CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100370001-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 139
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 1, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 82356
1 December 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 18, 16 September 1982
IFBISI
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JPRS 82356
1 December 1982
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 18, 16 September 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Resolution of.the 12th CPC National Congress Regarding the 11th
Central Committee's Report (Adopted on 6 September 1982) (p 2).......... 1
Resolution of the 12th CPC National Congress on the 'Constitution
of the Chinese Communist Party' (Adopted on 6 September 1982) (p 2)..... 2
The Opening Speech at the 12th CPC Congress (1 September 1982)
(pp 3-5)
(Deng Xiaoping) .................................................... 3
Create a New Situation in All Fields of Socialist Modernization--
Report to the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of
China (1 September 1982) (pp 6-30)
(Hu Yaobang) ....................................................... .6
Constitution of the Communist Party of China (Adopted by the 12th
National Congress of the Communist Party of China on 6 September
1982) (pp 31-43) ........................................................ 47
Speech at the 12th CPC Congress (6 September 1982) (pp 44, 46, 47)
(Ye Jianying) ...................................................... 72
Speech at the 12th CPC Congress (6 September 1982) (pp 45, 46, 47)
(Chen Yun) ......................................................... 74
Closing Speech at the 12th CPC Congress (11 September 1982)
(pp 48-49)
(Li Xiannian) ...................................................... 77
Hold High the Banner of Communism, Advance Bravely Along the
Road Charted by the 12th CPC Congress (pp 50-54)
(Editorial) ........................................................ 80
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The Correct Program for Creating a New Situation (pp 55-60)
(RED FLAG commentator) ......................................... 88
A Great Historical Change and Its Basic Experience (pp 61-66)
(Yuan Mu) ...................................................... 98
Lay a Good Foundation To Usher in New Vigorous Economic
Growth (pp 67-72)
(Wang Renzhi) .................................................. 108
Study the Report to the 12th CPC Congress From the High
Plane of Communist Ideology (pp 73-76)
(Xiong Fu) ..................................................... 119
How To Study the First Part of the 12th CPC Congress Report
(pp 77-80)
(Editorial Office for Theoretical Education) ................... 125
Without the Communist Party There Would Have Been No New
China (p 81)
(Huo Xing) ..................................................... 135
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RESOLUTION OF THE 12TH CPC NATIONAL CONGRESS REGARDING THE 11TH CENTRAL
COMMITTEE'S REPORT (ADOPTED ON 6 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 p 2
[Text] The 12th CPC National Congress approves the report made by Comrade
Hu Yaobang on behalf of the party's 11th Central Committee. The congress
holds that the lines, principles and policies implemented since the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee are correct and that good
results have been achieved in the work. The congress holds that the correct
program and the series of principles and policies for creating a new situa-
tion in all fields of socialist modernization set forth in this report shall
be the cardinal guide for the party's work in all fields.
During the 5 years between this and the next congress, the whole party
should strive for a basic turn for the better in the state's financial and
economic situation, the mood. of the society and the party's work style.
For this purpose, it is necessary to adopt many important measures, prin-
cipally reform of structure and economic setup; making cadres revolu-
tionized, younger in average age, better educated and more professionally
proficient; building socialist material civilization and at the same time
building socialist spiritual civilization, developing socialist democracy
and strengthening the socialist legal system; dealing blows at serious
crimes in the economic and other fields; and rectification of the party
organization and work style. The congress calls on the comrades of the
whole party, under the leadership of the 12th Central Committee, to unite
the people of all nationalities throughout the country, hold high the great
banner of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, invigorate themselves; work
persistently, dauntlessly and energetically strive to create a new situa-
tion in all fields of the socialist modernization.
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RESOLUTION OF THE 12TH CPC NATIONAL CONGRESS ON THE 'CONSTITUTION OF THE
CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY' (ADOPTED ON 6 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 p 2
[Text] The 12th CPC National Congress hereby approves the "Constitution
of the Chinese Communist Party" submitted by the 11th Central Committee and
decides that the new party constitution will come into force on the day of
its approval.
The congress decides that party committees at all levels and every party
organization must conscientiously organize studies of the new party con-
stitution and strive to make all party members seriously understand the
party constitution's general program and all its stipulations. In the
course of the study, it is necessary to carry out comradely criticism and
self-criticism in the light of the actual conditions to enable all party
members, especially all party members who are also cadres, to enhance their
understanding so that they can be fully prepared for rectifying the party
style and consolidating the party organization in an all-round way and
building the party into a strong core of leadership for the cause of
socialist modernization.
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THE OPENING SPEECH AT THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS (1 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 3-5
[Speech by Vice Chairman Deng Xiaoping]
[Text] Comrades, I now declare the 12th National Congress of the Communist
Party of China open.
There are three main items on the agenda of our congress: (1) consideration
of the report of the 11th Central Committee and decision on the party's pro-
gram for striving to create a new situation in all fields of socialist
modernization; (2) consideration and adoption of the new constitution of the
Communist Party of China; and (3) election of a new Central Committee, a
Central Advisory Commission and a new Central Commission for Discipline
Inspection in accordance with the provisions of the new party constitution.
With the accomplishment of the tasks of this congress, our party will have
a more clear-cut guiding ideology for socialist modernization, the party
will be strengthened in a way more suited to the needs of the new histori-
cal period, and in the highest leading organs of the party there will be
cooperation of old and new cadres and succession of the new to the old,
thus making these organs a more vigorous command headquarters.
A review of the party's history will show this congress to be a more impor-
tant meeting since the seventh national congress.
The seventh congress held in 1945 under the chairmanship of Comrade Mao
Zedong was the most important one in the period of democratic revolution
since the founding of our party. It summed up the historical experience
gained in the tortuous development of China's democratic revolution in the
previous 20. years and more, formulated a correct program and correct tactics
and overcame the erroneous ideas within the party so that unity in under-
standing based on Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought was attained. As
a result the party became more united than ever before. The seventh con-
gress laid the foundation for the nationwide victory of the new democratic
revolution.
The eighth congress of the party held in 1956 analyzed the situation follow-
ing the basic completion of the socialist transformation of the private
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ownership of the means of production and put forth the task of all-round
socialist construction. The line of the eighth congress was correct.
However, because the party was not adequately prepared ideologically for
all-round socialist construction at that time, in practice that line and
many correct opinions put forward at that congress were not adhered to.
After the eighth congress, we suffered serious setbacks, though we also
achieved many successes in socialist construction.
The present congress is being held in circumstances vastly different from
those at the time of the eighth congress. Just as the 20-odd years of
tortuous development of our democratic revolution before the seventh con-
gress taught the whole party how to grasp the laws governing that revolu-
tion in China, so the 20-odd years of tortuous development of our socialist
revolution and construction after the eighth congress taught the whole party
profound lessons. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Com-
mittee (held in December 1978), our party has restored its correct policies
in the economic, political, cultural and other fields of work and adopted a
series. of new and correct policies after studying the new situation and new
experience. By comparison our party has, since the eighth congress, gained
a much deeper understanding of the laws governing China's socialist con-
struction, acquired much more experience and become much more conscious and
.determined in carrying through our correct principles. We have every reason
to believe that the correct program to be formulated at this congress will
create a, new situation in all fields of socialist modernization and bring
prosperity to our party, our socialist cause, our country and all our
nationalities.
In our modernization program, we must proceed from China's realities. Both
in our revolution and construction, we should learn from foreign countries
and draw on their experience. But mechanical copying and application of
foreign experience and models will get us nowhere. We have had many lessons
in this respect. To integrate the universal truth of Marxism with the
concrete realities of China, blaze a path of our own and build socialism
with Chinese characteristics--this is the basic conclusion we have reached
in summing up long, historical experience.
China's affairs should be run in our own way and by our own efforts. Inde-
pendence and self-reliance have always been and will forever be our basic
stand. While we Chinese people value our friendship and cooperation with
other countries and people, we value even more our hard-won independence and
sovereign rights. No foreign country can expect China to be its vassal,
nor can it expect China to swallow any bitter fruit detrimental to China's
interests. We will unswervingly follow a policy of opening to the outside
world and actively increase exchanges with foreign countries on the basis
of equality and mutual benefit. At the same time, we will keep a clear
head, firmly resist corrosion by decadent ideas from abroad and never
permit the bourgeois way of life to spread in our country. We Chinese
people have our own national self-respect and pride. We deem it the highest
honor to love our country and contribute our all to its socialist construc-
tion,, and we deem it the deepest disgrace to impair the interests, dignity
and honor of our socialist motherland.
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The 1980's will be an important decade in the historical development of our
party and state. To intensify socialist modernization, to strive for reuni-
fication and particularly for the return of Taiwan to the. motherland, and to
combat hegemonism and safeguard world peace--these are the three major tasks
of our people in the 1980's. Economic construction is at the core of these
tasks as it is the basis for the solution of China's external and domestic
problems. In a long period to come, at least in the 18 years or more up to
the end of this century, we must diligently do the following four things:
to restructure the administration and the economic setup and make the ranks
of cadres more revolutionary,, younger in average age, better educated and
more professionally competent; to build a socialist spiritual civilization;
to strike at criminal activities in the economic and other fields that
undermine socialism; and to rectify party style and consolidate the party
organization on the basis of a conscientious study of the new party consti-
tution. These will be the most important guarantee for our adherence to
the socialist road and the concentration of our efforts on modernization.
Ours is now a big party, with a membership of 39 million, that exercises
leadership over the whole state power. However, the members of the Com-
munist Party will always be a minority in the whole population. None of the
major tasks set forth by our party can be accomplished without the hard work
of the masses of the people. Here, on behalf of our party, I wish to pay
high tribute to all Chinese workers, peasants and intellectuals who have
worked diligently for our socialist modernization, and to the Chinese
People's Liberation Army--the Great Wall of steel safeguarding the security
and socialist construction of our motherland.
China's democratic parties fought together with our party in the period of
the democratic revolution and have advanced and undergone tests together
with us in the period of socialism. In the construction work ahead, our
party will continue its long-term cooperation with all patriotic democratic
parties and all patriotic democrats. Here, on behalf of our party, I wish
to express our sincere gratitude to all democratic parties and all our
friends without party affiliations.
The cause of our party has enjoyed the support and assistance of the pro-
gressive personages and friendly countries throughout the world. Here, on
behalf of our party, I wish to express our sincere gratitude to them.
We must do our work well and carefully, strengthen our unity with the
people of all nationalities in the country and with the people of the whole
world and struggle hard to make China a modern socialist country that is
culturally advanced and highly democratic, and to oppose hegemonism, safe-
guard world peace and promote human progress.
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CREATE A NEW SITUATION IN ALL FIELDS OF SOCIALIST MODERNIZATION--REPORT TO
THE 12TH NATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA (1 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 6-30
[Report by Hu Yaobang]
[Text] Comrades: On behalf of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist
Party of China, I will now make a report to the 12th national congress of
the party.
I. A Historic Change and Our Great New Task
Since the smashing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique in October
1976 and, in particular, since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central
Committee held in December 1978, we have accomplished, through the arduous
efforts of the whole party, the whole army and the people of our nationali-
ties, the difficult task of setting the party's guiding ideology to rights
and have won major successes in setting right our practical work on all
fronts, thereby effecting a great and historic change.
The mission of the present party congress is, through the summing-up of the
historic achievements of the past 6 years, to chart a correct course and
define correct strategic steps, principles and policies so that we can more
thoroughly eliminate the negative consequences of the decade of domestic
turmoil, make further progress and create a new situation in all fields of
socialist modernization. The Central Committee of the party is confident
that our congress can shoulder this momentous historical task.
What are the main indicators of the historic change that has been brought
about?
In the sphere of ideology, we have resolutely broken the fetters of dogma-
tism and the personality cult which existed for a long time, and have
reaffirmed the Marxist ideological line of seeking truth from facts, thus
infusing a dynamic and creative spirit into all fields of endeavor. We
have restored the original features of Mao Zedong Thought and persisted in
and developed it under new historical conditions.
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We have put an end to years of social turbulence and brought about a politi-
cal situation characterized by stability, unity and liveliness. Socialist
democracy and the socialist legal system are being gradually perfected,
equality and unity among all our nationalities have been strengthened anew,
and the patriotic united front has expanded further. Thanks to this politi-
cal situation, the present period is one of the best since the founding of
our People's Republic.
The leading bodies of the party and the state at all levels have been grad-
ually readjusted, improved and strengthened. By and large, the leadership
in the party and state organizations at all levels is now in the hands of
cadres loyal to the party and the people.
We have resolutely shifted the focus of work of the party and the state to
economic construction and, liquidating the "left" mistakes that persisted in
our economic work over the years, have conscientiously implemented the cor-
rect principle of readjustment, restructuring, consolidation and improve-
ment., Having tided over the most difficult phase,. our national economy is
now on the sound path of steady growth.
Our endeavors in education, science and culture are on the right track and,
with some initial successes, are beginning to thrive. Relations between. the
party and the intellectuals have improved enormously. Unity among the
three main social forces, namely, the workers, peasants and intellectuals
is also fairly good now.
We have made tremendous efforts to build a modern regular revolutionary
army. The People's Liberation Army has achieved marked successes in
improving its military training and its ideological and political work, in
bettering its relations with the civil authorities-and the people, in
defending our frontiers and safeguarding national security and in helping
socialist construction. It has further enhanced its military capability
and political consciousness in line with new historical conditions.
In the course of leading the people in effecting this historic change, our
party has withstood tests and remolded itself. It has done much to rectify
party style, gradually revived its fine traditions and become more mature
and firmer in the course of struggle.
Looking back at our path of struggle in these 6 years, we see that it has
been an uneven one. The decade of domestic turmoil inflicted grievous
wounds on the party and the state. Our victory has not been easy. It was
won only after the Central Committee led the entire party and people in
overcoming enormous difficulties of all kinds.
The "left" mistakes made before and during the "Cultural Revolution".had a
deep and extensive influence and caused serious damage. While thoroughly
exposing and repudiating the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary
cliques, we found it necessary to'make a clean sweep of all such "left"
mistakes. This unavoidably involved the mistakes made by Comrade Mao Zedong
in his later years. Comrade Mao Zedong's contributions to the Chinese
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revolution were great and indelible; that is why over long years he enjoyed
enormous prestige in the party and among the people and will continue to do
so in the years to come. Whether we had the Marxist courage to conduct
self-criticism of our party's mistakes, including those made by Comrade Mao
Zedong, and whether we could conduct such self-criticism correctly and in a
historical perspective constituted the key issue deciding whether things
could be set right. During the 2 years before the 3d Plenary Session of
the 11th Central Committee, the question of rights and wrongs in the
party's guiding ideology was not clarified as it should have been and the
work of setting things to rights proceeded haltingly; this was because in
the early days after the smashing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary
clique, our party was not ideologically prepared for an overall liquidation
of the "left" mistakes and also because the principal leading comrade in
the Central Committee at the,time continued to make "left" mistakes on a
series of important issues. The 11th party congress announced the end of
the "Cultural Revolution" and reaffirmed the task of building a modern and
powerful socialist state, thus playing a positive role in mobilizing the
mLsses. However, the political report to the 11th party congress still
approved of the erroneous theories, policies and slogans of the "Cultural
Revolution," thus exerting a negative influence by seriously obstructing our
effort to set things right. The historic service of the 3d Plenary Session
of the 11th Central Committee was precisely that it thoroughly shattered the
heavy chains imposed by the protracted "left" mistakes, set right the guid-
ing ideology of the party and reaffirmed the Marxist ideological, political
and organizational lines. Subsequently, our party thoroughly summed up its
historical experience in all spheres and scientifically explained numerous
questions encountered in practical work, which concerned theory and policy
in the building of socialism. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" adopted in June 1981 by
the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee marked the successful
conclusion of our work in setting the party's guiding ideology to rights.
Drawing on the collective wisdom of the broad sections of cadres and masses,
our party subjected the protracted "left" mistakes and Comrade Mao Zedong's
mistakes in his later years to scientific analysis and criticism, while
firmly upholding the fine traditions developed by the party during long
years of struggle, safeguarding the scientific truth of Mao Zedong Thought
and affirming Comrade Mao Zedong's historical role. This helped not only
to differentiate right from wrong but also to strengthen unity in our ranks,
thus providing a basic guarantee for the healthy development of our revolu-
tion and construction.
Since the third plenary session, our party has made every effort to conform
to objective reality in formulating and implementing a series of principles
and policies and to avoid focusing on the criticism of one erroneous ten-
dency to the neglect of another. In times of historic change, people are
apt to think one-sidedly because of the profound influence of old ideas and
customs and because of lack of experience in dealing with new things, plus
the effect of other social and political factors. In recent years, mis-
taken ideas representing different tendencies have arisen among sections of
the party members and cadres with regard to such major questions of prin-
ciple as the party's policy,of mental emancipation, the assessment of
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Comrade Mao Zedong and Mao Zedong Thought and the appraisal of class strug-
gle at the present stage of socialism. Unable to free themselves completely
from the influence of the former "left" mistakes, some comrades wanted to.
return, wittingly or unwittingly, to the old track of "taking class struggle
as the key link." Others, deviating from the Marxist path, went so far as
to doubt or even negate the leadership of the party and the socialist road.
On such major questions of principle, our party has all along taken a firm
stand and waged timely and appropriate ideological struggles on two fronts--
against both the "left" and the right deviations. On the one hand, in its
effort to prevent the recurrence of mistakes that would lead to the broaden-
ing of the scope of class struggle, the Central Committee has systematically
liquidated the erroneous theory of "continuing the revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat" put forth during the "Cultural Revolution,"
a theory that envisaged a continuing "revolution whereby one class over-
throws another," and it has vigorously developed socialist democracy and a
socialist legal system and restored and expanded our united front work. On
the other hand, the party has reiterated the four cardinal principles center-
ing on upholding the leadership of the party (the four cardinal principles
are adherence to the socialist road, to the people's democratic dictator-
ship, to the leadership of the Communist Party and to Marxism-Leninism and
Mao Zedong Thought), criticized and curbed the tendency toward bourgeois
liberalism and resolutely cracked down on all types of criminal activity
that disrupt socialist construction. In handling various practical prob-,
lems, we have done our best to act in the scientific and all-sided way as
required by Marxism. This has enabled us to deal fairly successfully and
relatively speedily with many complex ideological problems and social and
political contradictions.
A jumble of problems accumulated during the 10 years of domestic turmoil.
Many things that needed to be done or needed to be reformed claimed our
attention. Moreover, the progress of new work inevitably gives rise to new
problems. The party therefore had to draw up a list of priorities, do its
work systematically and solve problems step by step.
Take'economic work for example. The third plenary session first grasped the
link of agriculture, laying emphasis on overcoming the longstanding "left"
mistakes in the guidelines in this sphere. This involved restoring and
expanding the power of decision of the rural people's communes and their
production brigades and teams; restoring the private plots, family and
collective sideline production and village fairs; and gradually introducing,
in various forms, the system of responsibility for production in which pay-
ment is linked to output. At the same time, the state purchasing prices of
grain and some other agricultural products were raised; then the policies
providing for a diversified economy were formulated. As a result marked
changes have taken place in agriculture, in which vigorous growth has
replaced stagnation. For many years, the peasants have not been so happy
as they are today. This has done much to start a turn for the better in
the whole economic and indeed the whole political situation.
Following the improvement in agriculture, we began to readjust the structure
of industry, laying emphasis on remedying the disproportion between light
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and heavy industries and on readjusting the service orientation of heavy
industry. The result has been a rapid expansion of light industry. At the
same time, we readjusted the ratio between accumulation and consumption and
reduced the scale of capital construction which had been overextended. This
has resulted in improved living standards for the people as well as better
proportions between the various branches of the national economy. In other
fields, we have, by and large, used the same method--that of tackling the
key problem first to facilitate the solution of the rest.
In the final analysis, our party has been successful in the above efforts
because it has adhered to the scientific Marxist principles of combining
theory with practice and of recognizing the people as the makers of history.
The facts are plain enough. The party firmly trusts the people, relies on
them and acts in compliance with their wishes and the trend of historical
development. With the crushing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary
clique, the people placed high hopes on the party. They demanded that
wrongs be set right, that stability and unity be achieved, that efforts be
concentrated on socialist modernization and that the level of our country's
socialist material and spiritual civilization be raised. It is by
crystallizing the will of the people and formulating correct lines, prin-
ciples and policies that the party has been able to bring the cause of
socialism in our country back onto the sound path. The people's trust in..
the party and their support for it are the key to the continuous success of
our cause.
Looking back over the course of struggle we have traversed in the past 6
years, we naturally recall two previous instances of historic change during
China's democratic revolution led by the party, namely, the change from the
failure of the Northern Expedition (1924-27) to the outbreak of the agrarian
revolutionary war (1927-37) and the change from the failure of the struggle
against the Kuomintang's fifth "encirclement and suppression" campaign to
the launching of the war of resistance against Japan (1937-45). At both
junctures, when the party and the people had suffered heavy losses and the
revolution faced grim crises, enemies both at home and abroad concluded that
we were doomed to total defeat, and not a few people in our own ranks
wavered and grew pessimistic. But the party was not overwhelmed by the
enormous difficulties. Under the leadership of a number of outstanding
figures of whom Comrade Mao Zedong was representative, the party displayed
rare revolutionary courage and fortitude, fought on tenaciously, strove
creatively to find a revolutionary path suited to China's specific condi-
tions and finally turned the tide, resuscitating the revolutionary cause and
bringing about a new situation of victorious advance.
Compared with the two previous ones, the present change has taken place
under vastly different historical conditions. Today, our party is the lead-
ing core of nationwide political power and our country has already experi-
enced a long period of socialist revolution and construction. The people
are'far more powerful than they were in the period of the revolutionary
wars. Despite the tremendous damage done to it by the "Cultural Revolution,"
the cause of socialism retains its great and invincible vitality. Although
we have lost Comrades Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Zhu De and
I
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other veteran proletarian revolutionaries, we still have as the mainstay of
our cause many other veteran revolutionaries who fought shoulder to shoulder
with them. Moreover, we have as our core force many old comrades who went
through the test of revolutionary wars and large numbers of young and
middle-aged comrades who have been tempered and have matured since the
founding of our People's Republic. Under the leadership of the Central Com-
mittee, we have at last succeeded in effecting another historic change,
thanks to the arduous efforts of the party organizations at all levels and
the concerted struggle of all party comrades and millions upon millions of
people throughout the country.
Comrades! The great successes we have achieved in the past 6 years are
evident to all. But, instead of resting on our laurels, we must realize
that there are still many shortcomings and difficulties and that there is
still much to be desired in the work of the party. We must enhance our
revolutionary spirit, plunge into work and strive for new and still greater
successes.
The general task of the Communist Party of China in this new historical
period is to unite the people of all our nationalities in working hard and
self-reliantly to achieve, step by step, the modernization of our industry,
agriculture, national defense and science and technology and to make China
a culturally advanced and highly democratic socialist country. In the 5
years from the present party congress to the next, we should, as this
general task and China's actual conditions require, energetically promote
the socialist material and spiritual civilization, continue to strengthen
socialist democracy and the socialist legal system, earnestly rectify the
party style and consolidate the party organization and strive to bring about
a fundamental turn for the better in the country's financial and economic
situation, in the standards of social conduct and in the style of the party.
At the same time, together with all the patriotic people, our. compatriots in
Taiwan, Xianggang (Hong Kong) and Aomen (Macao) and including Chinese
nationals residing abroad, we shall pursue the great aim of reunifying the
motherland. We shall also join the people of the rest of the world in
carrying on the struggle against imperialism and hegemonism in defense of'
world peace. These are the lofty tasks of creating a new situation in all
fields that lie before us.
II. Bring About an All-Round Upsurge of the Socialist Economy
Of the various tasks for bringing about an all-round new situation, the most
important one is to push forward the socialist modernization of China's
economy. For this purpose, the party has formulated the strategic objec-
tive, priorities and steps of our economic construction as well as a series
of correct principles in a spirit of realism.
The general objective of China's economic construction for the two decades
between 1981 and the end of this century is, while steadily working for
more and better economic results, to quadruple the gross annual value of
industrial and agricultural production--from 710 billion yuan in 1980 to
2,800 billion yuan or so in 2000. This will place China in the front ranks
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of the countries of the world in terms of gross national income and the
output of major industrial and agricultural products; it will represent an
important advance in the modernization of its entire national economy; it
will increase the income of its urban and rural population several times
over; and the Chinese people will be comparatively well-off both materially
and culturally. Although China's national income per capita will even then
be relatively low, its economic strength and national defense capabilities
will have grown considerably, compared with what they are today. Provided
that we work hard and in a down-to-earth manner and bring the superiority
of the socialist system into fuller play, we can definitely attain our grand
strategic objective.
From an overall point of view, what is most important in our effort to
realize this objective in economic growth is to properly solve the problems
of agriculture, energy and transport and of education and science.
Agriculture is the foundation of the national economy, and provided it
gtcws, we can handle the other problems more easily. At present, both
labor productivity and the percentage of marketable products are rather low
in our agriculture; our capacity for resisting natural calamities is still
quite limited; and, in particular, the contradiction between the huge popu-
lation and the insufficiency of arable land is becoming ever more acute.
From now on, while firmly controlling the population growth, protecting all
agricultural resources and maintaining the ecological balance, we must do
better in agricultural capital construction, improve the conditions for
agricultural production practice scientific farming, wrest greater yields
of grain and cash crops from limited acreage, and secure the all-round
development of forestry, animal husbandry, sideline occupations and fishery
in order to meet the needs of industrial expansion and of higher living
standards for the people.
Energy shortage and the strain on transport are major checks on China's
economic development at present. Growth in energy production has slowed
down somewhat in the last few years, while waste remains extremely serious.
Transport capacity lags far behind the increasing volume of freight, and
postal and telecommunications.facilities are outmoded. To ensure a fair
rate of growth in the national economy, it is imperative to step up the
exploitation of energy resources, economize drastically on energy consump-
tion and at the same time strive hard to expand the transport and postal
and telecommunications services.
The modernization of science and technology is a key link in our four
modernizations. Today, many of our enterprises are backward in production
techniques, operation and management; large numbers of workers and staff
members lack the necessary scientific knowledge, general education and work
skills; and there is an acute shortage of skilled workers, scientists and
technicians. In the years to come, we must promote large-scale technical
transformation in a planned way, popularize technical measures that have
yielded good economic results, and actively introduce new techniques,
equipment, technologies and materials. We must step up research in the
applied sciences, lay more stress on research in the basic sciences and
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organize people from all relevant fields to tackle key problems in scien-
tific research. We must improve our study and application of economics
and scientific business management and continuously raise the level of
economic planning and administration and of the operation and management
of enterprises and institutions. And we must work vigorously to universalize
primary education, strengthen secondary vocational education and higher edu-
cation and develop educational undertakings of all types and at all levels
in both urban and rural areas, including training classes.for cadres, work-
ers, staff members and peasants and literacy classes in order to train all
kinds of specialists and raise the scientific and educational level of the
whole nation.
In short, in the next 20 years we must keep a firm hold on agriculture,
energy, transport, education and science as the basic links, the strategic
priorities in China's economic growth. Effective solution of these prob-
lems on the basis of an overall balance in the national economy will lead
to a fairly swift rise in the production of consumer goods, stimulate the
development of industry as a whole and of production and construction in
other fields and ensure a betterment of living standards.
Population has always been an extremely important issue in China's economic
and social development. Family planning is a basic policy of our state.
We must do our utmost to keep our population within 1.2 billion by the end
of this century. The total number of births is now at its peak. Excessive
population growth will not only adversely affect the increase of per-capita
income but also cause serious difficulties in food supply, housing, educa=
tion and employment, and it may even disrupt social stability. Conse-
quently, we must never slacken our effort in family planning, especially in
the rural areas. We must conduct intensive and meticulous ideological
education among the peasants. Provided that we do our work well, we can
succeed in bringing our population under control.
In order to realize our objective for the next two decades, we must take
the following two steps in our strategic planning: In the first decade, aim
mainly at laying a solid foundation, accumulating strength and creating the
necessary conditions; and in the second, usher in a new period of vigorous
economic development. This is a major policy decision taken by the Central
Committee after a comprehensive analysis of the present conditions of China's
economy and the trend of its growth.
Our national economy has grown steadily even in the past few years of
readjustment, and the achievement is quite impressive. In many fields,
however, the economic results have been far from satisfactory, and there
has been appalling waste in production, construction and circulation. We
have yet to equal our best past records in the materials expended in per
unit products, in the profit rate of industrial enterprises, in the con-
struction time for large and medium-sized projects and in the turnover rate
of circulating funds in industrial and commercial enterprises. Apart from
some objective factors not subject to comparison, the main causes for this
are the "left" mistakes of the past, which resulted in blind proliferation
of enterprises, an irrational economic structure, defective systems of
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economic administration and distribution, chaotic operation and management
and backward production techniques. Things started to pick up a little in
1982, with the stress laid on better economic results. Nevertheless, it is
impossible in a brief space to solve all such problems which have piled up
over a long period. We have to bear this basic fact in mind when drawing up
the strategic plan for China's economic development.
In the period of the Sixth Five-Year Plan (1981-85), we must continue
unswervingly to carry out the principles of readjustment, restructuring,
consolidation and improvement, practice strict economy, combat waste and
focus-all economic work on the attainment of better economic results. We
must devote our main efforts to readjusting the economic structure in vari-
ous fields, streamlining, reorganizing and merging the existing enterprises
and carrying out technical transformation in selected enterprises. At the
same time, we must consolidate and perfect the initial reform in the system
of economic administration and work out at an early date the overall plan
for reform and the measures for its implementation. During the Seventh
Five-Year Plan (1986-90), we shall carry out the technical transformation
of enterprises on an extensive scale and gradually reform the system of
economic administration, in addition to completing the rationalization of
the organizational structure of enterprises and the economic structure in
various fields. We must also undertake a series of necessary capital con-
struction projects in the energy, transport and some other fields, and the
concentrated solution of a number of major scientific and technological
problems in the 1980's. Therefore, it will not be possible for the
national economy to develop very fast in this decade. But if we complete
the above tasks, we can solve the problems left over from the past and
build a relatively solid basis for economic growth in the decade to follow.
