Anti-Japanese National United Front formed?
It was formed because of the new historical circumstances. Since the
18 September Incident, Japanese imperialism--the-enemy of the Chinese nation--
after carrying out the first step of aggression against the four eastern
provinces is now entering the stage of taking the second step of preparing
to and carrying out the aggression against all of China. This kind of un-
precedented historical event has brought about a transformation in domestic
and international situations. First of all, it has transformed, and is
transforming, the mutual relationships of the various classes, parties,
factions, and cliques within the country, and, at the same time, it has
transformed, and is transforming, mutual relationships on the international
scene. In accordance with this unprecedented historical event and the new
relationships both domestically and internationally, our Party, as far back
as 1933, had begun to take a. new road on its political standpoint (setting
up agreements, based on the three conditions to fight against the Japanese,
with any elements within the Kuomintang who are willing to cooperate with
us), raising it to the level of a new policy of the Anti-Japanese National
United Front. For this reason the August 1935 proclamation was published,
the December decision was made, the August 1936 letter to the Kuomintang
was written, and the September resolution of the democratic republic was
passed. Furthermore, it was these that enabled us to adhere to the policy of
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peaceful resolution of the Sian Incident which occurred in December of that
year, and to forward to the Kuomintang's Third Congress a concrete proposal
to unite against the Japanese in February 1937. In May of last year, a
congress of a temporary nature was convened (it was called a congress of the
Soviet areas attended at that time by representatives from Soviet and non-
Soviet areas, as well as from the Red Army). It passed the "Tasks of the
Anti-Japanese National United Front at the Present Stage," and approved the
implementation of the reorganization of the Red Army into the People's Revo-
lutionary Army, and the implementation of a transformation into a democratic
system in the Soviet areas. Thus in reality a transition was made from a
situation of civil war into a new era of a beginning to establish the Anti-
Japanese National United Front. It was also at that time that the Chinese
Nationalist Party slowly began to change its policy, gradually turning toward
a position of unification against the Japanese. Without such a transition in
the Kuomintang's policy it would not have been possible even if it was desired,
to form the Anti-Japanese National United Front. During that period, many
national salvation groups began to have their own organizations, and other
parties and factions also made demands to oppose the Japanese. The measures
taken by Japanese imperialism to commit aggression against China and destroy
it encountered unprecedented opposition from the entire nation, because of
the change in policies of both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the
leadership of Mr. Chiang Kai-shek, the support of the military and the people
of the whole country, and the cooperation of other cliques and parties and
factions. Following the Lukouchiao Incident on 7 July last year, all China,
under the unified leadership of the national leader and supreme commander,
Generalissimo Chiang, erupted with sounds of sacred and righteous gunfire.
All China was transformed into an unprecedented massive unity of the great
Anti-Japanese National United Front. In August of last year, 2 months after
the Lukouchiao Incident, our Party announced the Ten Great Policies for Anti-
Japanese Resistance and National Salvation. At the same time the reorganiza-
tion of the Eighth Route Army was completed, and it marched to North China
to fight. On 22 September our Party made a public announcement of a proclama-
tion to unite with the Kuomintang, in purest honesty based upon the Three
People's Principles, and face the national peril together. The second day,
Mr. Chiang Kai-shek, the supreme leader of the Kuomintang, the national
government, and the national revolutionary army, published a talk in which
he admitted the legal existence of the Communist Party and to unite with it
to save the nation. Thenceforth, the Anti-Japanese National United Front,
based upon the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, was completely established.
In December our party, in order to consolidate and develop the Anti-Japanese
National Unified Front, again proclaimed its willingness not only to cooperate
with the Kuomintang in opposing the Japanese, but also in national construc-
tion. Soon after, the guerrilla units of the Red Army in the South reor-
ganized to form the New Fourth Army and marched to the south of the Yangtze
River to fight against the Japanese. Thereafter, anti-Japanese unity improved
daily.
Comrades, this kind of transition from 10 years of war between the two parties
to a new cooperation between them, and carrying out this transition under
conditions of extreme difficulties, stabilized the initial foundation of long-
term cooperation between the two parties. These were accomplished only after
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going through a lot of difficulties but it was accomplished finally through
the efforts of the Central Committee and the entire Party. The Comintern
fully approved this new political line our Party had taken (see "New China
Daily's" 9 September report on the Comintern's resolution), and, furthermore,
called upon the proletariat of the world and the communist parties of the
various countries to give aid to China's war against the Japanese.
Comrades, if there had not been such an undertaking, establishment, and ad-
herence to the Anti-Japanese National United Front, based upon the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party, it would have been impossible to launch this great
anti-Japanese national revolutionary war, persevere and win victory. Now,
people all over China and the world understand that the Chinese nation has
stood up! One hundred years of insult, ridicule, aggression, and oppression,
especially the shameful position of a slave after the 18 September Incident,
have been altered. People of all China, with gunds in their hands, have
marched onto the battlefields of the war of national self-defense, and the
dawning of hope for freedom and liberation of the Chinese nation has begun.
We knew that this great national war of ours today is different from all
wars in the historical eras of China. Because this war is for the liberation
of the Chinese nation from a semi-colonial position, and from the perils of
losing the nation and destruction of the race. Furthermore, this war is
being fought in the most progressive era of China's history; at the same
time, this war is fought during the period in which our enemy, Japanese im-
perialism, is seeking a path of self-destruction and collapse. At the same
time, this war is fought in an era in which the progressive mankind of the
world is preparing its forces for struggle on an unprecedentedly enlarged
scale, and unprecedented intensity, in order to oppose and overcome the
evil devils of the German-Italian-Japanese fascists and achieve a bright
future for the world. This kind of unification of factors from three sides--
with the advancement and continuous progress of China as the principal
cornerstone--assures that our war against Japan will surely win final victory,
and a free and liberated new China will emerge with certainty in the Orient
and become an important, integral element in the bright world of the future.
Such a China will give prosperity not only to China's 400 million people,
but also to all mankind.
The sixth enlarged plenum of the Sixth CCP Central Committee is held at a
crucial moment when the anti-Japanese war is at the point of entering a new
developmental stage, and the sixth enlarged plenum of the Sixth CCP Central
Committee has shouldered a historical task of great importance.
It is absolutely correct that the anti-Japanese war has been courageously
fought for over a year now, and throughout the nation there is great unity
and magnificent progress. It has dealt a severe blow to Japanese imperialism.
Although we have lost much territory, we have won many victories. This is
a fact that cannot be denied. It may also be predicted that final victory
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will be ours, and not the enemy's, as the war develops further, mainly be-
cause of China's continuous progress, which, at the same time, is coordinated
with the increasing difficulties of Japan and international assistance to
make us stronger. Whoever cannot see the magnificent achievements of the
past and the victorious future will fall into the deep pit of pessimism and
will be unable to extract himself. However, it is not enough to see only
this side of the matter. There is another side to the anti-Japanese war,
the negative side, and this is the problem that faces us. The present situa-
tion tells us that all the struggles, unity, progress, and victories in the
past year and more in China, have not been able to stop the enemy's advance,
and we still do not have the strength to go on the counteroffensive. Wuhan
is being threatened by the enemy, and he will also mount attacks against
Canton, Changsha, and areas of the northwest. Therefore, the people of the
entire country expect the Communist Party to make proposals. The new situation
has set forth many problems. Comrades, we must make proposals, we must solve
these problems. It is correct that our Party long ago gave its proposals, and
many of the basic problems have been resolved, too, a long time ago. But the
new situation demands that we make new proposals and solve new problems.
What is the new problem?
How to increase new forces on the present foundation to pass over the diffi-
cult phase of the war, stop the enemy's attacks, prepare to mount our counter-
attacks, and achieve the objective of driving out the enemy--these are the
key questions of the current problem. A countless number of people all over
the country discuss and worry over this problem. Should or should we not
address this problem? Without doubt we should address it.
This problem has developed various aspects and many problems have risen.
For instance, what has the experience of 15 months of resistance war proved.
Has it proved that the war will be a protracted one or a brief one? Is the
strategic policy to be a protracted war so as to overcome the enemy or a
quick one to win victory against the enemy? Is final victory to be China's
or the enemy's? Is the way out through war or through compromise? If the
war should be a protracted one, then what means should be adopted to support
a drawn-out war and win final victory? Can any basis be found in the 15
months of war experience so that a clear answer can be given? All these are
important problems and they belong to one category.
Again, for example, how to develop and transform the entire course of the
war against Japan? What, in actuality, is the nature of this so-called new
stage? Suppose we do not defend Wuhan, what then will be the trend of the
war? Henceforth, in which direction should the efforts of the entire nation
be directed--that is, the current urgent tasks of the Chinese nation? What
effective means do we have to pass through the great difficulties of the
war? These are even more important problems and belong to another category.
Again, for instance, what will happen to the future and the perspective of
the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party? On what
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basis does the Communist Party speak of long-term cooperation? What means
doeH the Communist ('arty have to improve the relationship between the two
parties? What kind of nation is to be established with regard to the so-called
cooperation not only in the war effort, but also in. the national construction?
What are the relationships between the Three People's. Principles and communism?
These are also very important questions and they again belong to another
category.
Once more, for example, with the world's political climate in such a state
of emergency, what will its situation become? What advantages or disadvantages
are there in the relationship between the anti-Japanese war of China and the
world movement to oppose fascism? These are also important questions, and
they-belong to still another category.
Furthermore, what is the position of the Chinese Communist Party in the
national war? What kind of attitude should a Communist Party member adopt
in his work when he struggles to implement the Party's policitcal policies?
What other effective methods do the Communist Party have in cooperation with
other parties and in liaison with the people to bring. about a transition
of the situation from a difficult period to one of smooth sailing? How
are the internal relationships of the Communist Party? Are there any effective
methods to bring about unity in the entire Party so as to enable it to play
its great role in the war against Japan, specially, in the current difficult
situation? What is to become of the Seventh Congress of the CCP Central
Committee? These are also important problems and they belong to yet another
category.
All these problems are urgently demanding for solutions within the party and
outside of it. In the recent several months we have constantly encountered
people requesting answers to these questions.
Comrades, our nation is a big. and complicated one, and it is now engaged in
a life-or-death struggle with a strong imperialist country. This struggle
is drawing near to a new developmental stage, and it is currently situation
in the transition period. Our sixth enlarged plenum is being held in this
period and its responsibilities are very, very important as we must resolve
many problems.
II. A General Summation of 15 Months of War
1. What Has the Experience of 15 Months Proved?
Let us begin from the experience gained during the 15 months. What have we
gained from the experience of 15 months of war? I hold that in the main
there are three aspects. First, it has proved that the war against Japan
is a protracted, and not a brief one. Therefore, the strategy for the war
of resistance is protracted warfare and not a blitzkreig type of war.
Second, it has proved that China's war of resistance can win final victory,
and there is no basis for pessimism. Third, it has proved that the only
correct road that will support a protracted war and win final victory is that
of unifying and uniting the entire nation, striving hard for improvement and
relying on the masses,. and applying them to overcome difficulties and secure
victory. There is no other way.
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2. The War of Resistance Against Japan Is Not a Brief War But a Protracted
One, and the Strategy Is Protracted Warfare, Not a Quick and Decisive Campaign
When the war of resistance first broke out, many people assumed that the war
would soon be over, and the idea of a quick victory prevailed for a while.
This was so because they did not proceed from the basic comparison of the
strength of the enemy and ours, but from some temporary and superficial
phenomena. However, at the Double Ten festival last year, Generalissimo
Chiang clearly pointed out: "This war of resistance will not be over in a
short time. It must go through a period of extreme sufferings and difficulties
before it can achieve final victory." As for us, we pointed out a long time
ago the protracted nature of the anti-Japanese war of resistance, and that
it could not be resolved in a short period of time. "The outcome of the war
is inevitable victory for China and unavoidable defeat for Japan, however,
the sacrifices will be great, and there will be a period of great sufferings"
(16 July 1936 talk between Mao Tse-tung and Snow). "It should be perceived
that this war of resistance is a very difficult, protracted war" (the
15 August 1937 resolution passed by the CCP Central Committee on the current
situation and the Party's tasks). These all pointed out that the anti-Japanese
war of resistance is a protracted war and not a short one, the strategy is
protracted warfare and not a quick, decisive campaign. The experience of the
past 15 months of the war of resistance has completely proved this to be
correct.
What is the reason for this? It is because the enemy is powerful and we are
weak, the enemy is in a superior, and we are in an inferior position, and
the enemy is an imperialist country and we are a semi-colonial nation.
We long ago pointed out that there must be three conditions in order to be
victorious over the enemy: firstly, China must be progressive, and this is the
basic and principal thing; secondly, Japan's difficulties; and thirdly,
international assistance. Let us take a look at these three conditions
during the 15 months of the war of resistance. In short, they already have a
foundation, but it is still a long way from the degree they must attain.
With regard to the first condition (the basic and principal condition for
victory against the enemy), China's progressiveness, a base has been formed
in the past 15 months, but only through continuing progress can we finally
overcome the enemy. What is meant by the progress of China encompasses all
aspects of domestic politics, military affairs, Party tasks, people's move-
ments, and cultural education. In these respects, progress has been very
obvious during the past 15 months. However, we cannot stop the enemy's
attacks with only these and launch our counteroffensive. In order to counter-
attack there must be a period of preparations. There must be an intensive
and wide-spread mobilization of all new forces in our nation through the
effort of all the people in order to be able to mount a counterattack and
defeat the enemy. Therefore, the theory of quick victory has no basis, be-
cause it has forgotten the salient point that the enemy is powerful and we
are weak, that the enemy is in a superior and we are in an inferior position,
that the enemy is an imperialist nation and we are a semi-colonial country.
China has a vast latent potential, and when this potential is mobilized it
is ample enough to turn defeat into victory, weakness into strength, and
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basically alter the situation between the enemy and us all by itself. How-
ever, it is not an existing fact, and it will require our efforts henceforth.
As for the second condition, Japan's difficulties, it is also the same.
During these 15 months the enemy put into the field a million men, sustained
casualties in the hundreds of thousands, and expended hundreds of millions.
The morale of the troops disintegrates daily, and its finances and economy are
being exhausted daily. International opinions are rising all around to censure
Japan, and it all resulted from the barbaric aggression of Japan and China's
heroic war of resistance. But these existing difficulties of the enemy are
still inadequate to stop the attacks of the enemy and benefit our counter-
offensive. We must wait for the day when the enemy has even greater diffi-
culties and we have made even greater progress, and then only will the opportunity
come to counterattack and be victorious over the enemy. Therefore, with re-
gard to the enemy situation, the theory of quick victory does not have a
basis, which has been proved by the experience of 15 months.
On the third condition, international assistance, it is still not the time
of greatest benefit for us. In the past 15 months, we have the support of
broad international opinion. The Soviet Union and other democratic countries,
in accordance with the resolution of the League of Nations, have already given
us a lot of assistance. This proved that we are not alone. However, we must
realize that the international peace front has different situations in different
countries. Among the capitalist countries the people are helping us, but the
governments have adopted to a'certain degree a neutral attitude. Their
bourgeoisie is taking advantage of this war to do business, and they are still
transporting large quantities of armaments, and materials for making them,
to Japan. The socialist countries are basically different from the capitalist
countries, and this has already been manifested in a concrete manner on the
question of aid to China. But the international situation currently does not
permit them to provide assistance over and beyond the present degree. There-
fore, we, for the time being, must not place too much hope on international
aid. To discard the policy of self-reliance and mainly place our hopes on
assistance from abroad is, beyond doubt, an error of the greatest magnitude.
The experience gained from the past 15 months has proved that relying mainly
upon our own efforts, and at the same time maintaining our efforts to win
assistance from-abroad, is the correct path to be taken. In this regard,
past experience has also negated the theory of quick victory.
In general, the experience of the past 15 months proved that, regardless of
whether it is with respect to China, the enemy, or the international [aspects),
the proposal of the theory of quick victory has no basis at all. On the
contrary, it has exposed the protracted and cruel nature of the war. There-
fore, our strategy absolutely must not be for a quick and decisive campaign,
but should be one for protracted warfare. The only correct policy for the
war of resistance against Japan is to prolong the war and win against the
enemy. Those who did not believe this policy in the past have not been
taught a lesson by reality, and they should.no longer have any doubts now!
This is the first summation on the 15 months of war of resistance.
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3. Final Victory Belongs to China, and Pessimists Have No Basis
Prior to the war of resistance, the theory of weapons only predominated on
a grand scale. The view was that China's weapons were inferior, and we would
be destroyed if we fought and China would become another Abyssinia. After
the war of resistance was launched, this kind of opinion seemed to have disap-
peared, but it was still circulating in the dark. Whenever the war of resis-
tance reached a critical situation, this kind of opinion would emerge to stir
up trouble. It held that China should stop the war and negotiate for peace as
it was no longer able to continue fighting, and should it continue to do so
it would be inevitably destroyed. We took the opposing stand. We held that
China's weapons were in fact inferior to others, but weapons could be
strengthened through the efforts of man. In war, victory or defeat is mainly
decided by the human factor, not by materials. Based upon the efforts of
the entire nation, the result of a protracted war will be that of China
slowly overcoming its weaknesses and strengthening its forces, transforming
passivity into initiative, and inferiority into superiority. At the same
time, the difficulties on the enemy's side will slowly increase, and inter-
national aid to us will slowly grow. When all these factors are combined,
we will, in the end, be able to defeat Japanese imperialism. Long ago,
Generallissimo Chiang clearly indicated that "since the war has already begun,
there is only one way, and that is to go all out with all the strength of
our nation and sacrifice to the end. There will no longer be such a thing
as stopping mid-way and compromising" (in the talk given at Lu Shan last July).
"This war of resistance is a course which the people's revolution must go
through, and it is a war of preservation fought by the victim against the
aggressor. It is totally different from the usual warring nations of matching
strength. Therefore, our reliance is placed not on weapons or military
preparedness but on the powerful, unyielding revolutionary spirit and the
strong, unbending national will" (in the letter to the people published in
December of last year). As for the Chinese Communist Party, it had long ago
pointed out that "the drain on Japan by China's protracted resistance has
brought its economy to near collapse and the morale of its troops to near
disintegration. But for China, its latent power to wage a war of resistance
surges higher and higher daily. When all these factors are combined with
others, it will enable us to mount the attack on all the territory occupied
by Japan in the end, and drive Japan's army of aggression out of China."
(Talk between Mao Tse-tung and Snow). "We believe that through the efforts
of the people throughout the country, the war of resistance that has been
launched will certainly sweep away all obstacles and continue to advance and
develop. Victory is certain for the war of resistance against Japan only
if tens of millions of the masses are truly organized and join the Anti-
Japanese National United Front." (The August resolution passed by the Chinese
Communist Party last year). All these have been evidenced by the experience
of the past 15 months. It has been proved that such absurd falsehoods as 'the
enemy is too strong to resist,' 'China cannot stand a fight,' and 'compromise
is the only way out' spoken by pessimists and those who held that China will
fall are totally wrong.
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What is the reason for this? Because the fact that the enemy is strong and
we are weak is but one side of the coin. The enemy still has-its weaknesses,
China still has its strong points.
What are the weaknesses of the enemy? First, it is a smaller country. It
is inadequate in troops and finances, and cannot withstand a prolonged drain.
Because of its shortage of troops it is forced to split them and sustain
attrition in the face of China's strong resistance so that it cannot occupy
the whole of China, with regard to the territories it occupied it consist in
reality only the big cities, highways, and certain areas of the plains. The
rest still belongs to China.
Second, the nature of the war waged by the enemy is imperialistic and very
backward. The contraditions within itself forced the enemy to launch a war
of aggression, and it also compelled the enemy to adopt an extremely barbaric
policy of plunder. Thus, it transformed the enemy's war on the one hand into
a war that places the entire Chinese people in absolute opposition, forcing
them to unite and wage a war of determined resistance regardless of class,
party, or faction.
On the other hand it is also transformed into a war which is in absolute
opposition with its own people. The results of Japanese imperialism's all-
out measures, with regard to manpower and finances in order to meet the needs
of war, have begun to create much discontent among the people in its own
country, and among the troops on the front lines. As the war develops it
will without doubt force its people and soldiers to lean, en masse, in the
direction of using resolute methods to oppose the war itself. These have
already surfaced during the 15 months. This is the most important basis
existing on the enemy's side which will inevitably bring about defeat to it.
Third, precisely because the war the enemy is waging is imperialistic by nature,
in other words, selfishness, it will compel the enemy to place all countries
whose interests are contrary to its own in the opposition camp. With the
exception of two or three fascist countries, all other countries, specially
the masses of people of these countries, do not approve Japan's war of aggression.
Thus Japan is forced to narrow gradually its sphere of international activities,
and daily becomes more and more isolated. This also has already begun to be
evident during the 15 months.
Therefore, the comparative smallness of the country of Japan affected its
troop strength, and its finances are insufficient; the backward nature of
Japan's war; and Japan's international isolation--all these are combined
at the same time, and it becomes Japan's innate weaknesses and difficulties,
and also these weaknesses and difficulties are growing daily. Those who
hold that the nation will fall and the pessimists are completely blind and
can see only one thing, that the enemy is strong and we are weak. Therefore,
with respect to the enemy situation, there is no basis for pessimism or to
holding the view that the nation will fall, so their policy of compromise
can only be a policy for the downfall of the nation. We are theoreticians
of final victory, and our view has ample basis with respect to the enemy
situation. This has also begun to be evident during the 15 months.
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What are our superior points? Firstly, we are a big country with a vast
territory, rich resources, many people, and many soldiers. Regardless of
the fact that the enemy has occupied our principal big cities and communica-
tions lines, we still have a large tract of land left to form a base for our
protracted war and.wrest final victory. As for the enemy occupied areas, we
still have many bases for guerrilla warfare. This characteristic is basically
different from such small countries as Czechoslovakia and Belgium. This is
our first superior point. Secondly, our present anti-Japanese war of resis-
tance is different from any of the wars in the history of China. Our war is
a national revolutionary war, a progressive war. Not only is the war itself
progressive by nature, but it is fought upon a progressive foundation never
before seen in China. China in the second decade of the 20th century was
different from the China of any other historical era. We have progressive
people quite different from those of any other historical period, and a
progressive political party and progressive army. The anti-Japanese war of
resistance which is being fought upon such a foundation, encompasses a great
force that can continue to develop this progressiveness. This is what we
have on our side which will enable us to support a protracted war and achieve
final victory. The experience gained from the past 15 months has proved that
the sacred national war carried out on its original base has already impelled
the progress of all China. The old tradition of national corruption is being
destroyed, a new national progressive force is developing, and the develop-
mental stage of the unification and progress of an entire nation is advancing
toward completion. The China'after the war of resistance is different from
the China preceding it, and this can be perceived by anyone with eyes. It
also may be predicted that the China of the first stage of the war of resistance
(this stage has not ended yet) will be different from the China in the later
stages. Thirdly, our anti-Japanese war of resistance is not isolated. China's
anti-Japanese war of resistance and the world's struggle against aggression
and fascism are inseparably bound together, regardless of whether capitalist
countries still preserve their many contradicting policies and regardless of
whether the international situation may temporarily affect the degree of aid
given by the various countries to us. It is not only the Chinese that are
opposing the Japanese war of aggression, but also Europeans, Americans,
Africans, Australians, and other Asians. The sympathy and aid extended by
the various countries of the world during these 15 months have given us this
sure confidence. That China, which has mainly relied on its own efforts,
can, at the same time, coordinate with world aid, is because today's world
is no longer the world it used to be. Progressive mankind of the entire
world has formed into one body of close association. The enemy's plan to
isolate us will not avail.
In this respect, ours is a very big country, our war is progressive, and we
also have international assistance. These three factors are combined at the
same time. These are all conditions favorable to us. They not only already
exist, they grow daily. Here, the pessimists and the subjugationists are
both blind, unable to see anything at all. All they can see is that we are
a weak country, our position is inferior, and we are a semi-colonial country.
They mumble such nonsense as "the nation will surely fall if we wage a war
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of resistance," and, "if we carry on with the war, the nation will inevitably
fall." The evil fellows among them covertly carry out their scheme to surrender
and compromise upon the basis of such nonsensical talk. We, on the contrary,
point out, based on the experience of the past 15 months, the strong points
and weaknesses of our country and of our war, to the entire Party and the
entire country the conditions that are favorable to us and those that are
not, and also point out clearly the superior position these strong points
and favorable conditions hold with regard to the war as a whole. We shall call
upon the entire nation to put its effort into the struggle, give rein to our
own strong points, strengthen our own favorable conditions, overcome our own
weaknesses and unfavorable conditions, and struggle to win final victory.
To whom will final victory belong? We answer decisively: China. Our policies
are decided upon this basis: resolutely resist or vacillate and compromise?
We answer with decision: there absolutely cannot be any vacillation and com-
promise. The only way out is through resolutely waging a war of resistance.
The loss of the four eastern provinces, the annihilation of Austria, and the
carving up of Czechoslovakia, are the result of no resistance. This is quite
obvious to all. It is the same now. With all the superior conditions in
China, the war of resistance will inevitably thrive. But if the road of
compromise is taken, destruction cannot be avoided. Therefore, the only
policy is to resolutely oppose compromise-ism and pessimism, and rouse the
entire nation to fight courageously to the end.
In general, this contradicting comparison--the enemy strength and our weakness--
has decided the protracted nature of the war, and the strategic policy of
protracted warfare. We hold the theory of victory over the enemy through
prolongation and not the theory of quick victory. The enemy is small and
we are big; the enemy's war is a backward one and ours is progressive; the
enemy's position on the international scene is comparatively isolated while
ours can get outside assistance. These contradictory comparisons again
decide that final victory of the war belongs to us, and not to the enemy.
This is the second summation of the experience of 15 months.
4. The Only Way To Support a Protracted War and In Final Victory Lies in
Unifying and Uniting the Entire Nation, Striving for Progress, and Relying
Upon the Masses
The anti-Japanese war of resistance is a protracted one, and final victory
belongs to China--these two basic questions have already been proved by the
experience gained from 15 months of the war of resistance. But what about
a concrete program for supporting a protracted war and winning final victory?
In the past, people in the country did not have a uniform opinion. Many
people held that it would be sufficient to carry on as in the past. They
did not pay attention to uniting the whole country, nor did they pay attention
to military affairs, politics, culture, party tasks, and people's movements
and their improvement. They even went so far as to increase friction and
obstruct progress. We have never approved of such opinions, and we hold
that only through unified unity of the entire nation, striving for progress,
and reliance upon the masses can we support a protracted war and win final
victory. Otherwise, we will not be able to do so. The Chinese Nationalist
Party pointed out clearly in its program for the war of resistance and
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national construction that "if we are seeking certain victory in the war of
resistance and certain success in national construction, we must surely rely
upon the efforts of our Party's comrades, especially if the people of the
entire country are to unite and shoulder this task together." Likewise, the
Chinese Communist Party pointed out long ago that "The most central task in
the war of resistance is that of mobilizing all available forces to attain
victory, and the key to winning victory is to develop the war of resistance
that has already been launched into a total war with the entire nation parti-
cipating. Only this total war can bring final victory in the war of resistance."
(The Chinese Communist Party's resolution passed last August.) The experience
of the past 15 months has already proved that these are entirely correct.
Since the war of resistance began, the various classes, parties and factions,
and cliques which had been in opposition to each other, have united, and the
various different areas and armies have been unified under the command of the
Military Affairs Commission of the government of the Kuomintang. Without
this unity it would have been impossible to persist in the war of resistance
for 15 months. It is also because of the war of resistance that the unity
of the various sides was made possible. This kind of unity is the Anti-
Japanese National United Front. However, the experience of the past 15 months
also made it evident to us the gravity of the enemy's schemes to sabotage
and the inadequate consolidation of the unity within our ranks. Besides
objective causes, the most important reason why the war of resistance has
encountered so many set-backs and why we still cannot stop the enemy's attacks
and carry out our counteroffensive is that the United Front is inadequate in
strength, and it has not had the necessary expansion and consolidation it
must have. It can be seen from this that the only way possible to support
a protracted war and achieve final victory is to further unify and unite the
entire nation, and consolidate and expand the Anti-Japanese National United
Front. This is the first.
Second, the 15 months of the war of resistance has given impetus to the unifi-
cation of the entire nation, but it has also shown its inadequacy. It has
impelled the progress of military affairs, politics, culture, party tasks,
and people's movements and, at the same time, it has again exposed the in-
sufficiency of this progress. All viable forces among all class strata through-
out the nation must be mobilized in order to support a protracted war and win
final victory, and to achieve this objective efforts must be made so that
there will be progress in all the fields of military affairs, politics, cul-
ture, party tasks, and people's movements. If there is no greater progress
made in all these respects, it will not be possible to mobilize all new forces
throughout the nation and further unify and unite the entire nation.
Third, the 15 months of the war of resistance has also proved how powerful
the people's assistance to the war of resistance can be. At the same time
it has also proved that the people's forces are now beginning to be mobilzied,
therefore, it has caused the war of resistance to suffer many set-backs because
it was unable to receive the massive assistance of the people. From this, a
lesson has been learned. The people must further understand this basic
problem of the war of resistance being dependent upon the masses. By relying
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upon the masses, all difficulties can be overcome and any powerful enemy
can be defeated, but if we become separated from the masses, not a single
thing can be accomplished. Hereafter, the further progress of China must
be fully manifested with respect to the mobilization of the people's forces.
In general, the only correct path to support a protracted war and wrest final
victory is in consolidating and expanding the unity of the entire nation, in
striving for progress so as to mobilize the new forces of the entire nation,
and in relying upon the masses to overcome difficulties. This forms our third
summation.