The 1990's will witness an all-round upsurge in China's economy which will
definitely grow at a much faster rate than in the 1980's. If we publicize
and explain this strategic plan adequately to the people, they will see the
bright future more clearly and be inspired to work with greater drive to
usher in the new period of vigorous economic growth.
In the 5 years between this party congress and the next, we shall complete
the Sixth Five-Year Plan and start on the seventh. To strive for a funda-
mental turn for the better in China's financial and economic situation in
this period means that we must, under the strategic plan outlined above,
achieve significantly better economic results, a steady basic balance in
finance and credit and basic stability in commodity prices. Clearly, it is
of paramount importance to China's long-term economic development that we
do our'economic work well in these 5 years.
To bring about an all-round upsurge of China's socialist economy, we must
continue to carry out in all our economic work the 10 principles for
economic construction approved by the Fifth National People's Congress at
its fourth session, paying s'pecial attention to solving the following major
questions of principle.
First, concentrating funds on key development projects and continuing to
improve the people's living standards.
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To attain our strategic objective for the coming 20 years, the state must
concentrate needed funds on key development projects in their order of
importance and urgency. For this purpose, while endeavoring to overcome
undue decentralization in the use of funds, we must bring into play the
initiative of all concerned to expand production and achieve better economic
results, so that the national income may rise more rapidly. In recent years,
state revenues have somewhat decreased and there has been a shortage of funds
for urgently needed key projects. On the other hand, funds at the disposal
of local authorities and enterprises have grown greatly and have been used
for many projects which may seem badly needed from a local point of view;
but this inevitably makes it difficult to adequately meet the national needs
and to prevent and overcome the tendency toward blindness in construction.
We must realize that if key national projects are not guaranteed and if such
parts of the infrastructure as energy and transport are not developed, the
national economy as a whole will not prosper and the individual sectors are
bound to be greatly restricted in their development. Even if there should be
some growth in a given locality at a given time, it would not last because
of difficulties in striking a balance between supply, production and market-
ing. We must firmly implant the idea of coordinating all the activities of.
the nation like moves on a chessboard. While continuing to. enforce the
present financial system and ensure the decisionmaking powers of enter-
prises, we must appropriately readjust, in the light of the actual condi-
tions of the different localities and trades, the distribution of national
and local revenues and the proportion of profits retained by enterprises,
and we must encourage local authorities, departments and enterprises to make
their funds available for the key projects most urgently needed by the state.
While thus pooling funds, we must of course continue to take into considera-
tion the needs of the localities and enterprises. If appropriate financial
reserves are left at the disposal of local authorities and enterprises, it
will help give scope to their initiative and enable them to embark on those
projects which they are best fitted to undertake, especially as regards the
technical transformation of existing enterprises. Our country has abundant
resources of labor power, soewe must pay close attention to increasing the
investment of labor. In the rural areas, we must put their rich manpower to
good use in agricultural capital construction according to their local con-
ditions. In mining, transport and other fields, we must also stress the
role of the investment of labor.
The fundamental aim of socialist production and'construction is to meet
continuously the growing material and cultural needs of the people. A basic
principle guiding our economic work is "first, feed the people and second,
build the country." The party and government have done a great deal to
bring about a marked improvement in the people's livelihood in recent years.
Yet on the whole the living standards remain fairly low. In some low-yield
rural areas, or those hit by natural disasters, the peasants are still
impoverished, and we must actively help them increase production and income.
Urban people, too, still have many problems which call for solution-such as
pay, employment, housing and public utilities. The state has decided to
take effective measures to improve, steadily and group by group, the living
and working conditions of middle-aged intellectuals, who play a backbone
role in production, construction and all the other fields. Whether in town
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or country, living standards can rise only by increasing production, and not
by cutting into funds indispensable to national construction, a course that
would impair the fundamental and long-term interests of the people. Specifi-
cally, we can no longer increase peasant incomes mainly through raising the
prices of farm produce or through lowering the fixed quotas of state pur-
chases and enlarging the scope of negotiated prices. The increase of the
average incomes of the workers and staff must necessarily be less than that
of labor productivity. We must put a stop to the indiscriminate handing out
of bonuses and subsidies without regard to the actual state of production
and profit. As a matter of fact, a constant improvement in the living
standards of the people is possible provided the workers and peasants
enhance their understanding and make sustained efforts to raise labor pro-
ductivity, lower consumption and eliminate waste. As for those problems
concerning the people's daily life which can be solved by spending very
little or even no money, leaders at all levels must take even more energetic
measures to solve them. Concern for the well-being of the people is a fine
tradition of our party, which we should never neglect.
Second, upholding the leading position of the state economy and developing
diverse economic forms.
The socialist state sector occupies the leading position in the entire
national economy. The consolidation and growth of the state sector are the
decisive factors in ensuring that the collective economy of the working
people will advance along the socialist road and that the individual economy
will serve socialism. As the level of development of the productive forces
in our country is on the whole still fairly low and uneven, it is necessary
to maintain different economic forms for a long time to come. In rural
areas, the principal economic form is the cooperative economy collectively
owned by the working people. At present, the state sector alone cannot and
should not run all handicrafts, industries, building industry, transport,
commerce and the service trades in the cities and towns; a considerable part
should be run by the collective. Cooperatives financed and run by young
people and other residents have spread to many urban areas in the past few
years and played a useful role. The party and government should support and
guide them and forbid discrimination or attacks against them from any
quarter. We must also encourage the appropriate development of the indi-
vidual economy of urban and rural working people as a necessary and useful
complement to the public economy, within limits prescribed by the state and
under supervision by industrial and commercial administrations. Only
through the rational distribution and development of diverse economic forms
is it possible to invigorate the urban and rural economy and make life more
convenient for the people.
To bring the initiative of enterprises and of the working people into play,
we must earnestly implement a responsibility system in the operation and
management of both state and collective enterprises. The responsibility
system for production set up in various forms in the countryside in recent
years has further emancipated the productive forces and it must be adhered
to for a long time to come. The thing for us to do is to gradually perfect
it on the basis of summing up the practical experience of the masses. In no
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case must we make rash changes against the will of the masses, still less
must we backtrack. With the growth of agricultural production and the ris-
ing management ability of the peasants, demands for new types of combined
management are bound to arise. We.should promote various forms of inter-
unit.economic combination strictly in accordance with the principle of
stimulating production and of voluntary participation and mutual benefit.
It can be predicted that in the not too distant future, there will emerge
in our rural areas an improved cooperative economy, with a diversity of
forms, which will be able to make full use of the advantages in the light
of local conditions and facilitate the large-scale adoption of advanced
production measures. Recently, the economic responsibility system has also
been initiated in industrial and commercial enterprises with some good
results. Although industry and commerce are vastly different from agricul-
ture, the application of the economic responsibility system (including the
system of responsibility for profit or loss in some of the state enter-
prises) similarly helps to implement the Marxist principle of material bene-
fit, to heighten the workers' sense of responsibility as masters of the
country and to promote production. We should adopt a positive attitude to
this system, earnestly sum up experience and discover and devise a set of
specific rules and methods which are suited to the characteristics of
industrial and commercial enterprises and which can both ensure unified
leadership by the state and bring into full play the initiative of enter-
prises and their workers and staff members.
It is impermissible to undermine the public ownership of the means of pro-
duction, which is our basic economic system. Of late, there have been cases
in certain rural areas of damage to farm irrigation works; destructive
lumbering and doing away with the accumulation and retention of common
funds by the collective, while in some state-owned industrial and commer-
cial enterprises, there have been such acts as violation of unified state
plans, arbitrary holding back of materials earmarked for unified distribu-
tion, withholding of profits that should be turned over to the state,
evasion of taxes, willful inflation of prices and blocking the flow of
commodities. All such things, though done by only a small number of
people, seriously impair the public economy and the interests of the state
and the people, and they must be resolutely corrected.
Third, correctly implementing the principle of the leading role of the
planned economy and the supplementary role of market regulation.
China has a planned economy based on public ownership. Planned production
and circulation cover the main body of our national economy. At the same
time, the production and circulation of some products are allowed to be
regulated through the market without being planned, that is, by letting the
law of value spontaneously play a regulatory role within the limits
circumscribed by the state's unified plan and in the light of the specific
conditions at different periods. This serves as a supplement to planned
production and circulation, subordinate and secondary to it but essential
and useful nonetheless. The state ensures proportionate and coordinated
growth of the national economy through overall balancing by economic plan-
ning and the supplementary role of market regulation. In the past few
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years, we have initiated a number of reforms in the economic system by
extending the powers of enterprises in planning and by giving scope to the
role of market regulation. This orientation is correct and its gains are
apparent. However, as some reform measures have not been well coordinated
with-each other and the corresponding forms of administrative work have
lagged behind, cases of weakening and hampering the state's unified plan-
ning have been on the increase. This is not good for the normal growth of
the national economy. Hereafter, while continuing to give play to the role
of market regulation, we must on no account neglect or relax unified leader-
ship through state planning.
In order to make the development of the economy centralized and unified as
well as flexible and diversified, planning should take different forms in
different circumstances. Plans of a mandatory nature must be enforced in
regard to the production and distribution of capital goods and consumer
goods in the state sector which are vital to the national economy and the
people's livelihood, and especially in key enterprises vital to the whole
economy. This is a major manifestation of China's socialist ownership by
the whole people in the organization and management of production. For the
sector of the economy which is owned by collectives, mandatory targets
should also be assigned where necessary, as in the purchase of grain and
other important agricultural and sideline products by the state on fixed
quota. In addition to plans of a mandatory nature, guidance plans, whose
implementation is mainly ensured by means of economic levers, should be
used in regard to many products and enterprises. This is because diverse
economic forms still exist in China and it is difficult to make precise
estimates of the multifold and complex demands of society and of the pro-
ductive capacity of a vast number of enterprises. But whether in mandatory
planning or in guidance planning, we must strive to make it conform to the
objective reality, constantly study changes in market supply and demand,
consciously make use of the law of value and such economic levers as pricing,
taxation and credits to guide the enterprises in fulfilling state plans, and
give them varying degrees of powers to make decisions as they see fit. Only
in this way can state plans be supplemented and improved as required and in
good time in the course of their implementation. As for a number of small
commodities which are low in output value, great in variety and produced
and supplied only seasonally and locally, it is neither necessary nor possi-
ble for the state to control them all by planning. Enterprises may be
allowed to arrange their production flexibly in accordance with the changes
in market supply and demand. The state, on its part, should exercise con-
trol through policies, decrees and administration by industrial and commer-
cial offices and should help those enterprises with the supply of certain
important raw and semifinished materials.
Correct application of the principle of ensuring the leading role of planned
economy supplemented by market regulation is of fundamental importance to
the reform of China's economic systems. We must correctly define the
respective scope and limits of mandatory plans, guidance plans and market"
regulation and, on the premise that basic stability of commodity prices is
maintained, gradually reform the pricing system, price control measures and
the labor and wage systems, and establish an economic administrative system
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suited to China's conditions so as to ensure the healthy growth of the
national economy.
Whether., commercial work is done well or badly has a direct bearing on
industrial and agricultural production and the people's standard of living,
and the importance of this truth has become increasingly manifest in China's
economic growth. At present, our commercial networks, establishments and
facilities are far from adequate, there are too many intermediate links,
market forecasting is weak, and many problems related to ideas about busi-
ness operation and to management remain to be solved. After acquiring all
relevant information,. and earnestly summing up experience, we must effec-
tively improve our commercial work and unclog, broaden and multiply the
channels of circulation so that commodities can flow freely, materials are
put to good use and commerce can play its full role in stimulating and
guiding production and in ensuring supply and invigorating the economy.
Fourth., persevering in self-reliance while expanding economic and techno-
logical exchanges with foreign countries.
It is our firm strategic principle to carry out the policy of opening to the
outside world and expand economic and technological exchanges with foreign
countries in accordance with the principles of equality and mutual benefit.
We must speed the entry of Chinese products into the world market and vigor-
ously expand foreign trade. We must as far as possible make more use of
foreign funds available for our national construction. To this end, it is
necessary to do all the required preparatory work well and make proper
arrangements with regard to the necessary domestic funds and supporting
measures. We must actively import advanced technologies suited to our
national conditions, particularly those helpful to the technical transfor-
mation of our own enterpriseq, and strive to absorb and develop them in
order to promote our production and construction.
In our efforts for socialist modernization, we must take a self-reliant
stand, relying mainly on our`own hard work. There must be no wavering
whatsoever in this respect. Our aim in expanding economic and technological
exchanges with foreign countries is to enhance our ability to be self-
reliant and to promote; and certainly not to impair, the development of our
national economy. We must refrain from indiscriminate import of equipment,
and particularly of consumer goods that can be manufactured and supplied at
home. In our economic relations with foreign countries, on the premise of
unified planning and policy and coordinated action, we must stimulate the
initiative of various localities, departments and enterprises in their
foreign business dealings while at the same time opposing all acts detri-
mental to the interests of our country and people. In no circumstances
must we forget that capitalist countries and enterprises will never change
their capitalist nature simply because they have economic and technological
exchanges with us. While pursuing the policy of opening to the outside, we
must guard against, and firmly resist, the corrosion of capitalist ideas and
we must combat any worship of things foreign or fawning on foreigners.
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Comrades! Lenin said that living creative socialism is the product of the
masses themselves.1 Beyond all doubt, it would be impossible for the cause
of socialist construction to forge ahead without the soaring labor enthusi-
asm of the masses in their hundreds of millions, without the initiative of
thousands of production units and without the hard work of various locali-
ties and departments. To yield the best results, all our economic work,
principles, policies, plans and measures must be based on overall arrange-
ment, on taking into consideration the interests of the state, the collec-
tive and the individual and on fully arousing and scientifically organizing
the initiative of the central authorities, the localities, departments,
enterprises and the working people. This is the most important way to
bring about an all-round upsurge in the socialist economy. We are confi-
dent that the people of all our nationalities will surely exert themselves
with one heart and one mind for the realization of the great goal of our
country's economic development.
III. Strive To Build a High Level of Socialist Spiritual Civilization
From the time that the party shifted the focus of its work to the moderniza-
tion of China's economy, the Central Committee has proclaimed on many occa-
sions that while working for a high level of material civilization, we must
strive to build a high level of socialist spiritual civilization. This is a
strategic principle for building socialism. The history of socialism and the
present situation in China both tell us that the success or failure of
socialism depends on whether or not we adhere to this principle.
Spiritual civilization is closely interrelated with material civilization in
socialist construction. As Marx put it, in their productive activity to
transform the world, "the producers themselves change, they evolve new
qualities, by producing they develop and transform themselves, acquire new
powers and new conceptions, new modes of intercourse, new needs, and new
speech."2 Comrade Mao Zedong, too, pointed out that the proletariat and
other revolutionary people face a twofold task in their struggle for the
transformation of the world: "To change the objective world and, at the
same time, their own subjective world."3 The objective world comprises
nature and society. The transformation of society results in the establish-
ment and development of new relations of production as well as a new socio-
political system. The transformation of nature results in material civiliza-
tion, as manifested in improved conditions for material production and in a
better material life for the people. In the process of transforming the
objective world, people also transform their subjective world, and the pro-
duction of spiritual values and the spiritual life of society also develop.''
The latter achievement is what we call the spiritual civilization, as mani-
fested in a higher educational, scientific and cultural level and in higher
ideological, political and moral standards. The transformation of society
or the progress of a social system will ultimately find expression in both
material and spiritual civilization. As our socialist society is still in
its initial stage, it is not yet highly developed materially. However, the
establishment of the socialist system makes it possible for us to build a
high level of socialist spiritual civilization while striving for a high
level of material civilization, just as the development of a modern economy
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to a certain level and the appearance of the most advanced class of our
time, the working class, and its vanguard, the Communist Party, make it
possible to succeed in socialist revolution. Material civilization provides
an indispensable foundation for socialist spiritual civilization which, in
its turn, gives a tremendous impetus to the former and ensures its correct
orientation. Each is the condition and objective of the other.
Socialist spiritual civilization constitutes an important characteristic of
the socialist system and a major aspect of its superiority. In the past,
when referring to the characteristics of socialism, people laid stress on
the elimination of the system of exploitation, public ownership of the
means of production, distribution according to work, planned and propor-
tionate development of the national economy, and political power of the
working class and other working people. They also laid stress on another
characteristic of socialism, the high development of the productive forces
and a labor productivity higher than that under capitalism as both a neces-
sity and the end result of the development of socialism. All this is
undoubtedly true, but it does not cover all the characteristics. Socialism
must possess one more characteristic, that is, socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion with communist ideology at its core. Without this, the building of
socialism would be out of the question.
Communism as a social system can be completely realized in our country only
through the protracted, arduous struggle of several generations. However,
communism is above all a movement. Marx and Engels said: "We call com-
munism the real movement which abolished the present state of things."4
The final objective of this movement is the realization of communism as a
social system. In our country, the spread of communist ideas and the move-
ment for the ultimate realization of the ideal of communism began long ago
when the Communist Party of China was founded, and continued during the new-
democratic revolution which it led. This movement has now brought about a
socialist society, which is the first phase of communism. As far back as the
democratic revolution, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that the program of
the Chinese Communist Party in regard to China's social system comprised two
stages', the present and the future. "For the present period, new democracy,
and for the future, socialism; these are two parts of an organic whole guided
by one and the same communist ideology." He added: "Communism is at once a
complete system of proletarian ideology and a new social system.... Without
communism to guide it, China's democratic revolution cannot possibly succeed,
let alone move on to the next stage."5 Therefore, communist ideas and
actions have long been part of our actual life. The view that communism is
but a "dim illusion" and that it "has not been tested in practice" is
utterly wrong. There is communism everywhere in our daily life, of which it
forms an inseparable part. Inside and outside our party, there are so many
heroic and exemplary people, so many who are ready to give their all, includ-
ing their very lives, for the realization of revolutionary ideals. Do they
do all this for material rewards? Does not a lofty communist spirit guide
them? Socialism is advancing steadily toward the goal of its higher phase--
communism. This advance depends not only on the increase of material wealth
but also on the steady growth of peoples' communist consciousness and revo-
lutionary spirit.
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True, at the present stage, we must in our economic and social life persist
in the system of "to each according to his work" and other socialist sys-
tems, and we cannot of course expect every member of our society to be a
communist, but we must demand that the party members, the Communist Youth
League members and all other advanced elements acquire communist ideology,
and we must, through their instrumentality, educate and influence the broad
masses. If the great task of building a socialist spiritual civilization
guided by communist ideology is overlooked, people will fall into a one-
sided understanding of socialism and direct their attention exclusively to
the building of material civilization or even only to the pursuit of mate-
rial gains. In that case, we will not be able to safeguard the socialist
orientation of China's modernization, and our socialist society will lose
its ideals and objectives, its spiritual motivation and fighting will, lose
the ability to resist the inroad of corrupt influences and even develop
distortedly and degenerate. Comrades, this is not just alarmist talk but a
conclusion drawn from present realities at home and abroad. It is from this
high theoretical and political vantage point that we must recognize the
significance and role of socialist spiritual civilization and make up our
minds to do our utmost to ensure the building of both a material and a
spiritual civilization so that our socialist cause will forever retain its
revolutionary youth and vigor.
Roughly speaking, socialist spiritual civilization consists of two aspects,
the cultural and the ideological, permeating and promoting each other.
The cultural aspect refers to the development of undertakings such as educa-
tion, science, art and literature, the press and publication, broadcasting
and television, public health and physical culture, and libraries and
museums, as well as the raising of the level of general knowledge of the
people. It is an important requisite both for the building of a material
civilization and for the raising of people's political consciousness and
moral standards. Cultural development also includes mass recreational
activities which are healthy, pleasant, lively and varied so that, after a
spell of hard work, people may refresh themselves with entertainments that
are in good taste. All our cultural construction must, of course, be guided
by communist ideology. In the past, owing to the influence of "left" ideas
and the small-producer mentality, erroneous views such as underestimation
of the importance of education, science and culture and discrimination
against intellectuals were rife in our party over a fairly long time. They
seriously hindered the building of material and spiritual civilization in our
country. In recent years, we have made great efforts to eliminate these
wrong views. We are determined gradually to step up cultural development so
that it will no longer lag behind economic growth. We have worked hard to
carry out the party's policy concerning intellectuals and to enable the whole
party and all society to realize that, like workers and peasants, intellec-
tuals are a force we must rely on in building socialism. We are determined
to do everything possible to create favorable conditions in which the mass
of intellectuals can work with ease of mind and in high spirits in the
interest of the people. In this regard, there is still a good deal of
painstaking ideological and organizational work to do.
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Universal education is an important precondition for building material and
spiritual civilization. In 1980, the party's Central Committee and the
State Council took the decision that universal primary education in various
fornts mutt in the main be achieved by 1990 and, in areas where the economy
and education are more developed, this should be done earlier. In China's
vast rural areas, this is an arduous task, but it can be done through
unremitting efforts, and must be done, for the sake of the development of
agriculture and of the rural areas. Teachers in schools of all levels, and
especially rural primary school teachers, are engaged in extremely arduous
but truly noble work. On their efforts depends the moral, intellectual and
physical development of the next generation of our citizens. We must make
sure that the whole society respects and energetically supports them in
their noble endeavors. Development plans and goals for other cultural
undertakings covering the next 5 to 10 years should also be worked out.
The socialist character of our spiritual civilization is determined by
ideological education. This consists mainly of the following: The working-
class world outlook and scientific theory of Marxism; communist ideals,
beliefs and moral values; the outlook of being masters of the country and
collectivism which correspond with the system of socialist public owner-
ship; a concept of rights and duties and a sense of organization and
discipline which correspond with the socialist political system; devoted
service to the people and a communist attitude toward work; and socialist
patriotism and internationalism. In essence, it consists of, above all,
revolutionary ideals, morality and discipline. All party members and
other advanced persons in our society must continuously propagate advanced
ideas and set an example by their own deeds so as to inspire more and more
members of our society to become working people with lofty ideals, moral
integrity, education and a sense of discipline.
We must try not only to help every member of our society to acquire a
broader mental outlook but also to establish and develop throughout its
ranks the new type of social relations which embody socialist spiritual
civilization. These relations find expression in solidarity, friendship
and mutual assistance in common struggle and common progress among all our
nationalities, between the workers, peasants and intellectuals, the cadres
and the masses, the army and the people, the army and the government, and
among the people in general. Lenin has pointed out that it will take many
decades to create new forms of social ties between people and that this is
a most noble work.6 We can say with full confidence that, relying on our
long revolutionary tradition and proceeding from the foundations already
laid for this work, we shall certainly be able to foster and develop such
new social ties.
To build a socialist spiritual civilization is a task for the whole party
and the common task of our people in all fields of endeavor. Ideological
education in the party is the pillar of the building of spiritual civiliza-
tion in the whole society, and party members should, first of all, play an
exemplary role morally and ideologically. Ideological and political workers,
workers in culture, in the sciences and in education of all types and levels
from kindergartens to graduate schools--all shoulder especially heavy
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responsibilities in building a socialist spiritual civilization. In particu-
lar, the Communist Party members among them must unite in thought and deed sj
as to organize a mighty contingent of militant ideological workers able to
persuade and act as a magnet for others. It is necessary to do more to
educate the masses of the people, and first of all the cadres and youth, in
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, in the history of our motherland,
and especially its modern history, in the program, history and revolutionary
tradition of our party; and in the constitution of our country, the rights
and duties of citizens and civic morality. It is necessary to do more to
educate people of all trades and lines of work in professional responsibility,
ethics and discipline. Education in all the areas enumerated above should be
closely related to reality and conducted in vivid and varied ways. In
formulating and implementing policies and in all their work, leading cadres
in the economic field at various levels should concern themselves not only
with the development of production but also with the building of a socialist
spiritual civilization. In production and construction, we should try not
only to turn out more and better material products, but also train successive
g?i.erations of socialist-minded people of a new type. We must not allow our
policies or work in any field to impede or, still worse, to undermine the
building of a socialist spiritual civilization. In the past year or so, mass
activities for building such a civilization have been unfolded in the
People's Liberation Army and among the people in general. Relevant rules
have been formulated for students in schools and for workers and staff mem-
bers in enterprises, and written pledges have been drawn up by city resi-
dents, rural commune members and people in various trades and professions.
All these activities have begun to yield gratifying results. We call on
every locality and department to promote and persist in them. We must
explore all possible ways and adopt all possible effective measures to pro-
mote education in ideals, morality and discipline among the entire popula-
tion, and first of all among the youth, within the next 5 years. This is
essential to our endeavor to bring about a fundamental turn for the better
in standards of social conduct. From now on, when checking up on the work
of any locality, department or unit, the Central Committee and the local
party committees at all levels must take into consideration not only its
material side, but also its spiritual side. Every citizen should perform
his duties and abide by social morality and professional ethics. Every
working person should contribute his share to the building of socialist
spiritual civilization.
To build it is no easy task, particularly at the present moment. In the
years of the revolutionary wars and those immediately following the founding
of the People's Republic, our material life was much harder than it is today,
but all party members and the people as a whole were full of vigor. The
decade of domestic turmoil confounded the criteria of right and wrong, good
and evil, and beauty and ugliness. It is much more difficult to undo its
grave spiritual consequences than its material ones. For this and other
reasons, many serious problems concerning standards of social conduct now
exist in our country. The Central Committee of the party is determined to
effect a fundamental turn for the better in standards of social conduct in
the next 5 years. This includes, in the main, the achievement of markedly
better public order, generally improved attitudes toward all types of work
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and a marked decline in the crime rate. It also means putting an effective
check on, and arousing universal contempt for, such unhealthy tendencies
and practices as benefiting oneself at others' expense, pursuing private
interests at the expense of public interests, loving ease and despising
work, putting money first in`everything, unscrupulous pursuit of personal
enjoyment, and attempting to isolate and attack advanced elements. It also
includes resolutely eliminating all the vile social evils which had been
stamped out long ago by new China but have now cropped up again. We must
do our utmost to adapt ourselves to the new conditions and developments in
the period of construction, do a good job of building socialist spiritual
civilization and arouse, with revolutionary ideas and revolutionary spirit,
the immense enthusiasm of the broad masses for building socialism.
IV. Strive To Attain a High Level of Socialist Democracy
The steady development of socialist democracy provides the guarantee and
support for the building of socialist material and spiritual civilization.
To attain a high level of socialist democracy is therefore one of our funda-
mental goals and tasks.
Our state system is the people's democratic dictatorship. On the one hand,
it ensures that the working people, the overwhelming majority of the popu-
lation, are the masters of the state; on the other, it exercises dictator-
ship over*a tiny minority of hostile elements who try to undermine socialism.
Socialism is the common cause of the whole people. Only with a high level
of socialist democracy will it be possible to develop all our undertakings
in accordance with the will, interests and needs of the people, to enhance
the people's sense of responsibility as masters and give full play to their
initiative and enthusiasm, and to exercise effective dictatorship over the
handful of hostile elements, in order to ensure the smooth progress of
socialist construction.
Socialist democracy is incomparably superior to bourgeois democracy. Much
time and work are needed to establish the system of socialist democracy and
foster democratic ways. What we did in this respect was far from adequate
and, moreover, was seriously undermined during the "Cultural Revolution." In
recent years, socialist democracy has been restored and developed to some
extent in our country. We must continue to reform and improve our political
institutions and system of leadership in accordance with the principle of
democratic centralism so that the people are better able to exercise state
power and the state organs can lead and organize the work of socialist con-
struction more effectively. Socialist democracy should be extended to all
spheres of life: political, economic, cultural and social; and it is neces-
sary to extend democratic management to all enterprises and institutions and
encourage self-management of community affairs by the masses at the grass-
roots level. Democracy should serve as a means by which the masses educate
themselves. It is necessary to establish a relationship of equality between
man and man and a correct relationship between the individual and society in
accordance with the principles of socialist democracy. The state and
society guarantee legitimate freedom and rights to the citizens, who should
in turn perform their duties to the state and society. While exercising
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their freedom and rights, citizens must not impair the interests of the
state, society and the collective, or the freedom and rights of others.
While we strive to develop socialist democracy, all our measures must help
to consolidate the socialist system and promote social production and work
in other fields. On no account will hostile, antisocialist elements be
given any freedom to carry out sabotage.
We must closely link the building of socialist democracy with that of the
socialist legal system so that socialist democracy is institutionalized and
codified into laws. In the past few years, notable progress has been made
in building our legal system. Under the party's leadership, the state has
enacted a series of important laws, including the criminal law, the law of
criminal procedure, the draft law of civil procedure for trial implementa-
tion and the new marriage law. It is especially noteworthy that the draft
constitution, soon to be submitted to the National People's Congress for
adoption, contains many new and very important stipulations formulated in
the light of the achievements scored and the principles worked out in
developing socialist democracy since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th
Central Committee. The adoption of this constitution will mark a new stage
in'the development of China's socialist democracy and legal system. The
problems facing us today are that not only a sizable number of nonparty
people but also many party members, including some leading cadres, do not
have an adequate understanding of the importance of building the legal
system and that laws already enacted are in some cases not fully observed
or enforced. This situation must be resolutely corrected. The party will
continue to lead the people in making and improving various laws, strengthen
its leadership over the work of public security, the procuratorate and the
judiciary and ensure in every way that these departments enforce the laws
strictly. Moreover, through our publicity work we should repeatedly educate
the whole people in the importance of the legal system and include instruc-
tions in the laws in all the teaching programs from primary schools to
colleges, so that every citizen may know the laws and abide by them. In
particular, party members should be educated and urged to take the lead in
observing the constitution and laws. The stipulation in the new party con-
stitution that "the party must conduct its activities within the limits per-
mitted by the constitution and the laws of the state" embodies a most impor-
tant principle. It is impermissible for any party organization or member,
from the Central Committee down to the grassroots, to act in contravention
of the constitution and laws. The party is part of the people. It leads
them in making the constitution and laws which, once adopted by the supreme
organ of state power, must be strictly observed by the whole party.