Comrades, the basic lesson learned from the 15 months of the war of resistance
is that we must persist in the war of resistance, adhere to protracted warfare,
and strive for unity and progress. This the general policy of the war of
resistance henceforth. We can defeat the enemy if we and the entire nation
adhere to this general policy and put forth massive and protracted efforts.
The anti-Japanese war of resistance is now developing toward a new stage, and
there will be many new tasks, but this general program remains unchanged.
The 15-month experience forms the basis for our observation of the new situa-
tion and it has set forth new tasks.
III. The New Stage of Development of the Anti-Japanese War of Resistance and
the Anti-Japanese National United Front
1. Policy Is Decided on the Basis of Studying the. Laws Governing the War and
the United Front
Comrades, after summing up past experiences, the important question will be
to view the trends of the current situation. How will the anti-Japanese war
of resistance and the Anti-Japanese National United Front proceed to trans-
form and develop upon the basis of the past? This is a question we want to
answer now, as it has important significance with regard to our solving the
current problems. Because, if there is no geenral estimate made on the course
of transformation and development of the entire anti-Japanese war of resistance,
we will only be able to go around in circles with the war, permitting it to
shackle us and making it impossible to place it under our own control to
adjust and remold to create the necessary conditions for the war, lead it
toward where we want it to go, and win final victory. Therefore, it is neces-
sary to know the laws governing the war of resistance against Japan in order
to be able to implement the guidance of the war, and decide upon the strategies,
tactics, policies, and plans which serve the purpose of the war. It is the
same with the Anti-Japanese National United Front. We will be able to effectively
propel the United Front onto the course of consolidation and development only
by studying and understanding the laws governing its nature, and thereby per-
mitting it to play the role of supporting pillar for victory in the war.
Let us first talk about the problem of war.
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2. The Specifically Determined Historical Conditions and the Superiority of
Subjective Capability Decide the Developmental Course of the War
Historically, wars ended after going through one stage. For example, in the
Russo-Japanese War of 1905 there were only the advance of the Japanese troops
and the defeat and retreat of the Russians, and thereafter it ended. It was
also the same with the Italo-Abyssinian war. There were only the Italian
advance and the defeat and rout of the Abyssinians before it ended. It was
also the same with China's war against-the Peiyang warlords. This is one
type of situation stemming from, on the one hand, the inequality of the two
sides, and on the other hand, from the difference between superior and in-
ferior leadership which resulted in defeat. This is one type of war. The
second type went through two stages and ended after that. For instance,
the Franco-Russian war. Napoleon went from the offensive into retreat, and
the Russian from retreat to the counteroffensive. There were two stages to
both sides. It was the same with the Ch'ih Pi [6375 1084] campaign of the
war between Wu [0702] and Wei [7614], and the Fei Shui [3224 3055] campaign
between Ch'in [4440] and Chin [2516] of ancient China. Although the compara-
tive strength of the two armies was not equal, the weaker one went on the
counteroffensive after retreating and defeated the enemy by being skillful
in utilizing other favorable conditions and giving them correct direction.
But there is a third type of war, like the Seven Years' War, the Eight
Years' War, the Thirty Years' War, and the Hundred Years' War of foreign
countries, including the 4-year great war in Europe 20 years ago (manifested
specially on the Western Front), and all have three stages. In the first
stage A attacked and B retreated. In the second stage, a long period of in-
decisive warfare. The third stage was with B counterattacking, and A retreat-
ing. There were also many such wars in the history of China. The charac-
teristic of this type of war is that there is a comparatively long, or very
long period of confrontation. This also stemmed from the specifically de-
termined historical setting and the specific nature of the cliques directing
the wars.
To which of these types does the Sino-Japanese war belong? I hold that it
belongs to the third type of war. This stemmed from the different historical
conditions and the specific situations of the cliques directing the war.
3. The Protracted Nature of the Sino-Japanese War Is Manifested in the
Three Stages of the War
The protracted nature of the Sino-Japanese war will be manifested in the
three stages of the enemy's attack, holding-on and retreat, and in our defense,
holding-on and counterattack. The first stage of the enemy's advance and
our defense emerges because of the enemy being strong and our being weak
(the enemy is in a superior position and we in the inferior, the enemy is
an imperialist country and we are a semi-colonial country). Calling it de-
fense instead of retreat is to say that the retreat is manifested through
strategic mobil defense, that is, resisting at every step, and not an
immediate pull-out. But also because of these very special conditions of
the enemy being a small country, backward, and with little help,. and our
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being a big country, progressive, and with much support, and also because of
our courageous resistance which has inflicted losses on the enemy in his
attacks, through the difficulties and attrition brought about by the dis-
persion of his troops, the enemy has been compelled to end its strategic
attacks at a definite period, and shift over to the stage of militarily de-
fending the territories it has occupied, and attacking us politically and
through economic blockade. In this period, although the enemy has been
drained, it has not yet reach the degree which would cause it to turn into
defeat; and although we have resolutely resisted in the war and made progress
in many respects, we cannot, for the time being, progress to the point where
it would be enough to shift over to the stage of counterattacking and driving
the enemy out of the country. Due to these factors, the second stage, or
the middle stage, of stalemate is formed. It will be possible to bring
about a gradual transformation in which the original state of the enemy
being strong and us weak, and the enemy in a superior position and us in an
inferior one shifts to a situation which, viewed on the whole, daily becomes
unfavorable to the enemy and favorable to us because of the continuing growth
of the enemy's difficulties and our progress in the second stage. At first,
balance will be reached which will turn into a superior position for us and
an inferior position for the enemy. At this time, it will be possible to
enter the third stage in which we counterattack and the enemy retreats.
The observations made on the above three stages have not yet become facts,
but are possible. It is a kind of estimate made on the entire course of the
war based upon the concrete conditions of the mutually contradicting compari-
sons which are now in existence and those which will possibly occur in the
future between the enemy and ourselves. The possible situation can be trans-
formed into fact only if we rely upon our subjective efforts to create the
conditions necessary for such possible situations to occur. However, such
possible situations can be transformed into fact based upon existing conditions
plus conducting a correct direction and the massive and resolute efforts of
the entire nation.
4. Those Advocating Quick Victory and Those Who Hold That the Nation Will
Fall Oppose Such Estimates
Those advocating a quick victory oppose the theory of three stages. They
hold the view that it is not necessary to have a middle stage for us to be
able to go quickly onto the counteroffensive. This is wrong. The war
against Japan is faced with many existing difficulties, and to overcome these
difficulties require a definite period of time. It is not possible to go
quickly into the counteroffensive. It is because they have, on the one hand,
overly underestimated the enemy's strength, and, on the hand over-estimated
our own strength, that they oppose the three stages. Those who hold the
view that the nation will fall also oppose this. They believe that it is
impossible for both withstanding the enemy and going into the counteroffensive,
and that China is but another Abyssinia. This is incorrect. They are opposite
to the advocates of quick victory, over-estimating the enemy's strength and
under-estimating our own. Before them, there is only darkness. They admit
that the enemy can destroy all of China, and our resistance and efforts will
not avail. It is impossible to achieve the capability to withstand the enemy,
let alone going into the counteroffensive and defeating the enemy. For
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this reason, we must, on the one hand oppose the quick victory theory and
on the other hand oppose the theory that the nation will fall. Only thus can
we adhere to our three stage theory. Under present circumstances, it is more
important to oppose the theory that the nation will fall than quick victory-ism.
There are some others who, on the surface, approve of protracted warfare,
but disapprove of three stage theory. This is also incorrect. Where can
the so-called protracted warfare and drawn out war be manifested? In the
three stages of the war. If you accept protracted warfare and drawn out war,
and yet do not approve of the three stages, then the so-called protracted
and drawn out war are entirely abstract things without an iota of essence
and practicality. Therefore, it will not be possible to implement any true,
strategic direction, nor any factual strategic policy. In reality, this kind
of opinion still belongs to that of the quick victory theory, except that it
has put on a mantle of "protracted warfare."
5. The Relationship Between the Theory of Three Stages and the International
Situation
When the Chang Kao-feng [1728 7559 1496] incident occurred,,part of the
opinion within the country was highly enthusiastic. It held that if war
broke out between Japan and Russia, China could go over to the counteroffensive,
and a protracted war would not be necessary. Before such a viewpoint, the
theory of the three stages naturally becomes untenable, and our estimate is
wrong. This is mainly due to the idea of relying upon outside aid, and it is
another form of the idea of quick victory. However, the international
situation did not develop according to the subjective wishes of these friends,
but in accordance to its own'laws. The important center of the world is
located in Europe, and the Orient is an important part that surrounds it.
The principal countries of the peace front in the world and the main fascist
countries are in an uproar in the West over the question of the perils of
war in Europe. Regardless of whether it is on the eve of a war, or war
has broken out between the big countries, the big and small nations of the
West will then place the question of Europe at the head of their agenda and
are reluctantly compelled to place the question of the Orient in second
place. Viewing China under such circumstances, the two stage theory of going
quickly onto the counteroffensive is unreasonable. We must mainly rely upon
ourselves. We are not afraid of the three stages, but is in the process of
creating the three stages. The three stages form the law governing the Sino-
Japanese war. It has basis not only in the comparison of enemy strength and
ours, but also in the international situation.
6. The Stalmate Stage Is the Pivot of the War
The principal characteristic of the three stages is the inclusion of an
interim transitional stage. That is to say, first, our war of resistance
must be carried out with concerted effort to stop the'enemy's offensive.
If the enemy's offensive cannot be stopped at a given area and at a definite
time, there will be no such thing as three different stages. Second, it will
be necessary to go all out in making preparations for all the conditions
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needed to go on the offensive when the holding on stage emerges. If this is
not done, then it will not be possible to enter the counteroffensive stage.
It will be holding on forever, and the three stages become immaterial. At
this point, we positively say to those who hold the view of quick victory
that we must pass through a period of preparations before we can unite the
entire nation, overcome difficulties, develop new forces, and, at the same
time, coordinate these with the enemy's difficulties and international aid,
and then carry out the counteroffensive and drive the enemy out of the country.
Otherwise, this will not be possible. When problems are viewed from the
standpoint of chiefly relying on our own efforts, this conclusion becomes un-
avoidable. We possitively say to pessimists and those who hold the view
that the nation will be lost: It is only this transitional period that is
the pivotal point of the whole war. Whether China becomes a colony or achieves
liberation will be decided not by the loss of big urban areas and communica-
tions lines, but by the degree of effort put out by the entire nation in the
second stage. Such losses are unfortunate, as they strengthen the enemy's
forces and weaken ours, but there are still many things left which can be
capitalized upon to defeat the enemy. It will be of no avail to moan and
groan over the loss of precious things. The territories preserved during the
first stage and the new, viable forces, especially the progressiveness already
achieved in military affairs, politics, culture, party tasks, and people's
movements, are the most valuable of all, as they form the base for the continua-
tion of progress and preparation for the counteroffensive in the second stage.
However, these form only a base, and not a decisive factor, for counteroffen-
sive. The decisive factor is the force that is added on in the second stage.
Without the increase in this great, new force, counteroffensive will just,
be empty words.
7. The Characteristics of the Three Stages, the First Stage
There is a need to give a summarized explanation of the characteristics of
the three stages which have already emerged, and those which can be estimated,
of the anti-Japanese war of resistance. They have important ramifications
with regard to the directing of the war and deciding policies.
What special traits or landmarks are there in the first stage? There are
three aspects, which are as follows:
First, with regard to China, they are the formation of the National United
Front, the bitter fighting of the entire nation's troops, the resoluteness
of the war of resistance, the proclamation of the Kuomintang's program of
carrying out the war of resistance and national construction, the convening
of the People's Political Council, the legal status achieved by the
Communist Party and other parties and factions, the advent of guerrilla war-
fare, the progress of all the troops in the country, and the development of
people's movements. These are all major events manifesting the progress made
by China. However, there are, at the same time, many unfavorable events and
adverse phenomena. For example, the loss of major cities, communications
lines, and principal commerce and industry, the loss of territories and
populations, the uneven progress of the entire country (with some areas
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progressing very slowly), the political system, in general, is just beginning
to become democraticized, the continuing existence of obdurate conservatives
and the phenomenon of corruption, the upsurge of the trend to compromise,
etc.
Second, with regard to the enemy: The drain on their military and financial
resources, the censure of world opinion, the deterioration of military
discipline, the corresponding weakening of the combat effectiveness of the
troops, the increase of dissatisfaction among the people in its country and
among the front-line troops, the failure of Chang Kao-feng's war, the diffi-
culty of raising Chinese renegade troops and the ineffectiveness of those
that have been organized. These are major events manifesting the enemy's
difficulties. But, at the same time, there are things which show the capa-
bility of the enemy. They are the determined nature of their offensive,
the stubborn strength of its forces, the vastness of the territory it has
occupied, the strength of its political organizations, and the effectiveness
of its conspiratorial agencies.
Third, with regard to the international scene: The growth of the movement to
aid China, and the growth of the Soviet Union's strength and its aid to
China. 'All these are favorable to China but there are still other things:
the brewing of a great war in Europe, the tendency toward compromise to a
certain degree between Britain and Japan,?the assistance given to the enemy
by various countries in the form of materials for manufacturing armaments--all
these are unfavorable to China.
The many things mentioned above with regard to China, Japan, and the inter-
national scene are all characteristics manifested in the 15 months of the
first stage of the war of resistance. These characteristics will effect the
new stage of the future.
8. The Second Stage
Assuming that Wuhan is not to be defended, under this situation many new
things will emerge from the state of the war. Although Wuhan is occupied
by the enemy, it does not mean that the old stage has ended and a new stage
is beginning. The period of time between the continuing ability of the enemy
to attack and it is finally forced to stop its offensive is still the transi-
tional period of the old stage into the new. Although this may be so, after
Wuhan is abandoned, many new situations will appear.
After Wuhan is abandoned, as well as the greater part of the new stage, the
predictable situation will be that of even more difficulties on the one
hand, and even greater progress on the other. This is the basic characteristic
of the new stage.
The increasing difficulties will be manifested as follows: 1) Because of
the loss of major cities and communications lines, the nation's political
power and battle lines are carved up, terrain wise, and many new problems will
arise from this effect; 2) extreme difficulties in finance and economy;
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3) the tendency toward a certain degree of compromise between Britian and
Japan (or, on the contrary, the possibility of further conflict between
Britain and Japan under the condition of Japan's persistance in monopolizing
and threatening southeast Asia); 4) if the enemy attacks Canton, it can be
anticipated that China's sea communications routes will be cut, and inter-
national aid will temporarily drop off; 5) there is the possibility of the
formation of a puppet political power on a national scale and its effect on
the anti-Japanese front; 6) the possibility of rebellion in parts of the
anti-Japanese front, and the upsurge of compromise atmosphere; and 7) the
growth of pessimism and divided opinions, etc. These are matters which can
happen and burden the anti-Japanese war with new difficulties. Only when
these difficulties are taken into consideration can we overcome them in a
prepared and planned manner.
Further progress will be manifested in various aspects as follows:
1) Generalissimo Chiang's and the Kuomintang's policy of resolutely waging
a war of resistance and the further progressiveness, politically; 2) im-
proved relationships between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the
consolidation and expansion of the Anti-Japanese National United Front;
3) the progressiveness of the work to reform the armies; 4) the widening
development of guerrilla warfare; 5) the progress of democraticizing the
nation; 6) the even bigger development of people's movements; 7) the imple-
mentation of new, wartime fiscal and economic policies; 8) the elevation of
cultural education of the war of resistance; 9) the continuation and
possible increase of aid from the Soviet Union, and the even more closer
relationship between China and the Soviet Union, etc.
The entire second stage is that of stalemate. It is the stage in which
China prepares to go on the counteroffensive. The duration of this period
will be decided by the degrees of transformation in the strength of the
enemy and ourselves, and what the international situation is. But we should
prepare for a long war. After passing through this difficult course, we will
arrive upon the smooth road to victory.
Although there is stalemate, strategically, in the second stage, there is
still large-scale warfare. This is manifested mainly by the main forces in
frontal positions standing on the defensive, while wide-spread guerrilla war-
fare breaks out behind the enemy's lines. At that time, in many important
strategic areas, the guerrilla warfare will be fought with great difficulty,
and we should begin now to make preparations to handle these difficulties.
9. The Third Stage
Concrete situations cannot be predicted. But that must be the time when we
have completed preparing the conditions for our counteroffensive and, at the
same time, the degree of the enemy's difficulties has greatly increased and
the international situation is also very much favorable to us. At that time
the war situation will no longer be strategic defense or strategic stalemate,
but a strategic counteroffensive, not a strategic inner line, but a strategic
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outer line. Great progress must be made politically in country at that time,
and there must be new military technology. It will otherwise be unable to
launch the counteroffensive.
10. Defending Wuhan Is a Question of Buying Time, and Not One of Defending It
to the Last Man
The objective of the struggle to defend Wuhan is to drain the enemy on the
one hand, and to buy time to enable progress of the work throughout China on
the other. And it is not to hold a position to the last man. When the battle
situation truly proves that it has become unfavorable to us and to pull out
will, on the contrary, be favorable, we should follow the principle of giving
up territory to conserve our military strength. Therefore, a big, decisive
battle which will be unfavorable to us must be avoided. There should be no
strategically decisive campaigns in either the first or second stages. They
are enough to impede the persistance in the war of resistance and the preparations
for the counteroffensive, and must be avoided. Avoiding strategically decisive
battles and going all-out to fight decisive combats in battles and wage cam-
paigns under conditions favorable to us should become part of the policy for
protracted warfare. Giving up certain cities which can no longer be defended
when it becomes necessary, and under definite conditions, is not only some-
thing that is forced upon us, but also a policy of luring the enemy to pene-
trate deeply, dispersing his forces, draining them, and sapping the enemy's
enthusiasm. Under the logical premise of not compromising and surrender but
to resolutely wage a war of resistance, giving up certain points when it
becomes necessary is permitted within the policy of protracted warfare, and
it is not something to he frightened about.
11. Moving From the Current Stage to That of Stalemate
Stopping the enemy's offensive is the only way to benefit our preparations
for the counteroffensive. It still is necessary to make a big effort in order
to achieve this objective. Therefore, in transiting from the current stage
to that of forcing the enemy to stop its offensive and go into defending the
territories it has occupied, and the entire stage of stalemate has emerged,
is still but a course of struggle, and many difficulties must be overcome in
order to attain it. This is because the enemy will not immediately conclude
its offensive after Wuhan falls. It definitely will still want to attack
Sian, Ich'ang, Changsha, Hengchow, Wuchow, Peihai, Nanch'ang, Swatow, Fuchow
and adjacent areas. We must focus on this kind of plans the enemy has and
continue to use strategic mobile defense warfare if we want to stop the enemy's
offensive. We must go all out to fight resolute battles so as to drain the
enemy on an even larger scale, and yet avoid being tricked by the enemy,
forcing the enemy to stop its offensive, bring about a transition of the war
situation to that of the enemy and ourselves into the favorable situation of
stalemate.
After the enemy occupies Wuhan, its weaknesses in troop strength and their
dispersion will become even more pronounced. If it still wants to attack
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Sian, Ich'ang, Changsha, Nanch'ang, Wuchow, Fuchow, and other areas planning
to occupy them, the great difficulties it has from its weakness of inade-
quate troop strength and its dispersion will develop to the highest degree
in its offensive stage. This is the extreme difficulty added to the enemy's
phenomenon of inadequate troop strength (it cannot possibly be adequate),
and the dispersion of its troops (it is compelled to spread out) brought about
by the stubborn, frontal resistance put up by our main forces and the threat
of guerrilla warfare in the vast areas behind the enemy's lines. This
situation--the enemy's inadequacy in troop strength and its dispersion, and
our frontal defense and threat to the enemy's rear areas--is most unfavorable
to the enemy but most favorable to us. In an overall comparison of strength
between the enemy and ourselves, of course the basic situation of the enemy
is strong, we are weak, and the enemy is in a superior position and we in a
weak one, remains unchanged. This change can come about only through a great
effort put out by the entire nation in coordination with conditions abroad
during the stage of a mutual stalemate-off. However, in the offensive
campaign against Wuhan the enemy's powerful strength is further displayed.
Naturally this inflicts losses on us, but, at the same time, it creates
difficulties for the enemy. This is so because the powerful forces of the
enemy (it is, at the same time, inadequate and scattered), after giving further
rein to its power, will deteriorate in strength, thereby compelling its over-
all strategic offensive to near its climax. We admit that the enemy's offen-
sive still has remnants of power, and it is best, and most suitable, to estimate
that this remnant power is still considerably strong. Therefore, there is
still the possibility that the enemy will want to attack and occupy Sian,
Ich'ang, Changsha, Nanch'ang, Wuchow, Fuchow, and adjacent areas, and we must
even be prepared for its offensive against the entire Canton-Hankow line and
the Sian-Lanchow highway. But, from the overall strength of the enemy, it is
but a small remnant power. From the overall national strength of Japan, it
must guard against the Soviet Union in the north, the United States in the
East, and the British and French in the South, while suppressing the people
domestically. It has only so much strength, and that part which can be used
in China has about reached its limits.
Furthermore, in its frontal positions and in its occupied territories, the
wide-spread warfare it must handle still exist. The contradictions between
Japan and the United States, Britain, and France are growing, and the contra-
dictions between the government and the people internally, between officers
and men on the front lines, and between massive expenditures and the drying
up of its finances are continuing to intensify. All these make the enemy
worry quite a bit. We, and all the people in the country, must be able to
see these, and not let the loss of major cities and communications lines to
scare us. We must approve of the support the government in rearranging the
fighting all over the country, make preparations in a planned manner to give
battle along the Lunghai line, the Sian-Lanchow highway and other strategic
areas, wage large-scale guerrilla warfare behind the enemy lines, seize
upon the weakness of the enemy in its inadequacy in troops and their dis-
persion in order to drain it even more and bring about even greater dispersion,
and cause the war to move surely and victoriously into the new stage of stale-
mate between the enemy and ourselves. This is the current urgent task for
the entire nation.
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13. The Enemy's Strength Is'Gradually Ebbing, Our Strength Is Gradually
Growing
Has the enemy's strength increased? From the original strength it has, there
has not been much increase. On the contrary, it has been greatly weakened.
The enemy's original military and economic strength has been drained massively.
In the 15 months of warfare it has sustained casualties of several hundred
thousand troops, used up a huge quantity of weapons and ammunition, as well
as military supplies, over a hundred warships and several hundred planes have
been destroyed, and it has expended several hundred. million yen. This drain
is unprecedented in the history of Japan. Until it has been forced to stop
its strategic offensive, a great part of its strength will be drained. Its
ally, Hitler, has been greatly worried over this for a long time. But is
there no increase at all in the enemy's strength? There is, and this is so
because of its occupation of China's principal cities, communications lines,
and part of the rural areas. It has seized the market from the various
countries and from Chinese national capital, raw material sources and tools
of production from China, and much manpower. These constitute the only ob-
jective of Japan's war, and it has been increased in such things temporarily.
But the question is can these things withstand the drain of war? They cannot.
The entire "investment" of the war has been drained off and will remain so.
If it seeks returns, it must put in new production investments. Again, the
question is can it get returns to make up for the drain of war from its pro-
duction investments, disregarding the ineffectiveness of its investments and
assuming that they are effective? Again no. Because in its rear a wide-
spread war still exists, and the daily drain continues. So long as there is
a wide-spread guerrilla war in the enemy's rear, such as the guerrilla war-
fare in North China, it will be very difficult for the enemy to get anything
out of it. Because of the continuous warfare, not only will it be impossible
to get returns from its old investments, it will have to put in new ones.
If. we only persist in this war of resistance the pitiful fate of Japan is
certain. We have said that in the second strategic stage, that is, the stale-
mate stage, Japan will gradually change from strength to weakness, from a
superior to an inferior position. This kind of continuous drain is the deciding
factor. We will now talk with respect to China. Has China's strength been
weakened, or has it been increased? Our answer is that it has been weakened
and it has increased. What has decreased is the quality and quantity of its
original strength. This is manifested in the drain on weapons and personnel
of the troops, in the loss of population, industry, territory, and natural
resources. This is an important aspect of what is making us feel difficult.
However, it is not that there has been no increase. What has increased is
the new quality and quantity. This is manifested in the unity of the entire
nation, the improvements made in military forces, politics, and culture, and
in the enhancement of the degree of consciousness among the people and their
organization. Although the main force has retreated, guerrilla warfare has
advanced. Although a part of the territory has been lost, another part has
improved. The question is that the degree of increase attained today is not
enough to stop the enemy's offensive, and, later, it will even be more inade-
quate to carry out our counteroffensive.
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Therefore, it has created the problem of the necessity to apply a massive,
prolonged effort to increase new strength. This kind of increase--that is, the
mobilization on an even greater scale of the new and viable forces among the
various stratum of the people of the nation and the even greater improvement
in the various fields of party, politics, military, and civilians--to be based
upon a wide-spread and prolonged effort hereafter is entirely possible.
In mainly relying upon the forces produced by ourselves, and in coordination
with the increased difficulties of the enemy and the strengthening of inter-
national aid to us, it will enable the transformation of the situation between
the enemy and ourselves to take place. To go from the present situation of
the enemy being in a superior and our being in inferior position first to
that of equal balance, and then to our being in a superior, and the enemy in
an inferior position. This is the basic problem in the protracted mutually
holding-off stage which must be, and can be, resolved.
14. The Enemy Holds the Cities, We the Rural Areas, Therefore the War Is a
Long, Drawn-out One. But the Rural Areas Can Eventually Overcome the Cities
Therefore, the problem is: after the enemy occupied China's major cities and
communications lines, it holds the cities to deal with us while we hold the
rural areas to deal with them, and can the rural areas be victorious over
the cities? The answer is: there will be difficulties, but it is possible.
The protracted nature of the anti-Japanese war of resistance is brought about
not only because we are a semi-colonial country and the enemy is an imperialist
nation, but also because this imperialism also occupied our cities, and we
have to retreat to the rural areas to resist the enemy. On this point, the
theory of quick victory has no basis at all. But the problem of China's
cities and rural areas is distinct in nature from those of the foreign
capitalist countries. In the capitalist countries the cities in form and
in practicality dominate the rural areas. When the head--the cities--is
lopped off, the limbs--the rural areas--cannot survive. It is inconceivable
that in countries like Britain, the United States, France, Germany, Japan,
and Italy a long, rural peasant war against the cities is possible. It is
also impossible in small, semi-colonial countries. Several decades ago, it
would also be very difficult for a big, semi-colonial country like China.
But today, this possibility has developed in a big, semi-colonial country
like China. In this it is obvious that there are the 3 three-in-one conditions.
First is the semi-colonial condition. In a semi-colonial country, the cities,
although essentially in a leading position, cannot completely control the
rural areas. This is because the cities are too small and the rural areas
too vast, and the large supply of manpower and material is in the rural areas,
not in the cities.
Second is the condition of a big country. A part of it is lost but another
part remains. The enemy encounters a big country with few troops. When our
strong and resolute resistance is added to this, it forces the creation of
the difficulties of inadequate troops and their dispersion. In this way it
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has not only given us a general base for resisting Japan--that is the vast
rear areas like Yunnan, Kweichow, Szechwan and other areas--it has made it
impossible for the enemy to occupy; also, a vast area for guerrilla activities
has been provided us behind the enemy's lines, such as North, Central, and South
China and other areas, thereby making it impossible for the enemy to occupy
all of the territories.
Third is the condition of today. If China had been occupied by a big im-
perialist country by force of arms, as in the case of Britain's occupation
of India, several decades ago, it would be difficult to avoid becoming a
colony. But today it is different. Today, of primary importance is that
China has progressed. It has a new political party, army, and people, and
these form the basic strength for defeating the enemy. Next is that the enemy
has retrogressed. The developmental course of imperialist Japan's social
economy has reached the stage of senility. The growth of capitalism in
Japan has created, and is creating, conditions that will send it to its own
grave. In addition, the international situation has changed. The old world
is nearing death and annihilation and a new world is dawning. I have spoken
in detail on these reasons in my article "On Protracted War." In brief,
in today's semi-colonial big country like China, there exist many conditions
which are favorable to our organizing a resolutely fought, protracted and
large-scale war to oppose the enemy occupying the cities. Surrounding and
isolating the cities with interlocking warfare, gradually fostering the
growth of our own forces in a protracted war, transforming the situation be-
tween the enemy and ourselves, and coordinating with the changes in the world,
will enable us to drive out the enemy and recover the-cities. It is beyond
doubt that in today's China it is also difficult for the rural areas to oppose
the cities because the cities are always concentrated while the rural areas
are dispersed. After the enemy occupied our major cities, our administra-
tive areas and battle lines were carved up topographically, thereby bringing
many difficulties upon us. This decided the protracted and merciless nature
of the anti-Japanese war of resistance. However, it is necessary for us to
say that for the rural areas to be able to defeat the cities, it is because
it has the above mentioned three-ih-one conditions. Under conditions of
civil war, a very small portion of the rural areas supported a long war of
opposition against the cities, and that was at a time when the imperialist
countries were as one in opposition to communism. Who can say that under
the condition pf national war, and also in a period when the imperialist camp
is split, China, with its greater part of the rural areas, cannot support a
protracted war to oppose the enemy in the cities? There is no doubt that
it is possible. Furthermore, the present so-called rural areas are greatly
different from that of the civil war period. Its territory is not only huge,
but in the vast rear areas of Yunnan, Kweichow, and Szechwan provinces, there
still are many cities and industries open to the outside, and still can
carry out construction. On the basis of the preservation of the broad, rear
areas and establishing guerrilla warfare bases behind enemy lines, and foster-
ing-the growth of our forces and weakening the enemy's, which, together with
future favorable conditions on the international scene, will enable us to
launch our counteroffensive and recover the cities. In his letter to the
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people last December, Generalissimo Chiang pointed out: "The core of achieving
final victory in China's protracted war does not lie in Nanking, nor in the
various big cities. In reality, it is dependent upon the rural areas of the
entire country and the powerful and stubborn will of the people." This is
entirely correct. Although the war is difficult, a victorious future still
exists.
15. The Peril of Compromise Exists Overpoweringly, But It Can Be Overcome
Long ago, we said that part of those inflicted with the disease of fearing
the Japanese often attempted to shake the government's determination to wage
a war of resistance. They proposed the so-called peaceful compromise, and
this was seen in the past after Nanking fell. Now, it is again fomenting.
This is a reflection of the enemy's plots within the anti-Japanese front.
This kind of peril exist in serious preponderance, and the people must give
full attention to it so that the pro-Japanese faction will not be able to
get its traitorous way. The plans of the pro-Japanese faction and that of
the enemy is in accord. It will surely concentrate on opposition to Chiang
and the Communist Party, and foist its treachery under false orders. This
will cause the future of the war of resistance become doubtful. Therefore,
the entire country has been aroused and is aware of the fact that the enemy's
schemes and the sowing of discontent within our ranks are frightening. They
must take the initiative to consciously strive to oppose this kind of plot
without slackening its effort for the least bit. Is this kind of peril
possible to be overcome? It is. After the Kuomintang and the Communist Party
have become united as one with all patriots and put out the necessary effort,
it is not only imperative, but also completely possible to overcome this peril
of compromise, drive out and eliminate the devils who openly aided the enemy,
and persist in the war of resistance. This is because the pro-Japanese,
after all, does not have too much power, while that of the anti-Japanese faction
is greater than the pro-Japanese.
16. The New State of the Guerrilla Warfare in the Stalemate Stage
In the new stage, the frontal defense is the main force, and the guerrilla
warfare behind the enemy's lines will become, for a while, the principal form
of warfare. But the guerrilla war in the enemy's rear during the stalemate
stage will adopt a type of new state to develop. What is this new state of
the guerrilla warfare? It is, firstly, the ability to develop extensively in
the vast areas. This is because the territory is huge on our side, while on
the enemy side its troops are inadequate and dispersed. If only we can adhere
to the policy of expanding the guerrilla war and give it correct leadership,
it will be impossible for the enemy to completely stop our expansion. Secondly,
in some important strategic areas, such as North China and the lower basin
of the Yangtze River, we will encounter ruthless enemy attacks and it will
become impossible to maintain big army corps in the plains areas. The mountain
areas will become the main bases, and guerrilla troops in some areas will
possibly have to cut back in numbers. We must prepare now for the coming of
this state of affairs. Currently, in order to coordinate with the fighting
of the main forces and prepare for the transition to a new stage, we should,
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in general, separate the guerrilla warfare behind the enemy's lines into two
types of areas. One type is the areas where guerrilla warfare has been fully
expanded, such as North China. The principal policy here is to consolidate
the foundation already established, so as to make preparations which will en-
able us to defeat the enemy's ruthless offensives in the new stage and hold on
to our bases. Another type is the areas where guerrilla warfare has not been
fully expanded, or are now beginning to be expanded, such as in the areas of
central China. The principal policy here is to rapidly develop guerrilla
warfare in order to avoid having difficulties with the expansion of guerrilla
warfare with the return of the enemy's troops. In the future, in order to
coordinate with the main force manning the frontal defenses so that it will
have an opportunity to rest and regroup, and to develop forces in preparation
for the counteroffensive, we must put all our efforts into the guerrilla war
resolutely defending the bases. In the protracted period of persistance,
train the guerrilla troops into a new force to enmesh the enemy and aid the
frontal positions. Generally speaking, the guerrilla warfare behind the enemy's
lines in the new stage will be much more difficult than in the preceding stage.
We must foresee such difficulties and accept them. We must not become con-
fused just because it was easy to expand in the preceding stage, because the
enemy will definitely turn around to attack the guerrilla war. However, it
is still possible to persist in it, and all leaders of the work being done
behind the enemy's rear must have this confidence. This is because the
guerrilla warfare in the national war of resistance, regardless of how powerful
the enemy is, is much superior than under the condition of civil war. To
win over and collapse the puppet forces so as to isolate the Japanese, is, at
this point, an extremely important task.
17. The New Stage of Development of the Anti-Japanese War of Resistance Is,
At the Same Time, the New Stage of Development of the Anti-Japanese National
United Front
The above are problems all concerned with the state of affairs of the anti-
Japanese war of resistance, and the following will concern the state of affairs
of the Anti-Japanese National United Front.
The time when the anti-Japanese war of resistance has developed into a new
stage is the time when the Anti-Japanese National United Front has done the
same. Because there will be even more difficulties to be encountered in the
new stage, the Anti-Japanese National United Front, in accordance with this
kind of situation, should display its might in the struggle against diffi-
culties and overcome any kind of difficulties against which it is pitted.
So that the Chinese Anti-Japanese National United Front can display that it
has the power to overcome difficulties, and not its inability, in the current
transitional stage and upon entering the new stage in the future, it must
earnestly consolidate and expand the United Front. A long-term war can be
supported only by a long-terop united front. The protracted nature of the
war and that of the National United Front are inseparable.
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18. The Kuomintang Has a Bright Future
The Anti-Japanese National United Front has the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party for its base, and of these two the Kuomintang is the first big party.
The development and adherence to the war of resistance cannot be imagined
separate from the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang has its glorious history. Of
primary importance is the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty, the founding of a
republic, the opposition to Yuan Shih-k'ai, the establishment of a policy of
unification with the Soviet Union, with the Communist Party, as well as a
worker-peasant policy, and the carrying out of the great revolution of the
15th and 16th year after the founding of the republic. Today, it is again
leading the great war of resistance against Japan. It has a historical
tradition of the Three People's Principles, it has two great leaders, Dr Sun
Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, one following the other, and it has a broad mass
of loyal and patriotic party members. All these must not be ignored by the
people. All these are the results of the development of China's history.
In the course of carrying out the war of resistance against Japan and in the
forming of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, the Kuomintang stood in
the position of leadership.
In the past 15 months, the various anti-Japanese parties and factions have
seen improvement, and the progress of the Kuomintang was very clear. It
convened the provisional congress, proclaimed the program for the war of
resistance, convened the People's Political Council, began the organization
of the Three People's Principles Youth League, accepted the legal existence
of the various parties and factions to resist Japan and carry out national
construction together, implemented to a certain degree democratic power,
carried out reforms in the military and in political organizations, made
foreign policy compatible with the demands of opposition against Japan, and
others, all of which are major events of historical significance. Based solely
on the premise of persisting in the war of resistance and in the United Front,
it can be predicted that the Kuomintang's future will be bright.
However, up to now, there are still quite a few people harboring an incorrect
observation of the Kuomintang, and they doubt its future. The doubt they
hold is the problem of whether it can continue to wage the war of resistance,
whether it can continue to progress, and whether it can become an ally for
opposing Japan and national construction. Furthermore, these problems are
mutually connected and inseparable. What is our opinion on this? We hold
that the Kuomintang has a bright future. On the basis of various subjective
and objective conditions, it is able to continue with the war of resistance,
continue to progress, and become an ally for opposing Japan and national
construction.
Because of the determined nature of the enemy's offensive, the severe blows
dealt by the enemy to the various class strata of China and its plunder,'
the anger of the troops throughout China against the enemy and their courageous
war of resistance, the upsurge of the anti-Japanese movement throughout China,
the existence of a favorable state of affairs on the international scene--all
these facts have basically decided the political direction of the Kuomintang and
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the entire country. First, any party or faction, including the Kuomintang,
the Communist Party, and other anti-Japanese political parties and organiza-
tions, must continue to wage the war of resistance. Whoever does not do so
has only one way out, and that is to become a traitor. There is no other
way. Second, any party or faction, if it only continues to wage the war of
resistance, must progress. It is beyond doubt that the progress of domestic
politics is not rapid and not. on a general scale, therefore, it brought about
the damage wrought by war. But it is also because of such loss that will
compel it to seek progress in politics, military affairs, culture, party
tasks, and people's movements so as to enable it to resist the enemy and re-
cover lost territory. Regardless of whether it is the Kuomintang that is in
power, or any other party or faction, they must all continue to make progress.
Third,, an important link in the progress made domestically is the democratici-
zation of the organizational form of the Kuomintang. It has caused itself
to become an alliance for resisting Japan and for national construction, and
the best organizational form for the Anti-Japanese National United Front.
Is there such a possibility? Ibelieve there is. If the Kuomintang does
not, in accordance with the trend of the situation of the war of resistance,
open its doors to the masses and hold in one great organization the patriotic
parties and factions and patriots of the entire nation, it will be impossible
for it to shoulder the difficult task of continuing the war of resistance and
defeat the enemy. In its 50-year history, the Kuomintang, whenever it en-
countered a great revolutionary struggle, always transformed itself into an
alliance of national revolution. There were two occasions when this happened
which were most prominent and had historical significance. The first time
was from the formation of the Tung-meng Hui [0681 4147 2585] to the Hsin
Hai [6580 0075] revolution. With the objective to oppose the Ch'ing dynasty
and establish a republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen formed an alliance with all revolu-
tionary parties and factions (from the Kuang-fu Hui--[0342 1788 2585] to the
Kelau Hui [0766 5071 2585]. During this period, annals of heroic struggles
filled the party roster. It went from victory to victory, enriched with vigor
and, therefore, was successful in its Hsin Hai revolution. The second time
was from the 13th to the 16th years after the founding of the republic. With
opposition to imperialism and the warlords as the objective, an alliance was
made, domestically, with the workers, peasants, and the Communist Party, and,
abroad, it formed an alliance with the socialist country of the Soviet Union,
and established the famous "Three Great Policies." Because of this, the
Whampoa Military Academy was established, a party army was formed, and victory
was won in the Northern Expedition. All these not only manifested the develop-
ment of the Kuomintang's United Front, but also that of the Three People's
Principles. Today is the moment for the Kuomintang to become a revolutionary
national alliance for the third time in its history. It is not only possible
but imperative, for it to transform itself into a national alliance for
opposing Japan and national construction for the purpose of opposing imperialist
Japan and establishing a republic based upon the Three People's Principles.
This great movement is already beginning to unfold. By accepting the legal
status of the Communist Party and other parties and factions, by accepting the
Eighth Route Army into the people's revolutionary army system, by its clear
announcement in its program for war of resistance and national construction
in which it declared "if we are seeking certain victory in the war of resis-
tance and certain success in national construction, we must rely upon the
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efforts of our Party's comrades and the people of the entire country to
unite and shoulder this task together," as well as the convening of the
People's Political Council and the organization of the Three People's Principles
Youth League, the Kuomintang has indicated the bEginning of a transformation
of itself into a national alliance for opposing Japan and national construc-
tion. The current problem is: what kind of attitude should the Communist
Party take with regard to this movement of the Kuomintang to expand its or-
ganization? Should we approve or oppose? We say we approve the Kuomintang's
expansion and development of itself into a national revolutionary alliance
at any time. When the Kuomintang reorganized in the 13th year after the
founding of the republic, we adopted an attitude of approval. We shall go
all out to approve and support it today when the national peril is extremely
grave. The reason is that the bigger the anti-Japanese allied armies are,
the better it will be. It is not enough to beat back imperialist Japan with
only the development and progress of the Communist Party. Although the second
place Communist Party of China has initiated and adhered to the United Front
of all parties, factions, and armies, as well as opening the doors of its
own organization to the broad masses of revolutionary comrades in a drive to
achieve victory in opposing Japan, it will be extremely harmful to the United
Front and the war of resistance if the first place Kuomintang continues to
preserve the old state of affairs. The war of resistance cannot be won, the
entire nation will be in peril, and the Communist Party and the proletariat
will not be able to escape this kind of danger. Therefore, not only does
the Communist Party not oppose, but also very much hope for and resolutely
approve and support the Kuomintang's expanding and consolidating its organiza-
tion, implementing democraticization within its party, and bring about its own
transformation into a revolutionary national alliance to benefit the continua-
tion of the war of resistance and winning final victory.
19. But There Still Are Obstacles Ahead for the Kuomintang, and Strong Efforts
Must Be Made To Overcome Them Before the Kuomintang Can Develop
A bright future for the Kuomintang exists, and its progress and development
are possible. Chiang Kai-shek and the majority of the Kuomintang are leading
and propelling the Kuomintang forward. But, it is known to every one that
there are some conservatives still in the Kuomintang, impeding the speed and
degree of the Kuomintang's progress. Because of their existence, and their
union with many conservatives in society, they form a counter-current in the
flood of the national revolutionary war, stubbornly resisting the ship of
progress. It has, with considerable strength, hindered the democraticization
of the country, the implementation of all progressive enterprises necessary
to the war of resistance, the carrying out of the many good policies and
methods contained in the repeated proclamations, talks, speeches, and orders
of Chiang Kai-shek, the implementation of the Kuomintang's program of war
of resistance and national construction and the Kuomintang's orders for national
salvation, and the development of mass movements. These are all facts, and
they are important reasons for the Kuomintang's progress being slow and not
wide-spread, and for the harm inflicted upon the war of resistance. They
oppose the progress and development of the Kuomintang, and even went to the
extent of proposing compromise. If these fellows were to get the upper hand,
then China's national liberation enterprise would receive great setbacks.
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Therefore, it is worth paying great attention to them. However, we firmly
believe that such conservative influence cannot exist forever. It will be
difficult for it to get the upper hand although it has not, and they are
not the main stream, but an adverse current. Under the leadership of Generalis-
simo Chiang, and with the endeavors of the majority of the Kuomintang and the
approval and support of the people of the entire nation, this kind of conserva-
tive trend can be overcome. The Communist Party resolutely support the
progress of the Kuomintang, and hope that the conservatives, who are obstruc-
ting progress, will turn over a new leaf and seek progress together. We hope
that these people will change.- "A gentleman's impropriety are like the
eclipses," everything will be all right if they reform. In reality we have
seen many conservatives making progress in the course of the war of resistance,
and, henceforth, there inevitably will be many people attaining consciousness
through the lessons learned from the war of resistance and make progress
together with the masses. This is the reformable nature of the conservatives
in the anti-Japanese war. But there also is the possibility that some may
become even worse, willingly allowing themselves to be swept away by the huge
wave of the war of resistance. And this is another side of the changeable
nature. With regard to this kind of people it is of no loss to us.
20. Other Parties and Factions Also Have a Bright Future
All the parties and factions participating in the anti-Japanese war and the
Anti-Japanese National United Front, based upon the premise of persisting
in the war of resistance and the United Front, all have a future for develop-
ment. We are willing to establish long-term cooperation with them, and also
give them all possible approval and support. This is the same for all re-
gardless of whether it is a third party, the national youth party, national
socialist party, national salvation association faction, or any other groups,
parties, or factions. It is very obvious that the so-called bright future
for all parties and factions on the premise of persisting in the war of re-
sistance and adhering to the United Front encompasses the efforts made within
the parties of the trend toward conservatism. If there is such a trend which
will be harmful to the war of resistance and the United Front, and it is
allowed to develop unchecked, there will then be the danger of destroying
its bright future. Regardless of whether it is the Kuomintang, the Communist
Party, or other parties and factions, it will be the same for all, and full
attention must be given to this problem.
21. The Characteristics of the Anti-Japanese National United Front of China
Because of China's historical causes, it has made today's Anti-Japanese
National United Front of China different from any united fronts of foreign
countries, like the popular front, nor is it like the united fronts in China's
history, such as the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party. This is the reason why there is the special characteristics of today's
China. Recognizing these characteristics has great significance with regard
to the consolidation and expansion of the Anti-Japanese National United Front.
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What are these characteristics? The conclusion is that there are eight
characteristics. They are those of national opposition against Japan, of
the protracted nature, of imbalance, of the armies, of the experience gained
from the 15 months, of the majority of the people still lacking organization,
of the Three People's Principles, and of the new international situation.
First of all, it is that of the opposition against Japan by the entire nation.
This characteristic has defined the basic nature of our United Front. On the
one hand it is for the purpose of opposing imperialist Japan, a foreign
nation which has invaded our nation's territory, that our United Front was
formed and developed. On the other hand, the organizational elements include
the various different parties and factions of the entire nation, different
classes, different armies, and different nationalities, forming into one of
the largest groups. The organizational elements can be so big because it
is for the purpose of opposing the aggression of a foreign nation. Because
of its colossal size, this United Front has immense power. But at the same
time, many mutual frictions within the United Front are difficult to avoid,
and they must suitably be adjusted. Only thus can the objective of uniting
to oppose the outsiders be attained. This kind of most basic characteristics
of our United Front--the political objective of opposing aggression by a
foreign nation and the extreme massiveness of the organizational elements--
are different from the popular fronts of France and Spain. It is also
different from the national front of the first great revolution period (the
cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party). It has brought
about the production of many specific contents and specific results in the
United Front of today. This is the first characteristic and strong point of
today's United Front, although, at the same time, it is unavoidable to have
weaknesses with respect to the complexity of its organization.
Second is its long-term nature. This characteristic is an outcropping of the
first. Because this United Front utilizes national warfare to oppose Japanese
imperialism, and Japanese imperialism is a powerful imperialism, it therefore,
gave birth to the long-term nature of the anti-Japanese war and, in its turn,
produces the long-term nature of the United Front. This will be brought up
in the 5th part of my report. It is the starting point for all policies.
In this regard it is also different from the first cooperation between the
Kuomintang and the Communist Party.
The third is imbalance. Because of historical causes, it has brought about
an imbalance in the political power of the various parties, factions, and
classes. At the same time, this kind of imbalance is also manifested in the
distribution of areas. The Kuomintang is the first big party with real
power, the Communist Party is second, and the others follow behind. This
situation has brought forth many specific things.
The fourth is the nature of the armies. The Kuomintang and the Communist
Party both have armies--this result of specific historical conditions is not
a weakness, but a strong point. Because of the armies of the two parties,
they have been able to discharge all of the best responsibilities of division
of labor in the course of the war against Japan, and the benefits of mutual
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emulation and encouragement also became more numerous. In this respect, it
is similar to that of Spain, but different from that of France as well as
the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. This
is also one of the factors which made long-term cooperation between the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party possible.
Fifth is that of the 15 months' experience. The period from 1924 to 1927
is the 4 years of the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Communist Party. The period from 1927 to 1936 is the 9 years of division
between them. Now, the new-cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Communist Party has lasted for 2 years. The experience of the cooperation-
division-new-cooperation of the past 15 years has taught a most profound
lesson to the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, as well as to other parties
and factions, and to the people of the entire nation. The conclusion is that
there only should be cooperation, not division. This is also one of the
foundations for long-term cooperation. This valuable experience is not available
to other countries of the world, and it was also unavailable during the first
cooperation between the two parties.
Sixth is that of the majority of the masses being without an organization.
This is a characteristic of China, and the various foreign countries are
different from this. Therefore, it is a shortcoming which made the United
Front lacking an existing and organized people's base. But at the same time,
the various parties can divide the labor among themselves to organize the
masses. It is not necessary for them to crowd together in one place in
perpetual friction, because you can find everywhere masses without organiza-
tions and are waiting to be organized to meet the urgent need of the war of
resistance.
Seventh is that of the Three People's Principles. The Anti-Japanese National
United Front has the Three People's Principles for its base. It is a base
not only for cooperating to oppose Japan, but also for cooperation in national
construction. The nationalism of the Three People's Principles will lead
this cooperation to wresting national liberation, people's power will lead
this cooperation to thoroughly establish a democratic country, and the people's
livelihood will, even more possibly, lead this cooperation into a very long-
term affair. The political program and political ideology of the Three
People's Principles ensures the long-term nature of the United Front.
Eighth is that of being in a new, international situation. The political
and economic conditions of today's world is different from both periods of
? the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and
the subsequent division. Today, only a portion of the imperialist countries
like Germany, Italy, and Japan oppose Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation
and the Anti-Japanese National United Front. Another portion of the imperial-
ist countries, because of the contradictions between them and Japan, also do
not oppose our United Front for the present, but, on the contrary, they take
a stand of approval. All of the progressive people of all the countries
support us. The Soviet Union supports us sincerely. This kind of a new
international situation has very important impact upon our long-term cooperation.
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It will be possible to adopt a suitable policy politically and in the attitude
toward work only through intense study and understanding of the aforesaid
characteristics. Political problems and work problems cannot be handled in
the manner of treating the symptoms and not the cause, but problems should
be resolved correctly on the basis of a scientific foundation. The victory
in the anti-Japanese war and the consolidation and expansion of the Anti-
Japanese National United Front require this type of scientific foundation.
22. The New Situation of the United Front
The Anti-Japanese National United Front must appear with a new posture in
the new stage of the war against Japan so as to be able to handle the new
situation of the war. This new posture is the wide-scale development and
high degree of consolidation of the United Front. The lesson of the 15 months
of unity and war of resistance will stimulate various parties to understand
the necessity for this kind of consolidation and development. With regard
to development, it is the enlargement of the Party's organization and the
expansion of people's organizations. As for consolidation, the various
parties are to adopt new policies and new work, diminish mutual friction, and
achieve a truly sincere unity to meet the national peril. There are many
difficulties in the new stage of the war of resistance. It is only through
the large-scale development of the organizations of the various parties in
the United Front and consolidation to a high degree the inner relationships of
the various parties, as well as the relationships between the various parties,
that the new political tasks can be carried out with vigor, difficulties
overcome and the objective of stopping the enemy's offensive and preparing
for our counteroffensive attained. This is the new state of affairs of the
United Front in the new state of the anti-Japanese war. Through the concerted
effort of the various parties and the enthusiastic support of the people
throughout the country, it will be entirely possible for this kind of new
state to emerge.
IV. The Current Urgent Task for the Entire Nation
In accordance with the summation made in the past on the war of resistance
and the estimates of the development of a new stage in the United Front, what
should be the current, urgent task for the entire nation? What differences
should there be with that of the past?
In general, the task should be persisting in the war of resistance and in
protracted warfare, consolidating and expanding the United Front so as to
overcome difficulties, stop the enemy's offensive, prepare our forces, carry
out our counteroffensive, and achieved the objective of finally driving out
the enemy.
Specifically speaking, there are the following concrete tasks. All organiza-
tional elements of the Anti-Japanese National United Front should support the
government. Furthermore, they must, under the leadership of the government
carry out the mobilization of the entire nation. Communist Party members
should be models in the implementation of these tasks.
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1. Rouse To a High Degree National Self-Respect and Confidence, Persist to
the End With the War of Resistance, and Oppose Attempts at Compromise
It is estimated that there will develop and grow, among part of the people,
a mood of pessimism and hopelessness regarding the future of the war of
resistance, because of the loss of major cities and communications, diffi-
culties in finance and economy, and the untimeliness of international aid.
The Japanese, traitors, and pro-Japanese factions will definitely take ad-
vantage of this mood to vigorously fan up an atmosphere of compromise in an
attempt to shake our determination to wage the war of resistance. Therefore,
the first task of the entire nation is to rouse to a high degree national
self-respect and confidence, overcome the pessimistic mood of some of the
people, resolutely support the government in continuing with the policy of
resistance, oppose any plans to surrender and compromise, and persist to the
end with the war of resistance. This task has become more important than
in any other periods of the past.
With this as the objective, we must mobilize newspapers, periodicals, schools,
propaganda groups, culture and arts groups, military and political organiza-
tions, people's organizations, and all other possible forces and carry out
wide-spread propaganda and encouragement among the officers and men on the
front lines, rear echelon troops on guard, the people of the lost territories,
and the masses of the entire country. We must carry out this policy in a
resolute and planned manner, advocate waging the war of resistance to the
end, oppose surrender and compromise, and purge the mood of despair. We must
repeatedly point out the possibility and inevitability of final victory,
that compromise means death, and the way out lies only.in the war of resis-
tance. We must call upon the entire nation to unite and not to fear diffi-
culties, nor sacrifices. We definitely will have freedom, we definitely will
win. We must utilize these to achieve the objective of the entire country
continuing with the war of resistance in one accord.
For this purpose, all propaganda and encouragement must take the following
aspects under consideration. In one respect we must utilize national revolu-
tionary models which have emerged and are in the.process of emerging (such
as courageous resistance in the war and sacrificing oneself for the country,
P'inghsingkuan, T'aierchuang, the 800 heroes, the advance of guerrilla war-
fare, the generous contribution of money, the patriotism of the overseas
Chinese, and others) and propagate widely to the front lines and the rear
areas, domestically and internationally. In another respect we must expose,
purge, and eliminate the negative factors that exist, and are growing, in
the national front (compromise tendencies, moods of despair, phenomena of
corruption, and others). In still another respect we must announce to the
entire country concrete facts concerning all of the enemy's cruel and inhuman
acts and make accusations to the world in order to achieve the objective of
enhancing national consciousness and rousing national self-respect and self-
confidence. We must know that the inadequacy of such consciousness and
self-confidence is greatly hampering the tasks of overcoming difficulties
and preparing for the counteroffensive.
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2. Support Generalissimo Chiang, the Nationalist Government, and the Coopera-
tion Between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and Oppose Separation
and Division and Any Puppet Governments
In the new situation the enemy's policy will inevitably concentrate upon
opposing Chiang and the Communist Party, and establishing a puppet govern-
ment on a national scale in an attempt to topple Generalissimo Chiang and
the nationalist government, and sabotage the cooperation and unity of the
Kuomintang and the Communist Party. With the focus on this enemy policy,
the second task for the entire nation will be to call upon the whole country
to act in complete accord and sincerely support Generalissimo Chiang, the
nationalist government, the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Communist Party, and the unification of the whole country, and oppose any
enemy action which will be harmful to them and any puppet government ruling
China.
For this purpose we must adjust the relationship between the Kuomintang and
the Communist Party, between the central government and the local areas,
between the various armies participating in the war of resistance, and
between the government and the people. In these relationships, advocate a
fair and reasonable spirit of mutual love and cooperation, reduce friction
and divided opinions, and oppose action which utilizes difficulties to
create trouble for the government. We must call'upon the entire country to
give serious attention to the enemy's, traitors', and pro-Japanese factions'
evil plot to sow dissension in our ranks and create dissatisfaction and division.
We must prevent any unfavorable impact upon the prestige of Generalissimo
Chiang and the nationalist government; we must create an ever-growing intimacy
in the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and the
unity of the entire nation, and establish a solid core of continuing to wage
the war of resistance in difficult circumstances, and we must use them to
oppose the enemy and the puppet government, overcome difficulties, and pre-
pare for the counteroffensive.
3. Strengthen the Combat Effectiveness of the Main Force, Defend Central,
Southern, and Southwest China, and Halt the Enemy's Offensive
Focusing on the enemy's current attack on Wuhan and his plans to continue its
attack on southern and southwest China, the third task for the nation is to
heighten the combat effectiveness of the main force, reorganize existing
troops, and increase organization of new troops for the purpose of defending
central, southern, and southwest China and stopping the enemy's offensives.
With respect to the Chinese main force, it must, for this purpose, first
develop a high level of mobile warfare. At the same time support it with
necessary and possible line defense, oppose the enemy at every step and drain
its effective strength. Second, it must establish in the vast rear areas
those military factories that are possible to construct, and also enhance
their manufacturing capability to support the front lines with weapons and
ammunition. Third, it must carry out the national revolutionary political
work conscientiously among its troops, the education in politics, culture,
and entertainment, and enhance the spirit of courageous struggle and pro-
longed and arduous combat throughout its forces. Fourth, it must improve the
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life of the enlisted men on the basis of materials on hand, organize economic
committees in the companies, and let the soldiers control the food. Fifth,
it must promote conscious discipline, abolish the system of cursing and striking,
and advocate friendliness and unity between the officers and men in order to
improve their relationship. Sixth, it must implement selling and buying
publicly, treat people with friendliness, abstain from coercive levy of food
grains and conscripting transportation labor and soldiers by force, and change
to the method of political mobilization to resolve the problems of transporta-
tion labor and new soldiers so as to improve relations between the military
and the civilians. Seventh, enhance the spirit of friendliness and mutual
aid between the various armies on the front lines and between the front line
armies and the rear area armies, aiding each other in battle and emulating
each other in work, and eliminate the bad phenomena of watching each other
and be envious of each other so as to improve the relationship between the
various armies. Eighth, reorganize existing troops and make up for the short-
ages while, at the same time, organizing additional new troops and intensify-
ing their education and training in order to put them in an advantageous
position for prolonged combat. Utilize all these methods to enhance the
combat effectiveness of the main force for fighting in defense of central,
southern, and southwest China and for struggling to stop the enemy's offen-
sives and prepare for our counteroffensive.
4. Expand on a Large Scale Guerrilla Warfare Behind the Enemy, Establish and
Consolidate Our Bases, Constrict Enemy-Occupied Territories, and Coordinate
With the Main Force in Battle
With the focus on the enemy's objective, which is to carry on with their
offensive against us, and, also, to pull out some troops to attack the
guerrilla war at a determined period of time, in an attempt to consolidate
the territories it has occupied and make it difficult for China to counter-
attack, the fourth task of the entire nation is to develop on a massive scale
the guerrilla warfare in the enemy's rear. Establish many bases, consolidate
them, and use them to decrease the size of the enemy's occupied territories.