Further promotion of the socialist relations of equality, unity and mutual
assistance among all our nationalities constitutes an important aspect of
the building of socialist democracy in our country. The Central Committee
has in the past few years made a number of significant decisions on the
nationalities question and achieved marked successes in correcting "left"
errors committed during and before the "Cultural Revolution" and in restor-
ing good relations among China's nationalities. In the light of conditions
in this new historical period and the specific circumstances of various
nationalities, the Central Committee has adopted many policies helpful to
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economic and cultural development in the minority nationality areas, to the
realization of their right to regional autonomy, and to strengthening of
unity among all our nationalities. These policies will have to be further
improved and developed. Unity, equality and common prosperity among the
nationalities are of vital importance to the destiny of China as a multi-
national country. The whole party must acquire a better understanding of
the nationalities question, oppose great-nation chauvinism, primarily Han
chauvinism, and at the same time oppose local-nationality chauvinism. We
must educate all party members to strive to fulfill the task of the party in
regard to the nationalities.
In the period of the democratic revolution, the united front was an important
"magic weapon" for winning victory in our revolution. In the period of
socialist construction it still plays a major role. With regard to all
China's democratic parties, nonparty democrats, national minority personages
and patriots in the religious circles, our party will continue to adhere to
the policy of "long-term coexistence and mutual supervision" and the prin-
ciple of "treating each other with all sincerity and sharing weal or woe,"
and strengthen our cooperation with them. We must do everything possible to
strengthen the broadest patriotic united front embracing all socialist work-
ing people and all patriots who support socialism or who support the reuni-
fication of the motherland, including our compatriots in Taiwan, Xianggang
(Hong Kong) and Aomen (Macao) and Chinese nationals residing abroad.
Correct understanding and handling of the class struggle that still exists
in China today is the key to guaranteeing the democratic rights of the over-
whelming majority of the people and exercising effective dictatorship over
the handful of hostile elements. Hostile elements of different shades are
still attempting to undermine or overthrow our socialist system in the
economic, political, ideological, cultural and other social spheres. The
class struggle at the present stage chiefly takes the form of struggle by
the people against these hostile elements. The Central Committee has
repeatedly pointed out that following the elimination of the exploiting
classes as such, most contradictions in our society do not have the nature
of class struggle, and class struggle no longer constitutes the principal
contradiction. It is wrong, in a socialist society where the system of
exploitation has been abolished and the exploiting classes have been elimi-
nated, to declare and act on the principle of "taking class struggle as the
key link." We must be very careful in distinguishing and handling contra-'
dictions between the enemy and the people and those within the ranks of the
people, so as to avoid repeating the past mistake of enlarging the scope of
class struggle. However, within certain limits, class struggle will con-
tinue to exist for a long time and may even sharpen under certain condi-
tions. This is not only because pernicious influences left over by the
exploitative systems and classes cannot be eradicated within a short time,'
but also because we have not yet achieved our goal of reunifying our mother-
land and still live in a complicated international environment in which the
capitalist forces and other forces hostile to our socialist cause will seek
to corrupt us and harm our country. Our economy and culture are still quite
backward and our young socialist system is imperfect in many ways, so that
it is not yet possible to prevent in all cases the degeneration of some
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members of our society and party or block the emergence of a few exploiting
and hostile elements. Therefore, we must prepare ourselves mentally for
a long-term struggle, see to it that the state of the people's democratic
dictatorship exercises its function of dictatorship over enemies, and up-
hold the Marxist class viewpoint in handling the current social contradic-
tions and other social phenomena that have the nature of class struggle.
This is the basic principle of the Central Committee with regard to the
question of the class struggle in China at the present stage.
Our struggle against grave criminal offenses in the economic sphere is now
being intensified. Among those guilty of such crimes, apart from law-
breakers in society at large, are a tiny number of degenerates in party and
government organizations and in the armed forces who have been corrupted by
capitalist ideology. They cause tremendous damage to economic construction,
upset social stability, debase the standards of social conduct and corrupt
people's minds and life. They are termites undermining the edifice of
socialism. Similar destructive activities occur in the political and cul-
tc-al spheres as well. We must on no account rank all these things with the
common run of offenses or antisocial acts, because they are important mani-
festations of class struggle under the new historical conditions in which
we are pursuing a policy of opening to the outside and taking flexible
measures to invigorate our economy domestically. Such destructive elements
must be severely punished by law. We have won some initial successes in
this struggle. The whole party must enhance its understanding of.this
struggle, take a firm stand in it and unswervingly carry it through to the
end. This will be an important guarantee for our adherence to the social-
ist road.
In the new period of the development of our socialist cause, we must attend,
both in ideology and in action, to two aspects. On the one hand, we must
persist in the policy of opening to the outside as well as in our policies
for invigorating the economy domestically and, on the other, we must reso-
lutely'strike at the grave criminal activities in the economic, political
and cultural spheres that endanger socialism.' It would be wrong to attend
only to the latter aspect and be skeptical about the former, and it would be
dangerous to stress the former aspect to the neglect of the latter. All
party comrades must have a clear understanding of this principle without
the slightest ambiguity.
Our socialist construction is taking place in a very unstable world in which
our national security is under grave threat. In these circumstances, we must
never relax our vigilance, but must strengthen our national defense on the
basis of vigorous economic development. We must work hard to turn the
People's Liberation Army into a regular, modern and powerful revolutionary
armed force and enhance its defense capabilities in modern warfare. We must
continue to maintain and carry forward the fine traditions of our peoples'
armed forces, and strengthen and improve their ideological and political
work, so that every member will have a lofty spirit of self-sacrifice,
strong sense of discipline and revolutionary style of work and that our army
will serve not only as a Great Wall of steel guarding our socialist mother-
land but also as an important force in building our socialist material and
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spiritual civilization. We must continue to strengthen the militia. The
Chinese People's Liberation Army is a people's armed force created and led
by the Chinese Communist Party. After the new draft constitution is dis-
cussed and adopted by the forthcoming National People's Congress, the
Central Committee will continue to exercise leadership over our armed
forces through the State Central Military Commission which is due to be set
up. We must stick to the successful practices which the party has long
followed in leading the armed forces. This conforms to the supreme inter-
ests of the whole nation. We are convinced that, under the leadership of
the Central Committee and through the efforts of all the commanders and
fighters and the people of all nationalities, our national defense will
become still stronger, thus providing a surer guarantee that the whole
nation will be able to devote its full energy to socialist construction.
V. Adhering to an Independent Foreign Policy
China's future is closely bound up with that of the world as a whole. The
successes China has achieved in its revolution and construction provide a
powerful support to the world's movement for progress and a bright future,
and conversely, our successes would have been impossible without the
struggles of the people of other countries for a bright future. China has
received help from other countries and peoples, and in turn has helped
others. In the early years of our People's Republic, Comrade Mao Zedong
pointed out: "Our general task is to unite the whole people and win the
support of all our friends abroad in the struggle to build a great socialist
country, defend world peace and advance the cause of human progress."7
Integration of patriotism with internationalism has always been our basic
point of departure in handling our external relations.
Being patriots, we do not tolerate any encroachment on China's national
dignity or interests. Being internationalists, we are deeply aware that
China's national interests cannot be fully realized in separation from the
overall interests of mankind. Our adherence to an independent foreign
policy accords with the discharging of our lofty international duty to
safeguard world peace and promote human progress. In the 33 years since
the founding of our People's Republic, we have shown the world by deeds that
China never attaches itself to any big power or group of powers, and never
yields to pressure from any big power. China's foreign policy is based on
the scientific theories of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and it
proceeds from the fundamental interests of the people of China and the rest
of the world. It follows an overall long-term strategy, and is definitely
not swayed by expediency or by anybody's instigation or provocation.
Because we have firmly applied the basic principles of our foreign policy
formulated by the late Comrades Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, socialist new
China has gained prestige, made friends throughout the world and main-
tained its dignity in its relations with foreign countries.
The five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each others' internal
affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence have con-
sistently guided China in its effort to develop relations with other
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countries. Having suffered aggression and oppression for over a century,
the Chinese people will never again allow themselves to be humiliated as
they were before, nor will they subject other nations to such humiliation.
The founding of our People's Republic has removed the social causes both of
China's submission to foreign aggression and of any possibility of China
committing aggression abroad. Frederick Engels said: "A nation cannot
become free and at the same time continue to oppress other nations."8 This
is an incontestable truth. We Marxist-Leninists are convinced that com-
munism will ultimately be realized throughout the world. However, revolu-
tion cannot be exported but can occur only by the choice of the people of
the country concerned. It is on the basis of this understanding that we
have always abided by the five principles of peaceful coexistence. We do
not station a single soldier abroad, nor have we occupied a single inch of
foreign land. We have never infringed upon the sovereignty of another coun-
try, or imposed an unequal relationship upon it. In no circumstances will
we seek hegemony.
The five principles of peaceful coexistence are applicable to our relations
with all countries, including socialist countries. On the basis of these
principles we have in the past 33 years established diplomatic relations
with 125 countries. With the friendly socialist countries of Korea, Romania
and Yugoslavia, we maintain close cooperation and are steadily strengthening
and developing ties of unity and friendship. China and many other develop-
ing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America sympathize with and support
one another, and have enhanced their cooperation in all fields. Many
Western countries have social systems different from China's, yet we share
a common desire to safeguard world peace and a common interest in develop-
ing our economic and cultural cooperation, for which the potentials are
great, and we have maintained good relations over the years. The past few
years have also seen some development in our relations with East European
countries.
Japan is China's neighbor. Since ancient times, there have been frequent
exchanges and a profound friendship between the Chinese and Japanese
peoples. But, during a hundred years of modern history, the Japanese mili-
tarists unleashed one war of aggression after another against China,
inflicting colossal calamities on the Chinese people and grievous damage
on the Japanese people themselves. Thanks to long years of joint efforts
made by the Chinese and Japanese peoples, state relations were eventually
normalized 10 years ago. The development of relations of peace and friend
ship, equality and mutual benefit, and prolonged stability between China
and Japan is in accord with the long-term interests of the two peoples and
conducive to the peace and stability of the Asian-Pacific region. Now some
forces in Japan are whitewashing the past Japanese aggressions against
China and other east Asian countries and are carrying out activities for
the revival of Japanese militarism. These dangerous developments cannot
but put the people of China, Japan and other countries sharply on the
alert. Together with the Japanese people and with far-sighted Japanese
public figures in and out of government, we will work to eliminate all
hindrances to the relations between our two countries and make the friend-
ship between our two peoples flourish from generation to generation.
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Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and the United
States of America in 1978, relations between the two countries have
developed in the interests of the two peoples. We have always hoped that
these relations will continue to grow, and consider this beneficial to our
two peoples and to world peace. However, a cloud has all along hung over
the relations between the two countries. This is because the United States,
despite having recognized that the Government of the People's Republic of
China is China's sole legal government and that there is only one China and
Taiwan is part of China, has passed the Taiwan Relations Act which contra-
venes the principles embodied in the joint communique on the establishment
of diplomatic relations, and it has continued to sell arms to Taiwan, treat-
ing Taiwan as an independent political entity. As the Chinese Government
has repeatedly stated, these are acts of infringement on China's
sovereignty and of interference in China's internal affairs. Not long ago,
after nearly a year of talks, the Chinese and U.S. Governments issued a
joint communique providing for a step-by-step solution of the question of
U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, leading to a final thorough settlement.
We hope that these provisions will be strictly observed. Sino-U.S. rela-
tions can continue to develop soundly only if the principles of mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and noninterference in
each other's internal affairs are truly adhered to.
The relations between China and the Soviet Union were friendly over a
fairly long period. They have become what they are today because the Soviet
Union has pursued a hegemonist policy. For the past 20 years, the Soviet
Union has stationed massive armed forces along the Sino-Soviet and Sino-
Mongolian borders. It has supported Vietnam in the latter's invasion and
occupation of Kampuchea, acts of expansion in Indochina and Southeast Asia
and constant provocations along China's border. Moreover, it has invaded
and occupied Afghanistan, a neighbor of China, by force of arms. All these
acts constitute grave threats to the peace of Asia and to China's security.
We note that Soviet leaders have expressed more than once the desire to
improve relations with China. But deeds, rather than words, are important.
If the Soviet authorities really have a sincere desire to improve relations
with China and take practical steps to lift their threat to the security of
our country, it will be possible for Sino-Soviet relations to move toward
normalization. The friendship between the Chinese and Soviet peoples is of
long standing, and we will strive to safeguard and develop this friendship,
no matter what Sino-Soviet state relations are like.
The main forces jeopardizing peaceful coexistence among nations today are
imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism. True, the old system of colonial-
ism has disintegrated with the successive winning of independence by nearly
a hundred former colonial and semicolonial countries. Yet its remnants are
far from being eliminated. The superpowers that practice hegemonism pose
a new threat to the people of the world. In their pursuit of global domi-
nation, the superpowers have been contending on a worldwide scale with
military power far exceeding that of any other countries. This is the main
source of instability and turmoil in the world. The most important task
for the people of the world today is to oppose hegemonism and safeguard
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world peace. Due to the rivalry between the superpowers, the danger of a
world war is growing ever greater. However, experience shows that the
people of the world, by persevering in struggle, can upset the strategic
plans of the superpowers. World peace can be safeguarded, provided the
people truly unite and fight resolutely against all expressions of hegemon-
ism and expansionism. We have always firmly opposed the arms race between
the superpowers, stood for the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons
and for their complete destruction and demanded that the superpowers be the
first to cut their nuclear and conventional arsenals drastically. We are
against the world war being fomented by the superpowers and also against
all the local wars of aggression which they instigate or back. We have
always firmly supported all victim countries and peoples in their struggle
against aggression. We support the Korean people in their struggle to
reunify their fatherland. We support the Kampuchean people led by the
Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea in their struggle against
Vietnamese aggression. We support the people of Afghanistan in their
struggle against Soviet aggression. We support the African people in their
struggle against South Africa's racism and expansionism. We strongly con-
demn Israel for its heinous aggression and atrocities against the people of
Palestine and Lebanon. With support and protection from the U.S. hegemon-
ists, Israel has outrageously occupied Palestine and carried out repeated
armed aggression against Arab countries, posing a grave threat to peace in
the Middle East and the world as a whole. We continue our resolute support
for the Palestinian people in their struggle to return to their homeland and
to found their own state and for other Arab peoples in their struggle
against Israeli expansionism.
Socialist China belongs to the Third World. China has experienced the same
sufferings as most other Third World countries, and it is faced with simi-
lar problems and tasks. China regards it as its sacred international duty
to struggle resolutely against imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism
together with the other Third World countries.
The emergence of the Third World on the international arena after World
War II is a primary event of our time. It has changed the United Nations
from a mere voting machine manipulated by certain big powers into a forum
where imperialism, hegemonism and expansionism are often justly condemned.
The struggle initiated by Latin American countries against the maritime
hegemony of the superpowers and the struggles of the petroleum exporting
countries and other raw material producing countries for permanent
sovereignty over their own natural resources, the struggle of the non-
aligned countries against power politics and bloc politics and the strug-
gles of the developing countries for the establishment of a new inter-
national economic order--all these struggles have converged into a mighty
current of forces upholding justice in our time and greatly changed the
situation in which the superpowers could willfully manipulate the fate of
the world.
The common task confronting the Third World countries is, first and fore-
most, to defend their national independence and state sovereignty and
actively develop their national economies so that they can back up the
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political independence they have already won with economic independence.
Here, mutual aid among Third World countries is of particular importance.
We Third World countries have vast territories, large populations, immense
resources and extensive markets. Some of us have accumulated considerable
funds, and many have acquired their own distinctive technologies and gained
experience in developing their national economies which the others can
learn from. Our mutual economic cooperation, commonly known as "South-
South cooperation," is no less effective than our cooperation with developed
countries so far as some kinds of our technology and equipment are con-
cerned in meeting mutual needs. Such cooperation is of great strategic
significance, as it helps us to break out of the existing unequal inter-
national economic relations and establish the new international economic
order.
China is still a developing country, but we have always done our best to
help other Third World countries, with whom we share a common destiny. The
Chinese people have always spurned attitudes and actions of despising the
poor. and currying favor with the rich, bullying the weak and fearing the
strong. Our friendship with other Third World countries is sincere.
Whether in providing aid or cooperating for mutual benefit, we have always
strictly respected the sovereignty of the other party, attaching no strings
and demanding no privileges. As our economy grows, we will steadily expand
our friendly cooperation with other countries and peoples of the Third
World.
We are deeply disturbed by the discords, going as far as armed conflicts,
that have occurred between some Third World countries. They often cause
heavy losses to both sides and at times allow the hegemonists to pick up
easy gains. We .always work for increased unity among the Third World
countries in the hope that the parties to such disputes will resolve them
through consultations and avoid any results that grieve friends and gladden
enemies.
Here I would especially like to discuss the question of relationships
between the Communist Party of China and those of other countries. Our
party develops its relations with other communist or working-class parties
in strict conformity with Marxism and the principles of independence,
complete equality, mutual respect and noninterference in each other's
internal affairs.
The success of the revolution in any country depends on the ripeness of
conditions for it and the people's support for the line and policies of
that country's communist party. Communist parties should of course help
each other, but it is absolutely impermissible for any of them to issue
orders or run things for others from the outside. Any attempt by one party
to impose its views on other parties or interfere in their internal affairs
can only lead to setbacks or failures in the revolutions of the countries
concerned. As for the practice of one party compelling other parties to
make their policies serve its own party and state policies, or even resort-
ing to armed intervention in other countries, it can only undermine the
very foundation of the international communist movement.
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The communist parties of all countries are equal. Whether large or small,
long or short in their history, in power or out of power, they cannot be
divided into superior and inferior parties. Our party has suffered from
the attempt of a self-elevated paternal party to keep us under control. As
is commonly known, it is through resisting such control that our independent
external policy has won its successes.
We hold that all communist parties should respect each other. Each party
has its strong and weak points. Being situated in different circumstances,
all parties cannot be expected to hold completely identical views on the
assessment of situations and on their own tasks. Their differences of opin-
ion can only be resolved gradually through friendly consultations and
patiently giving each other time. We are in favor of all communist parties
learning from each other's successes and failures, believing that this will
help the international communist movement to grow and flourish.
On the principles mentioned above, our party has maintained friendly rela-
ticans with many other communist parties. We sincerely appreciate their
support and help and are conscientiously learning from their experience
whatever can be of help to our revolution and construction. And we wish to
establish similar contacts with a greater number of progressive parties and
organizations. Setting store by their friendship with the people of other
countries, the Chinese people have developed extensive contacts with them.
In the final analysis, steadily increasing understanding and cooperation
among the people of all countries is the basic guarantee of progress and a
bright future for the world.
Being a large country with a population of 1 billion, China ought to make a
greater contribution to the world community, and it is only natural that
people place hopes on us. Yet what we have accomplished falls far short of
what we ought to have done. We will redouble our efforts to step up our
construction so as to play our due role in safeguarding world peace and
promoting human progress.
VI. Make the Party a Strong Leading Core, the Cause of Socialist Moderniza-
tion
History has entrusted our party with heavy responsibilities in the great
undertaking of China's socialist modernization. In order to step up party
building in the new period, we have made many fundamental changes in the
party constitution adopted by the 11th national congress. The general
principle guiding the revision of the party constitution is to set more
exacting demands on party members, enhance the fighting capacity of the
party organizations and uphold and improve party leadership, all in con-
formity with the characteristics and needs of the new historical period.
As required by the new constitution, we must strive to build the party and
make it a strong leading core for the cause of socialist modernization.
The draft of the revised party constitution now submitted to this congress
for its consideration has discarded the "left" errors in the constitution
adopted by the 11th congress, and carries forward the merits of the party
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constitutions passed respectively by the 7th and 8th congresses. The gen-
eral program section in the draft constitution includes Marxist definitions
concerning the character and guiding ideology of the party, the principal
contradiction in our society ,at the present stage and the general task of
the party, and the correct way for the party to play its leading role in
the life of the state. The ideological, political and organizational
requirements this draft constitution sets for party members and cadres are
stricter than those in all our previous constitutions. In stipulating the
duties of party members, the draft absolutely forbids them to use public
office for personal gain or to benefit themselves at the expense of the
public interests, and requires that they firmly oppose factionalism and be
bold in backing good people and good deeds and in opposing bad people and
bad deeds. It sets forth as basic requirements for leading cadres at all
levels that they correctly implement the party's line, principles and poli-
cies, oppose erroneous tendencies inside and outside the party, have the
professional knowledge and organizational ability needed for competent
leadership, and adhere to party principles in struggling against all abuses
of power and pursuit of personal gain. Most of these are additions, not
found in the previous constitutions. In the light of our historical experi-
ence and'lessons, the draft constitution emphasizes that all party organiza-
tions from the central down to the primary level must strictly observe the
principles of democratic centralism and collective leadership, and it
explicitly stipulates that the party "forbids all forms of personality
cult.". It makes many new provisions for improving the systems of the
central and local organizations, tightening party discipline, reinforcing
the discipline inspection organs and strengthening the primary party
organizations. According to the draft constitution, the Central Committee
is to have no chairman but only a general secretary, who will convene meet-
ings of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee and preside over the
work of the Secretariat. Advisory committees are to be established at the
central and provincial levels to give our many veteran comrades rich in
political experience a role of consultants in the service of the party's
cause. Commissions for discipline inspection are to be elected by party
congresses at the respective levels and, within limits prescribed by the
party constitution, they are to supervise party committees and their mem-
bers at the respective levels below the Central Committee, and they may
report to the Central Committee any breach of party discipline by any of
its members. Party organizations at all levels must pay great attention
to party building and must regularly discuss and check up on the party's
work in propaganda, education, organization and discipline inspection, and
its mass work and united front work. All these stipulations should help to
reinforce the party's collective leadership, enhance its fighting capacity
and strengthen its ties with the masses. It should be said that the
present draft is an improvement on all the previous constitutions and is
fuller in content. Being a precious crystallization of the party's his-
torical experience and collective wisdom, it is an important guarantee for
making our party still stronger in the new historical period.
All party members must study and strictly observe the new constitution after
its adoption by this congress. Whether or not a party member really meets
the requirements set by the constitution and can fully discharge the duties.
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of membership will be the fundamental criterion for judging whether he or she
is qualified to be a party member.
Before the present revision of the constitution, our party worked out the
Guiding Principles for Inner-Party Political Life, a document which has
played a salutary role in that regard.
The Guiding Principles will remain in full effect as an important comple-
ment to the constitution. In light of the present conditions in the party
and in the spirit of our new'party constitution, we must now concentrate
on solving the following problems in party building.
First, improve the party's system of democratic centralism and further
normalize inner-party political life.
The history of our party shows that, in the period from its founding to the
early years after the establishment of the People's Republic, except for a
few years when the party fell into grave right or "left" errors, it imple-
mented the principles of democratic centralism relatively well, and inner-
party political life was fairly vigorous and lively. But from the late
1950's, the personality cult gradually appeared and developed, and political
life in the party and state, and particularly the Central Committee, grew
more and more abnormal, leading eventually to the decade of domestic tur-
moil. The grave twists and turns of history have taught us that whether
there is normal political life in the party, and above all in the Central
Committee and other leading bodies of the party at different levels, is
indeed a fundamental issue bearing on the destiny of the party and state.
Now, the Central Committee is happy to report to the congress that, thanks
to efforts made since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee,
political life in the party, and first of all in the Central Committee,
after being seriously abnormal for so many years, has now gradually returned
to the correct path, the path of Marxism. Generally speaking, the Central
Committee, its Political Bureau, the bureau's Standing Commiteee and the
Secretariat have proved able to follow principles of democratic centralism
and collective leadership. The practices of "what one person says goes"
and of each going his own way are no longer allowed. When important dif-
ferences of opinion arise, unity in thinking and action can be achieved
through full reasoning and criticism and self-criticism. The present
Central Committee is a united and harmonious leading body and a strong
core able to cope with complicated situations. There has also been marked
improvement. in the political life of many local party organizations.
While affirming this major progress, we must also realize that in the party
as a whole, undemocratic practices and patriarchal ways have still not been
eradicated in many organizations, and cases of decentralism and liberalism
exist to a serious extent. All this hinders the implementation of the
party's line, principles and policies and weakens its fighting capacity.
In order to carry forward the normalization of political life throughout the
party, we.must resolutely get rid of such unhealthy phenomena. All party
members, and especially the leading cadres at various levels, must bear the
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principle of democratic centralism firmly in mind, see to it that collective
leadership is established and strengthened first of all in the party com-
mittees at various levels, and strive to develop inner-party democracy while
ensuring centralism and unity on the basis of democracy.
Party discipline must be strengthened in order to improve the functioning
of democratic centralism. A grave problem at present is that in quite a
number, of organizations party discipline has slackened, right and wrong are
confounded, rewards and punishments are misused and there is failure to
criticize or punish when necessary. This is a problem of long standing,
which has become exacerbated after the decade of domestic turmoil, and no
marked improvement has yet occurred in some places. In the last few years
the Central Committee, local party committees and party commissions for
discipline inspection at all levels have attained notable results in their
major efforts to uphold party discipline and correct the style of the party.
But they have met considerable, and in some cases shocking, obstruction in
their work. If such things are allowed to spread, what will remain of the
party's fighting capacity? Party organizations at all levels and all party
members must be mobilized to fight resolutely to uphold party discipline.
We are confident that after this congress, through concerted efforts by all
party organizations and members, we shall certainly be able to fully restore
the inviolability of discipline throughout the party before too long and
thus win the full trust of the people throughout the country.
Second, reform the leading bodies and the cadre system and ensure that the
ranks of the cadres become more revolutionary, younger in average age,
better educated and more professionally competent.
The main aim of reforming the system of leadership and the leading organs
of the party and state is to eliminate such defects as overconcentration of
power, proliferation of concurrent and deputy posts, organizational over-
lapping, lack of clear-cut job responsibility, overstaffing and failure to
separate party work from government work, and in these ways overcome
bureaucracy and increase work efficiency. The first stage of reform of
the party and government organs
at the central level has been basically
completed, and the reform in
the
provinces, municipalities and autonomous
regions is scheduled to start
in
the second half of this year or in the
coming year. This reform is
of
far-reaching significance, being an impor-
tant political guarantee for
the
success of China's modernization and
adherence to the socialist road.
To solve correctly the question of party leadership over government organs
and over enterprises and institutions is a highly important task in the
organizational reform. It is necessary to achieve a proper division of
labor between the party and the government and between party work and
administrative and production work in enterprises and institutions. The
party is not an organ of power which issues orders to the people, nor is it
an administrative or production organization. The party should, of course,
exercise leadership over production, construction and work in all other
fields, and for this leadership to be fully effective it must be exercised
in close connection with professional work by cadres who are professionally
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competent in such work. But party leadership is mainly political and
ideological leadership in matters of principle and policy and in the selec-
tion, allocation, assessment and supervision of cadres. It should not be
equated with administrative work and the direction of production by govern-
ment organizations and enterprises. The party organizations should not take
everything into their own hands. Only in this way can the party ensure that
the government organs and enterprises do their work independently and effec-
tively, and can the party itself concentrate its efforts on the study and
formulation of major policies, the inspection of their implementation and
the strengthening of ideological and political work among cadres and the
rank and file both inside and outside the party. For long-standing histori-
cal reasons, some members of our party committees think that there will be
nothing for them to do if they don't handle concrete administrative work--
this is an erroneous idea that impairs party building and weakens the party's
leading role. From now on, party committees at all levels should frequently
study and discuss the party's major policies and principles regarding
socialist construction, matters involving the ideology and education of
cadres, party members and the masses, the ideological tendencies of cadres
and their observance of discipline, the improvement of the party organiza-
tion and the recruitment of new members, and so on. Of course, while the
division of labor between party and government is emphasized, major policy
decisions concerning government and economic work must still be made by the
party, and all party members working in government organizations, enter-
prises and institutions must resolutely submit themselves to party leader-
ship and carry out the party's policies.
To ensure that the ranks of the cadres become more revolutionary, younger
in average age, better educated and more professionally competent is a
long-established principle of the Central Committee of the party. During
the organizational reform, we will relieve our many veteran cadres who are
advanced in age of their heavy responsibilities in "front line" posts and
at the same time enable them to continue their service to the party, the
state and society by utilizing their rich experience in leadership work.
We will promote large numbers of energetic young and middle-aged cadres who
possess both political integrity and ability to various leading posts in
good time, so that they can be tempered over a longer period practically
and effectively by working with older cadres and taking over responsibili-
ties from them and so that the leading bodies at all levels can continuously
absorb new life-blood and talent to maintain their vigor. As for persons
who rose to prominence by "rebellion," who are seriously factionalist in
their ideas, who have indulged in beating, smashing and looting, who oppose
the line followed by the party's Central Committee since its third plenary
session, or who have seriously violated the law and discipline, we must
remove with a firm hand those among them who are still in leading posts.
Persons who have violated criminal law must be investigated and dealt with
according to law. Such people, of course, must never be put up as candi-
dates for promotion to leading posts. The cooperation between old and new
cadres and the succession of the new to the old are matters important to
the continuation of our socialist cause. We believe that all our party com-
rades, especially our old comrades, will certainly be able to accomplish
this historic task with a high revolutionary sense of responsibility.