Fight in coordination with the main force to stop the enemy's advance at
present and, later, to carry out the counteroffensive. An important charac-
teristic of the anti-Japanese national war of the semi-colonial country of
China is the wide-scale and protracted nature of the guerrilla war. Without
it, it would be impossible to tie up large numbers of enemy troops and give
strong support in battle to the regular troops and stop the enemy's offensive;
it would not be possible to restrict the enemy's occupied territories to
limited areas and prevent the enemy from occupying all of it; nor would it
be possible to erect many anti-Japanese bastions behind the enemy's lines,
persist in guerrilla warfare, and prepare to coordinate with the regular
troops to mount. the strategic counteroffensive in the future. Therefore,
first, guerrilla warfare must be developed widely in all the areas behind
enemy lines, a vast number of bases for guerrilla warfare must be set up,
and those that have already been set up must be consolidated. Second, we must
follow the example of North China and retain or dispatch an ample number of
regular troops to the various strategic areas in the enemy's rear to form
the mainstay of the protracted guerrilla war. These troops must learn
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guerrilla tactics gradually, strengthen their political work, develop mass
movements, set up bases, and help the people's guerrilla units and the
guerrilla warfare they are waging to become regular troops and wage a regular
war. Third, the zeal of all men and women in all the war areas and behind
the enemy lines to defend the country and protect their villages must be
mobilized. Besides mobilizing them in large numbers to participate in the
guerrilla units separated from production work and filling the ranks of the
regular troops left behind the enemy lines, organize them into quasi-military
anti-Japanese people's defense units. The organization of anti-Japanese
people's defense units should become a regular and wide-spread system in all
the war areas and behind the enemy lines. They must not become divorced
from production. Fourth, the people must be helped in organizing guerrilla
units on a wide-scale. These units are divorced from production, and all
counties and areas should have them so that they will become tiny units for
attacking the enemy and defending the area. Fifth, to enhance their combat
effectiveness, political work must be established in these guerrilla units,
education in military affairs, politics, culture, and recreation must be
strengthened. Sixth, correct systems in military affairs and political
matters must be established in the guerrilla units, equal treatment of officers
and men implemented, and economic matters handled openly. Seventh, reform
the bandit bands and make them take the road of resistance against Japan,
and wipe out bandit bands that are behind our lines and those being utilized
by the enemy. Eighth, the supply of ammunition for guerrilla warfare is a
very important question. On the one hand, the vast rear areas should supply
them as much as they possibly can, and, on the other, every guerrilla warfare
base should by all possible means set up small ordinance factories, so that
they will be able to manufacture on their own ammunition, rifles, and hand
grenades so that there will be no worry with regard to the lack of ammunition
for the guerrilla war. Ninth, in accordance with the enemy situation and our
strategic needs, re-delimit the war areas and administrative areas behind the
enemy lines, and make them compatible with the new war situation. Tenth, in
accordance with strategic needs, the leadership of the various units and ad-
ministrative areas behind. the enemy lines must be unified in order to concen-
trate forces to resist the enemy, eliminate contradictions within; but warlord
like behavior of swallowing each other up must be opposed.
5. Enhance Military Techniques, Establish Mechanized Corps, and Make Ready
the Strength for the Counterroffensive
The chief reason the enemy is able to penetrate deeply step by step despite
its inferiority in numbers is, besides our political situation, that of our
being inferior in techniques.Focusing on the enemy's strong points and our
shortcomings, the fifth task for the entire nation is the enhancement of
military techniques, increasing the number of planes, artillery pieces, tanks,
and skills for handling them, and prepare our strength to carry out the
counteroffensive. For this purpose, it is necessary, on the one hand, to
utilize the manufacturing capability we have now, and those that can possibly
grow, to begin manufacturing partially, and carry out this work in earnest.
On the other hand, use many methods to import new weapons from abroad for
gradual improvement of military equipment, and to establish a truly modern-
ized mechanized corps. Without doubt we should view problems in the light
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of reality. In fact, large number of inferior weapons are being used in
battles. Therefore, we should call upon the troops and civilians of the
entire nation to arm themselves. We believe that inferior weapons can also
defeat the enemy. We must enhance the political spirit, improve battle methods,
develop guerrilla warfare to make up for the inadequacy in modern weapons.
If we do not concentrate our efforts in this respect, we are ignoring the
current and real problems, and it will not be possible to overcome the present
difficulties. In order to prepare for the strategic counteroffensive, we
must, in the future, enhance new technics and establish new types of troops.
We should know that troops in sufficient strength, but lacking in modern,
new techniques and equipment, will find it impossible to carry out the counter-
offensive and recover lost territory. If we do not heighten our attention
in this respect, and begin working on it as circumstances permit, we will
be only looking at the present and forgetting the future, and it will not
be possible to overcome difficulties. In China, where man and material power
are plentiful, it is definitely not an impossibility to gradually improve
technical equipment, if only the political conditions and mobilization
methods make progress, plus the fact that there is international aid.
6. Implement Democratic Politics Under Unified Leadership, Make the Rela-
tionship Between the Government and. the People More Intimate, and Give Play
to the Utmost the Massive Strength of the Anti-Japanese Political Power
The enemy is taking advantage of our shortcomings, not only in the military,
but also in the political field--our political system is not being democra-
tized and cannot establish close relationship with the broad masses of people.
In order to make up for these shortcomings, the sixth task for the entire
nation will be in implementing a democratic system under concentrated leader-
ship. If there is no such reform, to win final victory over the Japanese will
also be impossible. Democratic politics is the prime mover for mobilizing
all new forces of the entire nation. With this system, the anti-Japanese
zeal of the people throughout the country will be mobilized to an immeasurable
degree, and become an inexhaustible well-spring. The accomplishment of great
course of uniting the whole nation thoroughly is also dependent solely upon
the establishment of a democratic system. On this point, we must plan and
execute on the basis of facts regarding all its aspects. First, the convening
of the Kuomintang political council has started the democratization of the
nation on its first step. Henceforth, we should effect the open and smooth
progress of the work of the council, implement all of the resolutions made
by it, and in accordance with the programs already passed by the council,
conscientiously carry out the establishment of local political. councils at
various levels and in various provinces to implement democratic politics.
Second, we must ensure that the freedom of speech, publications, gathering,
association, and belief set forth in the program of the war of resistance and
national construction will be fully implemented within the boundaries of the
entire nation. These freedoms are encompassed within the war of resistance
and national construction, and only by fully guaranteeing them will it be
beneficial to the rousing of the anti-Japanese, national construction forces
on a general scale. The problem here is to ensure that the laws and decrees
of the central government will be carried out and not restricted at will
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locally. What should be restricted is the type of freedom which will not be
beneficial to the war of resistance and national construction, that is, the
freedom of traitors and pro-Japanese factions, and the others should not be
put on the restriction list. Third, many democratic systems should be begun
from the war areas and the enemy's rear. For example, local governments to
be elected by the people, and the higher level placing them in office. The
various levels of government in the war areas should adopt the committee
system of democratic concentrated power, and also establish various organiza-
tions of people's representatives. The government in the war areas should
increase certain necessary work departments. It should change the style of
official documents, purge corrupt, decadent, and inefficient elements, and
absorb anti-Japanese activists. It should lower salaries and promote a
spartan life so as to be compatible with the arduous, complicated, and fluid
circumstances of the war areas. Under the unified leadership of the Central
Government, the local governments of the war areas have the power to pro-
claim laws and decrees for the locality only. With the exception of traitors,
the male and female citizens of the war areas all have the right to elect
and be elected, and the freedom to speak, publish, gather, associate, and
arm themselves to resist Japan. All anti-Japanese parties and factions in
the war areas have publicly recognized legal status, etc. If there are no
such political reforms in the war areas, specially in the enemy's rear,
it will be impossible to support a long and difficult war against Japan. The
methods mentioned above are all geared. to binding closer the relationship
between the government and the people, increasing the effective strength of
the government so that it will play an enormous role in the war against Japan.
There is no question that any local governments throughout the country should
be concentrated under the leadership of the Central Government, and there
should not be any kind of disrespect shown to the leadership of the Central
Government because the administrative area has been carved up by the enemy
topographically. The entire nation should implement the democratic system
in accordance with the laws and decrees of the Central Government, but it
should be unified unted the Central Government.
7. Expand the Unified People's Movements and Give All-Out Support to the War
The seventh task for the entire nation is to expand various people's movements
and unify them to give full support to the war. The long and difficult war
against Japan is entirely dependent upon the people. It will not be possible
to wage a protracted war without general development and nation-wide unifica-
tion of the people's movements. This is especially so in the war areas and
behind the enemy lines. The war against Japan is now beset with new'diffi-
culties. These difficulties can be overcome successfully only by mobilizing
the people. The following must be carried out throughout the nation, es-
pecially in the war areas and behind the enemy lines: First, guarantee the
freedom of all anti-Japanese groups and people's movements, clearly establish
the legal status of people's groups. Second, help the people's organizations
materially and respect their independence. Third, diligently establish
various national salvation associations which have the participation of the
broad masses of workers, peasants, youths, women, businessmen, independent
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entreprenures, people in the field of culture and children, and established
a unified organization based upon the two principles of fields of enterprise
and areas. Fourth, mobilize the masses to take active part in the various
aspects of the war and actively support the government and the troops. Speed
is essential especially in the war areas.
8. Improve the Well-Being of the Masses, and Rouse the Enthusiasm of the
Masses for the War of Resistance and For Production
In the past, the problem of improving the well-being of the masses has been
carried out without much strength. Therefore it was unable to rouse the zeal
of the broad masses of working people for the war of resistance and for pro-
duction, and this was extremely unfavorable for persisting in protracted
warfare. For this reason, the eighth task of the entire nation, henceforth,
is in the following policies to be carried out to improve the well-being of
the masses. First, preferential treatment is to be given to families of anti-
Japanese soldiers and disabled fighters. Second, give aid to the refugees and
disaster victims of the war areas. Third, initiate suitable cut back in rent
and interest behind the enemy lines. Fourth, make equitable arrangement of
food grains and important daily necessary items. Fifth, increase wages in a
suitable manner and im prove the treatment of workers and staff. Sixth, agree
to the group contracting right of workers and peasants with employers and
landlords. Seventh, prohibit employers, landlords, master craftsmen, and
foremen to illtreat, beat, and abuse workers and apprentices. By implementing
these preliminary steps toward improving the well-being of the people, it
will later cause an inevitable enhancement in the activism of the workers,
peasants, and masses of poor people to support the government and participate
in the war and in production. Not only all of the mobilized help the war
needs will be greatly changed, but the quantity and quality of industrial and'
agricultural production and flow of commerce will be greatly increased and
enhanced, and the nation's economy will also be resolved satisfactorily on
the basis of the new agriculture, industry, and commerce.
9. Implement the New Wartime Economic Policy To Pass Over the Difficult
Obstacle of War
After the loss of the major cities and the communication lines, great diffi-
culties will appear in the nation's finances and economy. It will be impossible
to pass over the period of war without new and effective methods. However,
we need only to implement the new policies and mobilize the forces of the
people to be able to overcome any difficulties. Therefore, the ninth task
for the entire nation is to carry out new wartime financial and economic
policies. The main points are as follows: First, the objective of the new
policy is to ensure the supply of necessary things to the anti-Japanese
armed troops, meet the demands of the people for necessary commodities, and
fight against the enemy's economic blockade and economic sabotage. Second,
reconstruct national defense industries in the rear areas in a planned
manner. Begin on a small scale in the areas of urgent need and gradually
expand and improve. Absorb capital from the government, the people, and
from abroad, and mobilize workers politically, ensuring a minimum in material
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compensation, improve the administrative system of factories so as to increase
production ratio. All these are not only necessary, but also possible.
Third, coordinating political mobilization and government laws and decrees,
develop the growth of agriculture and handicraft production throughout the
country, organize spring plowing and autumn harvesting movements so that the
agricultural and handicraft industries throughout the country will develop
under the new posture. Give attention to protecting agricultural implements,
livestock, and handicraft workshops in the war areas so as to ensure that the
areas that have been cut off will be self-sufficient economically. Fourth,
protect the free enterprise of private industry and business, and, at the
same time, pay attention to cooperative enterprises. Fifth, on the principle
of paying in accordance with one's ability to pay, alter and regulate various
old taxes into a unified escalating tax, abolishing excessive taxation and
levies and the system of allocation, so as to lighten the people's burden
and benefit revenue gathering. Sixth, utilizing political mobilization in
coordination with government laws and decrees exact collections of national
bonds and national salvation public rations, and mobilize the people to
voluntarily donate money and food grains to supply the fighting troops and
to have adequate financial receipts. Seventh, carry out a planned struggle
against the counterfeit notes issued by the enemy and its policy to sabotage
our currency. Those areas that have been cut off must be permitted to set up
their own banks and issue local currency. Eighth, launch a drive for honesty
and change to a new wage system on a generally equal basis in accordance with
the minimum standard of living. Ninth, the national banks will make low
interest loans to help the development of production enterprises and the flow
of commodities. Tenth, resume and develop postal and telecommunications in
the war areas. The above is but a general account. There must be a determi-
nation to earnestly reform the old system and to implement the new, and to
apply it as a resolute strength, in order to eliminate the new difficulties.
To persist in the protracted war, the core of the matter lies in organizing
the productive activism of the broad masses of people to supply and serve
the war. The Chinese war of resistance is fought under a special situation,
the principal and big cities and communications lines have been occupied, and
it is mainly dependent upon the peasants and the rural areas for fighting
the war of resistance. The peasants have great power to support the war,
but it requires necessary reforms both politically and economically. The
new policies mentioned here are set forth in accordance with this kind of
special situations.
10. Implement the Educational Policy on the War of Resistance, and Make This
Education Serve the Protracted War
Under the principle of all for the war, all cultural education work must
be made to meet the needs of the war. Therefore, the tenth task for the
entire nation lies in carrying out the following various cultural education
policies. First, amend the school system, doing away with subjects that
are not necessary or in urgent need, and change the administrative system
to teach the subjects necessary to the war and give play to the enthusiasm
of the student to study as the principle. Second, establish, expand, and
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strengthen various types of cadre schools to foster large numbers of anti-
Japanese cadres. Third, develop mass education on a wide scale, organize all
sorts of supplementary schooling, literacy movements, theatrical plays, singing,
and sports. Establish local popular newspapers of all kinds in front of the
enemy lines and behind them so as to enhance the people's national culture
and national consciousness. Fourth, operate compulsory elementary schools
so as to inculcate the new generation with the national spirit. It is also
necessary to mobilize the people politically and in coordination with govern-
ment laws and decrees to effect all these. But, mainly, it is dependent
upon mobilizing the people to educate themselves, with the government provid-
ing suitable leadership and adjustment, and giving it what possible material
aid there is. It is not sufficient to accomplish the great task of enhancing
national cultural and national consciousness by solely dependent upon the
government using limited financial resources to run a few schools and news-
papers. Since the war began the educational system has already begun to change,
and there has been very obvious progress made in the war areas. But, up to
now, the entire system has not changed to meet the needs of the war, and this
situation is not good. The great war of resistance must be combined with a
great war of resistance educational movement, and the situation of non-combi-
nation of the two must be eliminated.
11. Strive To Obtain International Aid and Concentrate Our Efforts On Opposing
Japanese Imperialism
Proceeding from the principle of protracted warfare and concentrated opposition
against Japanese imperialism, we cannot ignore the organization of all possible
aid from abroad. Therefore, the current eleventh task is in, first, opposing
the advocacy of-some people on taking the road of Germany and Italy, because
this is in reality a measure taken in preparation to surrendering to the
enemy. Second, strive all out to increase the aid given us by the various
democratic countries and the Soviet Union, and, at the same time, exert all
efforts to bring about a League of Nations sanction against Japan by various
countries. Third, set up a permanent organization to systematically collect
the facts of enemy brutalities and compile a factual record to report and
spread throughout the world to focus the world's attention and rouse it to
punish the Japanese fascists. Fourth, select representatives from various
parties and factions, as well as various people's organizations and organize
them into an international propaganda group which will visit all countries to
evoke the sympathy of the peoples and governments of the various countries
in coordination with the diplomacy of our government. Fifth, protect the
foreign residents of China who are sympathetic to us and those who are peace-
fully engaged in business or missionary work. Sixth, give attention to pro-
tecting the interests of overseas Chinese, and, through the efforts of these
overseas Chinese, propel forward the movements in various countries to oppose
Japan and help China. In these respects, without regard to whether the aid
from various countries has not changed in degree or can possibly decrease in
part, and the League of Nations' resolution being fine rhetoric, we should
still strive to do our best. In accordance with the protracted nature of
the war, the foreign policy should also be geared for long-term and not for
immediate benefits. Its emphasis must be in future aid, and this kind of fore-
sight is necessary.
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12. Establish An Anti-Aggression Front Between China, the Soldiers and
CIv11.1nns of Japan, and the Oppressed Nationalities of Korea and Taiwan,
and Oppose Japanese Imperialism Together
The Japanese imperialist war of aggression not only endangers China, at the
same time it endangers all the soldiers and civilians of Japan and the
oppressed nationalities of Korea and Taiwan. To defeat Japan's war of aggression
there must be a massive and determined striving together of the soldiers and
civilian masses of the two big nations of China and Japan, and the oppressed
nationalities of Korea and Taiwan, and a common united front to oppose
aggression must be established.
For this purpose, the twelfth task for the entire nation is, first, propose
to the masses of soldiers and people of the two countries of Japan and China,
and the Korean and Taiwanese nationalities this policy of a united front
against aggression, and call upon them to struggle for this. Second, the
government is to issue orders to all officers and men of the anti-Japanese
and guerrilla units to learn a sufficient Japanese vocabulary. High-level
political departments must prepare to dispatch Japanese instructors to the
various troops and carry this out. Beginning with a few words until conversa-
tions can be held with Japanese officers and soldiers. Educate all the
officers and men fighting the Japanese to orally propagandize the enemy's
soldiers and low-ranking officers and, at the same time, use written words
and illustrations to convert them gradually, requesting their assent to set
up a united front against aggression together, and turning the more than
1 million Japanese troops into a friendly force which will withdraw from
China and overthrow the Japanese fascists. Third, respect and treat well
enemy prisoners of war and educate them so that they will influence others
and efforts will be made to establish a united front against aggression.
Fourth, try to organize the people in the field of culture in Japan who are
opposed to aggression and bring them to China to participate in this struggle.
Fifth, protect the Japanese residents in China who are sincerely loyal.
Sixth, educate the military and people masses of our country to, on the one
hand, enhance national self-respect and, on the other, to correct the wrong
ideas that exist between the military and the people, to distinguish Japanese
imperialism from the Japanese people, the enemy officers and their soldiers,
and also distinguish high-ranking officers from the low-ranking ones. By
implementing the above policies and methods, and together with the massive
and determined efforts, this anti-aggression united front can be formed.
China's victory is dependent mainly upon the increase of its own strength,
but we must seize upon the coordination of the enemy's difficulties anc
international aid. With regard to the enemy's difficulties, besides the fact
of the gradual attrition inflicted on the enemy through our protracted war-
fare and our strenuous diplomatic efforts to isolate Japan, it is indispensable
to have the policy of establishing a common anti-aggression front with the
Japanese soldiers and civilians, and the oppressed nationalities of Korea
and Taiwan. The longer the Japanese war of aggression goes on, the better
the possibility will be for laying the foundation of this united front.
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13.
Unite All the Nationalities in China In Opposition to the Japanese
Our
Anti-Japanese National United Front is not only of the various parties
and
factions
and classes of the country, but also of all the nationalities in
the
nation.
Focusing on the enemy's evil schemes which have already been
set
in motion
to split our minority nationalities within the country, and
which they will intensify, the thirteenth task is to unite all nationalities
as one to confront the enemy together. For this purpose, it is necessary
to give attention to the following points: First, the Meng, Hui, Tsang,
Miao, Yao, I, and Fan minorities must be allowed to have equal rights with
the Han people. Under the principle of common struggle against Japan, they
have the right to control their own affairs, and, at the same time, unite
with the Han people to establish a unified country. Second, in areas where
minority nationalities and the Han people are intermingled, the local govern-
ment should organize a committee composed of local minority nationals to form
a part of the provincial or county government. It will administer affairs
concerning them, adjust relationships among the various nationalities, and
there should be a seat in the provincial or county government committees.
Third, respect the culture, religion, and customs of the minority nationali-
ties. Not only should they not be forced to learn Chinese and speak it, but
they should be helped to develop the culture education of using their own
spoken and written language. Fourth, correct the big Han chauvinism that
still exists, and promote equal treatment of minority nationalities by the
Han people so as to bring relationships closer together. At the same time it
is prohibited to use slighting or insulting remarks, written words, or actions
toward them. The various minority nationalities should unite together and
strive for the implementation of the above mentioned policies. On the one
hand the government should implement it on its own initiative. Only thus can
the relationships between the various nationalities in the country be truly
improved. and achieved, in reality, a unity against outsiders. The old
method of patronizing is no longer viable.
14. Launch the Movement To Root Out Traitors and Consolidate the Front Lines
and Rear Areas
Under the new situation, traitors, enemy spies, Trotskyites, and pro-Japanese
factions will become even more rampant than before, vigorously engaging in
their schemes to create rumor, slander, division, and sabotage. Therefore,
the current fourteenth task is in carrying out the following methods--the
launching of a campaign to root out traitors. First, rouse the alertness of
all of the military and the civilians in the front lines and the rear areas
to keep tight surveillance on traitors, enemy spies, Trotskyites, and pro-
Japanese factions and their activities, and mercilessly suppress them in
accordance with the government's laws. Second, pay attention to protecting
state secrets. Renegades who leak such secrets should be punished as traitors
to the country. Third, add a course on rooting out traitors in school books
so as to carry out an education to heighten alertness. In the military, set
up work departments at various levels for rooting out traitors. Small
groups to root out traitors are to be set up in mass organizations and
people's defense units, and stepped-up education in rooting out traitors
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should be given to the state police so that these traitors will have no place
to hide under such concentrated surveillance. Since the war of resistance
began, the number of times we have suffered at the hands of these traitors
cannot be counted. Long ago, fighters on the front lines were in general
concensus on the frightening numbers of traitors and the magnitude they-wrought
on the war. In the rear areas, just the two events of leaking state secrets
and leading enemy planes to a devastating raid are deeply imprinted with hate
in the minds of all. If renegades are not eliminated in the protracted war,
there can be no thought of victory in the war. Mobilizing the national
revolutionary alertness of the broad masses, and executing the aforementioned
rooting out of traitors, as well as making this a massive movement, is a
grave task indispensable to achieving victory. It should be pointed out that
in rooting out traitors distinction must be made between the leaders and the
followers, those who consciously take part and those who were deceived, the
determined ones and the vacillating ones. They must be treated differently.
Heavy punishment should be given and the latter should be treated leniently.
They must not be treated all alike. Attention must be given to factual
evidence, no torture must be used in questioning, and false accusations must
be strictly guarded against. The objective of rooting out traitors is to
eliminate real renegades, and this objective can be achieved only by using
correct policies and methods.
15. Develop the Strong and Consolidated United Front of the Kuomintang and
the Communist Party, As Well As Other Parties and Factions, To Support the
Protracted War
All of the urgent tasks set forth above must wait for the various parties
and factions in the Anti-Japanese National United Front against Japan to
motivate the entire nation, and, under the unified leadership of Generalissimo
Chiang, resolutely implement them. In order to achieve this objective, the
organizational strength of the various parties and factions in the United
Front must be developed. The present strength, regardless of which party,
is too inadequate, and they all must be developed. And especially the devel-
opment of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party is the current urgent task.
In this task of development, the various parties concerned should approve
of the development of others. They should not become envious of each other
and impede each other's progress. We must know that if it is an anti-Japanese
party its development will be beneficial to the war against Japan. There
is no doubt that the United Front has the Kuomintang and the Communist Party
for its base, and the Kuomintang is the main pillar of these two. We admit
to this fact. Therefore, we resolutely support Generalissimo Chiang and
the Nationalist Government and Kuomintang under his leadership, and we call
upon the entire nation to give them support. Admitting and supporting this
mainstay and, at the same time, develop the various parties, are mutually
related and not mutually conflicting.
In numbers, I believe the Kuomintang should develop to over 5 million men,
the Communist Party and the other parties should develop to over a million.
In a big nation of 450 million to absorb several million superior elements
174
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The problems are as follows: the protracted nature of the war determines the
long-term nature of the cooperation, the cooperation in the war determines
the cooperation after the war, the context of the long-term cooperation and
its chief conditions--the Three People's Principles and communism--the
organizational form of the long-term cooperation, the policy of mutual aid
and concession in the long-term cooperation, and the problem of a democratic
republic. Many people are concerned about these and we should give clear-cut
answers'.
1. The Protracted Nature of the Struggle Determines the Long-Term Nature of
the Cooperation
Due to the fact that the war of resistance against Japan is a protracted one,
the entire Anti-Japanese National United Front can and will have to be a
long one, and the cooperation between the two principal parties--the Kuomintang
and the Communist Party--can, and also will have to be, a long-term one.
This is the point from which all policies proceed. Therefore, our policy
must, at all cost, have a long-term national united front, a long-term coopera-
tion. We must, at all cost, together preserve a unified government, oppose
division and splits, and thus benefit the passing over of the difficulties
of war, oppose enemy sabotage, beat back Japanese imperialism, and accomplish
the task of establishing a new China after the war. This is quite different
from the Kuomintang-Communist Party cooperation from 1924 to 1927. That
was only for a short period, but this is a long-term affair.
2. Cooperation in the War Determines Cooperation After the War
The so-called long-term cooperation applies not only to during the war, but
also after it. The war against Japan is a protracted one, and the cooperation
to participate in the anti-Japanese parties and factions in an era of a great
war of resistance is not only necessary but completely possible. If this can
be done, the Anti-Japanese National United Front will be expanded, and along
with it it will become even more consolidated. It fully ensures the implemen-
tation of all tasks aimed at defeating the enemy. The support of the pro-
tracted war and the long-term cooperation, and the basic objective of driving
out the Japanese and establishing a new China based upon the three principles
will be ours.
V. Protracted Warfare and Long-Term Cooperation
Let us now discuss specifically on the protracted nature of the Anti-Japanese
National United Front and give a complete answer to the many problems that
0 have occurred to those people who are extremely concerned about the relation-
ship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. This has important signi-
ficance with regard to the consolidation and expansion of the Anti-Japanese
National United Front, the consolidation and expansion of the cooperation
between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the smooth implementation
of the current urgent tasks to pass over the difficult obstacle of war.
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in the war can be said to be a long-term one. But that is not enough, we
hope to continue cooperating and are determined to do so. What guarantee is
there to it? The guarantee lies in the cooperation during the war determines
the cooperation after the war. The principal parties of the Kuomintang and
the Communist Party in the Anti-Japanese National United Front must face
difficulties together, exist or become extinct together. They must strive
to attain progress, and only through prolonged efforts can they beat back
Japanese imperialism. Otherwise, it will not be possible to do so. With
two progressive parties that have faced difficulties during such a long period
of time after the war is over, they will then form a foundation for continuing
cooperation. At that time, conditions domestically and internationally will
be even more conducive to cooperation, and this can be estimated now. There
is no doubt that the contexts of the various stages of the cooperation in
the war will exist, and there will be even more new contents in the cooperation
after the war. But the cooperation in the war will determine that there can
be cooperation after the war. This is not an estimation made without basis.
3. The Content of Long-Term Cooperation and Its Principal Condition
The so-called long-term cooperation is the long-term national united front.
All classes, from capitalists to the workers, all political parties, from
the Kuomintang to the Communist Party, all nationalities, from the Han to the
Miao and Yao minority nationalities, all the troops, from the Nationalist
armies to the Eighth Route Army, and all the governments, from the Nationalist
government to the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Border Region Government, are all
included, with the exception of national renegades. Furthermore, they will
be in the United Front for a long time. There are some people who cannot
endure the arduous struggle of the protracted war. When that time comes they
are apt to place their individual interests over that of the national
interests and become national renegades. Therefore, the National United
Front must continuously weed out these national renegades. But these weeding
out still leaves the National United Front as it is. The reason is that the
main condition for long-term cooperation is, first of all, the brutality of
the enemy's war and its protracted nature. Because the enemy is waging a barbaric
war it gravely endangers the very existence of the various class strata of
the entire nation. Accordingly, it compelled the higher class strata to
oppose the Japanese together with the other classes. It is inevitable that
a part of the higher class level will withdraw from the anti-Japanese front.
But the other parts are generally in the same position as the other classes.
They are oppressed and there is no way out except through resistance. Also,
because this barbaric war is a long one, it determines the long-term nature
of the cooperation. All these concerns the aspects determining the coopera-
tion to be a long-term affair. But there is another aspect. It requires
the various cooperating parties, mainly the Kuomintang and the Communist Party,
must adopt a correct policy and carry out work that is necessary. What
kind of policy and work should they be? They should be policy and work set
forth and carried out on the basis of protracted war and long-term cooperation.
It should be a policy and work that will take care of the present and the
future, this class and that class, this party and that party, this army and
that army, and this nationality and that nationality. Otherwise the policy
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will be incorrect and the work cannot be carried out, thereby creating con-
fusion and will make it difficult for the cooperation to last long. Due
to the fact that, on the one hand, the enemy's war is barbaric in nature,
and, on the other, because of the correct policy and the necessary work to
be done in the United Front, the Chinese National United Front should, and
can be, a protracted one. It is a national front and not a people's front.
It includes the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party
during and after the war, and it is not a cooperation planned to split into
civil war after the war has ended.
4. The Three People's Principles and Communism
The Three People's Principles is the political foundation for the Anti-Japanese
National United Front and the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the
Communist Party. But what is the relationship between the Three People's
Principles and the Communist Party? What attitude should Communist Party
members adopt toward it? Up to now there are still some people who are not
clear on this point, and, therefore, it will be necessary to explain it once
more.
In the provisional congress of our party held in May 1936, it passed the follow-
ing document on "resolutely implement the Three People's Principles."
"Is the Communist Party in agreement with the.Three People's Principles? Our
answer is, yes. The Three People's Principles has its historical changes.
The revolutionary Three People's Principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen gained the
trust of the people through cooperation with the Communist Party and by reso-
lute implementation. It launched the victorious great revolution of 1925 to
1927. And because it drove out the communists (the movement to purge the
Party) and carry 'out a contrary policy, it lost the trust of the people and
brought about the failure of the revolution. Because the national and social
peril are now extremely grave., there is an urgent request for cooperation
between the two parties from the people of the nation and patriotic elements
in the Kuomintang. Therefore, the spirit of the Three People's Principles has
been reorganized. Under the principles of nationalism with independence and
liberation internationally, the people's powerism of democratic freedom domesti-
cally, and the increase of the people's happiness under the principle of
people's livelihood, the two parties came into cooperation again and led the
,people in resolutely carrying these principles out. This completely meets
the historical needs of the Chinese revolution, and each party member should
understand and recognize it. The Communist Party will never discard its
ideals of socialism and communism. They must go through the stage of bourgeois
democratic revolution in order to reach the stage of socialism and communism.
The Communist Party has its own party and political programs. The Party
program is socialism and communism, and it is different from the Three People's
Principles. Its democratic revolutionary political program is more thorough
than any other parties' or factions', but basically, it is not in conflict
with the Three People's Principles program proclaimed by the first and second
congress of the Kuomintang. Therefore, we not only do not reject the Three
People's Princples, but are willing to resolutely implement it. We, further-
more, requested the Kuomintang to join us in implementing the Three People's
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Principles, and also called upon the people of the whole country to implement
the Three People's Principles so as to enable the Kuomintang, the Communist
Party, and the people of the whole country to struggle together for the three
great objectives of national independence, freedom of people's powers, and
happiness in the lives of the people." (The task of the Chinese Anti-Japanese
National United Front in its current stage, p 11)
On 22 September of last year, our Party Central Committee, in the announcement
proclaiming the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the.Communist Party,
emphasized: "The Three People's Principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen is necessary
today. Our Party is willing to struggle for its thorough implementation."
Why did such a political party as the Communist Party adopt this attitude?
It is quite obvious that national independence, freedom of people's rights,
and the happiness of people's livelihood are the general objective that the
Communist Party seeks to realize in the national democratic revolutionary
stage. It is also the general objective sought by the people of the nation,
and it is not a thing sought by a certain party on its own. Understanding
will come if you only look at the documents since the founding of the
Communist Party and its political program. Therefore, in the past, not only
during the first period of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party from 1924 to 1927, our Party members had resolutely implemented the
Three People's Principles. Even after the unfortunate disruption of the two
party cooperation in 1927, all our actions did not contravene the Three
People's Principles. At that time we resolutely opposed imperialism, and
this is in conformity with nationalism. We implemented the political system
of people's congresses, and this is in conformity with the principle of
people's rights; we also initiated the land system of farmers having their
own land to cultivate, and this conforms with the principle of people's
livelihood. All our methods did not exceed the basic category of the system
of private property of. the bourgeoisie and the democratic revolution. The
current stage of the war of resistance and the stage to thoroughly establish
a democratic republic are, by nature,. the stages of the Three People's
Principles and the bourgeois democratic revolution. In-order to thoroughly
carry out this task of the democratic stage, all Communist Party members,
undoubtedly, should sincerely implement the Three People's Principles in
accordance with the general revolutionary policy they always have, as well
as their own resolution and announcement, and work together with the Kuomintang,
the other parties, and the broad masses pf the people throughout the country.
Whoever is not loyal to the beliefs of the Three People's Principles and
implementing it, he is a hypocrite, not a loyal Marxist. In China, anybody
loyal to Marxism, has two responsibilities at the same time, one is the current
actual task, and the other is the far reaching ideals of the future. It
must be understood that only by completing as much as possible the current
task can there be a basis and a foundation to develop into the far-reaching
and great ideal is communism, and it is the most perfect social system for
all mankind. Dr. Sun Yat-sen had also considered the necessity of implementing
it in order to resolve future social problems. The so-called real task of
the present is the Three People's Principles. This is the task of the present
stage to "achieve equal status internationally, politically, and economically,"
and it is a demand made by the Kuomintang, the Communist Party, and the people
of the entire country. Therefore, Communist Party members should study the
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Three People's Principles as carefully as they did with communism, and apply
the viewpoint of Marxism to study the theories of the Three People's Principles
in order to find out how the Three People's Principles can be implemented in
a concrete manner, and how to use the correct ideas of the Three People's
Principles to educated the masses so as to bring about a transformation from
understanding to action, and struggle to beat back Japanese imperialism and
construct a new China based upon the Three People's Principles.
5. The Organizational Form for Long-Term Cooperation
In order to ensure long-term cooperation, it will still be necessary to resolve
the problem of the organizational form for cooperation. We have already re-
jected the idea of one-party-ism. Whether it is in respect to past history,
with respect to the current task, and with respect to the natural qualities
of Chinese society, there is no basis at all for one-party-ism. It cannot
be achieved, nor can it be implemented. It betrays the major objective of
uniting all to oppose Japan and construct the nation, and is thoroughly
harmful. Then, is there a need for a kind of unified and common organization
for the various parties to co-exist and form a national united front against
Japan? Yes, and it is necessary. Without such a unified and common organiza-
tion for all, it will not help with the effort to unite and oppose Japan,
and it is even more harmful to long-term cooperation. Therefore, the various
parties should earnestly study and find a unified and common organizational form
which will be most suitable for long-term cooperation. Let us take this
under study now.
Due to the historical characteristics of the various parties and China's
politics and economy, today's view presents three kinds of organizational
forms as follows.
First, the Kuomintang itself is transformed into a national alliance, with
the various parties participating in the Kuomintang but retaining their inde-
pendent nature. But this will be different from the first cooperation between
the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. If the Kuomintang agrees to our
participation, what attitude shall we adopt? First, we approve of this
method, because this is one of the best kinds of united organizational for
the Anti-Japanese National United Front, and it will be beneficial to national
construction. It is not only the Communist Party, but all other
parties as well which can participate in the Kuomintang. As long as the
Kuomintang agrees to it, we will definitely not oppose it. If it is done
this way, we can then apply the method differently from the 13 years of
cooperation. That is, first, all Communist Party members will openly partici-
pate in the Kuomintang, and a list of such party members will be provided
to the Kuomintang's leading organization. Second, we will not enlist any
Kuomintang members to join the Communist Party. Those that want to join
will be counselled not to do so in order to preserve the general situation.
Third, if our young party members have been approved by the Kuomintang to
participate in the Three People's Principles Youth League, it shall be the
same. There will be no organization of secret party or groups, and we shall
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not accept non-communist members to enter our Party. The use of this method
there will be peaceful assurrance for everybody, and it will be beneficial
to all and without harmful effects. This is the first type of organizational
form for the United Front.
The second kind is for the various parties to organize a national alliance
and support Chiang Kai-shek as the supreme leader of this alliance. The
various parties, on the basis of equality, dispatch representatives to organize
a committee of all parties concerned from the Central Government to the various
levels of local governments to work for the implementation of the common pro-
gram and administer common matters. This is also a good form, and we also
approve it. We proposed such a form long ago, but unfortunately, it was not
implemented.
The third kind is the present method. There are no formulated documents, no
need for set sites, and when problems arise, consultations will be held between
the two parties to resolve them. But this form of organization is too loose,
and many problems cannot be resolved satisfactorily and in a timely manner.
For instance, the implementation of major political policies and the adjustment
of friction in lower echelons have been neglected because there was no fixed
organization to handle them. Therefore, this method is not beneficial toward
long-term cooperation. However, if the first and second methods are inapplicable,
this method can temporarily remain as it is.
6. The Policy of Mutual Aid and Mutual Concession in the Long-Term Cooperation
It has been said before that a protracted war requires a long-term united
front, and this is the proceeding point for all policies. Therefore, Communist
Party members must keep in mind this long-term nature in their work and in
their relationships with friendly parties. He should carry out with determina-
tion all those that are beneficial to this long-term cooperation, and should
absolutely refrain from doing those that will be harmful to it.
Herein occurs the problem of mutual aid and mutual concession among the various
parties. With regard to mutual aid, for example, the various parties must
develop and consolidate. Any party, besides attending to its own expansion and
consolidation, should also adopt an approving attitude toward the development
and consolidation of a friendly party. What kind of attitude should a Communist
Party member adopt toward the expansion and consolidation of the Kuomintang?
In a word, approve. The reason is that the expansion and consolidation of
the Kuomintang will be beneficial to the war against Japan and to the entire
nation. Thus, it is also beneficial to the working people and the Communist
Party. I have discussed this before.
The Kuomintang is presently organizing the Three People's Principles Youth
League. What kind of attitude should a Communist Party member adopt? With-
out doubt he should adopt an attitude of approval. We hope that the Youth
League will develop massively. If the Youth League is carried out in accordance
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with Chiang Kai-shek's declaration, there is a bright future for its develop-
ment. Because we approve and support it, we hope that revisions will be made
in certain items of the methods presently implemented in the League. Other-
wise a good cause will not bring forth good results. The Three People's
Principles Youth League should become a united organization for the broad
masses of youths and people of China to unite and save the nation. It should
absorb various parties and factions, youths of various circles, and individual
young mens' and youth organizations to become a massive group in which the
entire generation of youths will collectively receive national revolutionary
education and training. Therefore, it should be organizationally democrati-
cized, and the spirit of initiative and consciousness of the organization
members should be given play politically to rouse the enthusiasm of the masses
of youths. This is our attitude and our proposals to the Three People's
Principles Youth League.
Mutual aid is not mutual despoilation, benefiting oneself from another's loss.
As an individual it is morally wrong, and it is even more so with regard to
national morals. Therefore, unreasonable frictions, even to the extent of
arresting and killing people, just cannot be done. Communist Party members
absolutely should not treat friendly parties in this manner, but should he be
treated in this manner, we definitely will not let it go at that. All un-
reasonable matters must be treated sternly, and this is the correct way to
treat others and oneself. Mutual counselling is a virtue among friends,
and it is also an attitude that should be promoted among the political
parties.
What kind of mutual concessions are there to be made in the United Front?
There are such concessions. We had made political concessions, stopping the
confiscation of land, reorganizing the Red Army, changing the system of the
Soviet areas. This is a type of political concession, and a necessary
measure to establish the United Front and unite the people of the nation to
fight the enemy together. Our friendly Party has also made concessions by
admitting the legal status of the Communist Party, etc. The policy of mutual
concession for uniting against the enemy and for long-term cooperation is a
very good and correct one. It is only the politically confused, or those with
covert ideas, will say that the Communist Party has surrendered to the
Kuomintang, or vice versa.
We now again advocate that all the parties in the United Front should not
enroll members of the other parties, organize branch parties, and engage
in secret activities. We hold that such a policy is necessary. Of course,
today is different from the past. In the civil war of the past, besides
? open warfare between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, secret methods
were used on both sides to sabotage the activities of the other side. After
cooperation, there naturally should not be motives and actions for sabotaging
each other. But the method of secretly recruiting party members from the
other's ranks to form party branches should also stop so that both sides will
be assurred. Only thus can it become compatible with the objective of long-
term cooperation in a protracted war. We officially announce to the comrades
of the Kuomintang that we have stopped our activities to recruit party members
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from your ranks to organize party branches. Regardless of what kind of
common organizational form is adopted for the United Front, we will abide by
our decision. But at the same time, we hope you will reciprocate. After
such an agreement has been arrived at, and a lower-level party member should
renege, then the higher level of the renegade should be responsible for
handling this matter.
Besides, when comrades of both sides meet, the attitude to be adopted should be
one of friendliness, respect, and consultation, and not one of arrogance,
contempt, and arbitrariness in order to improve mutual relationships, and
this is also necessary.
Communist Party members should first put into effect all that we have said,
regardless of whether some of the personnel on the other side have not applied
the same policy, method, and attitude in treating us. We shall still do it
this way, and, in the long run, some of those who are not clear about this
will come around to an understanding.
A Communist Party member should adhere to his own standpoint in matters
concerning the nation and the people, and march toward the direction of
defeating the Japanese and constructing a new China without the slightest
deviation. Whoever betrays this standpoint and this direction will lose his
qualifications to be a Communist Party member. But the Communist Party member
must have the spirit of mutual aid and mutual concession. They must have
the spirit of respecting friendly parties and to resolve problems through
friendly, consultative attitude. Wherever there are comrades of friendly
parties present, they should be consulted to resolve related matters, and
it must not be done arbitrarily. Without such a spirit there would be no
consolidated unified unity, and the objective of defeating the enemy and
constructing a new China, and the so-called enterprises for the nation and
for the people cannot be attained. Therefore, the necessary policy of mutual
concession absolutely must not be translated into negativism. Not only is
mutual aid activism, but so is mutual concession, because necessary con-
cessions is an indispensable condition to consolidating the cooperation of
the two parties to attain even better unity and greater progress.
7. On the Problem of a Democratic Republic
Although our party, in September 1936, announced the resolution on constructing
a democratic republic, and comrades of the Central Committee have explained
this question, there are many outside our circle who do not understand our
proposals. This is a problem concerned with the future of the war of resis-
tance. What will be the result of the war of resistance? With regard to
the so-called war of resistance and national construction, what kind of a
nation should be established in accordance with the Communist Party's ideas?
This is a problem that is with us, and to explain it once more will be bene-
ficial to the consolidation of the confidence of various parties and factions
in the long-term cooperation.
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What kind of a nation should be established? The answer in a word is the
establishment of a republic based upon the Three People's Principles. The
democratic republic as we called it is the republic of the Three People's
Principles and its nature is that of the Three People's Principles. Accord-
ing to Dr. Sun Yat-sen, it is one that "seeks equal status internationally,
an equal political status, and equality in the economic status." First, it
is a country of nationalism. It is an independent nation and will not be
subjected to any interference from any country and, at the same time, it
will not interfere with any foreign nations. That is to say that the original
semi-colonial status of China has been changed, and it has become independent.
At the same time, regardless of how powerful it becomes, it absolutely will
not turn itself into an imperialist country, but have peaceful intercourse
and co-exist in friendship in the spirit of equality with all the friendly
countries that respect China's independence. Equal rights will be given
to the various nationalities in the country and, under the principle of their
own volition, to unite and establish a unified government. Second, this
country will be a nation based upon the rights of the people. The people in
the country will all have equal political status, officials at various grades
will be elected by the people, and the political system will be that of demo-
cratic centralization. National and local assemblies of people's representa-
tives will be established, and citizens over the age of 18, with the exception
of criminals, will all have the right to elect and be elected, regardless of
class, sex, nationalities, beliefs, and education. The nation will give the
people the freedom of speech, publications, gathering, association, beliefs,
residence and change of residence, and to protect them politically and materially.
Third, it is a country based upon the people's livelihood. It does not deny
the system of private ownership, but it requires that workers will have jobs
and their working conditions are to be improved. Farmers will have land to
cultivate, and excessive taxation and exorbitant rentals and usurious interest
rates are to be abolished. The students will be able to continue with their
education, but it also guarantees that the poor will be able to attend school.
The other fields will be occupied with tasks and they can give full rein to
their geniuses. In short, it is to enable every one to have clothing and
food, schooling and jobs. The democratic republic we envisaged is precisely
such a nation, a China truly based upon the Three People's Principles. It
is not a Soviet, nor is it socialism.
With whom must we struggle to transform China into such a country? We must
struggle against Japanese imperialism. Japanese imperialism deprived us of
our independence, and we must get it back from them. Japanese imperialism
considered us as slaves, and we must demand from them our freedom. Japanese
imperialism brought hunger and cold upon us, and we must demand food from
them. How are these to be done? Demand it at gunpoint. In brief, driving
away Japanese imperialism will give us an independent, free, and prosperous
new China based upon the Three People's Principles.
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VI. China's War Against Aggression and the Anti-Fascist Movement of the World
1. China Cannot Be Separated From the World
China is closely bound to the world, and the Sino-Japanese war is part of
the world war. The victory of China's war of resistance against Japan
cannot be isolated from the rest of the world. In the new situation of the
war of resistance it is possible that part of the foreign aid will decrease,
thereby making China's self-reliance efforts even more significant. China
should, at all times, rely upon self-reliance as the basic standpoint. But
China is not, and cannot be, isolated. The fact of China's close ties with
the world is also our standpoint, and should be our standpoint. We are not
and cannot have a closed-door policy. China could not do this a long time
ago, and now an imperialism of a world-wide nature has penetrated into China
with war. All Chinese are concerned about China's relation with the world,
especially the current changes in the situation in Europe. Therefore, it
will be a significant thing to analyze the current international situation.
2. World War II To Carve Up the World Again Has Already Begun
The basic nature of capitalist imperialism is not only in contradiction with
its own people, but it is also in contradiction with colonial and semi-
colonial countries, with socialist countries, and between the various imperialist
countries. The most intense expression of this last type of contradiction
was in the world war of 20 years ago. The result of that war between two
groups of imperialist countries created a new international situation. The
new development of the world's politics and economy after the war resulted in
the world again approaching anew great war. The aggression of Japan against
the four eastern provinces in the Orient and the coming on stage of Hitler
launched the new world war to re-divide the world. It is quite true that
"fascism is war." Under this situation, Japan, Germany, and Italy, on the
one hand, organized an aggression front to carry out large-scale aggression,
and, on the other hand, the various democratic countries prepared for war
in order to defend the benefits they already hold and in the name of preserv-
ing peace. But up to now, they are still unwilling to use actual force to
stop the aggressors, especially the British policy of compromise, in actuality,
is helping the aggressors. Under such circumstances, China's four eastern
provinces were the first to be sacrificed and, subsequently, Abyssinia was
lost to the Italians. In Spain it infused the rebel army with vigor, China
was subjected to a new massive aggression by Japan, and, recently, Austria
and Czechoslovakia were sacrificed to Hitler. Six hundred million people of
the world are in a state of war, and-its sphere covers the three continents
of Asia, Africa, and Europe. This is the current situation of the new world
war.
3. The Characteristics of the Current World War
Due to the determination of Japan, Germany, and Italy to commit aggression
on the one hand, and the unwillingness of the various democratic to use their
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power to restrain them on the other--especially with regard to the compromise
policy of the British--there is a difference in characteristics displayed by
the current situation of the new world from that of the World War I. This
characteristic is the aggression of countries in between first, and the adop-
tion of various different forms of war. China, Abyssinia, Austria, and
Czechoslovakia are all semi-independent or small countries, and Japan, Germany,
and Italy selected them first for swallowing up. In launching their aggression
against these in-between countries, the aggressors adopted three specific forms
of warfare. The first kind is the war launched by Japan against China, and
by Italy against Abyssinia. These are large-scale wars conducted openly but
carried out without a formal declaration of war, and it opens up a new era
in the history of wars. The objective in adopting this policy of undeclared
war is to take advantage of the unwillingness of the various democratic
countries to restrain them--especially Britain's policy of compromise--to
temporary avoid coming into direct conflict with them and facilitate their
moves to first seize the in-between countries. The second type is the form
of aggression adopted by Germany and Italy against Spain. They adopted the
method of giving assistance to the rebel army. This is but a replay of an old
method abundantly found in history. The third type is Hitler's aggression
in Austria and Czechoslovakia. On the surface there is no war (no actual
fighting), but the essence of war is there. A powerful force of troops was
moved in to occupy all of Austria and part of Czechoslovakia and to place the
rest of Czechoslovakia under its rule. This is a most ingenious method of
seizing another country without fighting.
The utilization of these three forms of war, on the one hand, is because the
strength of the aggressor countries themselves is not adequate and is temporarily
unable to engage the various big countreis in direct warfare. Therefore,
this ingenious method was adopted in an attempt to first strengthen themselves
and, at the same time, to weaken the various big countries and then engage
them in war. On the other hand, because of the unwillingness of the various
democratic countries to restrain the aggressors, and specifically as a result
of Britain's cowardly policy of compromise, it, in reality, aided the enemy
and it made it easy for them to commit aggression against the countries in
the middle.
4. Britain's Policy of Compromise Will Lead the Various Fascist Countries
To Launch a War on an Even Greater Scale
The conservative cabinet of Britain headed by Chamberlain is carrying out
step by step the so-called policy of cooperation among the four powers.
After the Munich agreement it is possible taht the political situation in
Europe will take a turn for the worse. The major part of Britain's conservative
party's policy, in principle, has all along rejected the Soviet Union and
sought compromise with Germany and Italy. Because of its fear of the Soviet
Union becoming strong, of becoming involved in a war too early, of the people's
movements in its own country and the movement for independence in the
colonies, it has very early decided to sacrifice Spain, Austria, and Czecho-
slovakia and formed its plan to reject the Soviet Union and Seek compromise
with Germany and Italy. In the past, it was not successful because of the
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division within the conservative party, the active policy of the popular
front in France, and the censure received domestically and from abroad.
But now, they took advantage of the anti-war physcology of the British and
European people, and the rightist tendency of (Flandin's party of France to
set up the Munich agreement under the threat of Hitler. This agreement is
the result of Britain's policy of compromise, and if it does not change its
policy it definitely will induce the various fascist countries to mount an
even more massive war of adventurism. Although it is still possible that,
for the time being, war will not break out among the big countries, and
temporarily it will be limited to the continuation of aggresson of the
countries in the middle, but, in the end, it will be inevitable that the
various big countries will be dragged into a war of unprecedented ruthless-
ness. This will be a future certainty. The inevitable result of Chamberlain's
policy will be like "lifting a lock only to drop it on one's own toes."
5. The Majority of Mankind in the World Are on the Move to Mobilization
With respect to the various capitalist countries, they have come to a dead
end because of the economic crisis, the war involving 600 million people has
its impact on the whole world, and a new and even more massive war threatens
mankind. All is bright and well with the socialist countries, and they are
advanced and strong. Under the comparison of these two opposite things,
the majority of the people throughout the world are gradually finding the
direction how to defend and liberate themselves, and they are uniting and
preparing for war on an unprecedented massive scale and intensity. World
War I, the growing power of the socialist countries in the past 20 years,
the weakening of the capitalist countries, the war of aggression waged by
the fascist countries in the past 6 or 7 years, China's glorious war of re-
sistance against Japan, the people's war of Spain, and the compromise policy
of Chamberlain have taught the people of the world and of Britain and France
to understand that the only way out is to organize and put up a struggle.
There can be a way out only by uniting as one all mankind in the world who 0
seek liberation, and the formation of a united front of the people of the
world and all oppressed nationalities. The glorious process of wakening the
consciousness of the people throughout the world, their organization and
struggle, and the formation of the united front is progressing in its develop-
ment, but it will require arduous efforts before it can be completed. The
future of the fascist threat of war and Chamberlain's policy of compromise
is certain to meet with massive opposition in the end, and it is also an
inevitable result of the fascist war and Chamberlain's policy.
6. The Coordination of China's War Against Aggression and the Anti-Fascist
World Movement
It is common knowledge that in the past the various democratic countries all
gave assistance to China in varying degrees, mainly in the sympathy expressed
by their people for China. The aid from the Soviet Union was even more
positive. Now, because of the deeper penetration of the Japanese offensive,
it has intensified the contradictions between Japan and Britain, the United
States, France, and the Soviet Union. Although it is possible that Britain
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may use its policy of compromise in the West and apply it to the Orient,
and compromise to a certain degree-with Japan in the hope of preserving some
of its commercial enterprises in the occupied areas, and in dreaming to
lessen Japan's threat to southeast Asia, it will find that a basic compromise
will be difficult. At least for the time being it will be difficult because
of Japan's policy to solely occupy China. Under current concrete conditions,
there are differences of a certain degree between the problems of the East
and that of the West. The deeper penetration of Japan's offensive against
China has further intensified the contradiction between Japan and the United
States. The friendship between China and the Soviet Union has grown, and
there is the possibility of increased friendship between China, the United
States, and the Soviet Union. But first of all, we must not forget the dis-
tinction.between the capitalist and socialist countries, secondly, the distinc-
tion between a capitalist government and its people, and, thirdly, we must
keep in mind even more firmly the distinction between the present and the
future. We must not place too great a hope on the former, but should exert
ourselves to gain all possible aid from the former. To a certain degree it
is not only possible but also practical. But to maintain too high a hope
is not suitable.
The coordination between China's liberation movement and foreign aid is'mainly
the coordination in the future with progressive countries and the world-wide
massive anti-fascist movement of the people, and it should be based principally
upon the policy of self-reliance and at the same time, not to slacken our
efforts to obtain foreign aid.
VII. The Communist Party's Position in the National War
(This chapter's contents are similar to another essay--pp 241-264--and it is
deleted here in order to avoid repetition.)
VIII. The Convening of the Party's Seventh National Congress
I will now talk about the last problem, the problem of convening the Seventh
Congress
Comrades, the National Congress of our Party has not been convened since the
sixth one was held in 1928. Due to circumstances, it has been 10 years since
we held a congress. Last December, the political bureau meeting decided to
make preparations for convening the Seventh Congress. Due to incompletion of
the preparatory work it will be difficult to hold it this year. This enlarged
general membership meeting should discuss the question of stepping up the
preparatory work and decide on convening the congress in the near future.
The political significance of this congress will be very important. It
will sum up past experiences, mainly that of the war of resistance throughout
the nation and the Anti-Japanese National United Front. It will discuss the
political situations domestically and internationally. It will discuss how
to further unite the entire nation, unite the Kuomintang, the Communist Party,
and other parties and factions, and further consolidate and expand the Anti-
Japanese National United Front. Policy, methods, and plans on how to win
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final victory in the war of resistance in the course of a protracted war
and long-term cooperation will also be discussed. We must discuss how to
mobilize the working class and laboring people throughout the nation to take
an even more active part in the war of resistance. How the Party can further
its own unity and strengthen itself under the new situation should also
be discussed so as to consolidate the relationship between itself and the
Kuomintang and as well as the other parties and factions and the people
throughout the nation in order to smoothly implement the general policy of
the Anti-Japanese National United Front.
Besides these problems of politics and organizations, the Seventh National
Congress should elect a new Central Committee, selecting many of the comrades
in the entire Party with the most prestige and authority to become part of
the committee in order to strengthen the leadership of the entire Party's
work. Comrades, since this congress has such great significance, all comrades,
upon returning to their various areas to work after the closing of the sixth
enlarged meeting of the general membership of the Party, should, on the basis
of expanding and consolidating the Party's foundation carry out elections in
a timely manner and in accordance with democratic methods so as to enable
the best cadres who have the greatest trust and confidence of the Party
members to have the opportunity to be elected as representatives to the congress,
.thereby bringing together under one roof the best representatives to the
Seventh National Congress and ensure that the congress will be a success.
We believe that this National Congress will definitely be successful. It
will provide the most serious and powerful reply to the Japanese imperialist's
war of aggression, make imperialist Japan tremble in fear in the face of our
National Congress, and throw them back into the eastern sea. The Chinese
nation will be victorious.
My report ends here.
Chia Fang, Vol 7, 25 November 1938
HSIN HUA DAILY (Chungking) December 1938
On the New Stage--Fourth series in the theory of leadership in the Chinese
revolutionary war--The New Democracy Publishing House (Hong Kong) April 1948
Literary Volumes 3 and 4 Feng Yu House of Books, December 1938, January
1939 Documents of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Chinese Communist Party
Chungking HSIN HUA DAILY, 1939
8439
CSO: 4005
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DIALECTIC MATERIALISM (LECTURE OUTLINE)
1938
[Text] Chapter I Idealism and Materialism
This chapter discusses the following problems:
(1) Two opposing camps of philosophy;
(2) Distinction between idealism and materialism;
(3) Origin and development of idealism; and
(4) Origin and development of materialism.
(1) Two Opposing Camps of Philosophy
The entire history of philosophy is the history of struggle and development
of idealism and materialism, the two opposing schools of philosophy. All
philosophical thoughts and factions are variations of these two basic schools.
All philosophical theories are created by people belonging to a definite
social class. The consciousness of these people is historically determined
by a definite social life. All philosophical theories express the need of a
definite social class and reflect the level of development of social produc-
tive force.and the historical stage of man's knowledge of nature. The fate
of a philosophy is determined by the degree it satisfies the need of society.
The social origin of idealism and materialism lies in the social structure
of class contradictions. The original idealism was the product of ignorance
of the primitive barbarian man. Later, as productive forces developed,
scientific knowledge also developed. Consequently, idealism should have
declined and been replaced by materialism. However, from antiquity to modern
times, idealism has not declined. On the contrary, it has developed further
and become a close rival of materialism. The reason is that society is
divided into classes. On the one hand, the oppressing class cannot but
develop and consolidate its idealism for its own interest. On the other
hand, the oppressed class, similarly, cannot but develop and consolidate
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its materialism for its own interest. Both idealism and materialism exist
as tools of class struggle, and the war between the two schools of philosophy
will continue until the elimination of classes. In its process of development,
idealism represents the ideology of the exploiting class and has a reactionary
function. Materialism is the world outlook of the revolutionary class. In
a class society, materialism grows and develops continuously in its struggle
against, the reactionary philosophy--idealism. For this reason the struggle
between idealism and materialism always reflects the struggle between the
interest of the reactionary class and that of the revolutionary class. No
matter whether a philosopher is conscious of it or not, his philosophic incli-
nation is always influenced by the political orientation of the class to which
he belongs. Any inclination in philosophy always directly or indirectly
supports the basic political interest of the class the philosopher belongs.
In this sense, the implementation of a certain philosophical inclination is
a special form of the policy of the class the philosopher belongs.