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We must work strenuously to strengthen the education and training of cadres
in order to prepare large numbers of specialized personnel needed for
socialist modernization. In the future, in our use and promotion of
cadres, we must attach importance to educational background and academic
records as well as to experience and achievements in work. Party schools
at all levels, cadre schools run by government organizations and enter-
prises, and especially designated institutions of higher learning and
specialized secondary schools should all, as required by socialist moderni-
zation and in their different capacities, revise their teaching plans and
shoulder the regular training of cadres. All functionaries on the job
should be trained in rotation. After such training, appropriate adjust-
ments can be made in their jobs through assessment of their actual per-
formance. The training of all cadres in rotation is an important strategic
measure for enhancing their quality. All party members and all cadres
should have a full understanding of the needs of our modernization program
and be active in study.
Third, strengthen the party's work among the workers, peasants and intel-
lectuals and establish close ties between the party and the masses.
Our party is powerful because it represents the interests of the broadest
masses of-the people. The party's leading position in the life of the state
determines that its activities vitally affect the interests of the masses,
and at the same time involves the danger that party members, and party
cadres in particular, may become isolated from the masses. This requires
that we strive all the more consciously to preserve and carry forward the
party's fine tradition of applying the mass line and effectively strengthen
the party's close ties with the people of all strata of society.
Our party is a party of the working class, and it must make a point of rely-
ing on the masses of workers. The composition of the working class in China
has undergone a big change in recent years, with large numbers of new work-
ers replacing old ones. Many old workers who are party members have
retired, many young people have joined the ranks of the working class, and
group after group of workers who are party members have been transferred to
managerial jobs. As a result, there are fewer party members on the produc-
tion front, and the harder the labor, the smaller the number of party mem-
bers. This grave situation has weakened the direct link between the party
and the industrial workers. From now on, we must greatly strengthen party
work on the production front, encourage party members fitted for working
there to do so, and at the same time admit into the party outstanding work-
ers who are qualified for membership. The party's work in the trade unions
must be greatly strengthened so that they become a strong transmission belt
between the party and the masses of workers. The system of congresses of
workers and staff must be implemented in earnest so that these congresses
and the trade unions can both play an important role in ideological educa-
tion, enterprise management and the improvement of the workers' living
standards.
Effective party work among China's 800 million peasants is a major pre-
requisite for its modernization. In a number of rural areas at present,
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some party members are interested only in their own productive activities
and neglect the interests of the party and the masses, and some party
branches have relinquished leadership among the masses. Effective measures
must be taken to check this unhealthy tendency. Party committees at all
levels should face up to such new developments, further strengthen the rural
party organizations as well as the economic and administrative units and
mass organizations at the grassroots and intensify ideological education
among the peasants of different ages and in different localities, so that
the political, economic and cultural life in the rural areas may develop
soundly in the socialist direction.
In order to create a new situation in all fields of socialist moderniza-
tion, we must lay special stress on the role of the intellectuals, improve
the work of ideological and political education among them to suit their
special characteristics, and actively recruit into the party intellectuals
who are qualified for membership.
China has now 200 million young people, who form the most active force in
every field of work. Although the "Cultural Revolution" did them immense
harm during their formative years, the overwhelming majority of them are
good politically and they have made marked progress in the past few years;
the negative features displayed by a small number of the young people can
be changed through education. The problem now is that work among the young
people falls short of the needs of real life. Party and youth league
organizations at all levels should establish closer ties with the masses of
young people, become their close friends, show sincere concern for them and
give them help politically, ideologically and in their work, study and
personal life. The party should be on the lookout for advanced young
people, help them to become qualified for membership and then admit them
to its ranks so as to bring pew blood into the party organizations. It
should further strengthen its leadership over the Communist Youth League,
support the league in the efforts to suit its work to the characteristics
of the young people and help it play to the full its role as the party's
assistant and reserve force, so that the league can truly become a school
where large numbers of young people will learn about communism through
practice.
Women are not only an important force in national economic construction;
they also have a particularly significant role to play in building social-
ist spiritual civilization. Owing to traditional prejudices, many women
often do not receive due attention, protection and education. The party
must strengthen its work among women, concern itself with their special
interests, pay attention to the training, selection and promotion of women
cadres, and guide and support the women's federations at all levels in
carrying out their tasks. The women's federation should become a
prestigious mass organization, representing the interests of women and
protecting and educating women and children.
Fourth, consolidate the party organizations step by step in a planned way
so as to effect a fundamental turn for the better in the style of the
party.
~ 1.
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Our party is the vanguard of the Chinese working class; it has been nur-
tured over the years by Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought and has
matured through repeated tempering by successes and failures. Rallied in
its ranks are outstanding elements of the Chinese working class and the
Chinese people. The main body of our party remains politically pure and
strong despite the serious damage inflicted by the "Cultural Revolution."
After recovery and consolidation in the past few years, the situation in
our party is now much improved, and its prestige is being restored and is
rising. In these years, outstanding communists on all fronts have led the
masses in working hard to implement the party's line, principles and poli-
cies and in many acts of heroism. Everywhere, in production and other work,
in battles in defense of our motherland and against natural and other
calamities, and in struggles against unhealthy tendencies and crimes, party
members have written soul-stirring paeans to communism through their own
exemplary deeds. All the splendid successes of the party and the people
have been achieved precisely through the inspiring example given by such
a fine core members of the party. This is the principal aspect of our
party, and whoever fails to see it, or deliberately denies it, is commit-
ting a grave error.
However, the pernicious influences of the 10 years of domestic turmoil have
not yet been eradicated, and, there has been some increase in the corrosive
inroads of exploiting-class ideologies under new conditions. It is true
that impurities in ideology, style and organization still exist within the
party and that no fundamental turn for the better has as yet been made in
our party style. In the leadership work of some party organizations, signs
of flabbiness and lack of unity abound. Some primary party organizations
lack the necessary fighting capacity, and some are even in a state of
paralysis. A small number of party members and cadres have become extremely
irresponsible or seriously bureaucratic; or live a privileged life and
abuse the powers entrusted to them to seek personal gain; or commit acts of
anarchism and ultra-individualism in violation of party discipline; or
obdurately indulge in factional activities to the detriment of the party's
interests. A few party members and cadres have even sunk to corruption,
embezzlement and other malpractices, committing serious economic crimes.
In addition, a small remnant of the followers of the Lin Biao and Jiang
Qing counterrevolutionary cliques still usurp some leading positions and are
waiting for a chance to stir up trouble. All these phenomena have greatly
impaired our party's prestige. While we must not allow any exaggeration of
this dark aspect of our party, on no account should we be afraid to expose
it. For ours is a staunch party; we have ample healthy forces on our side
to wage an uncompromising struggle against the dark aspects and are confi-
dent of our victory in the struggle.
The style of a political party in power determines its very survival. To
achieve a fundamental turn for the better in the style of our party, the
Central Committee has decided on an overall rectification of party style
and consolidation of party organizations, which will proceed by stages and
by groups over a period of 3 years beginning from the latter half of 1983.
This task will undoubtedly be of primary importance to the party, and it
requires very careful attention and preparation and should be carried out
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step by step in a planned way. The key link in accomplishing this work must
be thoroughgoing ideological education throughout the party. In conjunction
with the study and implementation of the report and the new party constitu-
tion to be adopted by this party congress, the whole party should study the
"Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the
Founding of the PRC" and the Guiding Principles for Inner-Party Political
Life and carry on an education in the basic theories of Marxism-Leninism and
Mao Zedong Thought, in the ideal of communism and the party's line, prin-
ciples and policies and in essential knowledge concerning the party and the
requirements for party membership. We must lay stress on getting every mem-
ber to understand clearly the character, position and role of the party and
to realize that all party members have only the duty to serve the people
diligently and conscientiously, and no right whatsoever to take advantage
of their power and positions to "fatten" on the state and on the masses.
In matters of organization and leadership, the consolidation will start with
the leading organs and cadres and then proceed, from top to bottom, with the
leading bodies at different levels which have already been consolidated
lending the consolidation of the subordinate and primary organizations. Bad
elements must on no account be permitted to take this as an opportunity to
frame and attack good people. We must act in, and develop further, the
spirit of the Yanan rectification movement of 1942, follow its principle of
"learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to
save the patient" and its twofold objective of "clarity in ideology and
unity among comrades" in unfolding earnest criticism and self-criticism, and
take appropriate measures to solicit opinions from the masses outside the
party. In the final stage, there will be a re-registration of all party
members and, in strict accordance with the provisions of the new party
constitution, those who still fail to meet the requirements for membership
after education shall be expelled from the party or asked to withdraw from
it. At the same time, concrete measures should be worked out to strengthen
and improve party leadership so as to effect an improvement in the work of
party organizations at all levels.
Through the proposed consolidation of the party, we must further normalize
inner-party political life, place an effective check on unhealthy tenden-
cies and greatly strengthen the ties between the party and the masses. In
this way, we will certainly achieve a fundamental turn for the better in
our party style.
Comrades! Our Central Committee has explained to this congress the fight-
ing tasks that confront the whole party. We have proposed that in the
coming 5 years a fundamental turn for the better should be made in the
financial and economic situation, in standards of social conduct and in
party style. Can these tasks be accomplished? The Central Committee is
confident that the unanimous reply by our congress will be: Yes, the tasks
can and definitely shall be accomplished!
The principles and tasks to be defined by this congress will enrich and
develop the correct line'followed since the 3d Plenary Session of the
party's 11th Central Committee. Richer in content and closer to reality,
they will be even more persuasive in unifying the thinking of the entire
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party and the people of all our nationalities and become an even more accu-
rate guide to our action.
At this point, it should be emphasized that our party faces yet another
historic task, that of joining hands with all our patriotic fellow-
countrymen in a common endeavor to accomplish the sacred task of reunifying
our motherland. Taiwan is part of the sacred territory of our motherland,
and the people in Taiwan are our kith and kin. The return of Taiwan to the
embrace of our great and indivisible motherland with its history of 5,000
years, population of 1 billion and territory of 9.6 million square kilo-
meters is the common desire of all our compatriots; it will be an evitable
outcome of historical development, which no political party or individual
can resist. It is China's internal affair with which no foreign country
has the right to interfere. We hope that our compatriots in Taiwan,
Xianggang (Hong Kong) and Aomen (Macao) and Chinese nationals residing
abroad will urge the Kuomintang authorities to take a realistic view of the
situation and put the future of our country and the interests of the nation
above all else, instead of persisting in their obdurate stand, so that talks
between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party may be held at an early date
and, together, we can bring about the peaceful reunification of our mother-
land.
Socialist modernization is the common will, and is in the fundamental inter-
ests, of the people of all our nationalities. Remember what hardships and
miseries the Chinese nation went through in the century or more between the
Opium War of 1840 and liberation! Long years of historical experience have
inevitably turned the hearts and minds of all members of our party, army
and people to the fundamental goal of the prosperity of the country under
socialism and of reunification, particularly the return of Taiwan to the
motherland. Socialist China's political situation is stable, and the
prospect is that our modernization and reunification will definitely suc-
ceed. This prospect accords with the desires of the people and the tide of
history. So long as we firmly trust and rely on the overwhelming majority
of the masses, maintain close ties with the people and work conscientiously
for their interests, our cause will be invincible.
We are, of course, soberly aware that we will come upon all kinds of
obstacles and difficulties on the path of socialist modernization. At
present, the major problems calling for urgent solution are the unhealthy
phenomena in our party style and lowered standards of social conduct, which
are the aftermath of the "Cultural Revolution"; the continuance of serious
criminal activities undermining the socialist economy, politics and culture;
and the unwieldiness, overstaffing and inefficiency in leading bodies at
various. levels, and the failure of our economic systems to fully meet the
needs of the expansion of the productive forces. Consequently, as already
said above, in the period to come we must systematically complete the
organizational reform and reforms in the economic systems, go all out in
building socialist spiritual civilization, hit hard at the serious criminal
activities undermining our socialist economy and socialist system, and
rectify the party style and consolidate the party organizations. Fulfillment
of these four tasks will provide an important guarantee that we can adhere
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to the socialist system and succeed in socialist modernization. The whole
party, particularly party committees at all levels, must lay great stress
on these tasks and work unswervingly to accomplish them.
Our comrades should take a correct approach toward difficulties. It is
entirely wrong to see only the bright and not the difficult side of the
situation, to the point of mistaking one's subjective desires for objective
reality and rushing blindly ahead. We suffered greatly from such an
approach in the past and should always remember the lessons learned. On
the other hand, it is likewise entirely wrong to fear and cower before
difficulties, lose faith in the strength of the party and the masses, and
waver and procrastinate even after the Central Committee has correctly
analyzed the situation and formulated principles and tasks accordingly.
Things today are far different from those in past periods when our party
encountered tremendous difficulties. When our Red Army was compelled to
go on the Long March, it was vastly outnumbered by the enemy, yet we over-
came that difficulty. During the "Cultural Revolution" the Lin Biao and
Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques ran rampant and the whole country.
was thrown into chaos, yet we turned the tide. So can there be any diffi-
culties today which we cannot overcome? The correct attitude for Marxists
in the face of difficulties, the revolutionary style for communists striving
to create a new situation is to throw themselves enthusiastically into the
great work of socialist modernization and, going among the masses and dig-
ging into the actual work, forge ahead in the struggle with added vigor,
indomitably and indefatigably.
Comrades! The historical experience of the party during the past 60-odd
years teaches us that the fundamental reason why the party has been able to
lead the Chinese people in winning one great victory after another is its
integration of the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete practice of
the Chinese revolution. The supreme historical contribution of Comrade Mao
Zedong and the other proletarian revolutionaries of the older generation is
that they succeeded in making such an integration. To turn China with its
backward economic and cultural base into a modern and powerful socialist
country in this new historical period is one of the most gigantic creative
undertakings in human history. Many problems involved in it were not, and
would not have been, raised or solved by Marxists in the past. In such an
undertaking, ideological and political deviations of one kind or another or
deviations in concrete work may occur within our ranks. This is not strange,
nor can it be entirely avoided. What is important is that the whole party,
party committees at all levels in particular, must uphold the four cardinal
principles, adhere to the correct line followed since the 3d Plenary Session
of the 11th Central Committee and oppose both the "left" tendency of trying
to revert to the erroneous theories and policies which prevailed during and
before the "Cultural Revolution" and the right tendency of bourgeois lib-
eralization as reflected in distrust or rejection of the four cardinal
principles. We must resolutely take over and learn to use the stand, view-
point and method of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, acquire a
deeper understanding of the actual work in all fields, make systematic
investigations and studies, and be good at conducting appropriate criticism
and education and waging necessary struggles against wrong tendencies.
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Provided we persist in doing this, we can certainly accumulate new experi-
ence, break new ground in theory and carry forward Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought under new historical conditions and in great new fields of
practice.
Comrades! For several decades beginning with the 1920's, China's fore-
runners in the communist cause and millions of other glorious revolutionary
fighters and martyrs shed their blood and gave their lives in heroic
struggles to bring China to its present state of progress. In the new
historical period, let us carry out the behest of our martyrs and
accomplish, in this vast land of ours, the great undertaking never attempted
before.
In terms of experience of struggles, our contingent of party cadres con-
sists of people of four generations: those who joined the revolution in
the party's early days, during the agrarian revolutionary war, during the
war of resistance against Japan and the war of liberation, and after the
founding of the People's Republic. This testifies that our cause is of
long standing and is assured of successors. The ranks of our party will
advance incessantly like the flowing waters of the Chang Jiang. This con-
gress of ours will go down in the party's history as one which has defined
the party's principles and tasks for the new period politically and
achieved the cooperation of old and new cadres and the succession of the
new to the old organizationally, and one which creates a new situation in
all fields of socialist modernization.
Let the whole party rally still more closely under the great banner of
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought! Let our party unite still more
closely with the people of all nationalities in the country, with the
democratic parties and all patriotic fellow-countrymen at home and abroad,
and with all the progressive forces and friendly public figures in other
countries who support our cause! Let us march forward dauntlessly and with
one heart and one mind! No force on earth can deter us. Our triumph is
certain!
1. Cf. V. I. Lenin, "Meeting of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee,
November 4 (17), 1917," collected works, Eng. ed., Progress Publishers,
Moscow, 1964, Vol 26, p 288.
2. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "Economic Manuscripts of 1857-1859,"
pre-capitalist socioeconomic formations, Eng. ed., Progress Publishers,
Moscow, 1979, p 109.
3. Mao Zedong, "On Practice," selected works, Eng. ed., Foreign Languages
Press, Beijing, 1967, Vol I, p 308.
4. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "The German Ideology," collected works,
Eng. ed., Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976, Vol 5, p 49.
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5. Mao Zedong, "On New Democracy," selected works, Eng. ed., Foreign
Languages Press, Beijing, 1967, Vol II, p 361.
6. Cf. V. I. Lenin, "From the Destruction of the Old Social System to the
Creation of the New," collected works, Eng. ed., Progress Publishers,
Moscow, 1965, Vol 30, p 518.
7. Mao Zedong, "Strive To Build a Great Socialist Country," selected works,
Eng. ed., Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1977, Vol V, p 148.
8. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "On Poland," collected works, Eng. ed.,
Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976, Vol 6, p 389.
CSO: 4004/3
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CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA (ADOPTED BY THE 12TH NATIONAL
CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA ON 6 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 31-43
[Text] General Program
The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class,
the faithful representative of the interests of the people of all nationali-
ties in China, and the force at the core leading China's cause of socialism.
The party's ultimate goal is the creation of a communist social system.
The Communist Party of China takes Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought
as its guide to action.
Applying dialectical materialism and historical materialism, Marx and Engels
analyzed the laws of development of capitalist society and founded the
theory of scientific socialism. According to this theory, with the victory
of the proletariat in its revolutionary struggle, the dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie is inevitably replaced by the dictatorship of the proletariat,
and capitalist society is inevitably transformed into socialist society in
which the means of production are publicly owned, exploitation is abolished
and the principle "from each according to his ability and to each according
to his work" is applied; with tremendous growth of the productive forces and
tremendous progress in the ideological, political and cultural fields,
socialist society ultimately and inevitably advances into communist society
in which the principle "from each according to his ability and to each
according to his needs" is applied. Early in the 20th century, Lenin
pointed out that capitalism had developed to the stage of imperialism,
that the liberation struggle of the proletariat was bound to unite with
that of the oppressed nations of the world, and that it was possible for
socialist revolution to win victory first in countries that were the weak
links of imperialist rule. The course of world history during the past half
century and more, especially the establishment and development of the social-
ist system in a number of countries, has borne out the correctness of the
theory of scientific socialism.
The development and improvement of the socialist system is a long historical
process. Fundamentally speaking, the socialist system is incomparably
superior to the capitalist system, having eliminated the contradictions
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inherent in the capitalist system, which the latter itself is incapable of
overcoming. Socialism enables the people truly to become masters of the
country, gradually to shed the old ideas and ways formed under the system
of exploitation and private ownership of the means of production, and
steadily to raise their communist consciousness and foster common ideals,
common ethics and a common discipline in their own ranks. Socialism can
give full scope to the initiative and creativeness of the people, develop
the productive forces rapidly, proportionately and in a planned way, and
meet the growing material and cultural needs of the members of society.
The cause of socialism is advancing and is bound gradually to triumph
throughout the world along paths that are suited to the specific conditions
of each country and are chosen by its people of their own free will.
The Chinese communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representa-
tive, created Mao Zedong Thought by integrating the universal principles of
Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. Mao
Zedong Thought is Marxism-Leninism applied and developed in China; it con-
sists of a body of theoretical principles concerning the revolution and
construction in China and a summary of experience therein, both of which
have been proved correct by practice; it represents the crystallized,
collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China.
The Communist Party of China, led the people of all nationalities in waging
their prolonged revolutionary struggle against imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat-capitalism, winning victory in 'the new democratic revolution and
establishing the People's Republic of China--a people's democratic dictator-
ship. After the-founding of the People's Republic, it led them in smoothly
carrying out socialist transformation, completing the transition from new
democracy to socialism, establishing the socialist system, and developing
socialism in its economic, political and cultural aspects.
After the elimination of the exploiting classes as such, most of the con-
tradictions in Chinese society do not have the nature of class struggle,
and class struggle is no longer the principal contradiction. However, owing
to domestic circumstances and foreign influences, class struggle will con-
tinue to exist within certain limits for a long time, and may even sharpen
under certain conditions. The principal contradiction in Chinese society
is that between the people's growing material and cultural needs and the
backward level of our social production. The other contradictions should be
resolved in the course of resolving this principal one. It is essential to
strictly distinguish and correctly handle the two different types of con-
tradictions--those contradictions between the enemy and ourselves and those
among the people.
The general task of the Communist Party of China at the present stage is to
unite the people of all nationalities in working hard and self-reliantly to
achieve, step by step, the modernization of our industry, agriculture,
national defense and science and technology and make China a culturally
advanced and highly democratic socialist country.
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The focus of the work of the Communist Party of China is to lead the people
of all nationalities in accomplishing the socialist modernization of our
economy. It is necessary vigorously to expand the productive forces and
gradually perfect socialist relations of production, in keeping with the
actual level of the productive forces and as required for their expansion.
It is necessary to strive for the gradual improvement of the standards of
material and cultural life of the urban and rural population, based on the
growth of production and social wealth.
The Communist Party of China leads the people, as they work for a high level
of material civilization, in building a high level of socialist spiritual
civilization. Major efforts should be made to promote education, science
and culture, imbue the party members and the masses of the people with com-
munist ideology, combat and overcome decadent bourgeois ideas, remnant
feudal ideas and other nonproletarian ideas, and encourage the Chinese
people to have lofty ideals, moral integrity, education and a sense of
discipline.
The Communist Party of China leads the people in promoting socialist
democracy, perfecting the socialist legal system, and consolidating the
people's democratic dictatorship. Effective measures should be taken to
protect the people's right to run the affairs of the state and of society,
and to manage economic and cultural undertakings; and to strike firmly at
hostile elements who deliberately sabotage the socialist system, and those
who seriously breach or jeopardize public security. Great efforts should be
made to strengthen the People's Liberation Army and national defense so that
the country is prepared at all times to resist and wipe out any invaders.
The Communist Party of China upholds and promotes relations of equality,
unity and mutual assistance among all nationalities in the country, persists
in the policy of regional autonomy of minority nationalities, aids the areas
inhabited by minority nationalities, aids the areas inhabited by minority
nationalities in their economic and cultural development, and actively
trains and promotes cadres from among the minority nationalities.
The Communist Party of China unites with all workers, peasants and intel-
lectuals, and with all the democratic parties, nonparty democrats and the,
patriotic forces of all the nationalities in China in further expanding
and fortifying the broadest possible patriotic united front embracing all
socialist working people and all patriots who support socialism or who
support the reunification of the motherland. We should work together with
the people throughout the country, including our compatriots in Taiwan,
Xianggang (Hong Kong) and Aomen (Macao) and Chinese nationals residing
abroad, to accomplish the great task of reunifying the motherland.
In international affairs, the Communist Party takes the following basic
stand: It adheres to proletarian internationalism and firmly unites with
the workers of all lands, with the oppressed nations and oppressed peoples
and with all peace-loving and justice-upholding organizations and personages
in the common struggle against imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism and
for the defense of world peace and promotion of human progress. It stands
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for the development of state relations between China and other countries
on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and
territorial integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each other's
internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. It
develops relations with communist parties and working-class parties in other
countries on the basis of Marxism and the principles of independence, com-
plete equality, mutual respect and noninterference in each other's internal
affairs.
In order to lead China's people'of all nationalities in attaining the great
goal of socialist modernization, the Communist Party of China must strengthen
itself, carry forward its fine traditions, enhance its fighting capacity and
resolutely achieve the following three essential requirements:
First, a high degree of ideological and political unity. The Communist
Party of China makes the realization of communism its maximum program, to
which all its members must devote their entire lives. At the present stage,
the political basis for the solidarity and unity of the whole party consists
in adherence to the socialist road, to the people's democratic dictatorship,
to the leadership of the party, and to Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong
Thought and in the concentration of our efforts on socialist modernization.'
The. party's ideological line is to proceed from reality in all things, to
integrate theory with practice, to seek truth from facts, and to verify and
develop the truth through practice. In accordance with this ideological
line, the whole party must scientifically sum up historical experience,
investigate and study actual conditions, solve new problems in domestic and
international affairs, and oppose all erroneous deviations, whether "left"
or right.
Second, wholehearted service to the people. The party has no special inter-
est of its own apart from the interests of the working class and the broadest
masses of the people. The program and policies of the party are precisely
the scientific expressions of the fundamental interests of the working class
and the broadest masses of the people. Throughout the process of leading
the masses in struggle to realize the ideal of communism, the party always
shares weal and woe with the. people, keeps in closest contact with them,
and does not allow any member to become divorced from the masses or place
himself above them. The party persists in educating the masses in communist
ideas and follows the mass line in its work, doing everything for the masses,
relying on them in every task, and turning its correct views into conscious
action by the masses.
Third, adherence to democratic centralism. Within the party, democracy is
given full play, a high degree of centralism is practiced on the basis of
democracy and a sense of organization and discipline is strengthened, so as
to ensure unity of action throughout its ranks and the prompt and effective
implementation of its decisions. In its internal political life, the party
conducts criticism and self-criticism in the correct way, waging ideological
struggles over matters of principle, upholding'truth and rectifying mistakes.
Applying the principle that all members are equally subject to party
discipline, the party duly criticizes or punishes those members who violate
it and expels those who persist in opposing and harming the party.
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Party leadership consists mainly in political, ideological and organiza-
tional leadership. The party must formulate and implement correct lines,
principles and policies, do its organizational, propaganda and educational
work well and make sure that all party members play their exemplary vanguard
role in every sphere of work.and every aspect of social life. The party
must conduct its activities within the limits permitted by the constitution
and the laws of the state. It must see to it that the legislative, judicial
and administrative organs of the state and the economic, cultural and
people's organizations work actively and with initiative, independently,
responsibly and in harmony. The party must strengthen its leadership over
the trade unions, the Communist Youth League, the women's federation and
other mass organizations, and give full scope to their roles. The party
members are a minority in the whole population, and they must work in
close cooperation with the masses of nonparty people in the common effort
to make our socialist motherland ever stronger and more prosperous, until
the ultimate realization of communism.
Chapter I. Membership
Any Chinese worker, peasant, member of the armed forces, intellectual or any
other revolutionary who has reached the age of 18 and who accepts the party's
program and constitution and is willing to join and work actively in one of
the party organizations, carry out the party's decisions and pay membership
dues regularly may apply for membership of the Communist Party of China.
Members of the Communist Party of China are vanguard fighters of the Chinese
working class imbued with communist consciousness.
Members of the Communist Party of China must serve the people wholeheartedly,
dedicate their whole lives to the realization of communism, and be ready to
make any personal sacrifices.
Members of the Communist Party of China are at all times ordinary members of
the working people. Communist Party members must not seek personal gain or
privileges, although they are allowed personal benefits and job functions
and powers as provided for by the relevant regulations and policies.
Party members must fulfill the following duties:
(1) To conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought,
essential knowledge concerning the party, and the party's line, principles,
policies and decisions; and acquire general, scientific and professional
knowledge.
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(2) To adhere to the principle that the interests of the party and the
people stand above everything, subordinate their personal interests to the
interests of the party and the people, be the first to bear hardships and
the last to enjoy comforts, work selflessly for the public interest, and
absolutely never use public office for personal gain or benefit themselves
at the expense of the public.
(3) To execute the party's decisions perseveringly, accept any job and
fulfill actively any task assigned them by the party, conscientiously
observe party discipline and the laws of the state, rigorously guard party
and state secrets and staunchly defend the interests of the party and the
state.
(4) To uphold the party's solidarity and unity, to firmly oppose fac-
tionalism and all factional organizations and small-group activities, and
to oppose double-dealing and scheming of any kind.
(5) To be loyal to and honest with the party, to match words with deeds
and not to conceal their political views or distort facts; to earnestly
practice criticism and self-criticism, to be bold in exposing and correcting
shortcomings and mistakes in work, backing good people and good deeds and
fighting against bad people and bad deeds.
(6) To maintain close ties with the masses, propagate the party's views
among them, consult with them when problems arise, listen to their views
and demands with an open mind and keep the party informed of these in good
time, help them raise their political consciousness, and defend their
legitimate rights and interests.
(7) To play an exemplary vanguard role in production and other work, study
all social activities, take the lead in maintaining public order, promote
new socialist ways and customs and advocate communist ethics.
(8) As required by the defense of the motherland and the interests of the
people, to step forward and fight bravely in times of difficulty and danger,
fearing neither hardship nor death..
Article 4
Party members enjoy the following rights:
(1) To attend pertinent party meetings and read pertinent party documents,
and to benefit from the party's education and training.
(2) To participate in the discussion, at party meetings and in party news-
papers and journals, of questions concerning the party's policies.
(3) To make suggestions and proposals regarding the work of the party.
(4) To make well-grounded criticism of any party organization or member at
party meetings; to lay information or charges against any party organization
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or member concerning violations of discipline and of the law to the party in
a responsible way, and to demand disciplinary measures against such a mem-
ber, or to demand the dismissal or replacement of any cadre who is incompe-
tent.
(5) To vote, elect and stand for election.
(6) To attend, with the right of self-defense, discussions held by party
organizations to decide on disciplinary measures to be taken against them-
selves or to appraise their work and behavior, while other party members
may also bear witness or argue in their behalf.
(7) In case of disagreement with a party decision or policy, to make
reservations and present their views to party organizations at higher levels
up to and including the Central Committee, provided that they resolutely
carry out the decision or policy while it is in force.
(8) To put forward any request, appeal or complaint to higher party organi-
zations up to and including the Central Committee and ask the organizations
concerned for a responsible reply.