The special characteristic of the Marxist philosophy, dialectic materialism,
is to explain clearly the class attributes of all social consciousness
(including philosophy). It openly declares its proletarian nature, wages
a resolute struggle against idealism of the capitalist class, and subordinates
its function to the general task of overthrowing the capitalist institution,
establishing proletarian dictatorship, and building socialism. In the present
stage in China, the mission of philosophy is subordinated to the general task
of overthrowing imperialism and semi-feudalism, thoroughly implementing the
democracy of the bourgeois class, establishing a brand new Chinese Democratic
Republic, and preparing to transform the present society to a socialist and
Communist society with peaceful means. Philosophical theories and political
practices should be closely related.
(2) Distinction Between Idealism and Materialism
Where is the basic difference between idealism and materialism? It lies in
the opposite answers given by the two schools in regard to the basic problem
of philosophy, that is, the problem of the relationship between spirit and
matter (the problem of the relationship between consciousness and existence).
Idealism considers spirit.(consciousness, concept, and subject) as the origin
of everything in the world and matter (natural or social object) as subordi-
nate to spirit. Materialism holds that matter exists independent of spirit,
while spirit is only subordinate to matter. From the opposite answers to
this basic problem, diversified opinions arise on all other problems.
From the viewpoint of idealism, the world is probably a synthesis of our
different kinds of senses, or it is the spiritual process created by our or,
worldly rationality. The external material world is viewed as an illusion,
or an external shell of spiritual elements. Human knowledge is viewed as
subjective and a product of spirit.
Conversely, materialism holds that the unity. of universe lies in its
material property. Spirit (consciousness) is one of the properties of
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matter. It occurs only when matter develops to a definite stage. Nature,
matter and the objective world exist outside of spirit and independent of
spirit. Human knowledge is a reflection of the objective world.
(3) Origin of Idealism and Its Development
Idealism considers that matter is a product of spirit. It turns the real
world upside down. What is the origin of this philosophy, and where is the
source of its development?
As mentioned before, idealism occurred as a product of the ignorance of
primitive man, but after the development of production the primary condition
that enabled idealism to become a philosophical thought was the separation of
physical and mental labor. As a result of the development of social pro-
ductivity, division of labor occurred in society. Further development of
division of labor produced people who devoted themselves exclusively to mental
labor. At a time when social productivity was relatively low, the separation
of physical and mental labor was not complete. But after the emergence of
classes and private property, when exploitation became the foundation for
the existence of the dominating class, great changes began. Mental labor
became a special privilege of the dominating class, while physical labor
became the fate of the oppressed class. The dominating class began to examine
their own relationship with the oppressed class in a topsy-turvy way. They
thought that it was not the laborers who provided them with materials for
living. Instead, they thought, it was they who provided the laborers with
materials for living. For this reason, they despised physical labor and
generated the viewpoints of idealism. Eliminating the distinction between
physical and material labor is one of the conditions for eliminating the
philosophy of idealism.
The social origin which enabled the philosophy of idealism to develop is mainly
the fact that this philosophy consciously expresses the interest of the ex-
ploiting class. The superiority of the idealist philosophy in all cultural
realms should be explained by this fact. If the exploiting class did not
exist, idealism would lose its social origin. The final extinction of the
philosophy of idealism will come only after the elimination of classes and
the establishment of a Communist society.
We must look for the origin that accounts for the development and intensifi-
cation of idealism and its ability to become a rival of materialism in the
process of man's knowledge. When man uses concept in thinking, there is a
possibility for him to slip into idealism. When man thinks, he cannot but
use concepts. This will apt to make our knowledge split into two aspects.
In one aspect are the individual and special things and events. In another
aspect are the concepts of a general nature (such as this judgment: "Yenan
is a city.") The specific and the general are originally related and in-
separable. When they are detached, they are separated from the objective
truth. The objective truth demonstrates the consistency between the general
and the specific. Without the specific, the general does not exist.
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Without the general, there can be no specific. If we separate the general
from the specific, then the general is considered the objective body and the
specific is considered only a form of general existence. This is the method
used by all idealists. They use consciousness, spirit, and concept to replace
the objective substance which exists independent of man's consciousness. With
this as a starting point, the idealists stress the dynamic nature of human
consciousness in social practice. They are unable to point out the truth of
materialism that consciousness is limited by matter. Instead, they say that
only consciousness is dynamic, while matter is nothing but a collective body
of immobile things. Driven by class motivations, the idealists use all methods
to exaggerate the dynamism of consciousness and develop it one-sidedly to
such an extent that it is infinitely expanded in the mind to become a domi-
nating thing. Matter is covered up and made subordinate to consciousness.
They affirm this artificially expanded thing as the general outlook of the
universe, and even worship it as an idol or demigod. Idealist economics ex-
cessively exaggerate the immaterial side of exchange, and elevates the status
of the principle of supply and demand to that of the fundamental law of capi-
talism. Many people saw the dynamic function of science in social life, but
did not know that this function is ruled and limited by a definite social
production relationship. They therefore came to the conclusion that science
is the motive force of society. Idealist historians regard heroes'as the
creators of history. Idealist politicians consider politics as an omnipotent
thing. Idealist militarists practice the.principle of fighting-to-the-death
in war. Idealist revolutionaries advocate Blanquism. All these are exaggera-
tions of subjective dynamism. Our thinking cannot reflect the object all at
once as a whole. It is only an infinite, colorful, vivid and dialectic process
of knowing things close to their reality. Based on this characteristic of
human thinking, the idealists exaggerate certain individual aspects of this
process. Unable to correctly reflect this process, they distort it. Lenin
said: "Human knowledge is not developed along a straight line, but along a
curve. Any section of this curve can become an isolated and integral section
of straight line. This section of straight line can possibly lead you to
confusion. Linearity and one-sidedness are 'not seeing the forest for the
trees'; obstinacy, subjectivism, and subjective blindness--all these are the
origins of idealist epistemology." "Idealism one-sidedly exaggerates one
fragment or one aspect of the process of cognizance into a mysterious absolute
thing divorced from amtter and divorced from nature. It is correct to say
that idealism is religious dogma."
Pre-Marxist materialism (mechanical materialism) did not emphasize the dynamism
of thinking in cognizance. It only gave thinking a passive function, and
regarded thinking as a mirror to reflect nature. Mechanical materialism took
a violent attitude toward idealism without paying attention to the origin of
idealist epistemology. Therefore, mechanical materialism could not prevail
over idealism. Only dialectic materialism correctly points out the dynamic
nature of thinking and, at the same time, points ou- that thinking is limited
by matter. It points out that thinking occurs in the process of social
practice and also dynamically directs practice. Only this type of dialectical
theory of "unity between knowledge and practice" can thoroughly prevail over
idealism.
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(4) Origin of Materialism and Its Development
Recognition of the existence of external matter independent of consciousness
is the foundation of materialism. This foundation is acquired by man through
practice, the practice of labor and production. The practice of class
struggle and the practice of scientific experimentation enabled man to depart
from superstition and fantasy (idealism), to gradually recognize the nature
of the world, and to reach materialism.
Primitive man, who could only use simple tools and yielded to the force of
nature, was unable to explain the changes surrounding him. Therefore, he
asked help from the spirit. This is the origin of religion and idealism.
o In the long processes of production, man came in contact with nature surround-
ing him, acted on nature, changed nature, and secured things for clothing,
food and shelter in order to make nature more suited to the interest of man.
This convinced man that matter does objectively exist.
In social life, relationships and influence occur between one man and another.
In class society, class struggle went on. The oppressed class weighed the
situation, estimated their strength and made plans. When their struggle
succeeded, they firmly believed that their opinion was not a product of
imagination, but a reflection of the material world which objectively exists.
When the oppressed class failed in their struggle because of the adoption
of wrong plans, and when they succeeded in their struggle after changing their
plans, they began to understand that they could reach their goal only if
their subjective plans were based on a correct knowledge of the material
property and rules of the objective world.
The history of science proved to man the material property and regularity
of the world,, and made him realize the uselessness of the fantasy of religion
and idealism, and finally accept the conclusion of materialism.
In short, in the long history of practice--the history of human struggle
against nature, the'history of class struggle, and the history of science--man,
for the necessity of living and struggle, thought about the reality of material
and its rules, proved the correctness of the philosophy of materialism, and
found the ideological tool for his own struggle--the philosophy of materialism.
As social production developed to a higher and higher degree, class struggle
became more and more developed; scientific knowledge further exposed the
"secrets" of nature, the philosophy of materialism became more and more de-
veloped and consolidated; gradually became able to liberate himself from the
dual oppression of nature and society. When it was necessary for the bourgeois
class to struggle against the feudal class and before the proletariat had
become a threat, the bourgeoisie also found and used materialism as a tool
in their own struggle, and believed at one time that the things and events
surrounding them were products of matter rather than products of spirit. Not
until they themselves became rulers and the struggle of the proletariat
threatened their position did they give up this "useless" tool, and pick up
another tool--the philosophy of idealism.
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The proletarian class, the grave diggers for capitalism, is materialist by
nature. But, due to the fact that the proletarian class is the most advanced
class in history, the materialism of the proletarian class is different from
the materialism of the capitalist class. The former is more thorough and
more profound, characterized only.by dialectics and not by mechanism. The
proletarian class absorbed the fruits of all practices in human history and,
through their practice and their spokesmen and leaders--Marx and Engels--created
dialectic materialism. It maintains not only that matter exists independent
of and separated from human consciousness, but also that matter is changing.
It thus becomes a completely systematic and totally new world outlook and
methodology. This is the philosophy of Marxism.
Chapter II Dialectic Materialism
This chapter discusses the following problems:
(1) Dialectic materialism as a weapon of proletarian revolution;
(2) Relationship between the heritage of old philosophy and
dialectic materialism;
(3) Consistency of outlook of the universe and methodology in
dialectic materialism;
(4) The problem of object in philosophy;
(5) Theory of matter;
(6) Theory of movement;
(7) Theory of time and space;
(8) Theory of consciousness;
(9) Theory of reflection;
(10) Theory of truth; and
(11) Theory of practice.
The following is a brief discussion of our viewpoints on these problems.
(1) Dialectic Materialism as..a Weapon of Proletarian Revolution
This problem has already been discussed in Chapter I. We shall talk about
it briefly again.
Dialectic materialism represents the universal view of the proletarian class.
The proletarian class uses dialectic materialism as its spiritual weapon in
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its struggle and as its philosophical basis for its various opinions. Only
when we view the world from the proletarian standpoint can we correctly and
completely grasp dialectic materialism. Only when we start from this view-
point can the real world be truly and objectively known. This is due to, in
one respect, the fact that the proletarian class is the most advanced and
most revolutionary class; and in another respect, the fact that dialectic
materialism is the most correct and most revolutionary outlook of the universe
and methodology in which a highly precise scientific characteristic is closely
associated with a thorough and uncompromising revolutionary characteristic.
The proletarian class in China has now shouldered the historical responsibility
of carrying the democratic revolution of the bourgeois class. It must adopt
dialectic materialism as its spiritual weapon. If dialectic materialism is
? accepted by the proletarian class, the Communist Party, and all revolutionary
elements who are willing to take a stand on the side of the vast proletarian
class, they will have the most correct and the most revolutionary universal
view and methodology, and they will be able to correctly understand the
development and changes of the revolutionary movement correctly, propose
correct revolutionary tasks, unite with their allies, defeat reactionary
theories, take correct actions, avoid mistakes in their work, and reach the
goal of liberating and rebuilding China. Dialectic materialism is especially
a required subject of study for those cadres who direct revolutionary movements
because subjectivism and mechanism, the two erroneous theories and working
methods, often lead cadres into wrong actions in violation of Marxism, and
into wrong ways in revolutionary movements. In order to avoid and to correct
this shortcoming, it is necessary for cadres to study dialectic materialism
self-consciously, and rearm their minds.
(2)' Relationship Between the Heritage of the Old Philosophy and Dialectic
Materialism
Modern materialism is not a simple successor to the various old schools of
philosophy. It was born and developed in the struggle against the dominant
philosophy of the past and in the struggle of freeing science from idealism
and myth. The Marxist philosophy, dialectic materialism, has not only in-
herited the best product of idealism, the fruits of Hegelian philosophy, but
also overcome the idealism of that school of philosophy and materialistically
transformed Hegel's dialectics. Marxism is not only the continuation and
consummation of all the past development of materialism, but also an opponent
of the narrowness of all the old schools of materialism, that is, the
mechanical and intuitive materialism (mainly French materialism and Feuerbach
materialism). Marxist philosophy, dialectic materialism, took over the
scientific heritage of the past culture and at the same time gave it a revo-
lutionary transformation to become the most correct, the most revolutionary,
and the most complete philosophical science unprecedented in history.
After the 4 May 1919 Movement, as the proletarian class of China consciously
walked onto the political stage, and as the nation's scientific standard
continued to rise, a Marxist philosophy movement developed. However, during
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the initial stage of China's materialist movement our understanding about
dialectics was inadequate. As a result, the capitalist mechanical materialism
and the Deborin school's subjectivism predominated. When the revolution of
1927 failed, our understanding of Marxism-Leninism improved, and materialist
dialectic thinking gradually developed. Recently, due to the seriousness
of national and social crises and due to the purge of philosophy in the Soviet
Union, a broad movement of dialectic materialism began among the thinkers in
China.
Due to the backwardness of Chinese society, the current dialectic materialism
thinking in China is not a continuation or transformation of China's own
philosophical heritage. It came, rather, from learning Marxism-Leninism. In
order that dialectic materialism will take root and advance in China and will
definitely guide the Chinese revolution toward an ultimate triumph, it is
necessary to struggle against all existing obsolete philosophy, to raise a
banner of criticism on the ideological front all over the country, and thereby
to liquidate the philosophical heritage of ancient China.
(3) Consistency of the Outlook of the Universe and Methodology in Dialectic
Materialism
Dialectic materialism is the proletarian outlook of the universe, and at the
same time it is also the method used by the proletarian class to know the
surrounding world as well as the method for revolutionary action. It is a
unity of the outlook of the universe and methodology. The idealist Marxist
revisionists think that the substance of dialectic materialism lies in its
"method." They sever method from the general philosophical outlook of the
universe, and sever dialectics from materialism. They don't understand
Marxist methodology--dialectics--which is not like Hegelian idealist dialectis,
but materialist dialectics. Marxist methodology can never be separated from
Marxist outlook of the universe. On the other hand, mechanical materialism
not only views Marxist philosophy as a general philosophical outlook of the
universe without its dialectics, but also regards this kind of outlook as
the conclusion of mechanical natural science. They do not understand that
Marxist materialism is not simple materialism, but dialectic materialism.
These two separated views of Marxist philosophy are wrong. Dialectic materialism
is a unity of outlook of the universe and methodology.
(4) The Problem of the Object of Dialectic Materialism--What Does Materialist
Dialectics Study?
Lenin considered materialist dialectics (as a Marxist philosophy) as a study
of the laws of development of the objective world, as well as a study of the
laws of development of cognizance (which reflects the objective world through
various categories in dialectics). He said that logic is not an external
formal study of thinking; it is rather a study concerning the law of develop-
ment of all material, natural and spiritual things. In other words, logic
is the total, summation, and conclusion of human knowledge about the world.
Although Lenin emphasized the significance of materialist dialectics as a
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general scientific methodology, he did this because dialectics is the conclusion
drawn from the history of our cognizance about the world. Hence he said:
"Dialectics is the history of cognizance."
The above is Lenin's definition of materialist dialectics as a science and
its objectives. What he means is as follows: First, just as any other
science, materialist dialectics has its object of study. The object is the
most general laws of development of nature, history, and human thinking. The
task of materialist dialectics is not to think from our head the relationship
between various phenomena, but to observe the relationship between the various
phenomena from the phenomena themselves. This viewpoint of Lenin's is basically
different from that of the members of the minority faction of the idealists
who regard-category (divorced in fact from specific science or specific knowledge)
? as the object of study of materialist dialectics. This is because of the
fact that the members of the minority faction of idealists attempt to establish
a. philosophical system of categories isolated from the development of human
knowledge about the reality of epistemology, history, social science and
natural science. By so doing, they have in fact abandoned materialist dia-
lectics. Second, the various branches of science (mathematics, mechanics,
chemistry, physics, biology, economics and other natural sciences and social
sciences) are for the study of the various aspects of the material world and
its development. Therefore, the principles of the various sciences are
narrowly limited by each specific realm of study. But materialist dialectics
is not so. It summarizes, draws conclusions about, processes and generalizes
all the valuable contents of all specific branches of science and other
scientific knowledge of mankind. Thus, the concepts, judgments, and principles
of materialist dialectics are extremely broad (including the most general laws
of all sciences, and hence including the substance of the material world).
In this respect, it is an outlook of the universe. On the other hand, ma-
terialist dialectics is the foundation of true scientific logic and epistemology
liberated from all empty thinking, clericalism, and metaphysics. Therefore,
it is also the only realistic objective methodology for the study of specific
sciences. It is further clear why we say that materialist dialectics or
dialectic materialism is the unity of the outlook of the universe and methodology.
So the mistakes of those who distort and vulgarize Marxism and deny Marxism
as a philosophy can be understood.
Concerning the problem of the object of philosophy, Marx, Engels and Lenin all
opposed separating philosophy from reality or making philosophy something
independent of.substance. They pointed out the inevitability of philosophy
growing out of actual life and based upon the analysis of actual life and
actual relationships. They specially opposed using logical concepts and
logic as the objects of study as practiced by the formalists and members of
the minority faction of the idealists. Marx, Engels, and Lenin all interpreted
materialist dialectics as a theory concerning development. Engels regarded
materialist dialectics as "a theory discussing the general principle of
development of nature, society and thinking." Lenin considered materialist
dialectics as "the most multi-faceted, the richest and the most profound theory
of development." They all considered "the formulas of all principles of
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development offered by other schools of philosophy as narrow, without
substance, and severed from the process of development of nature
and society." (Quotation from Lenin). The reason by materialist dialectics
is called the most multi-faceted, the richest, and the most profound theory
of development is nothing but that it reflects the contradictions and the
leaping nature in the process of natural and social changes in the most multi-
faceted, the richest and the most profound way.
There is another problem to be resolved about the object of philosophy; that
is, the consistency between dialectics and logic.
Lenin emphatically pointed out the identity among dialectics, logic, and
epistemology, saying that this is "an extremely important problem." He said:
"These three terms are superfluous. They indicated only one thing." He was
fundamentally opposed to those Marxist revisionists who treat these three
theories as entirely independent of one another.
Materialist dialectics is the only scientific epistemology, and the only
scientific logic. It deals with the growth of our cognizance of the external
world and the development of such cognizance; the transformation from not
knowing to knowing and from not completely knowing to completely knowing;
and reflection of the laws of development of nature and society which deepens
enhances daily in the mind of mankind. This is the unity between materialist
dialectics and epistemology. Materialist dialectics studies the most general
laws of development of the objective world, and reflections of the most
developed form of the objective world in our mind. This is how materialist
dialectics studies the process of development of realistic things, and the
laws of occurrence, disappearance and mutual transformation of phenomena.
At the same time, it also studies the phenomena of the human mind which re-
flects the laws of development of the objective world. This is the unity
of materialist dialectics and logic.
In order to understand the relationship between dialectics, logic, and
epistemology thoroughly, we shall examine in'the following how dialectics
resolves the problem of mutual relationship between logic and history.
Engels said: "As far as the method of thinking of all schools of philosophy
is concerned, the advantage of Hegel's method is its extremely rich sense of
history. Although Hegel's form is abstract and idealistic, the development of
his thinking parallels the development of world history. Moreover, history
is in fact a verification of our thinking. History often proceeds rapidly in
a complex manner. Because of this, if we obey history, we must not only pay
attention to a lot of unimportant material, but also interrupt our train of
thought. This is the only suitable method and this is the logical method.
This logical method is still fundamentally the historical method except for
the elimination of the form of history and its accidental characteristic."
This viewpoint of "unity of logical development and historical development"
was given full attention by Marx, Engels, and Lenin. "The category of logic
is the simplification of the innumerable characteristics of external existence
and activities." Category is a separated segment which helps us to know the
links of different networks. "The activity of human practice is a repeated
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application of human consciousness to various formulas of logic. Then, these
formulas acquire the significance of an axiom. It takes thousands and millions
of times of repeated practice for a theoretical formula to be stabilized in
human consciousness. All these formulas have some perpetual prejudice be-
cause they are the results of thousands and millions times of practice before
they take on the characteristics of axioms." The above sayings of Lenin
point out the fact that the characteristics of materialist dialectical logic
are not the same as those of formal logic, which looks upon principles and
categories as empty things existing independently from contents and unrelated
to contents. Materialist dialectical logic is also different from Hegelian
logic. Unlike Hegelian logic which regarded category as concepts isolated
from and independent of the material world, materialist dialectical logic
treats concepts as manifestations of material movements reflected and trans-
planted to our mind, and then processed by our brain. Holding the view of
unity between existence and thinking., Hegel treated the unity among dialectics,
logic and epistemology in the same way as unity in idealism. On the contrary,
in Marxist philosophy, the unity of dialectics, logic and epistemology is
built on the foundation of materialism. Only if materialism is used to resolve
the problem of the relationship between existence and thinking, and only if
the viewpoint of the reflection theory is taken, can the problem of dialectics,
logic, and epistemology be thoroughly resolved.
The best model of using dialectical materialism to resolve the problem of
the mutual relationships between logical things and historical things is
Karl Marx'x "Capital." It discusses the historical development of capitalist
society, and at the same time discusses the logical development of that
society. What "Capital" analyzes is the dialectics of the development of
various economic categories reflected by the growth, development, and extinction
of capitalist society. The materialist solution of this problem is based
upon using the materialist objective history as the foundation, and using
concept and category as the reflection of this realistic history. The unity
of logic and history of capitalism and the unity of logic and epistemology
of capitalist society are illustriously expressed in "Capital." From
"Capital," we can understand a little bit about the unity among dialectics,
logic and epistemology.
The above concerns the problem of the object of dialectic materialism.
(5) Theory of Matter
Marxism took over and developed the line of materialism in philosophy. It
correctly resolved the problem of the relationship between thinking and exist-
ence; that is, it thoroughly and materialistically pointed out the material-
istic character of the world, the objective existence of matter, and the fact
that matter is the origin of consciousness (or the reliance of consciousness
on existence).
The acceptance of matter being the origin of consciousness is based on the
premises of the materialistic character of the world and its objective
existence. The first condition for one to belong to the camp of materialism
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is his acceptance of the existence of the materialistic world independent of
man's consciousness--that is, the world existed before the appearance of man-
kind, and it existed after the appearance of mankind. Acceptance of this
point is the basic premises for any scientific study.
How can we prove this point? There are many proofs. Man is in contact with
the external world at all the times, and must use cruel ways to deal with
the oppression and resistance of the external world (nature and society).
Man can and should overcome these oppressions and resistance. The human social
practice demonstrated in the historical development of human society is the
best proof. China does not doubt the objective existence of Japanese im-
perialism which invaded China, nor the objective existence of the Chinese
people. The students of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University also
never doubted the objective existence of the university and the students
themselves. These things are all material things which exist independent
of and separate from our consciousness. All these are the basic viewpoints
of materialism, or the philosophy of materialism.
The materialistic viewpoint in philosophy is different from the materialistic
viewpoint in natural science. If we say materialistic viewpoint in philosophy
is to point out the objective existence of matter, and that the so-called
matter is the entire world which is separated from man's consciousness and
exists independently (this world acts upon man's senses to cause man's feel-
ings and to cause man to have reflection from feelings), then this statement
is absolute, and will never change. The materialistic viewpoint in natural
science concerns the study of the structure of matter, such as the former
atomic theory and the current electronic theory. Such statements change with
the advance of science and are relative.
To use dialectic materialism to distinguish the materialistic viewpoint in
philosophy and that in natural science is a necessary condition for the
implementation of the materialistic viewpoint in philosophy. This point has
a great significance in the struggle with idealism and mechanical materialism.
On the bases of the theory of electrons, the materialists smashed the absurd
theory about the extinction of matter. Those who held this absurd view did
not know that the advancement of scientific knowledge concerning the structure
of matter is sufficient proof of the correctness of the theory of matter in
dialectic materialism. As a result of modern discoveries in natural science
and the discovery of electron theory, it has been proven that certain material
attributes exhibited in old material concepts (such as weight, hardness,
impenetrability, inertia, etc.) exist only in certain material forms, and.do
not exist in other material forms. This fact breaks down the narrowness and
one-sidedness of the old materialist view toward matter, and proves the
correctness of dialectic materialism which accepts the materialistic charac-
teristics and the objective existence of matter. The materialist view of
dialectic materialism sees the unity of the material world from its multiple
characteristics, i.e., the unity of matter's multiple characteristics. This
type of concept of matter does not contradict at all the perpetual movement
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or change from one from to another. Ether, electrons, atoms, molecules,
crystalline cells, social phenomena, mental phenomena, etc., represent
various stages of development of matter. They are temporary states in the
history of the development of matter. Scientific studies bring about pro-
found discoveries of all kinds of material states (the discovery of the
multiple characteristics of matter), and these discoveries only enrich the
contents of the concept of matter of dialectic materialism. How can there
be any contradictions? It is necessary to make a distinction between the
concept of matter in philosophy and that in natural science, because the
former is broad and the latter narrow, but they are not contradictory. The
broad concept of matter includes the narrow concept of matter.
The concept of matter of dialectic materialism does not recognize any non-
o material things in the world (independent and spiritual things). Matter
exists permanently and universally in time and space. If we say that there
is in this world a thing which "has always been so," or which "is so every-
where" (as far as its consistency is concerned), then that thing is the so-
called objectively existing matter in philosophy. When consciousness is viewed
from thorough materialism (that is from the viewpoint of materialist dia-
lectics), it is nothing but a state of matter, a form of material movement,
a special characteristic of the material brain, and that kind of special
characteristic of the material brain reflected from matter outside of
consciousness to consciousness. Thus, our distinction between matter and
U consciousness, and our setting up the two opposing each other are conditional.
That is to say, the distinction is meaningful only in epistemology because
consciousness or thought is only an attribute of matter (brain). Therefore,
the opposition between cognizance and existence doesn't go beyond this.
This type of opposition between the subject and the object has no meaning
beyond the realm of epistemology. If cognizance is set up opposing matter
outside the realm of epistemology, we are revolting against materialism.
In this world there is only matter and its various manifestations. The
subject itself is also matter. This is what is meant by the material attributes
of the world (matter is perpetual and universal), the objective reality of
matter, and matter is the origin of consciousness. In short, matter is
everything in the world. We say "all belongs to Ssu-ma I," and "all belongs
to matter." This is the principle of unity of the world.
The above is the concept of matter in dialectical materialism.
(6) Theory of Motion (Theory of Development)
The first basic principle of dialectic materialism is its acceptance of the
material nature of the world, the objective reality of matter, and matter
being the origin of consciousness. This unity theory of the world has been
discussed in the aforementioned theory of matter.
The second basic principle of dialectic materialism is its theory of motion
(or the theory of development). It acknowledges that motion is the form of
material existence, i.e., the inner attributes of matter. Motion is an ex-
pression of the multiple attributes of matter. This is the theory of develop-
ment of the world. A combination of the development theory of the world and
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the aforementioned unity theory of the world forms the entire outlook of the
universe of dialectic materialism. The world is nothing but an infinite
development of the material world (or the material world is developing without
limit).
The concept of motion of dialectic materialism will not permit (1) mental
motion separated from matter, (2) mental matter separated from motion, or (3)
simplification of material motion. The concept of motion is established after
a resolute struggle with idealistic, metaphysical and mechanical viewpoints.
First of all, the theory of motion of dialectic materialism is opposed to
idealism in philosophy and theism in religion. The basic characteristic of
all idealism and theism is their denial of the material unity of the world.
They imagine that the motion and development of the entire world are without
matter, or there is no matter at the very beginning. It is, rather, the
result of spiritual action or the power of God. The German idealist philosopher
Hegel believed that the actual world was developed from the so-called "concept
of the world." In China, believers of Chou I and Li Hsueh of the Sung and
Ming Dynasties all expressed idealistic concepts of the development of the
universe. The Christians say that God created the world. Buddhists and
fetishists in China ascribe the development of everything in the universe to
spiritual power. All these views separating human thinking from matter are
incompatible with dialectic materialism. Not only idealists and clergymen,
but all the materialists before Marx, and all the current anti-Marxist
mechanical materialists maintain materialistic theory of motion when they
talk about natural science. But when they talk about social phenomena,
they no longer adhere to materialistic principles, and ascribe everything to
spiritual reasons.
Dialectic materialism resolutely refutes all these erroneous concepts of
motion, points out their limitations--the limitations of their class status
and the limitation of scientific development, and builds its own concept of
motion thoroughly on materialism from the standpoint of the proletarian
class and based on the most developed scientific standard. First of all,
the dialectic materialists points out that motion is the form of existence
of matter, and is an inner characteristic of matter (not due to external
force). It is just as impossible to imagine motion without matter as to
imagine matter without motion. They set up a materialistic concept of motion
sharply opposed to the idealist or theist concepts of motion.
If we observe matter isolated from motion, it will be a metaphysical theory
of a stationary universe, or the theory of absolute equilibrium. Those who
subscribe to this theory maintain that matter is unchanging, and that there
is no such thing as development in matter. They believe that an absolute
standstill is the general state of matter, or the primitive state of matter.
Dialectic materialism firmly opposes this point of view. It believes that
motion is the most common form of material existence, and an inner and
inseparable attribute of matter. All static and equilibrium states have only
relative meaning, while motion is absolute. Dialectic materialism acknowledges
that all material may have the possibility of being in a stationary state
or a state of equilibrium. It also believes that this is the most important
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condition for distinguishing matter and, therefore, is also the most important
condition for distinguishing life. (Engels) However, dialectic materialism
believes that being in a stationary state or in a state of equilibrium is
only one of the elements of motion, or a kind of special condition of motion.
The mistake of observing matter without reference to motion lies in the exaggera-
tion of the elements of standstill or equilibrium. These elements are wrongly
used to cover up or to substitute for the entirety. A special condition of
motion is generalized to become absolute. An ancient Chinese metaphysical
thinker had a favorite saying: "Heaven does not change; reason does not change."
His theory is one of stationary universe. Although the followers of this
saying acknowledge the changes in universe and social phenomena, they deny
these changes as changes of matter itself. In their eyes, the substance of
the universe and society is forever unchanging. The main reason for their
thinking is their class limitation. If the feudal landlord class acknowledges
that the substance of the universe and society is moving and developing, it
would be like theoretically declaring their own death sentence. The philosophy
of all reactionary forces is always a motion-less philosophy. In view of the
principle of development of the world, the revolutionary class and the people
advocated for the transformation of this society and world. Their philosophy
is dialectic materialism.
Moreover, dialectic materialism does not accept simplification of the concept
of motion, or reduce all motion to one form--the form of mechanical motion.
This is the characteristic of the old materialistic concept of motion. The
old materialism (French materialism of the 17th and 18th century and the
German Feuerbach materailism of the 19th century) accepted the permanent
existence and permanent movement (unlimited movement) of matter, but it was
confined to a metaphysical outlook of the universe. Not only that their
social viewpoint reflected a viewpoint of idealist development, even in natural
science they ascribed the unity of material world to a certain one-sided
characteristic, or to one form of motion--mechanical motion. The cause of
this type of motion is external force. It is a motion like that of a machine
which is pushed by an external force. They do not explain matter of motion
from internal causes and the multiple nature of relationships. They explain
motion simply from external form they have discovered, or from external reasons.
In this way, the multiple characteristics of the world are lost. They explain
all motions in the world as a change in location and a decrease or increase
in quantity. Motion is described as a phenomenon of matter being at one
location during a certain moment of time and at another location during
another moment. If there is a change,.it is only a change in numerical in-
crease or decrease. There is no change in characteristics and all changes
are cyclical and will repeatedly produce the same result. Dialectic ma-
terialism is at odds with this. It considers motion not as simple displace-
ment or cyclical motion. But as infinite varieties of matter. Motion is
looked upon as transformation of matter from one form to another, the
unification and motion of matter in the world. Engels said: "All high-level
forms of motion are inevitably associated with the form of mechanical (ex-
ternal or molecular) motion. For example, if there is no change in heat or
electricity, chemical reactions will be impossible. If there is no mechanical
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(molecular), heat, electrical and chemical changes, organic life will be im-
possible. This, of course, cannot be denied. But if there exists some form
of low-level motion, they cannot include the substance of major forms of motion
under various conditions." These words are absolutely in conformity with
reality. Even if we consider only the simple mechanical motions, we cannot
explain them from the metaphysical viewpoint. We should know that all forms
of motion are dialectical, even though their dialectical contents and their
multi-faceted nature may be greatly different. Thus, mechanical motion is
still dialectic motion. When we say that a body "is" at a certain location
at a certain moment, that body is, in fact, "at" a certain location, and yet,
at the same time, "not.at" that certain location at that particular moment.
The so-called "being" at a certain location and the so-called "immobile" state
are but special situations of motion. The body is in fact in motion. Matter
moves within a limited time and within a limited space. Matter is continuously
overcoming the limitations in order to go out of fixed time and space to be-
come an unceasing flow of motion. Mechanical motion is only one form of motion
of matter. In the actual world, it does not exist absolutely independent,
and it is always related to other forms of motion. From heat, chemical reaction,
light, and electricity to organic and social phenomena, all of them are special
forms of motion. At the turn of the 20th century, the greatest achievement
of natural science was the discovery of the principle of motion transfer.
It pointed out that the motion of matter is always transforming from one form
to another. After transformation, the new form and the old form are substan-
tially different. The reason for material transfer is internal and not ex-
ternal. The transfer is not caused by external mechanical drive, but by the
struggle within the matter itself between two mutually contradictory elements
of different nature. Due to the discovery of this law of motion transfer,
dialectic materialism is able to expand the theory of material unity in the
world to the history of nature and science. The world is observed not only
as a matter in perpetual motion, but also as matter advancing from a lower
form of motion to a higher form of motion. The world is thus observed as a
development as well as a process. In other words, "the unity of the material
world is a process of development." In this way, the cyclical theory of old
materialism is destroyed. Dialectic materialism observes the form of motion
of nature and society in a profound way and in its numerous aspects. It
considers that the process of development of the world as an entity is perpetual
(with no beginning and no end), but at the same time the form of the specific
motion in each historical process is temporary (with a beginning and an end).
This is to say that it occurs under a definite condition and disappears under
a definite condition. It believes that the process of development of the
world from a lower form of motion to a higher form of motion demonstrates
both its historical and temporary characteristics. But at the same time, no
one form of motion is in a perpetual long stream (a long stream with no
beginning and no end). Based on the principle of opposition and struggle
(the reason for motion), the form of each motion always moves to a higher
level. It moves straight forward, but as far as each individual form of motion
is concerned (or as far as each specific process of development is concerned),=
the motion may change its direction, or may be backward. When the advancing
motion is combined with the retreating motion, the resulting motion is a
complex helical motion. The new form of motion occurs as an opposite to the
old form of motion, but at the same time the new form of motion preserves
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many elements of the old form of motion. The new things grows out of the
old. New forms, new characteristics and new attributes emerge from the
disruption of continuity, or from a break-through, but the link and the mutual
relationship between things and events cannot be absolutely destroyed.
Finally, dialectic materialism believes that the world has no end. This is so
not only in its entity, but also in its parts. Are not electrons and atoms
the same in demonstrating a complex and endless world?
The basic form of motion of matter also determines the various subjects of
natural and social sciences. Dialectic materialism observes the development
of the world as a forward motion from an inorganic through an organic to the
highest form of matter (society). The relationship arising from this form
of motion becomes the foundation of the corresponding sciences (inorganic
science, organic science, and social science). Engels said: "The various
kinds of science analyzes a special form of motion or the mutual relationship
of a series of forms of motion. Thus classification of science is to arrange
and classify various motions according to the original order of motion.
Only on this point can classification be meaningful."
The entire world includes human society and the motions of matter in various
forms. Therefore, we cannot forget the various forms of motion of matter.
There is no so-called "matter in general," or "motion in general." In this
world, there are only concrete matter and motion in various forms. "Matter
and motion are only simple terms. In these terms we include all things and
events sensed by us according to.their common characteristics." (Engels)
The above is the theory of motion of the world in dialectic materialism or
the principle of world development. This thinking is the essence of Marxist
philosophy. It is the proletarian outlook of the universe and methodology.
If all the proletarian revolutionaries use this explicit science as a weapon,
they will understand this world and can rebuild this world.
(7) Theory of Time and Space
Motion is a form of material existence. Space and time are also forms of
material existence. Moving matter exists in time and space, and the material
existence of time and space is the premises of the motion of matter itself.
Time and space cannot be separated from matter. "Matter exists in space"
is to say that matter itself has the characteristic of expansion. The material
world is a. world in which there exists the characteristic of expansion. This
is not to say that matter is placed in a non-material empty space. Space
and time are not independent non-material things. They are not subjective
forms of our senses, but forms of existence of the objective world. They do
not exist outside of matter; nor does matter exist outside of them.
Regarding space and time as a form of material existence is a thoroughly
materialistic view. This concept of space and time is basically opposite
to the following idealistic concept of space and time:
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(1) Kantian concept of space and time: Space and time are not regarded
as objective reality, but objective forms of intuition.
(2) Hegelian concept of space and time: The concept of developing space
and time is approaching absolute concept.
(3) Machian concept of space and time: Time and space are different kinds
of senses, and "tools for harmonizing experience."
All these idealistic viewpoints do not accept the objective reality of time
and space. They do not accept the fact that the concept of space of time,
during its own development, reflects the form of materialistic existence.
These erroneous theories have been refuted by dialectic materialism one by
one.
On the problem of space and time, dialectic materialism must not only struggle
with those idealistic theories, but also struggle with mechanical materialism,
especially Newton's theory of mechanics which regards space as an immobile,
empty frame with no relationship to time, and puts matter into this empty
frame. Opposing this theory, dialectic materialism points out that our con-
cept of space is developing. "Aside from moving matter, there is nothing
else in the world. If moving matter is not in space and time, there will be
no possibility of motion. Man's concept of space and time is relative, but.
when all these relative concepts are put together, they become absolute truth.
These relative concepts are developing uninterruptedly along the line of
absolute truth, and are approaching closer and closer to absolute truth
everyday. Man's changing concept about space and time can never overthrow
the objective reality of the two. This is similar to the fact that the chang-
ing character of scientific knowledge about the form of motion and matter
cannot overthrow the objective reality of the external world." (Lenin)
The above is the theory of time and space of dialectic materialism.
(8) Theory of Consciousness
Dialectic materialism maintains that knowledge is a product of matter, a form
of development of matter, and a special characteristic of a definite state
of matter. This materialistic and historical theory of consciousness is
basically opposed to the viewpoints of all idealists and mechanical material-
ists concerning this problem.
According to Marx, consciousness originally develops from the inorganic world
which has no consciousness to the animal world which has a low level of
consciousness, and finally to mankind which has a high level of consciousness.
The high level of consciousness is inseparable not only from the physiological
development of the high nervous system, but also from the social development
of labor and production. Marx and Engels have emphatically pointed out the
dependence of consciousness upon the development of. material production and
the relationship between consciousness and human language.
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The so-called consciousness is a special characteristic of a definite form of
matter which constitutes a complex nervous system. This kind of nervous system
can only occur in a high stage of natural evolution. In the entire inorganic,
vegetative and low animal world, there is no possibility for consciousness
to occur internally as well as externally, that is, the possibility of self-
reflection, or the possibility of understanding the process of self-reflection.
The objective physiological process in our nervous system parallels the sub-
jective expression which, internally, takes the form of consciousness. To
objective things, this physiological process is a process of certain matter,
but to the material body equipped with a brain this process is, at the same
time, subjective psychological behavior.
There is no such thing as the spirit of the substance of a special thinking.
There is only the matter for thinking--the brain. This matter for thinking
is a matter of special quality. It develops to a high degree along with the
development of language in the social life of mankind. This kind of matter
possesses the ability to think as its special characteristic--a characteristic
that other matters do not possess.
However, the vulgar materialists maintain that thinking is a matter derived
from the brain. This viewpoint distorts our concept in regard to this problem.
It is necessary to know that thinking, emotion, and conscious behavior are
not things which have such characteristics as weight, expansion, etc.
Consciousness, weight and expansion are different characteristics of the
same matter. Consciousness is an inner state of matter in motion, and re-
flects the special characteristic of the life process which occurs in moving
matter. This special characteristic cannot be separated from the process
of objective nervous function, but is also the same as that process. If the
two are confused, the special characteristic of consciousness is obliterated.
This is the viewpoint of the vulgarized materialism.
Similarly, the mechanical theory of the fake Marxism agrees with the opinion
of certain capitalist rightists in the field of psychology. They, in fact,
obliterate consciousness. They consider consciousness, a physiological process,
as a special characteristic of a high-level substance, without seeing that
consciousness is a product of social practice of mankind. They equate the
subject with the object, and replace'both with one-sided mechanical objective
world. This viewpoint which confuses consciousness with physiological process
is hardly different from eliminating the basic problem of thinking and exist-
ence in philosophy.
Menshevik idealism attempts to use a compromising theory to replace Marxist
? epistemology. It harmonizes materialism with idealism, using the "alliance"
of objectivism and subjectivism to oppose the principle of dialectics. But
their principle is neither mechanical objectivism, nor idealistic subjectivism,
but the principle of concrete objective and subjective history.
There is also the strange theory of Plekhanov who maintained that matter is
alive. His remark "rock also has consciousness" fully expresses his opinion
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that consciousness does not occur in the process of development of matter,
but exists in all matter at the very beginning. Later, it exists in low-level
organic bodies and man, different only in degrees. This type of anti-historical
opinion is also basically opposed to the viewpoint of dialectic materialism
which regards consciousness as possessing material characteristics. Only
the materialist theory of consciousness is the correct thought regarding the
problem of consciousness.
(9) Theory of Reflection
To a thorough materialist, just regarding matter as the origin of conscious-
ness is not enough. One has to accept that matter can be known to consciousness.
Concerning the problem as to whether or not matter can be known, it is a com-
plex problem, so complex that all the old philosophical schools were unable .
to resolve it. Only dialectic materialism can correctly resolve this problem.
The position of. dialectic materialism is opposed to the non-cognizable theory,
and different from the.blunt theory of realism.
Hume and Kant's non-cognizable theory separates the cognizing subject from
the object. It believes that it is impossible to go beyond the limits of
the subject--an unsurpassable ditch between the "self-existing" matter and
its image.
Mach's reality theory equates the object with feelings, maintaining that
truth has established its complete form in feelings. At the same time,
Machists do not understand that feeling is the result of external action.
Nor do they understand the positive function of the subject during the process
of cognizance, that is, the transformation work done by external action in
the sense organs and the brain (or the formal expression of image and percep-
tion).
Only the reflection theory of dialectic materialism affirmatively answered
the question of cognizability, and this answer becomes the "soul" of Marxist
epistemology. This theory points out that our images and percepts are not
only induced by objective things, but also reflects them. It also points out
that images and percepts are neither products of the voluntary development
of subjective bodies as the idealists say, nor symbols of objective things
as said by those who maintain that nothing is cognizable.. Such images and
percepts are reflections of objective things, photographs, or copies.
Objective truth exists independent of subjective bodies. Although reflected
in our feelings and percepts, objective truth does not take a complete form
immediately. The form is completed step by step. It is a mistake to think
that objective truth has taken a completed form in our feelings. Truth is
gradually acquired. The blunt theory of reality is wrong.
Although objective truth does not take the completed form all at once in
our feelings and percepts, it is by no means non-cognizable. The reflection
theory of dialectic materialism opposes the theory of non-cognizability.
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It believes that consciousness can reflect objective truth during the process
of cognizance. The process of cognizance is a complicated one during which
the unknown "self-existing thing," as it is reflected in our image and percept,
becomes "my thing." Feelings and thoughts are not what separate us from the
external world as Kant said. They are, in fact, links between us and the
external world. Feelings and thoughts are reflections of the external ob-
jective world. Thoughts (images and percepts) are nothing but "material things
that have appeared.and transformed in man's brain." (Marx) During the process
of cognizance, the material world becomes more intimately, more accurately,
more many-sidedly, and more profoundly reflected in our cognizance. To wage
a two-front struggle against Machism and Kantism is the task of Marx epistemology.
The dialectic materialist reflection theory maintains that our ability of
knowing the objective world is limitless. This is exactly opposed to the
opinion of those who believe that human ability to know is limited. However,
we are not close to the absolute truth. Every time, we come to a line defined
by history. Lenin said: "The approach of our knowledge to the objective
absolute truth is limited by history, but the existence of this truth is
absolute, and the fact that we are continuously getting closer to the truth
is also absolute. The external form of a picture is historically conditional,
but the existence of the objective reality which is the model of that picture
is absolute. We accept the fact that man's knowledge is limited by historical
conditions and that truth cannot be acquired once and for all, but we are not
those who believe that things are not cognizable. We do not accept that truth
can be completed in the historical movement of man's cognizance." Lenin also
said: "Let us not understand the reflection of nature in man's thoughts in a
rigid and absolute way. Cognizance is not motionless, or without contradic-
tions. Cognizance is perpetually in the process of motion, that is, the
perpetual process of movement of the occurrence of contradictions and the
resolution of contradictions." The movement of cognizance is a complicated
movement full of contradictions. This is the opinion of the dialectic ma-
terialistic epistemology.
In epistemology, all philosophies reflect the historical viewpoint, and none
regards cognizance as a process. All these viewpoints are therefore narrow.
The narrowness of the theory of experience creates a gap between feeling and
percept. The narrowness of rationalism causes percepts separated from feeling.
Only dialectic materialism which regards cognizance as a process (the theory
of reflection) thoroughly eliminates this kind of narrowness and places
cognizance in a materialistic and dialectic perspective.
The reflection theory points out that the process of reflection is not not
limited to feelings and images. It also exists in thoughts (in abstract
concepts). Cognizance is therefore a moving process from feeling to thinking.
Lenin once said: "Cognizance which reflects nature, is not a simple, direct,
and total reflection. It is a formation process of many abstract thoughts,
concepts, etc."
Meanwhile, Lenin also pointed out: "The cognizance process from feeling to
thinking is a flying and leaping action." On this point, Lenin precisely
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clarifies the experience and rationality elements in cognizance and the view-
point of dialectic materialism concerning their mutual relationship. Many
philosophers do not understand that the movement of cognizance is a sudden
change occurring in the moving process from feeling to thinking (from image
to concept). Therefore, to understand this sudden leaping change produced
from contradictions is to understand the dialectic unity concerning the unity
of feeling and thinking. This is the most essential element for understanding
the substance of Lenin's reflection theory.
(10) Theory of Truth
Truth is objective, relative, and absolute. This is the materialist dialectic
theory of truth.
First of all, truth is objective. Accepting the reality of matter and the
opinion that matter is the origin of consciousness is the same as accepting
truth being objective. That is to say, the objectively existing material
world is the only source of our knowledge or concepts, and there is no other
source. Only idealists deny the independent existence of the material world-
separated from man's consciousness--this is the basic principle of idealism.
They maintain that knowledge or concepts are produced by the subject body,
and the object body is unnecessary. Therefore, they accept subjective truth
and deny objective truth. This does not conform to facts. Any knowledge or
any concept which does not reflect the regularity of the objective world is
not scientific. It is not objective truth, it is only subjective, self-
deceiving superstition or delusion. The purpose of mankind is to change
the environment. All practical actions, whether they are productive or not,
are commanded by thoughts (knowledge). If these thoughts do not coincide
with objective regularity, then the latter is not reflected in the brain of
man. If the objective regularity did not form the contents of man's thoughts
or knowledge, his action will certainly not be able to bring him to his goal.
The so-called subjective errors in revolutionary movements indicate this
situation. (The reason why Marxism becomes the scientific knowledge of revo-
lution is that it correctly reflects the actual regularity of the objective
world. It is the truth of the objective world.) All anti-Marxist thoughts
are wrong because they are not based on objective regularity and are compeltely
subjective imagination. Some people said that whatever is generally accepted
is objective truth. (Subjective idealist Bogdanov so said.) According to
this viewpoint, religion and prejudice are also objective truth, because al-
though they are absurdities, they are accepted by the majority of people.
Sometimes correct scientific thoughts cannot compete with these absurdities.
Materialist dialectics is fundamentally opposed to this. It believes that
only the knowledge that correctly reflects objective regularity can be called
truth and all truth must be objective. Truth and absurdity are absolutely
opposed to each other. In order to judge whether a knowledge is truth or not,
it is only necessary to see whether it reflects objective regularity. If it
does not agree with objective regularity, then no matter whether it is accepted
by everyone, or no matter how it is widely supported or enthusiastically
described in a revolutionary movement, it must be treated as erroneous or
absurd.
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As materialist dialectics accepts objective truth, it accepts absolute truth.
When we say the contents of knowledge reflecting the objective world, we are
saying that the object of our knowledge is that perpetual and absolute
world. "Knowledge of truth concerning nature is perpetual and infinite; it
is, therefore, absolute." (Engels) Objective absolute truth does not become
our knowledge all at once in its entirety. We reach absolute truth through
the endless process of development of our knowledge through numerous introduc-
tions of relative truths. The aggregate of numerous relative truths is the
expression of absolute truth. The common denominators of human thinking lead
us to absolute truth. Absolute truth is the accumulation of relative truths.
During each stage of scientific development, new seeds are sown into the sum
total--the absolute truth. The element of truth in each scientific principle
is relative. Absolute truth can only be expressed through innumerable relative.
Absolute truth can only be expressed through innumerable relative truths.
If not expressed through these innumerable relative truths, absolute truth
has no way of being known. Materialist dialectics does not deny the relativity
of knowledge. However, this is only to point out the limitations of objective
truth as far as history is concerned. We are not saying that knowledge itself
is only relative. Scientific knowledge is different from errors. The former
shows and describes the objective absolute truth. This is the viewpoint of
dialectics concerning the relationship between absolute truth and relative
truth.
There are two viewpoints. One is metaphysical materialism and the other is
idealist relativism. Both are wrong on the problem of mutual relationship
between absolute truth and relative truth. Based upon the cardinal metaphysical
principle "the material world does not change," the metaphysical materialists
believe that man's thinking also does not change. They believe that in the
process of human knowledge, the never-changing world is known to man all at
once. That is to say that they deny absolute truth, which they say, is acquired
by man in one stroke. They regard truth as motionless, dead, and not de-
veloping. Their mistake does not lie in that they accept absolute truth.
In this respect, they are correct. Their mistake lies in their failure to
understand the historical nature of truth, in their not treating the acquiring
of truth as a process of cognizance, and in their failure to understand that
absolute truth is released step by step during the process of development of
human knowledge. Each forward step in this process shows some contents of
absolute truth. As far as the entire truth is concerned, each forward step
has its relative significance. Metaphysical materialist opinion on truth is
an extreme view in epistemology.
Another extreme concerning the problem of truth in epistemology is idealist
relativism. They deny absolute truth and accept only its relative meaning.
They believe that a scientific discovery does not contain absolute truth, and
hence it is objective truth. Truth is regarded as subjective and relative.
Because of this, all erroneous theories have their right of existence. Thus
imperialist aggression of weak nations and exploitation of the working masses
by the ruling class become truths because truth is.subjective and relative
anyway. The result of denying objecitve truth and accepting subjective truth
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has, of necessity, brought about this kind of conclusion. The original
purpose of idealist relativism is to defend the ruling class. For instance,
the purpose of relativist pragmatism (or empiricism) is exactly so.
In view of the above, neither metaphysical materialism nor idealist relativism
can correctly resolve the problem of the mutual relationship between absolute
truth and relative truth. Only materialist dialectics can give the correct
answer to the problem of the mutual relationship between thinking and existence.
With this answer, the objectivity of scientific knowledge is affirmed, and
the meanings of absolute truth and objective truth are correctly understood.
This is the theory of truth of materialist dialectics.
(11) Theory of Practice
(There is no text for this section in the original manuscript. There is no
explanation for its absence. Editor)
Chapter III Materialist Dialectics
In the last two chapters, the two problems "idealism and materialism" and
"dialectic materialism" were discussed. Dialectics was briefly mentioned.
Now let us discuss this subject systematically. The Marxist world outlook
(called outlook of the universe) is dialectic materialism, not metaphysical
materialism (or mechanical materialism). This difference is a serious
heaven-turning earth-shaking problem. What is the world?. From ancient times
to now, there are three answers. The first is idealism (be it metaphysical
idealism or dialectic idealism). It maintains that the world is created by
mind or the God. The second is mechanical materialism. It denies that the
world is mind's world, and maintains that the world is a material world,
but the material is not developing and not changing. The third is the Marxist
answer which refutes the first two, maintaining that the world is not created
by our mind, and not made of undeveloping matter. Instead, it is a develop-
ing material world. This is dialectic materialism. The Marxist way of looking
at the world is to turn the image in man's eyes around. Is it not a great
earth-shaking argument? The argument that the world is a developing material
world has long existed in ancient Greece, but due to limitations at that time,
it was only simply and generally stated. It was called simple materialism.
If there were no such argument, it would be impossible for science to have a
foundation. This argument is basically correct. Later, Hegel created dialectic
idealism, maintaining that the world is developing, but is created by mind.
His theory is idealist development theory. His theory of development (dia-
lectics) is correct, but his idealist development theory is wrong. In the
West, in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, the idealism of the bourgeois
class in France and Germany is mechanical idealism. They were right in saying
that the world is a material world, but very wrong in saying that the world
is moving like a machine, and that it has only quantitative. and positional
changes without qualitative changes. Marx inherited simple materialism and
transformed mechanical materialism and dialectic idealism into historically
unprecedented and scientifically based dialectic materialism, which has become
a weapon for the proletariat of the world and for the revolution of all
oppressed people.
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I
Materialist dialectics is a Marxist scientific methodology, a method of
cognizance, as well as a world outlook. The world is basically a developing
material world. This is a world outlook. Using this world outlook to look
at the world, to study the problems of the world, to direct revolution, to
work, to produce, to direct warfare, and to argue with other people is a
methodology. In Marxism, world outlook and methodology are one thing. Dia-
lectics, epistemology, and logic are also one thing.
We wish to talk about dialectics systematically. It has many categories,
many rules, and many principles (these terms have the same meaning).
What are the rules of materialist dialectics? Among these rules, which are
the basic ones, and which are the subordinate ones but indispensible in
materialist dialectics? What are the unresolved problems? What are the side
issues?
Why these laws are the original rules of the objective world rather than
subjectively created? Why do we wish to understand and learn these laws?
This complete theory of materialist dialectics was created by Marx and Engels.
Lenin developed this theory. With the triumph of the socialist revolution
in Russia and the world revolution, this theory came to a new stage of devel-
opment, and its contents were further enriched. The categories contained
in this theory are as follows:
The law of unity of contradictions;
The law of mutual changes between quality and quantity; and
The law of negation of negation.
The above are the basic laws of materialist dialectics. All these laws were
negated by metaphysical philosophy (philosophy opposed to the theory of de-
velopment), although the ancient Greeks had simply but unsystematically
pointed out the meaning of some of the laws, and later Hegel developed these
laws along the idealist line. It was Marx and Engels who transformed the
Hegelian laws into the most basic portions of the Marxist world outlook and
methodology.
In addition to the above laws, there are the following related categories:
Substance and phenomena;
Form and content;
Cause and effect;
Bases and conditions;
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Possibility and reality;
Accidental and inevitable; and
Chain and link. %
Some of these categories have been emphatically studied in metaphysics and
idealist dialectics, others have only been partially studied, and still others
were new categories proposed by Marxism. When these categories are in the
hands of Marxist revolutionary theoreticians and practitioners, their idealist
and metaphysical cloak is ripped off, their one-sidedness is overcome, and
their true form is discovered. As. time advances, their contents are greatly
enriched to become the important elements of scientific methods. Combining
these categories and the aforementioned basic categories, a complete and
profound materialistic dialectical system is formed.
All these principles and categories are not created by man's thoughts, but
original principles of the objective world. All idealists say that matter
is created by spirit. In their eyes, philosophical principles, rules, or
categories are of course created by the mind. Hegel, who developed dialectic
system, looked at dialectics in this.way. In his eyes, dialectics is not a
rule abstracted from the history of nature and society, but purely rational
system of the mind. After this system is created by man's mind, it is then
applied to nature and society. Marx and Engels ripped off Hegel's mythical
cloak and got rid of his idealism, putting dialectics in the place of materialism.
Engels said: "Dialectical rules are abstracted from natural and human history,
and they are nothing but the most general rules of development of natural
and human history. In essence, they may be summarized into the rule of mutual
change of quality and quantity, the rule of unity of contradictions, and the
rule of negation of negations." Dialectical rules are rules of the objective
world, and at the same time they are also rules of the subjective mind. Rules
in human mind are nothing but reflections of the rules of the objective world
through practice. As we have said before, dialectics, epistemology and logic
are one and the same thing.
Why do we learn dialectics? We learn dialectics in order to transform this
world, and to improve the old relationship between man and man and between
man and matter. In this world, most people are suffering. They are controlled
by a few people and oppressed by various political and economic systems.
People living in China are under inhuman dual oppressions--national and social.
We must change this old relationship in our strife for national and social
liberation.
Is it necessary to learn dialectics in order to rebuild China and rebuld the
world? Since dialectics is the most general principle of development of
nature and society, if we understand it, we shall have acquired a scientific
weapon, and we shall be equipped with a theory and method suitable to our
practice of transforming the nature and society. Materialist dialectics
itself is a science (philosophical science). It is the starting point of
all sciences, and it is also methodology. Our revolution is also a kind of
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science, called social science or political science. If we do not understand
dialectics, we will not be able to do our work well. All mistakes in revolu-
tion were due to violations of dialectics. If we understand dialectics, great
and powerful effect will be generated. If we analyze things that have been
done correctly, we find that they were done according to dialectics. There-
fore, all revolutionary comrades, and first of all the cadres, should care-
fully study dialectics.
Some people say that there are many people who understand dialectics and are
actual materialists. Although they have never read books on dialectics, they
are always right in their work, and they always follow the materialist dia-
lectic method. In this case, it is unnecessary for them to study dialectics.
Materialist dialectics is a complete and profound science. Those revolution-
C aries who are endowed with materialistic and dialectical brains may learn
dialectics through practice, but their knowledge is not systematical, not so
complete and so profound. As a result, they are unable to see the bright
future of their movement, to analyze the complicated process of development,
to grasp the important links in politics, or to deal with all aspects of
revolutionary work. Therefore, they still have to study dialectics.
Some people say that dialectics is profound and hard to understand, and
that it is impossible for an ordinary person to learn dialectics. This kind of
talk is also wrong. Dialectics consists of principles of natural and social
thinking. Anyone who has some social experience (experience in production
and class struggle) knows some dialectics. Those who have more social ex-
perience will know dialectics more. But their knowledge is scattered and
confused, and falls within the realm of common sense. To enhance their common
sense about dialectics and put it in order is not difficult. The reason why
people think dialectics is difficult is lack of good books on dialectics.