No party organization, up to and including the Central Committee, has the
right to deprive any party member of the above-mentioned rights.
New party members must be admitted through a party branch, and the principle
of individual admission must be adhered to. It is impermissible to drag
into the party by any means those who are not qualified for membership, or
to exclude those who are qualified.
An applicant for party membership must fill in an application form and must
be recommended by two full party members. The application must be accepted
by a general membership meeting of the party branch concerned and approved
by the next higher party organization, and the applicant should undergo
observation for a probationary period before being transferred to full
membership.
Party members who recommend an applicant must make genuine efforts to
acquaint themselves with the latter's ideology, character and personal
history, to explain to each applicant the.party's program and constitution,
qualifications for membership and the duties and rights of members, and must
make a responsible report to the party organization on the matter.
The party branch committee must canvass the opinions of persons concerned,
inside and outside the party, about an applicant for party membership and,
after establishing the latter's qualifications following a rigorous examina-
tion, submit the application to a general membership meeting for discussion.
Before approving the admission of applicants for party membership, the next
higher party organization concerned must appoint people to talk with them, so
as to get to know them better and help deepen their understanding of the.party.
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In special circumstances, the Central Committee of the party or the party
committee of a province, an autonomous region or a municipality directly
under the central government has the power to admit new party members
directly.
A probationary party member must take an admission oath in front of the
party flag. The oath reads: "It is my will to join the Communist Party
of China, uphold the party's program, observe the provisions of the party
constitution, fulfill a party member's duties, carry out the party's deci-
sions, strictly observe party discipline, guard party secrets, be loyal to
the party, work hard, fight for communism throughout my life, be ready at
all times to sacrifice my all for the party and the people, and never
betray the party."
The probationary period of a probationary member is 1 year. The party
organization should make serious efforts to educate and observe the proba-
tionary members.
Probationary members have the same duties as full members. They enjoy the
rights of full members except those of voting, electing or standing for
election.
When the probationary period of a probationary member has expired, the party
branch concerned should promptly discuss whether he is qualified to be
transferred to full membership. A probationary member who conscientiously
performs his duties and is qualified for membership should be transferred
to full membership as scheduled; if continued observation and education are
needed, the probationary period may be prolonged, but by no more than
1 year; if a probationary member fails to perform his duties and is found
to be really unqualified for membership, his probationary membership shall
be annulled. Any decision to transfer a probationary member to full member-
ship, prolong a probationary. period, or annul a probationary membership must
be made through discussion by the general membership meeting of the party
branch concerned and approved by the next higher party organization.
The probationary period of a probationary member begins from the day the
general membership meeting of the party branch admits him as a probationary
member. The party standing of a member begins from the day he is trans-
ferred to full membership on the expiration of the probationary period.
Every party member, irrespective of position, must be organized into a
branch, cell or other specific unit of the party to participate in the
regular activities of the party organization and accept supervision by the
masses inside and outside the party. There shall be no privileged party
members who do not participate in the regular activities of the party
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organization and do not accept supervision by the masses inside and outside
the party.
Party members are free to withdraw from the party. When a party member asks
to withdraw, the party branch concerned shall, after discussion by its
general membership meeting, remove his name from the party rolls, make the
removal publicly known and report it to the next higher party organization
for the record.
A party member who lacks revolutionary will, fails to fulfill the duties of
a party member, is not qualified for membership and remains incorrigible after
repeated education should be persuaded to withdraw from the party. The case
shall be discussed and decided by the general membership meeting of the
party branch concerned and submitted to the next higher party organization
for approval. If the party member being persuaded to withdraw refuses to do
so, the case shall be submitted to the general membership meeting of the
party branch concerned for discussion and decision on a time limit by which
the member must correct his mistakes or on the removal of his name from the
party rolls, and the decision shall be submitted to the next higher party
organization for approval.
A party member who fails to take part in regular party activities, pay .
membership dues or do work assigned by the party for six successive months
without proper reason is regarded as having given up membership. The general
membership meeting of the party branch concerned shall decide on the removal
of such a person's name from the party rolls and report the removal to the
next higher party organization for approval.
Chapter II. Organizational System of the Party
The party is an integral body organized under its program and constitution,
on the principle of democratic centralism. It practices a high degree of
centralism on the basis of a high degree of democracy. The basic principles
of democratic centralism as practiced by the party are as follows:
(1) Individual party members are subordinate to the party organization,
the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower party organizations
are subordinate to the higher party organizations, and all the constituent
organizations and members of the party are subordinate to the national
congress and the Central Committee of the party.
(2) The party's leading bodies of all levels are elected except for the
representative organs dispatched by them and the leading party members'
groups in nonparty organizations.
(3) The highest leading body of the party is the national congress and the
Central Committee elected by it. The leading bodies of local party
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organizations are the party congresses at their respective levels and the
party committees elected by them. Party committees are responsible, and
report their work, to the party congresses at their respective levels.
(4) Higher party organizations shall pay constant attention to the vieTJs
of the lower organizations and the rank-and-file party members, and solve
in good time the problems they raise. Lower party organizations shall
report on their work to, and request instructions from, higher party
organizations; at the same time, they shall handle, independently and in
a responsible manner, matters within their jurisdiction. Higher and lower
party organizations should exchange information and support and supervise
each other.
(5) Party committees at all levels function on the principle of combining
collective leadership with individual responsibility based on division of
labor. All major issues shall be decided upon by the party committees
after democratic discussion.
(6) The party forbids all forms of personality cult. It is necessary to
ensure that the activities of the party leaders be subject to supervision
by the party and the people, while at the same time to uphold the prestige
of all leaders who represent the interests of the party and the people.
The election of delegates to party congresses and of members of party com-
mittees at all levels should reflect the will of the voters. Elections
shall be held by secret ballot. The lists of candidates shall be submitted
to the party organizations and voters for full deliberation and discussion.
There may be a preliminary election in order to draw up a list of candidates
for the formal election. Or there may be no preliminary election, in which
case the number of candidates shall be greater than that of the persons to
be elected. The voters have the right to inquire into the candidates,
demand a change or reject one in favor of another. No organization or
individual shall in any way compel voters to elect or not to elect any
candidate.
If any violation of the party constitution occurs in the election of dele-
gates to a local party congress, the party committee at the next higher
level shall, after investigation and verification, decide to invalidate the
election and take appropriate measures. The decision shall be reported to
the party committee at the next higher level for checking and approval
before it is formally announced and implemented.
When necessary, party committees of and above the county level may convene
conferences of delegates to discuss and decide on major problems that require
timely solution. The number of delegates to such conferences and the pro-
cedure governing their election shall be determined by the party committees
convening them.
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The formation of a new party organization or the dissolution of an existing
one shall be decided upon by the higher party organizations.
Party committees of and above the county level may send out their repre-
sentative organs.
When the congress of a local party organization at any level is not in
session, the next higher party organization may, when it deems it necessary,
transfer or appoint responsible members of that organization.
When making decisions on important questions affecting the lower organiza-
tions, the leading bodies of the party at all levels should, in ordinary
circumstances, solicit the opinions of the lower organizations. Measures
should be taken to ensure that the lower organizations can exercise their
functions and powers normally. Except in special circumstances, higher
leading bodies should not interfere with matters that ought to be handled
by lower organizations.
Only the Central Committee of the party has the power to make decisions on
major policies of a nationwide character. Party organizations of various
departments and localities may make suggestions with regard to such poli-
cies to the Central Committee, but shall not make any decisions or publi-
cize their views outside the party without authorization.
Lower party organizations must firmly implement the decisions of higher party
organizations. If lower organizations consider that any decisions of higher
organizations do not suit actual conditions in their localities or depart-
ments, they may request modification. If the higher organizations insist on
their original decisions, the lower organizations must carry out such deci-
sions and refrain from publicly voicing their differences, but have the
right to report to the next higher party organization.
Newspapers and journals and other means of publicity run by party organiza-
tions at all levels must propagate the line, principles, policies and
decisions of the party.
Party organizations must keep to the principle of subordination of the
minority to the majority in discussing and making decisions on any matter.
Serious consideration should be given to the differing views of a minority.
In case of controversy over major issues in which supporters of the two
opposing views are nearly equal in number, except in emergencies where
action must be taken in accordance with the majority view, the decision
should be put off to allow for further investigation, study and exchange of
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opinions followed by another discussion. If still no decision can be made,
the controversy should be reported to the next higher party organization for
ruling.
When, on behalf of the party organization, an individual party member is ,
to express views on major issues beyond the scope of existing party deci
sions, the content must be referred to the party organization for prior
discussion and decision, or referred to the next higher party organization
for instructions. No party member, whatever his position, is allowed to make
decisions on major issues on his own. In an emergency, when a decision by
an individual is unavoidable, the matter must be reported to the party
organization immediately afterwards. No leader is allowed to decide matters
arbitrarily on his own or to place himself above the party organization.
The central, local and primary organizations of the party must all pay
great attention to party building. They shall regularly discuss and check
up on the party's work in propaganda, education, organization and discipline
inspection, its mass work and united front work. They must carefully study
ideological and political developments inside and outside the party.
Chapter III. Central Organizations of the Party
The national congress of the party is held once every 5 years and convened
by the Central Committee. Ip may be convened before the due date if the
Central Committee deems it necessary or if more than one-third of the
organizations at the provincial level so request. Except under extraordi-
nary circumstances, the congress may not be postponed.
The number of delegates to the national congress of the party and the
procedure governing their election shall be determined by the Central
Committee.
The functions and powers of the national congress of the party are as
follows:
(1) To hear and examine the reports of the Central Committee;
(2) To hear and examine the reports of the Central Advisory Commission and
the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection;
(3) To discuss and decide on major questions concerning the party;
(4) To revise the constitution of the party;
(5) To elect the Central Committee; and
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(6) To elect the Central Advisory Commission and the Central Commission for
Discipline Inspection.
The Central Committee of the party is elected for a term of 5 years. How-
ever, when the next national congress is convened before or after its due
date, the term shall be correspondingly shortened or extended. Members and
alternate members of the Central Committee must have a party. standing of 5
years or more. The number of members and alternate members of the Central
Committee shall be determined by the national congress. Vacancies on the
Central Committee shall be filled by its alternate members in the order of
the number of votes by which they were elected.
The Central Committee of the party meets in plenary session at least once a
year, and such sessions are convened by its Political Bureau..
When the national congress is not in session, the Central Committee carries
out its decisions, directs the entire work of the party and represents the
Communist Party of China in its external relations.
The Political Bureau, the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, the
Secretariat and the general secretary of the Central Committee of the party
are elected by the Central Committee in plenary session. The general secre-
tary of the Central Committee must be a member of the Standing Committee of
the Political Bureau.
When the Central Committee is not in session, the Political Bureau and its
Standing Committee exercise the functions and powers of the Central Com-
mittee.
The Secretariat attends to the day-to-day work of the Central Committee
under the direction of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee.
The general secretary of the Central Committee is responsible for convening
the meetings of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee and presides
over the work of the Secretariat.
The members of the Military Commission of the Central Committee are decided
on by the Central Committee. The chairman of the Military Commission must
be a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.
The central leading bodies and leaders elected by each Central Committee
shall, when the next national congress is in session, continue to preside
over the party's day-to-day work until the new central leading bodies and
leaders are elected by the next Central Committee.
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The party's Central Advisory Commission acts as political assistant and
consultant to the Central Committee. Members of the Central Advisory Com-
mission must have a party standing of 40 years or more, have rendered
considerable service to the party, have fairly rich experience in leader-
ship and enjoy fairly high prestige inside and outside the party.
The Central Advisory Commission is elected for a term of the same duration
as that of the Central Committee. It elects, at its plenary meeting, its
Standing Committee and its chairman and vice chairmen, and reports the
results to the Central Committee for approval. The chairman of the Central
Advisory Commission must be a member of the Standing Committee of the
Political Bureau. Members of the Central Advisory Commission may attend
plenary sessions of the Central Committee as nonvoting participants. The
vice chairmen of the Central Advisory Commission may attend plenary meet-
ings of the Political Bureau as nonvoting participants and, when the
Political Bureau deems it necessary, other members of the Standing Committee
of the Central Advisory Commission may do the same.
Working under the leadership of the Central Committee of the party, the
Central Advisory Commission puts forward recommendations, on the formula-
tion and implementation of the party's principles and policies and gives
advice upon request, assists the Central Committee in investigating and
handling certain important questions, propagates the party's major prin-
ciples and policies inside and outside the party, and undertakes such other
tasks as may be entrusted to it by the Central Committee.
Party organizations in the Chinese People's Liberation Army carry on their
work in accordance with the instructions of the Central Committee. The
General Political Department of the Chinese People's Liberation Army is the
political-work organ of the Military Commission; it directs party and polit-
ical work in the army. The organizational system and organs of the party in
the armed forces will be prescribed by the Military Commission.
Chapter IV. Local Organizations of the Party
A party congress of a province, autonomous region, municipality directly
under the autonomous region, municipality directly under the central govern-
ment, city divided into districts, or autonomous prefecture is held once
every 5 years.
A party congress of a county (banner), autonomous county, city not divided
into districts, or municipal district is held once every 3 years.
Local party congresses are convened by the party committees at the corre-
sponding levels. Under extraordinary circumstances, they may be held before
or after their due dates upon approval by the next higher party committees.
60
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The number of delegates to the local party congresses at any level and the
procedure governing their election are determined by the party committees at
the corresponding levels and should be reported to the next higher party
committees for approval.
The functions and powers of the local party congresses at all levels are as
follows:
(1) To hear and examine the reports of the party committees at the
corresponding levels;
(2) To hear and examine the reports of the commissions for discipline
inspection at the corresponding levels;
(3) To discuss and decide on major issues in the given areas; and
(4) To elect the party committees and commissions for discipline inspection
at the corresponding levels and delegates to the party congresses at their
respective next higher levels.
The party congress of a province, autonomous region, or municipality
directly under the central government elects the party advisory committee
at the corresponding level and hears and examines its reports.
The party committee of a province, autonomous region, or municipality
directly under the central government, city divided into districts,
or
autonomous prefecture is elected for a term of
5 years.
The members
and
alternate members of such a committee must have
or more.
a party
standing of
5 years
The party committee of a county (banner), autonomous county, city not
divided into districts, or municipal district is elected for a term of 3
years. The members and alternate members of such a committee must have a
party standing of 3 years or more.
When local party congresses at various levels are convened before or after
their due dates, the terms of the committees elected by the previous con-
gresses shall be correspondingly shortened or extended.
The number of members and alternate members of the local party committees at
various levels shall be determined by the next higher committees. Vacancies
on the local party committees at various levels shall be filled by their
alternate members in the order of the number of votes by which they were
elected.
The local party committees at various levels meet in plenary session at
least once a year.
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Local party committees at various levels shall, when the party congresses of
the given areas are not in session, carry out the directives of the next
higher party organizations and the decisions of the party congresses at the
corresponding levels, direct work in their own areas and report on it to the
next higher party committees at regular intervals.
Local party committees at various levels elect, at their plenary sessions,
their standing committees, secretaries and deputy secretaries and report
the results to the higher party committees for approval. The standing com-
mittees at various levels exercise the powers and functions of local party
committees when the latter are not in session. They continue to handle the
day-to-day work when the next party congresses at their levels are in
session, until the new standing committees are elected.
The party advisory committee of a province, autonomous region or munici-
pality directly under the cer}tral government acts as political assistant
and consultant to the party committee at the corresponding level. It works
under the leadership of the party at the corresponding level and in the -
light of the relevant provisions of Article 22 of the present constitution.
The qualifications of its members shall be specified by the party committee
at the corresponding level in the light of the relevant provisions of
Article 22 of the present constitution and the actual conditions in the
locality concerned; it serves a term of the same duration as the party
committee at the corresponding level.
The advisory committee of a province, autonomous region or municipality
directly under the central government elects, at its plenary meeting, its
standing committee and its chairman and vice chairmen, and the results are
subject to endorsement by the party committee at the corresponding level
and should be reported to the Central Committee for approval. Its members
may attend plenary sessions of the party committee at the corresponding
level as nonvoting participants, and its chairman and vice chairmen may
attend meetings of the standing committee of the party committee at the
corresponding level as nonvoting participants.
A prefectural party committee, or an organization analogous to it, is the
representative organ dispatched by a provincial or an autonomous regional
party committee to a prefecture embracing several counties, autonomous
counties or cities. It exercises leadership over the work in the given
region as authorized by the provincial or autonomous regional party
committee.
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Chapter V. Primary Organizations of the Party
Primary party organizations are formed in factories, shops, schools, offices,
city neighborhoods, people's communes, cooperatives, farms, townships, towns,
companies of the People's Liberation Army and other basic units, where there
are three or more full party'members.
In primary party organizations, the primary party committees, and committees
of general party branches or party branches, are set up respectively as the
work requires and according to the number of party members, subject to
approval by the higher party organizations. A primary party committee is
elected by a general membership meeting or a delegate meeting. The com-
mittee of a general party branch or a party branch is elected by a general
membership meeting.
In ordinary circumstances, a primary party organization which has set up its
own committee convenes a general membership meeting or delegate meeting
once a year; a general party branch holds a general membership meeting
twice a year; a party branch holds a general membership meeting once in
every 3 months.
A primary party committee is elected for a term of 3 years, while a general
party branch committee or a party branch committee is elected for a term of
2 years. Results of the election of a secretary and deputy secretaries by
a primary party committee, general branch committee or branch committee
shall be reported to the higher party organizations for approval.
The primary party organizations are militant bastions of the party in the
basic units of society. Their main tasks are:
(1) To propagate and carry out the party's line, principles and policies,
the decisions of the Central Committee of the party and other higher party
organizations, and their own decisions; to give full play to the exemplary
vanguard role of party members, and to unite and organize the cadres and
the rank and file inside and outside the party in fulfilling the tasks of
their own units.
(2) To organize party members to conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism
and Mao Zedong Thought, study essential knowledge concerning the party,
and the party's line, principles and policies, and acquire general,
scientific and professional knowledge.
(3) To educate and supervise party members, ensure their regular partici-
pation in the activities of the party organization, see that party members
truly fulfill their duties and observe discipline, and protect their rights
for encroachment.
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(4) 'To maintain close ties with the masses, constantly seek their criti-
cisms and opinions regarding party members and the party's work, value the
knowledge and rationalization proposals of the masses and experts, safe-
guard the legitimate rights and interests of the masses, show concern for
their material and cultural life and help them improve it, do effective
ideological and political work among them, and enhance their political
consciousness. They must correct, by proper methods, the erroneous ideas
and unhealthy ways and customs that may exist among the masses, and properly
handle the contradictions in their midst.
(5) To give full scope to the initiative and creativeness of party members
and the masses, discover advanced elements and talented people needed for the
socialist cause, encourage them to improve their work and come up with inno-
vations and inventions, and support them in these efforts.
(6) To admit new party members, collect membership dues, examine and
appraise the work and behavior of party members, commend exemplary deeds
performed by them, and maintain and enforce party discipline.
(7) To promote criticism and self-criticism, and expose and overcome short-
comings and mistakes in work. To educate party and nonparty cadres; see to
it that, they strictly observe the law and administrative discipline and the
financial and economic discipline and personnel regulations of the state;
see to it that none of them infringe the interests of the state, the collec-
tive and the masses; and see to it that.the financial workers including
accountants and other professionals who are charged with enforcing laws and
regulations in their own units do not themselves violate the laws and regu-
lations, while at the same time ensuring and protecting their right to
exercise their functions and powers independently in accordance with the
law and guarding them against any reprisals for so doing.
(8) To educate party members and the masses to raise their revolutionary
vigilance and wage resolute struggles against the criminal activities of
counterrevolutionaries and other saboteurs.
In an enterprise or institution, the primary party committee or the general
branch committee or branch committee, where there is no primary party com-
mittee, gives leadership in the work of its own unit. Such a primary party
organization discusses and decides on major questions of principle and at
the, same time ensures that the administrative leaders fully exercise their
functions and powers, but refrains from substituting itself for, or trying
to take over from, the administrative leaders. Except in special circum-
stances, the general branch committees and branch committees under the
leadership of a primary party committee only play a guarantory and super-
visory role to see that the production targets or operational tasks assigned
to their own units are properly fulfilled.
In party or government offices at all levels, the primary party organiza-
tions shall not lead the work of these offices. 'Their task here is to
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exercise supervision over all party members, including the heads of these
offices who are party members, with regard to their implementation of the
party's line, principles and policies, their observance of discipline and
the law, their contact with the masses, and their ideology, work style and
moral character; and to assist the office heads to improve work, raise effi-
ciency and overcome bureaucratic ways, keep them informed of the short-
comings and problems discovered in the work of these offices, or report
such shortcomings and problems to the higher party organizations.
Chapter VI. Party Cadres
Party cadres are the backbone of the party's cause and public servants of
the people. The party selects its cadres according to the principle that
they should possess both political integrity and professional competence,
persists in the practice of appointing people on their merits and opposes
favoritism; it calls for genuine efforts to make the ranks of the cadres
more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and more
professionally competent.
Party cadres are obliged to accept training by the party as well as examina-
tion and assessment of their work by the party.
The'party should attach importance to the training and promotion of women
cadres and cadres from among the minority nationalities.
Leading party cadres at all levels must perform in an exemplary way their
duties as party members prescribed in Article 3 of this constitution and
must meet the following basic requirements:
(1) Have a fair grasp of the theories of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong
Thought and the policies based on them, and be able to adhere to the social-
ist road, fight against the hostile forces disrupting socialism and combat
all erroneous tendencies inside and outside the party.
(2) In their work as leaders, conduct earnest investigations and study,
persistently proceed from reality and properly carry out the line, prin-
ciples and policies of the party.
(3) Be fervently dedicated to the revolutionary cause and imbued with a
strong sense of political responsibility, and be qualified for their lead-
ing posts in organizational ability, general education and vocational
knowledge.
(4) Have a democratic work style, maintain close ties with the masses,
correctly implement the party's mass line, conscientiously accept criticism
and supervision by the party and the masses, and combat bureaucratism.
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(5) Exercise their functions and powers in the proper way, observe and
uphold the rules and regulations of the party and the state, and combat all
acts of abusing power and seeking personal gain.
(6) Be good at uniting and working with a large number of comrades, includ-
ing those who hold differing opinions, while upholding the party's prin-
ciples.
Party cadres should be able to cooperate with nonparty cadres, respect them
and learn open-mindedly from their strong points.
Party organizations at all levels must be good at discovering and recom-
mending talented and knowledgeable nonparty cadres for leading posts, and
ensure that the latter enjoy authority commensurate with their posts and
can play their roles to the full.
Leading party cadres at all levels, whether elected through democratic
procedure or appointed by a leading body, are not entitled to lifelong
tenure, and they can be transferred from or relieved of their posts.
Cadres no longer fit to continue working due to old age or poor health
should retire according to the regulations of the state.
Chapter VII. Party Discipline
A Communist Party member must consciously act within the bounds of party
discipline.
Party organizations shall criticize, educate or take disciplinary measures
against members who violate party discipline, depending on the nature and
seriousness of their mistakes and in the spirit of "learning from past
mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient."
Party members who violate the law and administrative discipline shall be
subject to administrative disciplinary action or legal action instituted by
administrative or judicial organs. Those who have seriously violated
criminal law shall be expelled from the party.
There are five measures of party discipline: warning, serious warning,
removal from party posts and proposals for their removal from nonparty posts
to the organizations concerned, placing on probation within the party, and
expulsion from the party.
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The period for which a party member is placed on probation shall not exceed
2 years. During this period, the party member concerned has no right to
vote, elect or stand for election. A party member who during this time
proves to have corrected his mistake shall have his rights as a party
member restored. Party members who refuse to mend their ways shall be
expelled from the party.
Expulsion is the ultimate party disciplinary measure. In deciding on or
approving an expulsion, party organizations at all levels should study all
the relevant facts and opinions and exercise extreme caution.
It is strictly forbidden, within the party, to take any measures against a
member that contravene the party constitution or the laws of the state, or
to retaliate against or frame up comrades. Any offending organization or
individual must be dealt with according to party discipline or the laws of
the state.
Any disciplinary measures against a party member must be discussed and
decided on at a general membership meeting of the party branch concerned,
and reported to the primary party committee concerned for approval. If the
case is relatively important or complicated, or involves the expulsion of a
member, it shall be reported, on the merit of that case, to a party com-
mission for discipline inspection at or above the county level for examina-
tion and approval. Under special circumstances, a party committee or a
commission for discipline inspection at or above the county level has the
authority to decide directly on disciplinary measures against a party
member.
Any decision to remove a member or alternate member of the Central Committee
or a local committee at any level from posts within the party, to place such
a person on probation within the party or to expel him from the party must
be taken by a two-thirds majority vote at a plenary meeting of the party
committee to which he belongs. Such a disciplinary measure against a member
or alternate member of a local party committee is subject to approval by the
higher party committees.
Members and alternate members of the Central Committee who have seriously
violated criminal law shall be expelled from the party on decision by the
Political Bureau of the Central Committee; members and alternate members of
local party committees who have seriously violated criminal law shall be
expelled from the party on decision by the standing committees of the
party committees at the corresponding levels.
When a party organization decides on a disciplinary measure against a party
member, it should investigate and verify the facts in an objective way. The
party member in question must be informed of the decision to be made and of
the facts on which it is based. He must be given a chance to account for
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himself and speak in his own defense. If the member does not accept the
decision, he can appeal, and the party organization concerned must promptly
deal with or forward his appeal, and must not withhold or suppress it.
Those who cling to erroneous views and unjustifiable demands shall be
educated by criticism.
It is an important duty of every party organization to firmly uphold party
discipline. Failure of a party organization to uphold party discipline must
be investigated.
In case a party organization seriously violates party discipline and is
unable to rectify the mistakes on its own, the next higher party committee
should, after verifying the facts and considering the seriousness of the
case, decide on the reorganization or dissolution of the organization,
report the decision to the party committee further above for examination
and approval, and then formally announce and carry out the decision.
Chapter VIII. Party Organs for Discipline Inspection
The party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection functions under the
leadership of the Central Committee of the party. Local commissions for
discipline inspection at all levels function under the dual leadership of
the party committees at the corresponding levels and the next higher com-
missions for discipline inspection.
The party's central and local commissions for discipline inspection serve a
term of the same duration as the party committees at the corresponding
levels.
The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection elects, in plenary session,
its Standing Committee and secretary and deputy secretaries and reports the
results to the Central Committee for approval. Local commissions for
discipline inspection at all levels elect, at their plenary sessions, their
respective standing committees and secretaries and deputy secretaries. The
results of the elections are subject to endorsement by the party committees
at the corresponding levels and should be reported to the higher party com-
mittees for approval. The first secretary of the Central Commission for
Discipline Inspection must be a member of the Standing Committee of the
Political Bureau. The question of whether a primary party committee should
set up a commission for discipline inspection or simply appoint a discipline
inspection commissioner shall be determined by the next higher party organi-
zation in the light of the specific circumstances. The committees of
general party branches and party branches shall have discipline inspection
commissioners.
The party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection shall, when its
work so requires, accredit discipline inspection groups or commissioners to
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party or state organs at the central level. Leaders of the discipline
inspection groups or discipline inspection commissioners may attend rele-
vant meetings of the leading party organizations in the said organs as non-
voting participants. The leading party organizations in the organs con-
cerned must give support to their work.
The main tasks of the central and local commissions for discipline inspec-
tion are as follows: to uphold the constitution and the other important
rules and regulations of the party, to assist the respective party com-
mittees in rectifying party style, and to.check up on the implementation of
the line, principles, policies and decisions of the party.
The central and local commissions for discipline inspection shall carry out
constant education among party members on their duty to observe party dis-
cipline; they shall adopt decisions for the upholding of party discipline,
examine and deal with relatively important or complicated cases of violation
of the constitution and discipline of the party or the laws and decrees of
the state by party organizations or party members; decide on or cancel
disciplinary measures against party members involved in such cases; and deal
with complaints and appeals made by party members.
The central and local commissions for discipline inspection should report
to the party committees at the corresponding levels on the results of their
handling of cases of special importance or complexity, as well as on the
problems encountered. Local commissions for discipline inspection should
also present such reports to the higher commissions.
If the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection discovers any violation
of party discipline by any member of the Central Committee, it may report
such an offense to the Central Committee, and the Central Committee must
deal with the case promptly.
Higher commissions for discipline inspection have the power to check up on
the work of the lower commissions and to approve or modify their decisions
on any case. If decisions so modified have already been ratified by the
party committee at the corresponding level, the modification must be
approved by the next higher party committee.
If a local commission for discipline inspection does not agree with a deci-
sion made by the party committee at the corresponding level in dealing with
a case, it may request the commission at the next higher level to reexamine
the case; if a local commission discovers cases of violation of party dis-
cipline or the laws and decrees of the state by the party committee at the
corresponding level or by its members, and if that party committee fails to
deal with them properly or at all, it has the right to appeal to the higher
commissions for assistance in dealing with such cases.
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Chapter IX. Leading Party Members Groups
A leading party members group shall be formed in the leading body of a
central or local state organ, people's organization, economic or cultural
institution or other nonparty unit. The main tasks of such a group are:
to see to it that the party's principles and policies are implemented, to
unite with the nonparty cadres and masses in fulfilling the tasks assigned
by the party and the state, and to guide the work of the party organization
of the unit.
The members of a leading party members group are appointed by the party com-
mittee that approves its establishment. The group shall have a secretary
and deputy secretaries.
A leading party members group must accept the leadership of the party com-
mittee that approves its establishment.
The Central Committee of the party shall determine specifically the func-
tions, powers and tasks of the leading party members groups in those
government departments which need to exercise highly centralized and unified
leadership over subordinate units; it shall also determine whether such
groups should be replaced by party committees.
Chapter X. Relationship Between the Party and the
Communist Youth League
The Communist Youth League.of China is a mass organization of advanced
young people under the leadership of the Communist Party of China; it is a
school where large, numbers of young people will learn about communism
through practice; it is the party's assistant and reserve force. The Central
Committee of the Communist Youth League functions under the leadership of the
Central Committee of the party. The local organizations of the Communist
Youth League are under the leadership of the party committees at the cor-
responding levels and of the higher organizations of the league itself.
Party committees at all levels must strengthen their leadership over the
Communist Youth League organizations and pay attention to the selection and
training of league cadres. The party must firmly support the Communist
Youth League-in the lively and creative performance of its work to suit the
characteristics and needs of young people, and give full play to the
league's role as a shock force and as a bridge linking the party with the
broad masses of young people.
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Those secretaries of league committees, at or below the county level or in
enterprises and institutions, who are party members may attend meetings of
party committees at the corresponding levels and of their standing com-
mittees as nonvoting participants.
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SPEECH AT THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS (6 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 44, 46, 47
[Speech by Ye Jianying]
['n'ext] Comrades :
Our present party congress is well prepared, and it is proceeding smoothly.
I fully agree with the opening speech made by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. Comrade
Hu Yaobang has made a very important report on behalf of the Central Com-
mittee, and the revision of the party constitution has been well done. I
fully agree with both.
Our party is full of vigor and vitality. After this congress, a good num-
ber of comrades who are in their prime will take up leading positions in the
Central Committee and elsewhere. This is a major sign that our party's
cause is flourishing, which pleases us old comrades greatly.
The Tang dynasty poet Li Shangyin wrote the line "The phoenix chick sings
sweeter than the older birds" in praise of the poetic talent of a young man.
It means that late-comers surpass old-timers, and the young will excel the
old. This can be said to be a basic law in the development of history and
the progress of society. I hope that the newly promoted young comrades
will work in close cooperation with the old comrades, shouldering heavy
responsibilities and forging courageously ahead. Man's ability to acquire
knowledge is unlimited, but the knowledge of any individual is limited.
Hence, one must be good at learning. We believe that, so long as our com-
rades strive to arm themselves with communist ideology, the party's
historical experience and modern science, and so long as they unite with
the masses, work hard, know their subordinates well and make good use of
them and readily follow good advice, they will certainly be able to do a
remarkable job in their leading positions and accomplish glorious feats
befitting this great epoch on the march toward China's modernization.
Following this congress, many old comrades will retire from their leading
posts, as required by the development of our party's cause. Having worked
diligently for scores of years, these old comrades are meritorious con-
tributors to the revolution. The party and the people will never forget
their services. The retiring comrades should not retire ideologically.
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They should, by their deeds, write the last chapter of their lives well,
that is to say, they should always keep the interests of the party and the
people at heart and continue to do some work that is within their strength.
I am now 85, failing in health and unable to do as much as I would like.
For the sake of our party's cause, I have time and again asked to retire
from my leading position. However, until the Central Committee decides to
grant this, I will do the best I can and devote my all to the party.
After the 12th national party congress, we shall strive to create a new
situation in all fields of socialist modernization. It will be an arduous
task. The new Central Committee must do still better in practicing demo-
cratic centralism and upholding the principle of collective leadership.
When the wisdom and strength of the masses are pooled, all affairs become
easier to deal with, difficulties are overcome, dangers averted and errors
minimized--this has been repeatedly borne out by the past experience of the
party. The Political Bureau and the Secretariat of the Central Committee
have done fairly well in this respect, and achieved notable results in
recent years. All party committees from the central down to the local
levels should henceforth do likewise in order to ensure the normal function-
ing and correct leadership of the party and prolong the political stability
in our country. I hope that this fundamental principle in running the
affairs of the party and the state will be maintained and passed on from
generation to generation.
That is all I want to say today. I wish this congress complete success.
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SPEECH AT THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS (6 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 45, 46, 47
[Speech by Chen Yun]
[Text] Comrades:
I fully agree with the report delivered to this congress by Comrade Hu
Yaobang on behalf of the Central Committee, with the draft of the revised
party constitution, the opening speech made by Comrade Deng Xiaoping and
with the speech made by Comrade Ye Jianying.
After the smashing of the "gang of four," our party set right its course at
the 3d Plenary Session of its 11th Central Committee and then, step by step
through the 4th, 5th and 6th plenary sessions, it brought the nation's
political life and socialist construction onto the correct path of sound
development.
However, we must be soberly aware that for various reasons, the ranks of
our party's cadres have long faced the problem of aging to varying degrees,
and a gap between the old and the young. Unless this problem is solved now,
and satisfactorily, the cause of communism may suffer a setback in China.
All comrades, particularly the old comrades, should realize the gravity and
urgency of this problem. '
Therefore, the satisfactory solution of the problem of the smooth succession
from old cadres to younger ones is an important task facing the whole party.
The first step in solving this problem is for the old cadres to retire
successively from the leading bodies.
In the recent organizational reform of the party central organs and the
State Council, some old comrades vacated their "front line" leading posts.
And at the recent 7th Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee a large
number of other old comrades expressed the wish to leave the Central Com-
mittee and other leading posts. This shows that our old cadres have a
strong sense of revolutionary responsibility.
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When the old cadres withdraw from the "front line," does it mean that they
have come to the end of their revolutionary career? No, it does not.
Whether they withdraw to the second line to do such work as they have the
strength for or completely retire, they should support the young and middle-
aged cadres in their work and take upon themselves the task of helping and
guiding the latter and passing on experience to them. Only when the old
cadres have fulfilled this task can it be said that they have done their
bit to the last for the party and the revolutionary cause.
Besides, since the ranks of our cadres now show a gap between the old and the
young, the old comrades cannot leave the leading bodies all at once. As
dictated by the actual situation, some old comrades will have to remain at
"front line" posts for the time being. Even so, they should devote most of
their energy not to the heavy day-to-day work as before, but to helping and
guiding younger people, passing on experience to them, giving advice and
checking to see that major issues are handled correctly.
To effect the smooth succession from old cadres to younger ones, young and
middle-aged cadres must be promoted to the leading bodies at all levels.
In connection with this question, I would like to make two points:
One is that not just a few dozen or a few hundred, but thousands and tens
of thousands must be promoted. Why? Because only thus will there be
enough people to take over the work of the large numbers of old comrades
who retire from the leading bodies; only thus will we have a greater choice
and find truly reliable successors; and only thus will it be possible to
prevent the troublemakers who were promoted to leading posts during the
"Cultural Revolution" from stirring up any serious disturbances in the
future.
In order to promote thousands and tens of thousands of young and middle-aged
cadres, we must take a developmental view in judging them and not just see
that they are yet inexperienced. To be sure, the young and middle-aged
cadres do not have the high working experience of the old cadres. But we
should ask ourselves the question: Where does experience come from? The
answer is, only from tempering in practical work. Placed in posts of
responsibility and given a heavy load, the young and middle-aged cadres can
certainly gain experience and gradually mature through tempering in 3 or 5
years, or at most 8 or 10 years. In addition, we can create more "assistant"
posts. This would help to reduce possible resistance to the promotion of
young and middle-aged cadres to full leadership. At the same time, it would
enable the party organization to judge their actual leading and organiza-
tional ability before they are formally appointed as leaders.
The other point I want to make on the question of promoting young and
middle-aged cadres is that none of the following three types of people
should be promoted: people who rose to prominence during the "Cultural
Revolution" by following Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their like in "rebellion";
people who are seriously factionalist in their ideas;'and people who
indulged in beating, smashing and looting. Any of them who have already
been promoted must be resolutely removed from the leading bodies.
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Why should none of these people be promoted? Because if they are recruited
into leading bodies, they will surface to make trouble and again harm the
nation and the people when after a number of years, the political climate
is right for them, when the party faces any storms.
Of course, we should realize that only a minority of the young and middle-
aged people who committed mistakes during the "Cultural Revolution" belong
to these three types, while the majority of them merely drifted along. As
regards the latter, so long as they have really acknowledged their mistakes,
made a clean break with those three types and given a good account of them-
selves ever since the smashing of the "gang of four," the party should trust
and use them, and continue to observe and help them in the course of work.
We must also note that there are plenty of young and middle-aged people who
behaved well or basically well during the "Cultural Revolution." It is
mainly from among them that we should select cadres for promotion.
Apart from the three types mentioned above, there are two other types of
people whom we should also not promote to leading posts. I mean people who
are opposed to the line followed by the Central Committee of the party since
its third plenary session, and people who have seriously violated the law
and discipline in the economic and other spheres.
In short, we should on the one hand be bold and quick in promoting young
and middle-aged cadres and, on the other, we should strictly insist on the
political criteria. As between political integrity and professional compe-
tence, we should pay more attention to the former. In other words, we
should be sure to promote people who have a strong party spirit, are honest
and upright, and dare to stick to principle.
I am convinced that so long as we solve well the problem of succession from
old cadres to younger ones, there will be no lack of successors to carry on
the cause of our party.
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CLOSING SPEECH AT THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS (11 SEPTEMBER 1982)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 48-49
[Speech by Li Xiannian]
[Text] Comrades:
The 12th national congress of our party has now successfully fulfilled its
historic mission, thanks to the common effort of all the delegates.
This congress, after fully democratic discussions, has unanimously endorsed
the report delivered by Comrade Hu Yaobang on behalf of the 11th Central
Committee of the party and adopted a resolution to this effect. Applying
the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, the report
of the Central Committee sums up the great successes we have achieved in
setting things to rights in all fields of endeavor in the past 6 years,
particularly since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee,
analyzes the current political and economic situation in our country and
puts forth the tasks and principles for creating a new situation in all
fields of socialist modernization. We believe that, by firmly advancing in
the direction indicated by the 12th congress, the Chinese people, led by our
party, will certainly win great new victories in the socialist cause.
After careful discussion by all the delegates, this congress has unanimously
adopted the new constitution of the party, which has removed the "left"
mistakes in the constitution adopted by the 11th congress and which inherits
and develops the strong points of the constitutions adopted by the 7th and
8th congresses. The new constitution is a crystallization of the party's
historical experience and collective wisdom, and a powerful weapon for
building a stronger party, both ideologically and organizationally, in the
new historical period. It should be pointed out that, while it has been
relatively easy to formulate the new party constitution, it will not be as
easy to implement it strictly throughout the party. We must carryon
ideological education and organizational work in real earnest, resolutely
rectify the party style and consolidate all party organizations as the con-
stitution requires and fight against all words and actions that contravene
the constitution, so that members of our party may truly act as good examples
to the masses and that our party may truly become a strong leading core for
the cause of socialist modernization.
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After full deliberations and democratic election at this congress a new
Central Committee and also a Central Advisory Commission and a Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection have come into being. Thus a major
organizational guarantee is provided for the realization of the principles
and tasks set forth by the 12th congress. The new Central Committee con-
sists both of old and long-tested comrades and of a great number of younger
comrades. They will assuredly work together in close unity and cooperation
and make the new Central Committee an even stronger command headquarters
than its predecessor. The newly formed Central Advisory Commission con-
sists of many old comrades of high integrity and prestige. It will assuredly
serve as a good political assistant and consultant to the Central Committee
and contribute to the cause of the party by helping and guiding younger
comrades and passing on experience to them. The Central Commission for
Discipline Inspection, now elected by the national congress of the party, is
entrusted with greater responsibilities than its predecessor. It will play
an important role in ensuring implementation of the new party constitution,
upholding party discipline and maintaining the communist purity of the
party. Here, on behalf of the presidium of this congress, and the old com-
rades on it in particular, I would like to express our warm welcome to the
young and middle-aged comrades who have been elected to the central leading
organs. We hope that they will guard against conceit and impetuosity, be
modest and prudent, study diligently, shoulder with courage the tasks
assigned-them by the party and achieve outstanding results in their work.
Comrades! How well our party will do its work in the 5 years between the
present congress and the next will be a matter of key importance to the
realization of the general task set for the new period. This congress has
proposed that we should, in these 5 years, bring about a fundamental turn
for the better in three spheres, namely, the financial and economic situa-
tion of our country, the standards of social conduct, and the style of our
party. At the same time, we must work together with our compatriots in
Taiwan, Xianggang (Hong Kong) and Aomen (Macao) and Chinese nationals resid-
ing abroad to promote the reunification of our motherland. And we must wage
a common struggle with the people of all countries to safeguard world peace.
These are great, solemn and arduous fighting tasks, and we must not in the
least slacken our effort. As soon as this congress is over, we must bestir
ourselves and intensively propagate the spirit of the congress throughout the
party and among the people of all nationalities. We will organize all party
members, Communist Youth League members, workers, peasants, intellectuals,
Liberation Army commanders and fighters, cadres and all other patriotic
citizens to conscientiously study the report of the Central Committee to this
congress, the new party constitution, Comrade Deng Xiaoping's opening speech
and the important speeches made by Comrades Yi Jianying and Chen Yun, so that
the principles and tasks set forth by the congress will be made known to
everybody and will strike root in the hearts of the people. In the mean-
time, we must, in the light of the specific conditions in different locali-
ties and departments, adopt practical and effective measures for the full
realization of these principles and tasks.
Comrades! While striving to accomplish the various fighting tasks set by
the 12th party congress, we must further strengthen the great unity of the
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whole party and of the people of all nationalities in our country. Our
great socialist cause is advancing victoriously along the correct path of
Marxism. We are convinced that, so long as we rally closely round the
denttdl Committee, rouse ourselves and work assiduously, we shall be able
to steer the great ship of our revolution and construction steadily toward
our great goal.
Throughout the congress, all the comrades working for it, including the
secretarial staff, those in charge of general affairs and those engaged in
security, medical care and other daily services, in drafting and translating
the documents and covering the congress, in communications and liaison
services, and in printing the documents--all these comrades have been work-
ing hard day and night to help make the congress a success. People of the
Beijing municipality have also made their contributions. Here, on behalf
of the presidium of the congress, I would like to convey our heartfelt
thanks to them.
Now, I declare the successful conclusion of the 12th National Congress of
the Communist Party of China.
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HOLD HIGH THE BANNER OF COMMUNISM, ADVANCE BRAVELY ALONG THE ROAD CHARTED
BY THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 50-54
[Editorial]
[Text] The victorious opening of the 12th CPC National Congress is an
important event in the political life of our whole party throughout the
country. It has made great achievements by fully realizing its target;
this has encouraged the whole party, army and all nationalities and fired
them with enthusiasm.
As Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out in his opening speech at the 12th CPC
Congress, this is the most important conference since the 7th CPC National
Congress. It is a milestone in the history of the socialist revolution and
the construction of the country. Its great significance and profound influ-
ence is bound to be increasingly displayed in the process of the country's
socialist and communist construction.
The great achievements of the congress are as follows:
Having made a scientific summary of historical experiences and a profound
analysis of the present situation, the congress has enriched and developed
the correct Marxist line reestablished since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Congress, laid down a new fighting program and task and posed a
series of more complete and mature principles, policies and measures to
continue to eliminate the negative influence caused by the 10 years of
internal disorder and to create a new situation in all fields of socialist
modernization. It has thus charted the correct road for continuing the
advance and has provided a precise guide for action.
It suits the character and needs of this historical period in all fields of
socialist construction; it concentrates the knowledge of the whole party;
it has summed up the experience of building a proletarian party in power;
and it has drawn up a new party constitution which is more substantial and
complete than any other in our party's history. Thus, it has provided a
brilliant guide and powerful weapon for making our party into a solid core
leading the construction of socialist modernization.
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After full deliberations and democratic voting, a new Central Committee was
elected; at the same time, a Central Advisory Commission and a Central Com
mission for Discipline Inspection were also elected. In the new central
leading organ, there are seasoned proletarian revolutionaries of the older.
generation who act as its mainstay and a great number of younger cadres full
of vigor, ability and political integrity acting as its vital force. This
has been a great step in the cooperation between the young and old cadres
and in the process of handing over responsibility. It has fully demonstrated
that the ranks of our party's cadres are of long standing and well established
and that there is no lack of successors to carry out the communist cause of
our party. This new party Central Committee will undoubtedly become a fight-
ing and vigorous command post trusted by the people of all nationalities of
our country.
History is the fairest mirror. If we say that the 7th CPC National Congress,
convened and presided over by Comrade Mao Zedong in 1945, summarized the
historical experiences of the tortuous, 20-year-long development of the
democratic revolution, formulated a correct program, line and strategy and.
unified party thinking on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong
Thought, and thus laid the foundations for the national victory of the new
democratic revolution, then the 12th CPC Congress, by drawing up the cor-
rect line, strategy and corresponding general and specific policies for
continued advance after that great historical turning point, will lay a
solid foundation for making a complete new breakthrough in the socialist
modernization drive.
Historical experiences merit our attention. Seven years after the founding
of the People's Republic of China, and after the transition from new demo-
cratism to socialism in our country, our party convened the eighth national
congress in 1956. This congress made a correct analysis of the class,
economic and political situations after the completion of socialist trans-
formation, and clearly pointed out that in our country,. the exploitative
system and the exploiting classes had already been abolished, the principal
contradiction in the country being no longer the contradiction between the
working class and the bourgeoisie but the contradiction between economic and
cultural development and the daily increasing demands of the people. It
pointed out that the principal task of the whole people was no longer to
conduct class struggle but to concentrate our energy on developing social
production forces, to carry out the state's industrialization and to grad-
ually meet the increasing material and cultural demands of the people.
The congress has adopted correct resolutions on building a proletarian party
in power, particularly in terms of strengthening the party's democratic
centralism and collective leadership and opposing personality cults. It has
proved that the line of the Eighth CPC Congress is correct and it has
charted the right way to socialist construction and the building of the
party in the new era of the country. However, although a series of correct
policies was put forward by the Eighth CPC Congress, these policies were not
made concrete or profoundly understood by the whole party due to lack of
practical experience in, and ideological preparation for, socialist con-
struction. Consequently, they were not properly implemented or developed.'
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For more than 20 years from the 8th CPC Congress until the 10 years of
turmoil, although our people made various important achievements in social-
ist construction, they suffered distressing setbacks and fell far short of
achieving what had previously been hoped for.
Now the situation at the time of the 12th CPC Congress is completely differ-
ent from that of the 8th CPC Congress. The CPC has learned a profound
lesson from the tortuous historic development of the socialist revolution
and construction over the 20 years after the 8th CPC Congress, just as it
learned a profound lesson from the tortuous historic development of the 20-
year-long democratic revolution prior to the 7th CPC Congress. For the past
6 years, after smashing the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique, particu-
larly since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, after
exposing and criticizing the crimes of the Lin Biao-Jiang Qing counter-
revolutionary cliques, scientifically criticizing the "Cultural Revolution"
and its previous "left" tendency errors, bringing order out of chaos and
taking measures for thoroughgoing reform, the party's ideological line has
bccn brought back onto the track of Mao Zedong Thought. Our party has not
only resumed various correct policies which had been effectively implemented
for many years in the past, but has also formulated a series of new and
correct policies in its new practice by conscientiously studying new condi-
tions and summing up fresh experiences. Apart from restoring the true face
of Mao Zedong Thought, our party has upheld and developed it under new
historical conditions. Although there exist various unsatisfactory aspects
in the party's work, style and organization, our party has, in general,
reached a higher level than at any time since the founding of the state, in
terms of comprehending the objective laws of socialist construction, con-
scientiously and firmly implementing the Marxist line, policies and prin-
ciples, grasping the overall situation and strategically and farsightedly
creating a new situation in all fields. The current CPC Central Committee
is a solid, harmonious, united and militant collective body and is a lead-
ing core able to direct a complicated situation. History and reality have
fully proved that by taking the precise guide to action provided by the 12th
CPC Congress, we will certainly be capable of steering the vessel of Chinese
socialism and communism along the correct channel, advancing step by step
toward the great goal set for us.
The report made by Comrade Hu Yaobang at this congress demonstrates the
spirit of the 12th CPC Congress. Having summarized the great achievements
and rich experiences gained by our party through its efforts to bring about
a great and historic change over the past 6 years, the report posed the
overall task for the CPC in the new historical period, that is, to unite the
people of all nationalities, to be self-reliant, to work hard and to grad-
ually realize industrial, agricultural, national defense, scientific and
technical modernizations in order to build a highly civilized, democratic
socialist country. Precisely according to the requirement of the general
task and based on the current situation of the country, the report puts
forward to the entire party, army and people of the whole nation both the
long-term target for endeavor and the most pressing current demands; stresses
the central task to be realized by concentrated' forces and the various tasks
the execution of which is the guarantee for this central task. Thus, it has
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worked out a scientific blueprint for creating a new situation in all fields
in line with our country's actual conditions.
The economic construction of socialist modernization is our central task.
The outcome of economic work and construction will finally decide the result
of other endeavors as well as the future and fate of our nation. Based on
the comprehensive analysis of the actual national economic situation and the
future trend of its development, the CPC Central Committee has precisely
worked out the target for increasing the total annual industrial and agri-
cultural output by 300 [as published] percent over the 20 years from 1981
to the end of this century. This is a magnificent goal and one which can be
achieved through hard work. In order to achieve this goal, looking at the
overall national economy, during the next 20 years we must tightly grasp the
key links of agriculture, energy, transportation, education and science,
seeing them as strategic points in our national economic development. In
order to achieve this goal, our strategic plan must consist of two steps,
first to put stress on laying a solid foundation in the first decade, to
accumulate forces and to create conditions, and second, to enter a new
period of vigorous economic development in the second decade. During the
5-year period from the current CPC Congress to the next congress, in order
to smoothly carry out this strategic plan, economic work in all fields
should lay stress on raising economic results, further implementing readjust-
ment, reform and restructuring, improving all policies and measures of the,
national economy, markedly improving economic results in all national
economic departments and steadily maintaining a fundamental balance in the
areas of finance, credit and price. This is the basic policy and task for
the current and coming economic work determined by the 12th CPC Congress.
Socialist practice over the past several decades has proved that the build-
ing of material civilization must go hand in hand with the building of a
high level of socialist spiritual civilization. For these two civilizations,
in a socialist society, are interdependent, each taking the other as its own
aim, and neither should be overemphasized at the expense of the other. Apart
from abolishing exploitation and realizing. the system of public ownership,
practicing distribution according to work, making the people the masters and
implementing a planned economy with the ultimate aim of developing produc-
tive forces and-labor productivity greater than those in capitalist society,
socialist spiritual civilization, which takes communist ideology as its
core, also constitutes an important symbol of socialist society. Practice
has proved that it is impossible to carry on socialist construction without
this spiritual civilization. If we overlook the building of socialist
spiritual civilization, people might well have only a one-sided understand-
ing of socialism, the building of material civilization will quite possibly
diverge from the socialist road and socialism will be in danger of degen-
erating. Based on the theoretical and political viewpoints of Marxism, the
12th CPC Congress' report has made a correct exposition and scientific
explanation of the relations between socialist material and spiritual
civilization and of the importance, purpose, content and requirements of
strengthening the building of socialist spiritual civilization. This is an
important characteristic of the 12th CPC Congress' report. In order to
develop the building of socialist material and spiritual civilizations in a
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manner of mutual promotion, we must strive to create a high level of social-
ist democracy, further improve the socialist legal system and consolidate
and strengthen the people's democratic dictatorship. We must, on the one
hand, guarantee that working people are the true masters and, on the other,
guarantee the exercise of dictatorship over all those hostile elements, Who
sabotage and adopt a hostile attitude toward socialism. As for the first
guarantee, socialist democracy should be expanded to political, economic,
cultural and social life. Equal relations between people and correct rela-
tions between the individual and society are established on the basis of the
principles of socialist democracy. As to the second guarantee, at present,
we must resolutely and thoroughly carry out the struggle against important
criminal activities in the economic, political and cultural fields which
endanger socialism. Only in this way can we safeguard the building of
socialist material and spiritual civilizations.
In addition, we should strive to strengthen national defense and safeguard
the security and independence of the motherland; we should strive for the
re"!nification of the motherland with our compatriots in Taiwan, Hong Kong
and Macao as well as with Chinese residents abroad; we must uphold the
foreign policy of independence, oppose imperialism and hegemonism, safeguard
world peace and promote the progress of mankind by allying ourselves with
the people of the whole world, particularly with Third World countries and
people. Only in this way can we nationally complete reunification of the
motherland and internationally strive for lasting peace in our environment
so that the people of the country can concentrate their attention on the
endeavor for socialist modernization.
On no account can all of the above-mentioned aims be easily realized. In
order to attain them, it is necessary to persevere to the end with the
reform of the party and government organs in which initial achievements
have already been made, and to further ensure that the ranks of the cadres
become more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and more
competent. It is especially important to do our best in building our party
in accordance with the new party constitution. The current 12th CPC Con-
gress has decided in the next 3 years to complete the all-round rectifica-
tion of our party style, the consolidation of its organizations and the
reregistration of all its members. This is an important resolution which
will win the full trust of the party and people.
The content of the congress' report is very wide-ranging. Its basic content
can be summarized as follows: It has one central task which must be grasped
from beginning to end and four important jobs which must be grasped at
present. The one central task is: socialist economic construction. The
four important jobs are: 1) the continuation of reforms of organs and
economic systems; 2) great efforts to build socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion; 3) a resolute attack on all types of important criminal activities
which damage socialism; and 4) the rectification of party style, the
restructuring of organizations and the support and improvement of party
leadership. The proper execution of these four types of work will provide
the fundamental political guarantee for smoothly carrying out modernization
construction and persevering in the direction of socialism. In order to
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effectively concentrate the will and the actions of the whole party and the
people of all nationalities of the country, and in accordance with the
above-mentioned central task .,and important work, the 12th CPC Congress has
raised the slogan for attaining three fundamental turns for the better.
That is to say, in the coming 5 years from the current congress to the neat
congress, it is essential to achieve a fundamental turn for the better in
the state's financial economy, in the social mood and in the party style.
Having made these three fundamental turns for the better, and in 5 years'
time when our party convenes its 13th national congress, an encouraging new
situation will emerge before us in the construction of socialist moderniza-
tion, and the whole party and people of all nationalities will be more con-
fident of winning even greater victory in the cause of socialism and
communism.
The ultimate aim of the CPC is to realize its lofty ideal of communism.
For the past half century, each victory won by the Chinese people under the
party in revolution and construction has been a victory gained under the
guidance of the communist ideological system and a practical step toward
the long-range goal of communism. Although the complete realization of
communism, which is the most rational, complete and perfect social system
in the history of mankind, can only come about after a long process of
endeavor by several generations, as a means of propagating a scientific
ideological and theoretical system and of putting communist ideology into
practice in carrying on the revolutionary movement, the system of communist
ideology has been in existence since the birth of the Communist Party in
China and the new democratic revolution under its leadership. Today,
communism not only exists in the daily life of the country but has also
been developed through the establishment of socialist society, as an
initial stage of communist society. Therefore, it should on no account be
considered, as it is by some people, as an "idle dream," within sight but
beyond reach, as an abstract ideological concept that has never been tested
in practice.
Therefore, whether in periods of democratic revolution or socialist trans-
formation or, needless to say, in the period of comprehensive socialist
construction, all lines and general and specific policies of our party, and
all its revolutionary struggles and practices, are based on the communist
ideological system and take the realization of the lofty ideal of communism
as their direction and goal. The scientific proofs and theoretical exposi-
tions set forth by the 12th CPC Congress in its report on this question
constitute the basic governing ideology of the congress. Of course, it does
not mean to lump together the communist system to be realized after a long
period of time in our country with the existing socialist system. It does
not mean to replace the current socialist policy with the communist policy
that is to be realized in the future and it does not mean that we should
unrealistically urge every member of society in our country to become com-
munist. We should not rush blindly into communist transition. We have in
the past learned a profound lesson in this respect. At the present stage,
we must stick to the system of distribuo-ion according to labor and to other
socialist systems in economic and social life. However, in the new histori-
cal period of comprehensive socialist construction, we must further urge all
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Communist Party members, Communist Youth League members and progressive
elements to be guided in their actions by communist ideals, faith and
morality, to resist the corrosive influence of bourgeois ideology and life-
style and always to maintain the communist purity of the party. At the
same time, we should also persist in educating and influencing the masses
of people with communist ideology and bring up every social member as an
idealist, moral, cultured and disciplined laborer so that social relations
between members of society in our country are formed and developed with
the reflection of socialist spiritual civilization as their principal con-
tent. In this regard, all communist members and progressive elements,
particularly leading cadres at all levels, must take the lead and set an
example to influence and unite the broad masses of people and to unite them
under the banner of the 12th CPC Congress. Only in this way will our coun-
try's socialist society be able to resist the corrosive influence of
bourgeois decadent ideology, remaining feudal ideology and other nonprole-
tarian ideologies and always be able to keep its revolutionary spirit young
and vigorous. Only by doing so will our party be able to display its new
outlook and powerful fighting force, to reflect the desires of the whole
people and their fundamental interests. And only by doing so will our
whole party, army and people of all nationalities be able to fully carry
out the militant program and task put forward by the 12th CPC Congress and
promote the cause of socialism and communism.
The opening speech made by Comrade Deng Xiaoping constitutes the general
governing ideology of the sprit of this congress. He said that by summing
up our basic experience, "we must proceed from China's realities, integrate
the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of China, blaze
a path of our own and build socialism with Chinese characteristics." Com-
rade Deng Xiaoping added that "China's affairs must be handled in the light
of China's conditions and based on the Chinese people's strength." The
source of the energy resides in the broad masses of Chinese people and
Chinese workers, peasants, intellectuals and all other patriotic elements.