Many of the books published in China are either poorly written or not well
written. So much so, people are afraid to read those books. Books interpre-
ting dialectics should use popular language and intimate experience. I believe
that this kind of book will be written eventually in the future. This lecture
of mine is not good either because I myself am a beginner in the study of
dialectics, unable to write a good book. Probably I can in the future. This
is only a wish. It may become true, depending upon the progress of my study.
? War of Resistance University, No 6, Chapter 1, 8 April 1938
No 7, Chapter 2, 6 May 1938
No 8, Chapter 2, 22 May 1938
* "Democracy," Vol 1, No 1 (Chapter 1) March 1940
Vol 1, No 2 (Chapter 1) 20 March 1940
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[Text] American Friends of the Chinese People
168 West 23rd Street
New York City, N.Y., U.S.A.
Dear Friends,
We are enclosing a circular announcement of the 8th Route Army Trustee
Committee and wish to appeal for your special support fora very urgent cause.
Of course we know that you have carried on numerous activities in supporting
the cause of world peace and obtaining aid for China. This time in addition
we appeal to you to divert part of your support for a region where untold
suffering and need exist. This region--North and Northwest China--is becoming
more and more the base for large scale partisan and guerilla warfare against
Japan, especially in the rear of the enemy. The 8th Route Army and the partisan-
peasant detachments here have been fighting hand in hand in this region for
more than a year and are in urgent need of help.
All sorts of help is needed. Medical and surgical supplies, warm winter
clothing, blankets, and funds are required. The wounded must be taken care
of in the rear of the enemy. Supplies must be sent to then constantly and
this takes funds and supplies in large quantities. Just to transport one
wounded soldier from the Shansi front to a base hospital it takes $800.00.
Many operations have to be done without anesthesia. No pain-killing drugs
are to be had. Bandages, gauze and antiseptics are not to be had in sufficient
quantities. The refugees are constantly coming in an and are mostly women
and children. Their menfolk have joined the partisans and their families
must be taken care of. Funds for their relief are urgently needed. A million
and one needs can be listed so that any help will go a very long way.
We appeal to your organization to help in collecting medical and surgical
supplies to care for the wounded and the refugees. Any contributions and
supplies can reach us thru the China Defense League, Hong Kong, China, or
thru your national organization if especially marked for the 8th Route Army
Trustee Committee.
With greeting, MAO TSE-TUNG, Hon. Chairman
LI FU-CHUN, Chairman 216
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2 January 1939
[Text] As the war of resistance against Japan is proceeding toward a new
stage of development, the colleagues of the 8th Route Army are publishing
this "Military-Political Journal." Its significance is obvious: for enhancing
the strength of the 8th Route Army in the war against Japan and, at the same
time, for providing our friendly forces and people engaged in the war of
resistance with the experience of the 8th Route Army.
During the 1 and one-half year war of resistance against Japan, the 8th Route
Army, under the leadership of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and the command-
ing officers of our war zone, under the leadership of Commander-in-Chief
Chu Teh, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng Te-huai, officers of various depart-
ments at various levels, and in cooperation with friendly armed forces, con-
ducted a heroic war of resistance, executed the correct strategy of fighting
"basically a guerrilla war without giving up the opportunity of fighting a
mobile war under favorable conditions," persisted in and developed the guerrilla
warfare in North China, established many anti-Japanese bases behind enemy
lines, reduced the territory occupied by the enemy, tied down a large number
of enemy troops, coordinated the war of resistance waged by the main forces
at the front, thwarted the enemy advance toward northwest China, boosted the
morale of the people all over the country, broke up the wrong concept of those
national defeatists and pessimists who said that "it is impossible to persist
in fighting the war of resistance behind the enemy," and exposed the shameless
rumors spread by China's Trotskyite reactionaries, the pro-Japanese Wang
Ching-wei faction, and certain conservative, stubborn elements in the country.
In addition, the rear guard units, as a part of the 8th Route Army, defended
the dikes along the Yellow River, and are preparing, in coordination with its
friendly forces in Northwest China, to check the enemy advance in North China.
All these accomplishments of the 8th Route Army are unanimously recognized
and visible to everyone who has eyes to see, except those Trotskyite reactionaries,
pro-Japanese Wang Ching-wei faction, and certain conservative stubborn elements.
This is fully demonstrated by the fact that the enemy who not only dares not
take the 8th Route Army lightly, but has developed an increasing fear-of the
8th Route Army. The sincerity of the 8th Route Army in its sacrifice and
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struggle for the defense of the motherland and its indomitability are plainly
laid before the eyes of all the people in the entire country and the entire
world. These facts are undeniable by anybody, except the reactionaries,
pro-Japanese and certain stubborn elements. Numerous serialized stories and
sketchy reports have been written by Chinese and foreign correspondents,
observers and travellers. It is not accidental that unbiased people are
willing to study the experience of the 8th Route Army. If anybody raises
the question as to whether the existence and development of the 8th Route
Army, which has Chinese Communist Party members as its backbone, is advan-
tageous or disadvantageous to the Chinese nation, then we can reply in one
sentence: those who say "disadvantageous" are-in fact unwilling to win the
war of resistance, and their allegation is nothing but absurdity which gives
direct aid and comfort to the enemy.
From where do these accomplishments of the 8th Route Army come? They came
from the correctness of their leadership, the heroism of their commanding
officers, the support of'the people, and the assistance of their friendly
forces. These are the four reasons for the accomplishments of the 8th Route
Army. Among these four reasons, the importance of the assistance of our
friendly forces is obvious. Without the heroic resistance put up by the main
forces in the front, there will be no way to conduct guerrilla warfare smoothly
behind the enemy line. Without the coordination of friendly forces located
behind the enemy, it is also impossible to score such a great accomplishment.
The officers and men of the 8th Route Army ought to thank their friendly
forces which have directly or indirectly coordinated with their war effort.
Especially, they should thank the officers and men of their friendly forces
who have given them different kinds of bona-fide assistance and sincere,
enthusiastic encouragement. In front of the common enemy of the nation, the
Chinese armed forces forgot their old grudges against each other and
became intimate friends helping each other. This is the basic reason why
China as a nation is not going to perish. People used to say that those who
read Ko's "Chu Shih Piao" without shedding tear are not loyal., and those who
read Li Mi's "Ch'en Ch'ing Piao" without shedding tears are not pious to
their parents. Today we may say: those who see or hear that the Chinese armed
units have forgotten their old mutual hatred and are helping each other and
closely united but do not feel touched must be unpatriotic. Those who are
engaged in profiteering and living off friction should do some introspection.
Does the 8th Route Army have any weakness? Yes, it does, lots of them.
First of all, it is inferior to the enemy and some friendly armed units in
technical equipment. This is the basic weakness of the 8th Route Army. It
is also the general weakness of the Chinese armed units. Therefore, how to
strengthen our technical equipment in order to defeat the enemy has become
a serious task of the 8th Route Army during this new.stage of war of resis-
tance. Second, the 8th Route Army is famous for its ability to conduct
guerrilla and mobile warfare, but some cadres still do not have enough
understanding about the strategy and tactics for the war against Japan and
their application. Up to now, the cadres in general, especially the newly
promoted cadres, still lack a preliminary study about the management and
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command.of a modern army. Many cadres with worker or peasant background have
not. yet clevated their cultural standard to a necessary level. To resolve
these problems is the second task of the 8th Route Army. Third, consolida-
tion and broadening of the National United Front is the general policy to
attain the goal of winning the war and rebuilding the country. The 8th Route
Army has scored great achievements in this respect, but many cadres, especially
the new cadres, do not have enough understanding about the United Front.
In some respects,. they have performed poorly in working together with friendly
political parties and friendly armed units and in adjusting the relationship
between different classes of society with a view to turning these relations
beneficial to the war effort. Therefore, strengthening the education about
United Front has become an important task. Fourth, wooing the enemy and
puppet troops has long been one of the three main goals of the 8th Route Army's
political work. Achievements have been made in this respect, but the Japanese
language study program among our warriors and cadres and the study of various
techniques for conducting propaganda among enemy soldiers and lower level
officers for an anti-aggression united front are very inadequate. We had some
success in wooing the Mongolian puppet troops, but further steps should be
taken. Collection and study of information about the enemy and puppet forces
are very important, but our achievements in this respect have not yet reached
the desired degree. Fifth, one of the most difficult problems for a protracted
war of resistance is the economic and financial problem. This is a difficult
problem for the entire country as well as a difficult problem for the 8th Route
Army. Our awareness'of this problem should be elevated to a high degree.
This problem has aroused the attention of certain units of the 8th Route Army,
but it has not yet aroused general attention. In each anti-Japanese base,
we should pay attention not only to implementing local financial and economic
policies such as those we have carried out in the past, but also to possible
participation of armed units in production without hampering their combat
function. In relatively stabilized bases, the combat units take up the re-
sponsibility of combat, while government workers in the rear perform the duties
of production. Whenever circumstances permit, combat units may also utilize
opportunities to mobilize soldiers and masses to make clothes, shoes, gloves,
etc. In stabilized bases, the non-combat personnel may be utilized to plant
vegetables, raise pigs, gather firewood and run cooperatives. By so doing,
they will, on the one hand, improve the livelihood of the troops and supple-
ment their insufficient provisions and, on the other hand, lift the morale
of the armed forces and enhance their combat strength.
The aforementioned increase of technical equipment, intensive study of strategy
and tactics, correct application of the United Front policy, broadened effort
at wooing the enemy and puppet armed personnel, and the participation of armed
units in production movements are the important problems to which the 8th
Route Army should pay attention during this new stage. The defects existing
in other tasks will be conquered as improvements are made in regard to these
important problems.
To further develop what has been achieved and to correct defects ar-i the tasks
of, all officers and men of the 8th Route Army as well as the tasks of the
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Military-Political Journal. The war of resistance is a long and cruel war.
Further development of the achievements of the 8th Route Army and correction
of the defects of the 8th Route Army are urgently needed to enhance the combat
strength of the 8th Route Army. At the same time, it is also necessary to
offer our experience to the people and our friendly forces engaged in the
war of resistance. The "8th Route Army Military-Political Journal." should
exert its effort for this purpose.
? "Eighth Route Army Military-Political Journal," Political Dept.,
8th Route Army, National Revolutionary Army, 15 January 1939.
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16 February 1939
[Text] Written at the request of the PRAVDA on the
occasion of the 21st founding anniversary of the Soviet
Red Army
When we hear of the 21st anniversary of the founding of the Red Army of the
Soviet Union, we feel a great force standing in front of the Chinese nation
and the Chinese people. This great force extends its friendly hand, willing
to back us up in our anti-Japanese national liberation war. This great force
is the Red Army of the Soviet Union. The Red Army of the Soviet Union has
gone through 21 years of training. Its army, air force, and navy have become
an unconquerable force. Under the brilliant leadership of Comrade Stalin and
Marshal Voroshilov, the Red Army, due to its being the army of the workers
and peasants, its impregnable technical equipment, profound military training
and correct political work, not only became a bulwark for the defense of the
socialist Soviet Union a long time ago, but is also a central force for the
defense of world peace as well as a model for all the armed forces of the
world which are willing to oppose fascist aggression. In connection with
the latter point, I presume that every commanding officer and combat member
of the Soviet Red Army and every Soviet citizen knows the nature of the war
the Chinese nation and the Chinese people are fighting, under what difficult
circumstances is this war being fought, how bright the future of this war is,
and what intimate relationship this war has with the Soviet Union and the
entire world. On the China side, not only the 8th Route Army but also all
the anti-Japanese soldiers know that the Soviet Red Army is China's good
friend, and that the Soviet Union is helping China in the war of resistance
in the most realistic way. The combat experience and lessons of the Soviet
Red Army are especially valuable for the Chinese armed forces and Chinese
soldiers to adopt. Such experiences and lessons enable us to understand that
in order to defeat Japanese imperialism, the Chinese armed forces should be
correctly oriented politically. They should also be equipped with modern
technical equipment, modern military training, and political work geared to
national revolution. The Chinese armed forces have many strong pouts.
During the 19-month war of resistance, these strong points have gradually
caused some alarm to the enemy, and won world-wide acclaim. The Chinese armed
forces should groom themselves during the protracted war of resistance against
Japan until they become a powerful armed force in the world-wide anti-fascist
war for expelling the Japanese from China, liberating China as a nation, and
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supporting the anti-fascist war of the world. Due to historical reasons, the
Chinese armed forces still have some defects. Among the important defects
are their inadequate political quality, insufficient modern technology, in-
sufficient modern military training, and especially insufficient. political
work and lack of a correct orientation. In all these we should emulate the
Soviet Red Army. Everybody knows that our two great nations--China and the
Soviet Union--have in the past 10 years established a close relationship
built on their resistance to imperialist aggression. During 1924-1927,
the Soviet Union and its Red Army helped China's Northern Expedition. Now
they have joined hands with us in the struggle against Japanese fascist
aggression. As this war against Japan is confronted with new difficulties,
the friendly relations between China and the Soviet Union should be further
enhanced, and the spiritual link between the Chinese armed forces and the
Soviet Red Army should become more intimate. As both China and the Soviet
Union are confronted with an arch-enemy, it is high time for the two great
nations and two great armies to struggle together. No matter how the fascist
nations step up their aggression against China, prepare to attack the Soviet
Union, endanger the lives of the Spanish people, or attempt to stir up another,
devastating war among the major.powers of the world, the future can be pre-
dicted. The final victory will never belong to the aggressors. Instead, the
Chinese, Soviet, and Spanish people and all the victims of aggression will
win final victory. On the occasion of the 21st anniversary of the founding
of the Soviet Red Army, I. in my capacity as a Chinese and a member of the
Chinese armed forces, respectfully extend my anti-fascist friendly felicita-
tions to the Soviet people and the Soviet Red Army.
"The Masses," (Chungking), Vol 2, Nos 17-18 combined issue, 22 March 1939
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POLITICAL ORIENTATION FOR NATIONAL GENERAL SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
1 May 1939
A Talk at the Yenan National General Spiritual Mobiliza-
tion and May 1 Labor Day Rally
[Text] Comrades,
Today, a big rally is being held by all circles in Yenan for implementing the
National General Spiritual Mobilization. At the same time, today is also the
May 1 Labor Day. That we hold such a great commemorative rally has a great
significance.
Today is May 1. Wherever possible, all proletarians and working people in
the world are holding demonstrations. Comrades, to whom do they demonstrate?
To the Fascists! To the aggressors! Today all the oppressed peoples and
nations in the world are holding demonstrations and rallies at various
places against fascists and against aggressors!
Today, in China, all of the working class and working people, wherever they
can, are holding "May 1" rallies against Japanese imperialist aggressors.
At the same time, in response to the call of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek,
all the people, workers, farmers, merchants, students, soldiers, party workers,
government workers, and people of all political parties and factions throughout
the country begin their National General Spiritual Mobilization. They pledge
to oppose Chinese traitors, support the war of resistance against Japan,
concentrate their effort, and concentrate their will. What for? Defeat
Japanese imperialism. (Applause from the audience), save China from her crisis,
and transform her into a new China (Applause followed by shouting from the
3 audience: "Down with Japanese Imperialism!" "Build a New China!"....) This
is the meaning of today's rally. This is also the first point I wish to talk
about.
Second, why should we have National General Spiritual Mobilization? Why does
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek initiate National General Spiritual Mobilization?
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Our enemy, in order to attain its objective and carry out its plan, wants to
annihilate China. The Japanese fascist militarists are mobilizing all the
forces in Japan to continue their fascist war of aggression and to continue
this war of bandits for slaughtering the Chinese people. China's black sheep
Wang Ching-wei, his disciples and grand disciples are giving help to Japanese
imperialism, and conducting activities inimical to the war of resistance.
They are engaged in "topple Chiang and oppose Communists" activities. In
Hong Kong and Shanghai, they are organizing what they call an "Anti-Communist
National Salvation League" with Wang Ching-wei as their chief tan. They will
also establish a puppet government to surrender to Japanese imperialism. As
the Japanese and the Chinese traitors are so ruthless, we must proceed with
the National General Spiritual Mobilization throughout the country, call upon
the 450 million Chinese people to be united, boost their morale to fight the
war to the end, oppose the Chinese traitors, oppose Wang Ching-wei, oppose
the Trotskyites, oppose all the devilish groups and parties, support Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek, support the National Government, support Kuomintang's coopera-
tion with the Communist Party, carry the war to the end, mobilize all the
forces, and win the final victory. To what extent shall we fight? We shall
fight all the way to the Yalu River! (Applause) We shall recover all the
lost territory! (Applause) We shall never stop until our goals are reached.
Therefore, as soon as Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek launched the National
General Spiritual Mobilization, the Chinese Communist Party responds to his
call, and supports this movement. It is for this purpose that all the people
from the party, political circles, military circles, civilians, government
workers and students of Yenan are holding this rally here today to pledge
our support to the National General Spiritual Mobilization. We must defeat
our enemy and build a new China! (Applause followed by slogan shouting:
All people of China unite! Support Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek! Carry out
National General Spiritual Mobilization! Support Long-Term Kuomintang-Communist
Party Cooperation! Support the Kuomintang! Support the Chinese Communist
Party! Down With Traitor Wang Ching-wei! Down With the Trotskyites! Down
With Japanese Imperialism! Long Live Chinese National Liberation!)
Third, talking about "country" and "nation," our country is the country of the
workers, farmers, soldiers, students, merchants, and all patriotic people.
It is not the country of the Japanese bandits, Chinese traitors, Wang Ching-wei
and his cohorts, or the Trotskyites. Our country should exclude Wang Ching-wei
and other traitors. If those who ignore righteousness and prepare to be
traitors and those who spiritually capitulate to the traitors and wish to
follow Wang Ching-wei, they should also be excluded. Our nation has been
an independent self-respecting nation for several thousand years, and a
nation which cannot tolerate domination by Japanese imperialism. In our
country and nation, we can only permit the existence of an anti-Japanese
government, and can never permit any traitor's government. We must defend
our motherland; we must thoroughtly liberate the Chinese nation. The
Japanese imperialism is encroaching upon our nation's independence, and
jeopardizing our national existence. We must defeat it. We must also defeat
all the traitors and thieves who sell out their country and sell out their
national interest. This is the principle of the "supremacy of the country
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and supremacy of the nation." (Slogan shouting from the audience: Defend the
Motherland, Shed Our Last Drop of Blood for the Defense of Our Motherland!
Long Live the Chinese National Liberation! Down With the Traitors and Thieves
Who Sell Out Our Country!)
Fourth, for the defense of our motherland and for attaining the objective
of national liberation, we must win this war of resistance. The Chinese
Communist Party has always advocated: "Resistance against Japan has priority
over all; everything is subordinate to the war of resistance against Japan;
mobilize all the forces to strive for the final victory." What does this
mean? It means "military affairs first, victory first." To win the battle
is our only objective. All that enables us to win a battle, and all that is
favorable to the war of resistance should be done and supported. All that
hampers our winning a battle, and all that is harmful to the war of resistance
should not be done and opposed. We oppose all activities of the Wang Ching-wei
faction, Trotskyites, trouble makers, stubborn elements and instigators. We
want to knock down all those who sabotage the war of resistance. (Applause
followed by slogan shouting from the audience: Resistance Against Japan
Has Top Priority! Everything Is Subordinate to the War of Resistance Against
Japan! Mobilize All Forces! Strive for the Final Victory! Military Affairs
First! Victory First! Oppose Compromise or Surrender! Oppose Chinese
Traitors and Thieves Who Sell Out the Country!)
Fifth, in order to attain the purpose of winning the final victory, fighting
to the banks of the Yalu River, and recovering the lost territory, we have
to unify and consolidate the thinking, will and strength of all the people
of the country, and we must carry out, consolidate, and broaden the Anti-
Japanese National United Front. This is what Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek
calls "concentration of will and concentration of force." All people's will
should be focused on one point--the final victory. Can people's will be
focused on something else? Should we come to a peaceful compromise with Japan?
Never. We must strive for the final victory. We must attain this goal. All
of our strength must be concentrated on the anti-Japanese front. Should our
strength be concentrated somewhere else? Never. Wang Ching-wei wants us to
concentrate all our strength behind the traitors' front and the capitulation
front. Can he achieve that? Never. Some trouble-makers and "friction
experts" wish to disperse instead of concentrate. our strength. Is it right?
Entirely wrong. Therefore, all the will of the people should be concentrated
on final victory, and all the strength should be concentrated to one place--
the Anti-Japanese National United Front. This should never be violated.
Those who violate this principle must be opposed, knocked down and beaten
up as traitors. (SLogan shouting from the audience: Concentrate all the
will on Final Victory! Concentrate All Strength on the Anti-Japanese Front!)
Sixth, in order to strive for the final victory, and consolidate and enlarge
the Anti-Japanese National United Front, we must transform the spiri* of
all the people in the country, and get rid of all the bad and wrong things.
Selfishness, cowardice, corruption, decadence... are these things good?
(Audience: "No.") All these things should be removed. This is the reason
why we have always promoted the hard working and struggling working style.
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Traditionally, our nation has a hard working and struggling working style.
We should make it manifest. We must drastically change the selfish, coward,
corrupt, and decadent style prevailing among many people. The Communist Party
has traditionally advocated for a firm and correct political orientation.
During this war of resistance, we should correct all the erroneous thinking
unfavorable to the war of resistance. First of all, we should correct all the
Wang Ching-wei faction, Trotskyite, and traitorous thinking and all the anti-
national thinking. We should also correct all thinking unfavorable to the
war of resistance. For instance, some people say: "Marxism is not a good
friend of the Three People's Principles." Is this right? No, entirely
wrong. Dr. Sun Yat-sen clearly said: "Marxism is a good friend of the Three
People's Principles." In violation of Dr. Sun's instructions, these people
are now saying that these two political ideals are not good friends. This is
a thinking in violation of the united front and a thinking in contradiction
to the thinking of more than 90 percent of the working people of the country.
It is an anti-national thinking. All these erroneous thinking should be
corrected and eliminated so that we can have a firm and correct political
orientation. This firm and correct political orientation cannot be divorced
from the hard working and struggling working style. Without a firm and correct
political orientation, we cannot induce a hard working and struggling working
style. Without a hard working and struggling working style, we cannot carry
out a firm and correct political orientation. (Applause and slogan shouting
from the audience: Oppose Selfishness! Oppose Cowardice! Oppose Corruption
and Decadence! Oppose Erroneous Thinking! Insist on and Affirm a Correct
Political Orientation! Strictly Carry Out a Hard Working and Struggling
Working Style!)
Seventh, finally, let us talk about our general policy now, the general
policy for the war of resistance; that is, the Three People's Principles.
The Three People's Principles is the political foundation of the Anti-Japanese
National United Front. It must be carried out in full during the course of
the war of resistance and national reconstruction. The Principle of Nationalism
is for defeating the Japanese imperialism. The Principle of People's Rights
is for the freedom of the people. The Principle of People's Livelihood is
for people to have clothes to wear, rice to eat, and work to do. All these
are very good and necessary. We must resolutely carry these principles out.
From today on, all the people of the country should really carry out the
Three People's Principles! They should not talk only; they should act! There
are many people who say that they believe the Three People's Principles.
From what I can see, they don't, because if one believes the Three People's
Principles he will fight the Japanese to the end. But these people are pre-
paring to surrender. Wang Ching-wei is one of those who have surrendered.
True believers of the Three People's Principles do not oppress ordinary
people, but they are unwilling to give people their democratic rights. True
believers of the Three People's Principles take care of people's clothing,
shelter and food problems, but they are unwilling to improve people's liveli-
hood. Can these people be called believers of the Three People's Principles?
(Audience: "No!") Only those who want to fight to the end, fight to the Yalu
River, recover all the lost territory, refuse to surrender, never rebel
against their own country can be called real believers of the Principle of
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Nationalism, and loyal followers of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Principle of Nationalism.
Only those who give people their democratic rights, their freedom of speech,
press, assembly and association without oppressing the people, and carry out
Dr. Sun Yat-sen's will for "awakening the masses" can be called true believers
of the Principle of People's Rights and loyal believers of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's
Principle of People's Rights. Only those who make an effort to relieve the
majority of the people of their suffering, such as to implement Dr. Sun Yat-
sen's policy of "land to the tillers," and carry out production movement so
that everybody has clothes to wear, rice to eat, and work to do can be called
real believers of the Principle of People's Livelihood and loyal followers of
Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Principle of People's Livelihood. Comrades! All of us
should be faithful believers of the Three People's Principles and good
students of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. We should never be pseudo-disciples, or bad
students. We should not give lip service to the Three People's Principels,
and we should really implement all these three principles. What shall we
call those who only talk about the Three People's Principles and do nothing?
I would call them pseudo-Three People's Principles believers. We call upon
all the people in the country to carry out the Three People's Principles.
Let everybody be real believers of the Three People's Principles. I hope
all the people in the country would carry out the Principle of Nationalism
which calls for defeating Japanese imperialism, and Chinese national salvation;
carry out the Principle of People's Rights which calls for helping the people,
awakening the people, and giving them democratic rights; and carry out the
Principle of People's Livelihood, which calls for clothes for everybody to
wear, rice for everybody to eat and work for everybody to do. What the
country wants to carry out is this kind of the Three People's Principles,
the real Three People's Principles. We should struggle to the end for the
implementation of the real Three People's Principles. (Applause and slogan
shouting: Carry Out the Three People's Principles throughout the Country!
Oppose Those Hypocrites Who Give Lip Service to The Three People's Principles!)
These are the reasons we hold our rally today. It is also for these reasons
that the All-China People's General Spiritual Mobilization is launch e d.
In short, we must thoroughly carry out the Three People's Principles, really
carry out the Three People's Principles! Mobilize all our forces to win
the final victory, fight to the banks of the Yalu River, recover our lost
territory! We must drive Japanese imperialism out of China! We must establish
a brand new China! (Enthusiastic and prolonged applause from the audience)
"The Masses," (Chungking), Vol 3, No 36, 22 June 1939
* "Guide to the Anti-Japanese National United Front," (7), Liberation
Press, July 1940
1004
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[Text] As the Chinese people's unwavering war of resistance against Japan
is coming to the end of its second year, the British Aid to China Committee
holds "China Week" in various places in England to demonstrate its support
to our war effort. On behalf of Comrade Chu Teh, the officers and men of
the 8th Route Army, and the wounded soldiers in field hospitals and hospitals
in the rear, I wish to say how excited and how encouraged we feel by this
kind of sympathy and concern. We respectfully thank and enthusiastically
salute the British people who stand with us together on the international
anti-aggression front.
China's 2-year war of resistance has shown the power of democratic forces.
These 2 years of war have pointed out that even an industrially backward
country which has suffered all kinds of oppression and humiliation in her
national life can resist the most barbarous and brutal fascist attack with
full confidence of victory. It also proves that China's war of resistance
cannot be separated from the world-wide anti-fascist force. In fact, our
attack against the aggressors has put our country in the foremost position
in the main anti-fascist front of the international struggle for the defense
of democracy and civilization in the world.
As soon as the war started, we saw the British people help our war effort
with material support, donate medical supplies, send ambulance units to China,
and express their sympathy on many occasions. All these serve to explain
that although Great Britain is geographically far away from China, the
British people are not indifferent to China's war of resistance. However,
because of our position in the anti-aggression struggle in the entire world,
we have the right to demand more assistance than before.
First, we demand that you strictly watch the attitude of your government,
and force your government to take resolute action in ending British shipment
of military supplies to Japan. Several weeks ago, the British embassy and
consulate in Chungking were damaged during an indiscriminate Japanese air
raid on China's wartime capital. To this humiliation the British government
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responded with the weakest diplomatic gesture--a protest on a piece of paper.
It is this kind of attitude that encourages Japan to wipe out British interest
wherever she can. The most effective way for the British people to restrain
the bandits in the Far East and at the same time help China is to put pressure
on their government for immediate censure against Japan.
During the last 2 years, Japan's accomplices, Fascist Germany and Italy, collab-
orated in destroying world peace, tearing up international treaties, and starting
a bloody and cruel war. Their activities have become a direct threat to the
security of Great Britain. Here is another reason for the British people to
compel their government to support China's war of resistance, and for the
British people themselves to take steps complementary to China's contribution
to the anti-aggression front. To oppose fascism does not call for our engage-
ment in any particular war. The threat is universal. Therefore, we must
fight it on a world-wide basis.
For example, the Japanese have recently stepped up their anti-British
propaganda in their. occupied areas. Therefore, for their own defense, it is
necessary for the British people to help China, help that country which is
at war with the enemy in the Far East.
In view of the above, may we suggest that you adopt concrete and effective
measures to strengthen British policy so as to bring your action consistent
with the desire of the British government and British people to frustrate
the Japanese aggressors.
For our national independence and freedom and for the peace and freedom of
mankind, we have resolutely struggled for 2 years. During these 2 years,
the Japanese militarists utilized those shameless Wang Ching-wei-like de-
featists in an attempt to sabotage our Anti-Japanese National United Front
and, thereby, to sabotage our war of resistance.
However, our friends can feel reassured. During the last 2 years, the unity
among the Chinese people has matured, and our determination to win the final
victory has greatly strengthened. The Chinese Communist Party and the
Kuomintang are more determined than ever?to carry out their joint resolution
--support Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek as their leader in the war of resistance.
In the past, the Wang Ching-wei-like defeatists could still hide themselves
in unoccupied areas in an attempt to instigate surrender. Now, they cannot
cover up their true intentions any longer. They have been exposed and
chased away.
Geographically, England and China are far apart, but the common desire of
the two peoples to defeat Fascist aggressors has brought them together. Let
us join hands to defeat the common enemy of mankind.
Let the peoples of China and Great Britain be united!
? "The Masses," (Chungking) Vol 3, No 10, NEW CHINA DAILY, 23 July 1939
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