Today, the CPC is a big party of 39 million members, shouldering the heavy
burden of guiding the cause of socialism and communism. However, Communist
Party members always constitute a minority among the Chinese people. Just
as our party in the past exercised leadership in the democratic revolution
but gained final victory only by depending on the hard struggle of the
broad masses of people, today, only by depending on the hard struggle of the
people will our party be able to achieve the construction of socialist
modernization. Now, our party heads the regime and occupies the leading
position in state life; this is the difference from the democratic revolu-
tion. Comrade Hu Yaobang specially pointed out in his report that the
party's' leading position "determines that its activities will vitally affect
the interests of the masses, but at the same time means that party members,
and party cadres in.particular, may easily be in danger of becoming iso-
lated from the masses." All party members and leading party cadres must be
highly aware of this danger.
We must. conscientiously adhere to and carry on the patty's fine tradition
of the mass line and effectively strengthen the close relations between the
party and the masses of people. All party members and cadres must, in light
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of the strict demands set forth by the new party constitution, listen to
the voice of the masses of people, attach importance to their interests,
subject themselves to supervision by the masses and on no account must
they take advantage of party and state power as an instrument for seeking
their own interests. We have only the duty to serve the people and never
the right to "profit" at the expense of the masses and the state. As
party members we must be qualified party members, as cadres we must be
qualified cadres, and as citizens we must be Chinese people with national
dignity and pride. To love the motherland, to work honestly and to devote
ourselves to the socialist drive of the motherland is a glorious and lofty
cause. And it is shameful and contemptible to harm the dignity and honor
of the motherland, the cause of socialism and the interests of the people
and state. Only by setting an example in the glorious and lofty under-
taking and resolutely resisting and fighting against shameful and contempti-
ble deeds, will all of us, party members and cadres, fulfill our duty.
The successful opening of the 12th CPC Congress and its great achievements
have indicated the bright prospect of the socialist and communist under-
takings of the country. All party members, army and people of all nationali-
ties, and party cadres in particular, must conscientiously study the con-
gress' documents, deepen our understanding of the congress' spirit, effec-
tively put it into action and resolutely and enthusiastically devote our-
selves to creating a new situation in all fields of the socialist drive.
Filled with revolutionary pride and under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism
and Mao Zedong Thought, let us unite around the CPC Central Committee, hold
high the banner of communism and boldly and resolutely march forward along
the road charted by the 12th CPC Congress with one heart and mind!
CSO: 4004/7
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THE CORRECT PROGRAM FOR CREATING A NEW SITUATION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 55-60
[Article by RED FLAG commentator]
[Text] The party's historical experience shows us that it is not an easy
job to use Marxism as a weapon, understand the laws governing the develop-
ment of the Chinese revolution and correctly solve problems in the revolu-
tion according to China's specific conditions. It is a long process to go
from incomplete knowledge to fairly complete knowledge, from the under-
standing of things by a few people to understanding by the whole party and
from the understanding of principles to the formulation and practical
implementation of specific principles and policies. In this long process,
setbacks and failures are hard to avoid because of mistakes made. It took
more than 20 years for the party to grasp the laws governing the democratic
revolution. Following the failure of the great revolution in 1927, the
Sixth CPC National Congress, held in 1928, determined the nature and tasks
of the Chinese revolution, which were correct in principle but neither com-
plete nor specific. So the Chinese revolution still took a difficult,
tortuous course after the congress. The whole party did not gradually gain
a unified, correct understanding of the basic problems in the Chinese revo-
lution until the war of resistance against Japan. The Seventh CPC National
Congress, convened in 1945, summed up the experiences of the democratic
revolution and, on the basis of a grasp of the objective law governing the
Chinese democratic revolution, formulated a comprehensive, correct program
and tactics, thus laying a foundation for the nationwide victory of the
new democratic revolution.
Following the nationwide victory of the revolution, our party was faced
with new historic tasks. The transition from new democracy to socialism
and the socialist transformation of private ownership of the means of pro-
duction were made rather smoothly. The party held its eighth national
congress in 1956 after the socialist transformation was mainly complete.
The analysis of the situation then and the task set by the congress to build
socialism in an all-round way were correct. At that time, however, the party
was still far from being able to say that it had grasped the laws governing
the development of the socialist revolution and construction in China. As
the democratic revolution did after the Sixth CPC National Congress, so our
socialist cause took a difficult, tortuous course after the Eighth CPC
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National Congress. We made many achievements, but the setbacks we met with
were extremely serious. The 12th CPC National Congress was held 26 years
after the 8th CPC National Congress. The former inherited some correct ideas
of the latter and greatly developed and enriched those ideas. Now the party
is far more mature and its grasp of the laws governing the socialist cause
is far more profound than at the time when the Eighth CPC National Congress
was held. In his opening speech at the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade
Deng Xiaoping regarded this congress as the most important meeting since the
Seventh CPC National Congress. He said: "Just as the 20-odd years of
tortuous development of our democratic revolution before the seventh con-
gress taught the whole party how to grasp the laws governing that revolution
in China, so the 20-odd years of tortuous development of our socialist revo-
lution and construction after the eighth congress taught the whole party
profound lessons."
On behalf of the 11th CPC Central Committee, Comrade Hu Yaobang made a
report on the basis of a summing-up of the rich experiences of the socialist
revolution and construction over the past 30 years. These experiences
include successful ones as well as lessons in setbacks and failures. It is
of particularly great significance to learn from past mistakes and experi-.
ences in setbacks and failures. The question here is whether or not we are
good at doing so. The practice since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central. Committee proves that our party has the courage and ability to
engage in such study.
In the past 4 years, the policies implemented by the party in the economic,
political, cultural and other fields have made it possible to revive our
correct traditions, to correct and prevent both "leftist" and rightist
deviations and to make many new creations on the basis of studying new
situations and experiences. Without the practical experiences gained in the
past 4 years, it would have been impossible to formulate the comprehensive
program 'embodied in this report. This report fully reflects our party's
profound knowledge of the laws governing China's socialist construction.
It also shows that our party is able to conscientiously and resolutely
implement our correct program. We can certainly bring about a new situa-
tion in socialist modernization provided the whole party and the people
throughout the country make concerted efforts to carry out the program
adopted by the 12th CPC National Congress.
What are the important characteristics of the contents of the report to the
12th CPC National Congress?'
First, in the light of the actual situation in our country, the report has
laid down strategic goals, principles and policies for the development of
our socialist economy.
Comrade Deng Xiaoping said in his opening speech at the 12th CPC National
Congress: "In our modernization program, we must proceed from China's
realities. Both in our revolution and construction, we should learn from
foreign countries and draw on their experience. But mechanical copying and
application of foreign experience and models will get us nowhere. We have
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had many lessons in this respect. To integrate the universal truth of
Marxism with the concrete realities of China, blaze a path of our own and
build socialism with Chinese characteristics---this is the basic conclusion
we have reached in summing up long, historical experience." The moderniza-
tion program is, of course, not limited to economic construction, but first
of all we must promote economic construction.
Since the convocation of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee, our party has firmly shifted the focus of the work of the party
and state to economic construction. This is completely necessary and
correct. The report to the 12th CPC National Congress pointed out that, in
creating a new situation of socialist modernization, the primary task is to
bring about an all-round upsurge in the socialist economy.
The Eighth CPC National Congress in 1956 had, in fact, decided to make
economic construction the central task of our country. It was a strategic
shift, geared to the actual situation of that time, and should have been
implemented. However, summing up the mistakes made by our party following
the 8th CPC National Congress through the period of the "Great Cultural
Revolution," we can see that, "in the final analysis, the mistake we made
in the past was that we failed to persevere in making this strategic
shift," as pointed out in the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" adopted by the 6th
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. It was mainly because
we failed in properly handling the relationship between economic and polit-
ical work and the party did not fully understand the necessity for this
strategic shift. In addition, the party implemented some impractical
principles running counter to objective law. In reviewing the prolonged
"left" mistakes in our past economic work, the resolution of the 6th Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee pointed out that they consisted
chiefly in "departing from Chinese realities, trying to exceed our actual
capabilities and ignoring the economic returns of construction and manage-
ment as well as the scientific confirmation of our economic plans, policies
and measures, with their concomitants of colossal waste and losses."
Therefore, although we made some great achievements in economic construction
during the-10 years following the 8th CPC National Congress, we acted
blindly to a great extent. Our targets could often not be realized and we
even suffered setbacks.
After a profound summing-up of past experiences and lessons, our party has
now gradually eradicated the prolonged "left" mistakes and has formulated a
series of principles and policies in conformity with the actual current
conditions of our country. Thus our economy has passed the most difficult
period and is now on the healthy track of steady development.
The report to the 12th CPC National Congress has set strategic targets,
emphasis and steps for the economic construction of our country in the two
decades between 1981 and the end of this century and has explained a number
of important, principled questions which should now be meticulously solved.
Accordingly, it has formed a relatively complete economic program. This
program calls for striving to quadruple the gross annual value of industrial
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and agricultural production from 710 billion yuan in 1980 to 2,000 billion
yuan or so in 2000 on the basis of constantly raising economic results.
This is a grand goal. However, this program is not purely one of speed.
In the first half of the next two decades, it only calls for making attain-
able progress slowly. During this 10 years, it is necessary to improve
operation and management of various enterprises, carry out readjustment and
reorganization of various enterprises, renovate equipment and facilities
and introduce technical innovation. In addition, it is necessary to make
reasonable adjustments in the system of economic management and in the
economic structure of various fields.
In the first decade the state, while continuing to improve the people's
living standards, should appropriately concentrate funds on key construc-
tion projects, such as those in energy and communications. By doing all
such work well, we will be able to lay a solid foundation, accumulate
strength and create conditions for economic construction in the second
decade. Then, our economy will be able to develop faster and enter a period
of vigorous development. In the coming 20 years, it is necessary to firmly
grasp these basic links--agriculture, energy, communications and science--to
bring about a faster development of the production of consumer goods, to
promote the development of industry as a whole and all other production
undertakings and to ensure improvement in the people's living standards.
In socialist economic construction, there are many new questions, including
specific ones concerning the reform of the economic structure, which we
should continue to explore. However, it should be recognized that the
economic program set out in the report to the 12th party congress is one
that reflects, to a considerable extent, the objective laws governing our
country's economy. This program makes it possible for us not to repeat
past mistakes of losing contact with reality and blindly making a rash
advance, or hesitating to make a move in the face of problems and difficul-
ties calling for a solution. Great efforts have to be made to carry out
this program, but it can be-carried out. With this program ensuring that
our party and state lay the stress of their work on economic construction,
we will be able to advance steadily toward the grand goal of economic con-
struction in the last two decades of this century.
Second, the report to the 12th party congress correctly handles the rela-
tionship between economics and politics, particularly calls for building a
high level of socialist spiritual civilization, while striving for a high
level of modern material civilization and emphatically points out that
socialist material and spiritual civilization must be built with the support
and safeguards of socialist politics.
How to correctly handle the relationship between economics and politics, or
between economic work on the one hand and ideological and political work on
the other, is a matter of great importance in socialist construction. We
suffered many losses in the past because we failed to correctly handle this
relationship.
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Put forward in the "Great Cultural Revolution" was the slogan that politics
must overwhelm everything. Those who put forward this slogan actually
regarded politics and economics as separate things which categorically
oppose path other.
They held that when attention was paid to economic work, politics would be
forgotten and that to attach importance to politics, it was necessary to
oppose the so-called "theory of productive forces." This actually means
opposing the development of production and the economy. Of course, putting
economics in the wrong relationship with politics was not the only mistake
made in the "Great Cultural Revolution" (here we are not dealing with the
counterrevolutionary activities by the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing cliques
during the "Great Cultural Revolution"). The ideological and political
guiding principle for the "Great Cultural Revolution"--"taking class
struggle as the key link" and'"continuing the revolution under the dictator-
ship of the proletariat"--are fundamentally wrong. This was clearly
explained in the resolution of the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee. The wrong ideological and political guiding principles
naturally can only bring damage to the socialist economy and even play a
disruptive role in this regard.
The report to the 12th party congress calls for bringing about a funda-
mental turn for the better in three aspects--in the country's financial and
economic situation, in the general mood of society and in the party's work
style. The three aspects are related, and the latter two fall into the
ideological category. A fundamental turn for the better in the financial
and economic situation depends on one in the party's work style and the
general mood of society.
Carrying out economic construction as the central task of the party and the
state, of course, does not mean doing away with or weakening ideological
and political work. What is important is that all our political and
ideological work, in the final analysis, is conducive to bringing the
people's enthusiasm and initiative into full play in socialist construction
and to carrying out socialist construction by them in an organized way.
The socialist system has not emerged and developed spontaneously. The
factors which have promoted the development of the capitalist economy and
society are the capitalists' profit-seeking and the laboring people's
desire to earn a living. The contradiction and contention between the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat cannot be solved by the capitalist system
itself.
The socialist system has liberated the laboring people from the exploiting
system and has also liberated them spiritually. It has formed a society
in which the interests and will of the overwhelming majority of people are
the same. The report to the 12th CPC National Congress cited Lenin's
words: "The vigorous and creative socialism is created by the people
themselves."
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Ideological and political work cannot replace economic work of course and
socialist construction must rely on hundreds of millions of people with
political consciousness. Socialism can develop gradually and successfully
only when the masses willingly work for the public interest of the collec-
tive, make efforts to master professional skills, take part in various
socialist reforms and consciously fight against the remnant forces and
ideology of the old society and against all factors which are harmful to
socialism.
When we talk about the political life of our country, we must first see that
we have already established the socialist system, that the laboring people
are now the masters of the country and that the exploiting class has already
been wiped out as a class. Our society is now different from the historical
class society in principle. In a class society ruled by the exploiting
class, social contradictions were mainly expressed in terms of struggle
between the opponent classes and most social contradictions had a class
nature. The laboring people must overthrow the rule of the exploiting
class and reject and destroy, the legal system of a country ruled by the
exploiting class in order to win liberation. In our country at present,
however, class struggle is no longer the main contradiction in society and
most of the social contradictions do not have a class nature. Fundamentally
speaking, most social contradictions can be solved in accordance with demo-
cratic principles. Therefore, the main task of political construction in
our society is to develop the established socialist democracy step by step
and in an orderly manner, and to closely integrate the building of democracy
with the building of socialist legal system.
It is completely wrong for us not to see the difference between our coun-
try's society and the past class society and carry on the so-called "revo-
lution of one class overthrowing another." It is also totally wrong for us
not to see that the masses of people are the builders of socialism and
masters of the country and that they overlook the building of socialist
democracy and the socialist legal system.
On the other hand, we must see that in the life of our country we still
cannot eliminate dictatorship and have democracy alone. The hostile
elements that want to undermine our socialist system are still in existence
and may emerge in the future. The report to the 12th CPC National Congress
pointed out: "The class struggle at the present stage chiefly takes the
form of struggle by the people against these hostile elements." Class
struggle will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and
may even sharpen under certain conditions. Therefore, our society at
present is different from the future socialist-communist society in which
class struggle will cease completely. It is also completely wrong for us
not to see this difference and to discard the function of dictatorship of
the state and lower our guard in fighting against class enemies.
The report to the 12th CPC National Congress has indicated the principles
for building a high level of socialist democracy and handling class strug-
gle in accordance with our country's system of people's democratic
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dictatorship. The proper solution of these kinds of problems has a signifi-
cant bearing on our socialist construction.
The report to the 12th CPC National Congress has theoretically discussed
the question concerning the building of socialist spiritual civilization
as a strategic matter. In a, socialist society, material civilization is an
indispensable foundation for socialist spiritual civilization. The build-
ing of socialist spiritual civilization will become empty talk if we do not
strive for progress in material production and for improvement in people's
material life in society. Under the socialist system, socialist spiritual
civilization does not automatically develop with the development of mate-
rial civilization, nor does a high level of spiritual civilization occur
only after material civilization becomes highly developed. We should
strive to build a high level of spiritual civilization while building
material civilization. The report pointed out: "Socialist spiritual
civilization gives tremendous impetus to material civilization and ensures
its correct orientation." Therefore, we should never overlook the building
of spiritual civilization and pay attention only to material civilization.
Socialist spiritual civilization, with communist ideology at its core, is a
characteristic that socialism must possess. Without such spiritual civiliza-
tion, the building of socialism would be out of the question and material
civilization would go astray even if it were developed. This is a very
important conclusion we have reached by summing up historical experience.
According to Marxist-Leninist theory, a socialist cultural revolution is a
revolution to criticize all old thinking, which is the product of the
exploitation system and is incompatible with socialism, and to enable the
broad masses of working people to grasp culture which is monopolized by the
minority of people in the exploiting classes. After the October Revolution,
Lenin often pointed out the.tasks of the cultural revolution in this sense.
He attached great importance to educating the masses in communist ideology
and to cultural popularization work, beginning with the elimination of
illiteracy. He also emphatically pointed out that socialism must absorb
and transform all valuable things yielded in the development of thinking
and culture of mankind in the past 2,000 or 3,000 years. The 10 years of
internal strife confused the meaning of cultural revolution. The "Great
Cultural Revolution" even became anticultural. It, of course, had nothing
at all in common with the cultural revolution mentioned by Lenin. The
building of socialist spiritual civilization, which we are talking about,
includes communist ideological building and cultural establishment under
the guidance of communist ideology. It, of course, also includes the con-
tents
of Marxist-Leninist cultural revolution and cultural establishment.
The report says: "All party members and other advanced persons in our
society must continuously propagate advanced ideas and set an example by.
their own deeds to inspire more and more members of our society to become
working people with lofty ideals, moral integrity, education and a sense
of discipline." This is an important component part of our socialist
construction program.
Third, the report to the 12th party congress suits the character and demands
of the new historical period and puts forward the principles for strengthen-
ing party building and improving party leadership.
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The 12th CPC National Congress adopted the new party constitution. The
report to the congress has raised the important question of party building.
In a speech delivered in January 1980, Comrade Deng Xiaoping called for
"upholding and improving party leadership." He pointed out: "We uphold
the four basic principles--that is, to uphold socialism, the dictatorship
of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and the party
leadership. The core of the four upholds is to uphold the party leader-
ship." He also said: "In order to uphold the party leadership, we must
strive to improve the party leadership." Both the new party constitution
and the report to the 12th party national congress are permeated with the
spirit of striving to improve the party leadership.
The leadership exercised by the CPC has been established through a long
period of revolutionary struggle. Without the Communist Party's leadership,
there would have been no victory in the Chinese revolution, no unity among
the people of the country and no socialist new China, and it would be
impossible to achieve the four modernizations and lead the country onto the
path of prosperity. It is certainly wrong to think that the Communist
Party's leadership is of no importance and can be dispensed with. But on,
the other hand, it is one-sided to think that, as far as our party is con-
cerned, there is no problem in upholding the party's leadership and that the
question lies merely in asking the masses outside our party to recognize
our party's leadership. It is true that upholding the party's leadership
is a principle commonly recognized by the people of our country, but the
principle itself is, above all, a strict demand placed on our party.
How to uphold party leadership is not a simple question. If our party's
stand is not correct and if:our party cannot pool together the correct
views of the masses, reflect their fundamental interests and make the
correct stand acceptable to the masses through propaganda, education and
practice and transform it into their conscious actions, how can we uphold
the party's leadership? If our party itself has no high degree of ideo-
logical and political consensus and no strict organization and discipline,
how can we unite and lead our 1 billion people to take common action? If
the Communist Party members themselves lack the spirit of dedicating their
whole lives to the communist ideal, if they cannot serve the people whole-
heartedly and if they think only of their personal interest, how can we
talk about leading the people in building socialist spiritual civilization?
If our party is amateurish in its various undertakings and is not good at
asking professionals concerned for advice and at rallying them to work
together, how can we lead socialist construction?
It is true that the party made mistakes in the past and that it is possible
to make mistakes in everything it does in the future. However, the party
should be able to correct whatever mistakes it makes. History shows that
the party has the courage and the ability to correct its own mistakes. The
reason why the party has been able to uphold its leadership lies, first of
all, in the fact that it exercises correct leadership, is able to combine
the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with China's concrete practice, to
present a correct program, principles and policies and to lead the broad
masses in carrying out the program, principles and policies. A leadership
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can be upheld only if it is exercised well. The new historical period of
socialist construction has set a higher demand on our party. Therefore,
we must take a serious attitude toward the trauma inflicted on our party
during the 10 years of turmoil, earnestly improve party leadership and
strengthen party building. If we do so, we can certainly shoulder our
heavy historical responsibility.
This is why the new party constitution establishes the general principle of
setting strict demands on party members and cadres and calling for raising
the fighting capacity of the party's organizations. This is why the report
to the 12th CPC Congress regards efforts to strive for a fundamental
improvement of party style asa most pressing task. The report points out
the several questions that must be resolved, in particular, in party
building.
It also puts forward the significant measure of conducting overall recti-
fication of party style and consolidation of party organizations in stages
and group by group over a period of 3 years beginning from the latter half
of 1983.
In addition to rectification of party style, the congress also raised in
particular the resolution of the question.of cooperation between the old
and the young among the cadre ranks and the succession of the young from
the old. Comrade Chen Yun said: "The style of a party in power deter-
mines its very survival." He again said in his speech to the congress:
"The satisfactory solution of the problem of the smooth succession of the
younger cadres from the old ones is an important task facing the whole
party." The continuous satisfactory solution of the question of party
style and that of cadres in hccordance with the spirit of the congress in
order to build our party better is a major task that is of decisive sig-
nificance in promoting socialist construction.
Fourth, the report to the 12th party congress deals with all external rela-
tions from the standpoint of independence and self-reliance.
In the section "Adhering to an Independent Foreign Policy," the report to
the 12th party congress points out: "Integration of patriotism with inter-
nationalism has always been our basic point of departure in handling our
external relations," and "our adherence to an independent foreign policy
accords with the discharging of our lofty international duty to safeguard
world peace and promote human progress."
The report also discusses in another section the question of persevering in
self-reliance while expanding economic and technological exchanges with
foreign countries. The report points out: "It is our firm strategic prin-
ciple,to carry out the policy of opening to the outside world and expand
economic and technological exchanges with foreign countries in accordance
with the principles of equality and mutual benefit," and "our aim in expand-
ing economic and technological exchanges with foreign countries is to
enhance our ability to be self-reliant and to promote, and certainly not to
impair, the development of our national economy."
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China was once a semicolony, or a semi-independent country. During that
time, China's affairs were admittedly not run by the oppressed and exploited
Chinese people, but neither were they run by the reactionary forces. They
were run rather by the imperialist powers. From the late Qing dynasty to
the Kuomintang period, the government was not only slavishly dependent on
imperialism in foreign policy, but it also adjusted its domestic policies
according to the wishes of imperialism. The opening of China's "door" then
was forced by imperialism, and the result of the opening was the enslave-
ment of the Chinese people and the destruction of China's national economy.
It was only after the Chinese people became the masters of their country
that China was turned into a truly independent and sovereign state standing
magnificently in the East and has been able to implement an independent
foreign policy, control its own "door" and adopt an open-door policy on the
basis of safeguarding national interest.
We must bear firmly in mind the following words in Comrade Deng Xiaoping's
opening speech to the 12th party congress: "Independence and self-reliance
have always been and will forever be our basic stand. While we Chinese
people value our friendship and cooperation with other countries and people,
we value even more our hard-won independence and sovereign rights. No
foreign country can expect China to be its vassal, or expect China to
swallow any bitter fruit detrimental to China's interests. We will
unservingly follow a policy of opening to the outside world and actively
increase exchanges with foreign countries on the basis of equality and
mutual benefit. At the same time, we will keep a clear head, firmly resist
corrosion by decadent ideas from abroad and never permit the bourgeois way'
of life to spread in our country. We Chinese people have our own national
self-respect and pride. We deem it the highest honor to love our country
and contribute our all to its socialist construction, and we deem it the
deepest disgrace to impair the interests, dignity and honor of our socialist
motherland." All Chinese with high aspirations should take such an attitude
and possess such a spirit. We must unite together, work hard and success-
fully build our country under the guidance of the program of the 12th CPC
National Congress in order to make our due contribution to the world, as
expected of a large country with a population of 1 billion.
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A GREAT HISTORICAL CHANGE AND ITS BASIC EXPERIENCE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 61-66
[Article by Yuan Mu [5913 26061; passages within slantlines published in
boldface]
[Text] The convening of the 12th CPC National Congress marks the fact that
our party has led the people in successfully realizing another great his-
torical change. It has opened a brilliant chapter in initiating our social-
ist modernization in an all-round way. Correct appraisal and full under-
standing of the far-reaching significance and basic experience of this
historical change and unifying the ideology of the whole party, the whole
army and the people of all nationalities of the whole country on this basis
are quite imperative and important for forging ahead courageously and in
solidarity along the road of the 12th national congress of the party and
for energetically seizing new and greater victories.
It was just 1 month short of 6 years from the smashing of the Jiang Qing
counterrevolutionary clique in October 1976 to the convening of this con-
gress. In the ordinary conception of the people, a period of 6 years is not
a short time, but in the long river of human history, it is short and only
an instant. However, in those 6years, our party has corrected the course
through the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, and
finally brought our country's political life and socialist cause onto a
correct and healthy road of development through the 4th, 5th and 6th plenary
sessions. No matter how many difficulties we may have before us, and no
matter how many shortcomings there may be in our work, this historical
change has shown and will show more and more fully its great significance
and far-reaching influence.
At the very beginning of his report made on behalf of the party Central Com-
mittee at the 12th national congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang briefly pointed out
the sign for realizing this historical change from the seven aspects of
ideology, politics, organization, economy, culture, military and the party,
that is from the various major aspects of our country's political life and
socialist construction. Through our efforts made to bring order out of
chaos in the past 6 years, particularly in the past 4 years since the third
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plenary session, we have, in our new practice, adhered to and developed the
ideological line of seeking truth from facts. This has dispelled the
apathetic atmosphere on various fronts in which "10,000 horses were all
muted" and enabled these fronts to obtain vigorous creative strength. The
political situation of stability and unity we have rapidly realized and
gradually consolidated has enabled the lively scene of the best historical
period since the founding of the PRC to appear. The gradual readjustment,
reorganization and consolidation of the leading groups have enabled the
leading power of the party and state organizations at all levels to be
basically controlled by the cadres who are loyal to the party and the
people. The gradual correction of the "leftist" erroneous tendency which
affected the guiding principle in our economic construction for a long time
has enabled our country's economy to tide over the most difficult period and
take the healthy road of steady development. The gradual elimination of the
erroneous concept of despising cultural construction and of discriminating
against intellectuals has enabled our educational, scientific and cultural
cause to undergo a new course of development and obtain preliminary pros-
perity. The military and political quality of the PLA has been enhanced
under new historical conditions. The tests and remolding which the party
has undergone in leading the various fronts in bringing order out of chaos
have made the party stronger and more matured in the course of struggle.
All this shows that the political situation in socialist China is stable,
the revolutionary and construction causes are continuously developing and
the leadership of the CPC is-firm and strong. In various aspects, we have
sufficient conditions for ushering in an all-round way a new situation for
socialist modernization. This is the base and starting point of the new
and great tasks put forward by the 12th CPC National Congress, as well as
the base and starting point for confidently achieving new victories. Before
such objective facts which are obvious to all, all pessimistic and apathetic
ideas and feelings must be eliminated.
Looking back on the momentous course of the struggle over the past years,
we can see the profound changes that have taken place in our country. It
should be said that of all these changes, the most fundamental and far-
reaching one is that the party's understanding of the law governing our
socialist construction has greatly increased. Just as Comrade Deng Xiaoping
pointed out in his opening speech at the 12th national congress: "Our party
now has a much deeper understanding of the law governing our socialist con-
struction. Our experience is much richer. Our consciousness and firmness
in implementing correct principles have been greatly strengthened."
As everyone knows, after the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC, our party
completely abandoned the erroneous slogan of "taking class struggle as the
key link," and began to put the stress of our work on the socialist mod-
ernization of economic construction. This is a strategic decision adopted
after drawing on past historical lessons and scientifically reanalyzing the
principal contradictions of our society. In the meantime, the party pointed
out that China's modernization must conform with the national condition of
China and take the road of the Chinese type of socialist modernization.
This is an important manifestation of the party's realistic ideological line
in guiding economic construction. Under the guidance of the spirit of the
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third plenary session, the party correctly put forward the principle of
readjusting, restructuring, reorganizing and upgrading the national economy
according to the profound analysis of the serious imbalance of the major
ratio of the national economy caused by the 10 years of internal disorder.
The proposition and implementation of this principle was the fundamental
change in the guiding principles of our country's economic work. They have
enabled our economic front to witness a good situation which has rarely
been seen since the founding of the PRC. During the large-scale economic
readjustment in the past 3 years, we have not only maintained a certain
speed of development in our economy, but also changed the imbalance in the
major ratio. Our economic structure is becoming more and more rational.
Such a level of enhancement of the livelihood of the people in the cities
and the countryside, particularly of the livelihood of the peasants, has not
been seen since the 1960's. What is encouraging is that, when adhering to
the public ownership system, the rural areas throughout the country have
gradually exercised various forms of the responsibility system in production
and that they have basically realized a major reform in the management
system. This major reform has fundamentally corrected the serious "leftist"
erroneous tendency which existed since the cooperative movement in the rural
areas throughout the country. It has enabled our country's agriculture,
which was stagnant for a very long time, to prosper and flourish. The great
vitality of this major change is understood by more and more people. By the
end of last year, through summing up the experience in readjusting the
economy since the third plenary session, the party further proposed that the
whole economic work should be shifted to the orbit which centered on raising
the economic results. According to this fundamental purpose, the party also
put forward 10 principles for economic construction. These 10 principles
are the crystallization of the combination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought with China's new situation and new practice. They show that our
party's understanding and mastery of the laws governing socialist economic
construction have reached a new scientific level. The proposition and
gradual implementation of the 10 principles began to make their mark in
China's economic development this year. Because of all this, at the 12th
national congress, our party was able to put forward the strategic aim,
strategic key points and strategic measures for China's economic construc
tion for the coming 20 years. In this case, we are provided with a blue-
print for construction which is suited to the national condition of China.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, our party
has profoundly studied the problems emerging in practice according to the
basic principles of Marxism. It has gradually understood that the building
of a high level of socialist spiritual civilization and of a high level of
socialist democracy should be regarded as a strategic problem. This is an
important development for scientific socialist theory. In socialist society,
when building material civilization, we must work hard to build a high level
of socialist spiritual civilization. When restructuring and perfecting our
socialist economic system and socialist political system, we must work hard
to build a high level of socialist democracy. The building of socialist
material civilization and the building of socialist spiritual civilization
are mutually dependent on one taking the other as its purpose. If we only
pay'attention to the building of material civilization but neglect the
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building of socialist spiritual civilization, which is based on communist
ideology, then, socialist society will go astray and become morally degen-
erate. This is, as pointed out by Comrade Mao Zedong, seeing only material
factors to the neglect of human ones. In the final analysis, developing the
socialist economy must rely on human factors, and its purpose is to improve
the livelihood of the people. If the people are morally degenerate, what is
the point of having material wealth? Material wealth can enable people to
live a happy life. It can also make people degenerate. The crux is that it
is imperative to enable the members of a socialist society to correctly
handle the relations between. individuals and society and the relations
between immediate and long-term interests. We must energetically strengthen
the building of socialist spiritual civilization so that our people can have
aspirations, morality, culture and discipline. In building material civili-
zation or socialist spiritual civilization, we must bring into full play the
initiative and creativeness of the people. Here we must energetically build
a high level of socialist democracy so as to fully protect the rights of the
people to being the masters of their own country, to effectively exercise
dictatorship over a small number of hostile elements who undermine socialist
society and to consolidate and strengthen the state system of the people's
democratic dictatorship. On the basis of these fundamental viewpoints, our
party has simultaneously made the realization of the four modernizations, the
realization of a high level of civilization and the realization of a high.
level of democracy the three fundamental objectives for building a socialist
modernized country, and has entered them in the new party constitution.
These are obviously the application and development of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought in China's new socialist practice. They will effectively
guide and bring forward the socialist practice of the Chinese people, and
will continue to enrich and develop themselves in practice.
It is obvious that in this historical change, our party's understanding of`
socialism and of the law governing socialist construction is becoming
deeper and deeper. Although this understanding is not yet perfect, it is
quite different from and much higher than that existing during the 8th
national congress of the party. Now, our party has not only restored the
correct policies which were effectively carried out before the "Cultural
Revolution," and has not only restored the original features of Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, but has also solved new problems and bravely
carried out investigations and innovations through conscientiously studying
the new situation. Our party has firmly established a correct line, worked
out a series of new and correct principles and policies and developed _
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought in various aspects. We can say that
this is.the greatest achievement of the historical change. It is also the
most precious spiritual wealth created by the whole party and people of the
whole country. Engels put it well: "No great historical disaster is not
supplemented by historical progress." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels,"
Vol 39, p 149) Our practice in the past years has proved the correctness of
Engels' relevation of this historical law. Under the guidance of the
party's correct line and policies, we are carrying out new practice to usher
in a new situation in an all-round way. We will certainly prove more fully
the correctness of this historical law.
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When explaining the basic reason for having realized this historical change,
the 12th national congress of the party clearly pointed out: "Our victory
was hard-won. It was won by.the whole party and the people of all nationali-
ties all over the country under the leadership of the party Central Committee
after overcoming all kinds of great difficulties." This is a historical
conclusion that is in conformity with objective reality. Practice has
irrefutably proved that our present party Central Committee is resolutely
implementing a correct Marxist line. It is a united, harmonious and mili-
tant leading collective. It is also a firm nucleus that can tackle any
complicated situation.
In the course of leading the whole party and the people of all nationalities
in the country in realizing this historical change, in order to guarantee
that the party's correct line and various basic principles can be imple-
mented, the party Central Committee correctly and in a timely manner launched
a two-way ideological attack against the "leftist" and rightist erroneous
tendencies. As a result, the party Central Committee could politically and
ideologically maintain the unity of the party. This was an important guar-
antee for achieving historical success. It will also be an important
guarantee for ushering in a new situation. In order to have a deeper under-
standing of this point, it may possibly be beneficial for the party to
briefly expound the general situation and correct conclusions for combating
these two erroneous tendencies in several principle problems.
/The problem of ideological line./ The guiding principle of "emancipating
the mind, using the brain, seeking truth from facts and adopting a united,
forward-looking attitude" which was issued at the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee was, under new historical conditions, the applica-
tion and development of the party's and Comrade Mao Zedong's consistent
propagation of the ideological line of combining theory with practice. If
we do not emancipate our minds, nor break away from the personality cult and
the trammels of dogmatism, we will not be able to bring order out of chaos,
nor will we be able to usher, in a new situation. Distorting the principle
of emancipating the mind to saying what one likes and advocating bourgeois
liberalization; will also have negative effects on our cause. These two
tendencies must be opposed. In emancipating the mind, we must follow
Marxist guidance, adhere to the party's ideological line and base ourselves
on studying the new situation and solving new problems. Emancipating the
mind must be beneficial to maintaining unity and to adopting a forward-
looking attitude. In short, emancipating the mind must be in conformity
with the four basic principles. It must not violate these four basic
principles.
/The problem of adhering to the four basic principles./ Persisting on the
socialist road, persisting in the people's democratic dictatorship, per-
sisting in the leadership of the Communist Party and adhering to Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought have been our consistent basic principles since
the founding of the PRC. In further exposing and denouncing the Lin Biao and
Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques, our party pointed out that in the
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final analysis, our struggle against them was the struggle between our
adhering to and their undermining the four basic principles. We wanted to
adhere to the four basic principles, so we had to wipe out the Lin Biao and
Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques' pernicious influence in distorting
and altering the four basic principles. Following the correction of the
mistakes of the "Cultural Revolution" and the "leftist" tendency, the
rightist tendency which deviated from the four basic principles emerged.
Now if we want to unswervingly adhere to the four basic principles, we must
continue to prevent and oppose the above two erroneous tendencies.
/The problem of correctly appraising Comrade Mao Zedong and Mao Zedong
Thought./ Comrade Mao Zedong was the great leader and teacher of our party
and the people of all nationalities of our country. He made immortal and
great contributions to the Chinese revolution. He committed serious mis-
takes in his later years, but his merits far outweighed his errors. If we
lack the Marxist courage to make self-criticism of the party'',s mistakes
which include Comrade Mao Zedong's past mistakes, and if we do not con-
scientiously correct these mistakes in practice, we cannot bring order out
of chaos, nor can we realize a historical change. If we negate Comrade Mao
Zedong's whole life because he committed serious mistakes in his later years,
then the whole of the revolutionary history of the Chinese people will be
negated, and we will make even greater mistakes. Mao Zedong Thought is the
correct summation, proved in practice, of theoretical principles and experi-
ence with regard to the Chinese revolution. It is the crystallization of
the collective wisdom of the CPC. We must strictly distinguish between Mao
Zedong Thought and Comrade Mao Zedong's mistakes in his later years, and
continue to uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought. If we do not make such
a distinction, or if we think that whatever Comrade Mao Zedong said is an
unalterable truth, or if we try to negate the guiding role of Mao Zedong
Thought in China's revolution and construction and abandon the banner of
Mao Zedong Thought because Comrade Mao Zedong committed mistakes in his
later years, this is an erroneous tendency that seriously violates the
objective truth and is detrimental to the interests of the party and the
people.
/The problem of class struggle in the socialist period./ The "Resolution on
Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC"
adopted at the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee pointed
out: "When the exploiting Blass is eliminated as a class, class struggle
will no longer be the principal contradiction. Due to domestic factors and
international influence, class struggle will exist for a long time in certain
spheres and become acute under certain circumstances." This was a scientific
conclusion the party drew with regard to the question of China's current
class struggle after bringing order out of chaos since the third plenary
session and after profoundly analyzing the real conditions of China's society.
This' tells us the following: We must not only resolutely oppose returning
to the erroneous idea and concrete manifestation of "taking class struggle
as the key link," but also prevent the loss of revolutionary vigilance
concerning class struggle under new historical conditions.
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/The problem of socialist democracy./ Building a high level of socialist
democracy is one of our fundamental aims and tasks. We must energetically
develop socialist democracy so as to protect the people's right of fully
running the state and various economic and cultural undertakings and to
guarantee the smooth carrying out of the building of socialist material and
spiritual civilization. In addition, we must draw a line of demarcation
between socialist democracy and bourgeois democracy so that the building
and perfecting of China's democratic system and democratic life can be
beneficial to the consolidation of our socialist system and to resolutely
and effectively exercising dictatorship over a small number of hostile
elements who undermine our socialist system.
/The problem of economic results and speed in development./ This is a major
problem that is concerned with the guiding principles of economic construc-
tion. According to our experience of building during the past 30-odd years
since the founding of the PRC, we must center our economic work on improving
economic results. Under this prerequisite, we must try to acquire a speed
of development that can be obtained through hard work. If we do not try to
obtain such a speed, it will be detrimental to strengthening national power,
to improving the people's livelihood and to the four modernizations. If we
try to obtain an exaggerated speed through high consumption, regardless of
economic results and the material benefit of the people and without taking
into account raising the quality of the products, this would be merely.
bringing disaster through seeking an undeserved reputation. These two
tendencies must be prevented and avoided.
/The problem of dual tactics for developing the socialist cause./ In the
new historical period, in order to develop the socialist cause, we must
persist in using dual tactics ideologically and in action. On the one hand,
we must persist in carrying out an open-door foreign policy and an internal
policy of stimulating the economy. On the other hand, we must deal resolute
blows to the serious criminal activities that undermine socialist society
in the economic, political and cultural spheres. It is dangerous just to
pay attention to the latter and doubt the former, or just to emphasize the
former to the neglect of the latter.
Historical experience tells us that fundamentally speaking, in order to
adhere to the party's correct Marxist line, we must oppose not only the
"leftist" tendency of erroneous theory and policies advocated during and
before the "Cultural Revolution," but also the rightist tendency of bourgeois
liberalization which doubts and negates the four basic principles. When and
where to oppose an erroneous tendency depends on the specific conditions con-
cerned. When opposing a tendency, we must guard against forming another
tendency. Since the third plenary session, in waging the two front
ideological struggle against the "leftist" and rightist erroneous tenden-
cies, the party has persistently held firm to its principles and stand,
and tried to handle matters comprehensively according to their scientific
law. In this way, the party's past correct principles for waging ideologi-
cal struggles have been further applied and developed'under new historical
conditions to achieve the aim of "thrashing out the rights and wrongs and
uniting our comrades." As a result, many complicated ideological problems
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and social and political contradictions have been handled in a comparatively
proper manner. Of course, here we are referring to the general situation in
the whole party, particularly the leadership of the party Central Committee.
It will require a great effort by party organizations at all levels, by all
party members and all cadres of the party to materialize the above points.
The general program of the new party constitution adopted at the 12th con-
gress of the party, points out that if the party wants to lead the people
of all nationalities in realizing the magnificent goal of socialist mod-
ernization, it must fulfill three basic requirements, of which the first
one is that the party must maintain "a high level of unanimity in ideology
and politics." This is the summary of the party's experience in its past
protracted struggles. We must emphasize that conscientiously maintaining
unanimity with the party Central Committee in politics and ideology should
become a political disciplinary principle all party members must strictly
observe. Energetically and conscientiously propagating the party's ideology,
theory, line, policies and propositions to the masses of the people should be
the duty of every party member to the party and the people. But some party
members do not act in such a way. They even do something different or act
on their own with regard to important principles and policies which have been
decided on by the party. Honest and loyal party members do not adopt such
an attitude, and this phenomenon must resolutely be stopped and corrected.
We believe that under the banner of the party's 12th national congress, the
whole party will certainly reach a high level of unanimity in ideology and
politics, and the victory of the struggle for ushering in a new situation
will be most reliably guaranteed.
Marxism has always maintained that history is created by the masses of the
people. In the final analysis, the reason why the party could achieve such
a great success in the historical change was that it had firm faith in the
people, relied on them and followed their demands and the trends of his-
torical development. As pointed out in the report of the party's 12th
national congress: "It is because the party has centralized the will of
the people and worked out a correct line, principles and policies that the
socialist cause of our motherland has embarked on a broad road. The
people's confidence in and support for the party are the key points by
which we can constantly achieve success in our cause." We must always bear
in mind this fundamental experience.
The CPC is the loyal representative of the interests of the people of all
nationalities of our country. The party has no special interests of its own
beyond the interests of the working class and the broad masses of the
people. Wholeheartedly serving the people has been the fundamental purpose
of our party. Since the Communist Party seized political power throughout
the country and became the governing party, its position has changed. But
this change should not in the least alter the purpose of the party, nor
should it change the position of party members as ordinary working people.
After the party became the governing party, some people became cadres and
had power in their hands. But facts have shown that they failed to use their
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power to serve the people. On the contrary, they have used it to seek
personal gain at the "expense" of the people, of the collective and of the
state. As a result, from being the public servants of the people, they
became the "masters" of the people. All kinds of unhealthy tendencies have
emerged from this. If we want to have faith in and rely on the masses and
to win the masses' confidence and support in a better way, we must reso-
lutely correct this unhealthy phenomenon. We believe that under the
guidance of the spirit of the party's 12th national congress and the new
party constitution, this phenomenon will be corrected rapidly.
Comrade Chen Yun has emphasized that party style is a life and death matter
for the governing party. We can understand Comrade Chen Yun's important
thesis as follows: The party style affects the relations between the party
and the masses. It affects the will of the people, and the will of the
people is the crux that determines the future and destiny of the party. We
must answer the call of the 12th national congress, conscientiously rectify
party style and party organizations, strive to realize a fundamental change
for the better with regard to the party style, better serve the people and
wholeheartedly work for the interests of the majority. In this way, we will
carry out our cause victoriously.
If we want to work for the interests of the people in a better and more
effective way, we must make a great change in our methods of thinking and
style of thinking, strive to submerge ourselves in the masses and go deeply
into the realities of life, carry out systematic and scientific investiga-
tions., correctly feel the pulse of the masses and understand well what they
think. In this historical change, a great deal of facts have proved that
this question is of great importance. The party's great achievements in
readjusting the rural policies in the past years are a most convincing
example. It is because the party firmly believes that the peasants in our
country have the initiative of resolutely taking the socialist road, and it
is because the party, by basing itself on a great deal of investigation and
study, knows well what the peasants are for and what they are against, that
it has been able to grasp the two major links of implementing various kinds
of production responsibility system and of energetically developing a
diversified economy under the prerequisite of paying close attention to
grain production. It is because of this also that we have the guidance of
the party's policies from above and the warm support of the peasant masses
from below. In this way, the situation in the countryside has rapidly
changed for the better, and an encouraging excellent situation has emerged.
If we do not go deep into the realities of life, if we do not submerge our-
selves in the masses, if we are not bold in and good at carrying out prac-
tice, if we cannot master the scientific working method of grasping the
major links to bring forward other work, even if we have the enthusiasm to
serve the people, it will be very difficult to turn it into a hard reality
of working for the interests of the people. In order to open up a new
situation in an all-round way and in order to boldly carry out creative
work for the people, we are required to make greater efforts in submerging
ourselves in the masses, in.going deep into the realities of life, in carry-
ing out scientific and systematic investigation and study and in continuing
to improve our methods of thinking and work style.
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In short, fully understanding the great significance and far-reaching influ-
ence of this historical change so as to be more confident in our advance,
having firm faith in the party and the party Central Committee and con-
scientiously maintaining unanimity with the party Central Committee in
politics and ideology, having firm faith in the people, relying on the
people and improving our methods of thinking and work style for the inter-
ests of the people are our major experience drawn from this historical
change. In initiating a new situation for socialist construction in an
all-round way, we should continue to apply and develop this major experi-
ence to achieve new and greater success.
CSO: 4004/7
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LAY A GOOD FOUNDATION TO USHER IN NEW VIGOROUS ECONOMIC GROWTH
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 67-72
[Article by Wang Renzhi [3769 1804 0037]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
solemnly announced: In the 20 years from 1981 to the end of this century,
our country's fighting target in economic construction, under the logical
premise of improving the economic effect, is to strive for quadrupling the
annual value of the national industrial and agricultural output by the year
2000. Realization of this target will be in two stages: In the first 10
years, a good foundation will be laid and our strength will be accumulated;
and in the remaining 10 years, a new period to usher in new vigorous
economic growth will be created. This economic construction strategy has
been gradually formulated by our party in the course of the implementation
of the eight-character policy of readjustment, restructuring, reorganiza-
tion and upgrading, following the summing up of historical experiences and
a thorough investigation and. research of the actual conditions. It has
thoroughly combined together reality with farsightedness and a rigid
scientific attitude with a high degree of revolutionary spirit and has thus
pointed out the direction and correct road for our country's economic con-
struction in socialist modernization.
The general plan for economic construction in our country in the next 20
years embodies the following special features:
Concurrently with determining the speed of economic development, it stresses
uplifting the economic effect. In the past, the theme envisioned for a long
time under the guidance of "leftist" thought was frequently and solely
striving for a rapid growth rate in the volume and value of output. As a
consequence, a high price was paid for the production of commodities which
did not conform to actual social needs, and while production was increased
in name, stockpiling and waste were the actual damages resulting. Of
course, we must strenuously strive for a relatively high growth rate in the
national economy. In the next 20 years, we must, through extensively
adopting advanced production technology and reforming the economic system
and management methods of the enterprises, uplift the economic effect or,
otherwise, it will not be possible to achieve the anticipated growth rate
in economic development. This is precisely the reason why the "report"
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demanded that all economic work be oriented toward the central track of
uplifting the economic effect and pointed out that uplifting the economic
effect constituted the logical premise to achieve the objective of quad-
rupling the annual value of the national industrial and agricultural output
by the end of this century.
It clearly stipulated that the people's standard of living must be improved
on the basis of developing production. Improving the living conditions of
the entire populace is the fundamental aim of socialist production and
should constitute the starting point as well as the ultimate objective in
the long-term planning for industrial development. However, in the past,
the long-term planning that was indulged in frequently stressed production
and construction, neglected the development of social enterprises and also
neglected the improvement of the people's standard of living. As a result,
although a relatively high economic growth rate was achieved, the people's
standard of living was not correspondingly improved. Under such circum-
stances, the,"report," when-announcing the fighting target for economic
construction in the next 20 years, emphatically pointed out that the
realization of this target would double the people's income in the urban
and rural areas and enable the people's material and cultural life to reach
a prosperous level.
The "report" not only brought up the target for economic construction but
also pointed out the key strategic points which must be grasped and the
strategic steps which must be taken. The national economy is an organic
whole. Its component parts are mutually related and keep each other in
check. The problems arising in the course of economic and social develop-
ment are many and extremely complicated. From this chaotic array of
baffling problems, we must sort out the leading ones, determine which are
more important and which less important, which are more urgent and which
less urgent and then take them up in a gradual and progressive manner.
This indeed constitutes an important lesson which we must do well when
contemplating, on a long-term basis, planned economic development. After
making a thorough analysis and study of the entire situation of the national
economy, the "report" pointed out the importance and urgency of solving the
problems concerning agriculture, energy and communications, education and
science and added that these problems should be considered as the strategic
and key problems in economic development hereafter. It then proceeded to
analyze many of the existing deterrent factors to economic development and
stated that we must take 10 years' time to laya good foundation to usher
in an overall upsurge of our country's economy in the next 10 years. Having
a clear understanding now of the strategic and important points and the
strategic procedure in economic construction, we can systematically and
without confusion solve one by one the various problems and proceed in the
direction of the fixed targets.
The strategic targets in capital construction in our country are gigantic
ones. Turning first to the economic growth rate, to quadruple, in 20 years'
time, the annual value of industrial and agricultural output requires an
average annual growth rate of over 7 percent. Of this, the annual growth
rate in the first 10 years will be slightly lower than this average, while
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in the second 10 years it will be higher. This average, when compared with
other countries in the world, is rather on the high side. Thus, for the
20 years between 1960 and 1980, the annual growth rate in the gross national
product of the major countries of the world was as follows: United States,
3.5 percent; Soviet Union, 6.3 percent; Japan, 8 percent; West Germany, 3.8
percent; France, 4.6 percent; Britain, 2.4 percent; and India, 3.8 percent.
Judging from the development trend in the world's economy from now on, for
these nations to again achieve in the last 20 years of this century their
respective economic growth rate of the past 20 years, it will be a rather
difficult task for some and a basically impossible task for others. How-
ever, our case is different. We have a superior socialist system. Our
economic growth cannot be interrupted by economic crises which are unavoid-
able in the capitalist system. We should be able, after efforts made in 20
years' time, to make our gross national product and the output volume of the
principal industrial and agricultural commodities be placed in the world's
front ranks. We should be able to achieve great development in the course
of the modernization of our entire national economy and thereby shorten the
disparity in economic technology between our country and the economically
developed countries.
Realization of the gigantic tasks in economic construction involves
extremely. difficult tasks. However, seen from the vast political power in
our various quarters, the targets are by no means unattainable. Countless
facts in actual life have demonstrated that if we can fully arouse the
enthusiasm of the laborers and fully tap the hidden potentials of the com
munes and the production brigades in the countryside and other production
units, then our socialist economic construction can surely achieve surpris-
ingly good results. Moreover, in the next 20 years, we shall be favored
with some even better conditions for developing the economy. The many years
of disturbance in our country have now been terminated. Peace and unity
have been realized in the country. As a result, there is now a better
social and political environment for economic construction. The pivotal
work of our party and government has been shifted to socialist moderniza-
tion construction centering on economic construction. We have earnestly
liquidated past "leftist" errors in economic work and a basic change has
taken place in the guiding thought and guiding policy concerning economic
work. Our closed door policy has come to an end. By means of intercourse
in economic technology with the outside world, we can make use of the world's
strong points to compensate our weak points. In general, the factual condi-
tions and objective feasibility for realizing the gigantic economic con-
struction targets are undoubtedly in existence. To make full use of these
conditions so that they can become realities depends on the party's
superior and effective leadership and also on the workers, peasants,
intelligent elements and all patriotic citizens exerting their common
efforts. The strategic targets for economic construction in the next 20
years can surely be accomplished if only we can firmly and irrevocably
carry out the series of correct guidelines and policies set by the party,
further display the superiority of the socialist system, fully mobilize the
enthusiasm of the various quarters and rationally utilize our plentiful
natural resources as well as;the material and technical foundation already
laid by our enormous labor force.
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In the course of realizing the 20 years' fighting targets, the key lies in
doing a good job of the work in the first 10 years. Whether or not new and
vigorous growth can emerge in the 1990's depends on whether or not a good
foundation has been laid in preparation work in the 1980's. The "report"
offered a convincing expostulation on why 10 years' time must be required
to prepare the conditions for economic growth. It fully demonstrated the
scientific attitude of studying and handling problems in a practical and
realistic way.
Following several years' readjustment, our national economy has begun to
step on the road to healthy development, but there are still many existing
problems and difficulties. The country's fiscal receipts and expenses have
been basically balanced, but this has been realized by means of a large-
scale curtailment of expenditures. The foundation thus laid is still not
a solid one. Due to the tense situation in energy supply, communications
and transportation capacity is not consistent with the increase in the
volume of transport. In particular, frightful waste and extravagance in
manpower, material resources and finances in the production, construction
and circulation sectors have intensified the unbalanced state in energy
supply and demand, impeded improvement in financial conditions and
restricted the rapid growth of the economy. According to statistics, the
amount of national income derived from each ton of energy consumed was
1,167 yuan at the time of the first 5-year plan period but was reduced to
576 yuan in 1981; the amount of profits and taxes realized from each 100
yuan of capital invested in industrial enterprises under the system of
ownership by the whole people was 31.9 yuan during the first 5-year plan
period but went down to 23.8 yuan in 1981; the construction time required
for large and medium-sized projects was 6.5 years during the first 5-year
plan period but was extended to 9.4 years in 1981; and the amount of circu-
lation funds required for the production of each 100 yuan in the value of
output in industrial enterprises under the system of ownership by the whole
people was 19.5 yuan in 1957 but was increased to 30.2 yuan in 1981. It is
true that herein certain incomparable objective factors may be found but,
generally speaking, these conditions denote the downward trend of the
economic effect, and this is a serious and an undeniable fact. In the face
of these circumstances, our Communist Party members and the vast masses of
cadres and people certainly cannot remain motionless or fear to step for-
ward. Rather, they should devote their utmost efforts to effect changes and
to tap the enormous potentialities of increasing production and practicing
economy.
The "report" pointed out the reasons for the poor showing in economic effect
as follows: "Principally, factors caused by past 'leftist' errors such as
blind development, irrational economic structure, defects in the economic
management system and distribution system, confusion in management and
control and backward technology." Of these many problems pointed out in
the "report," some had already emerged during the last period of the 1950's
but had remained unsolved for a prolonged period of time; some had appeared
during the 10 years of disturbance and since then had'spread and extended.
We must, of course, note that in more recent years, we have done much work
in the solution of these problems and have achieved certain results. At the
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same time, the experience gained from actual practice in these few years has
shown that the full solution of these complicated problems of so many years'
standing will take a rather lengthy period of time. The party has decided
to continue to firmly and irrevocably implement the policy of readjustment,
restructuring, reorganization and upgrading and not to seek too high a
growth rate during the entire 1980's but, rather, to devote efforts to
solving the problems left over from history and to laying a good founda-
tion. This is truly correct and important policymaking. Instead of looking
at the matter as being only a simple one or being anxious for results
despite the obvious infeasibility, we should rather make a sufficient esti-
mation of the existing difficulties, take firm steps forward and proceed in
an orderly manner and according to rules. At the early stage of national
construction, Comrade Chen Yun already said: "Between making haste but
committing errors and playing safe but being slow, I prefer the latter.
In particular, in tackling economic problems concerning the country as a
whole, we should bear this point in mind." The party's policy on the
strategic procedure in economic construction from now on reflects well this
important guiding principle pointed out by Comrade Chen Yun.
On the basis of our country's current economic conditions and the existing
problems, the "report" pointed out the various kinds of economic work that
emphatically must be done well during the 1980's. They comprise mainly
the following six sectors:
I. Continued readjustment of the production structure and the product
structure.
Since implementing in 1979 the policy of readjusting the national economy,
the serious state of imbalance in the proportional relationships between
agriculture and industry and between light industry and heavy industry have
greatly changed and the readjustment task in this sector may be said to have
been basically completed. However, many irrationalities may still be found
in the internal structure and in the structure of products of agriculture,
light industry and heavy industry. Readjustment must therefore be con-
tinued in this regard.
In agriculture, internally the major task is to stabilize the grain sowing
area and to ensure a sustained growth rate in grain production. Under this
logical premise, the next step is to actively promote the development of
economic crops and diversified operations. All the areas fit for grain
planting must be devoted to the development of grain production. Only in'
this way can the state acquire the needed quantity of grain to support
areas which are not suited to grain production and enable the localities
to develop economic crops, forestry, animal husbandry or other lines of
business or operation in accordance with their respective superior condi-
tions. At present, the gross output value of forestry, animal husbandry,
subsidiary production and fisheries occupies only a small proportion of the
gross value of agricultural output, being, say, around one-third. Simul-
taneously with grasping grain production, we should utilize all barren
hills, grassland, waterways and reservoirs that are available for.use to"
develop in an overall manner various kinds of agricultural sideline
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production and should never be lax the slightest bit. Only in so doing can
we meet the demand for industrial development and for meeting the people's
livelihood needs.
In the industrial sector, certain products have not conformed to actual
social needs and, hence, a large quantity of them has to be stockpiled.
In the case of some commodities, they are urgently needed by society but
their supply lags behind demand. Some products have a high rate of con-
sumption of energy and raw materials in production but are extremely poor
in quality and in function. -In regard to both light industry and heavy
industry, we must, following the principles of conforming to social demand
and upgrading economic effect, strictly control the output of the so-called
"longline" products and actively increase the output of the "shortline"
products. In addition, we should step up the replacement of old products
with new products and make use of those products which consume less energy
and less raw materials in production to replace the backward products. If
we follow this direction in improving the structure of the industries and
trades and the structure of the products, then we can effectively utilize
our various material resources and create more wealth for the state.
II. Overall reorganizing and rebuilding existing enterprises.
The number of industrial enterprises in our country increased from 195,000
units to 382,000 units between the years 1970 and-1981. The increase was
nearly 100 percent. While this has promoted the development of production,
the element of blind development has existed to a great extent. Many of.the
enterprises have suffered from an insufficient rate of operation, while some
have not been able to start operations altogether. In the case of many
enterprises, the operation procedure in production is irrational, consump-
tion of materials is much too high and the quality of the products is poor.
In the case of many enterprises, a confused state is found in management
and control, and even the rudiments of business accounting are lacking.
One of the basic measures of tapping hidden potentials and upgrading economic
effect is to differentiate between different conditions and effect an overall
reorganization and rebuilding of the enterprises.
In reorganizing the enterprises, we must boldly solve the major contradic-
tions within the enterprises and must not allow the work to be half done.
The prevalent defects of many enterprises are: a weak and loosely organized
leadership group, overstaffing and not enough work to go around, lax
observance of labor discipline and financial regulations, and so on.
Reorganization will be hardly worth its name if we do not dare to solve
these problems or do not dare to promote to leadership posts intelligent,
young or middle-aged cadres who are vigorous and capable of tackling issues
at hand or do not dare to sort out the surplus personnel from the enter-
prises and give them renewed training or do not dare to require the strict
observance of rules and discipline and implementation.of the organizational
rules. If the leadership can make a firm resolution and, relying on the
masses, earnestly and quickly solve certain delicate problems, then re-
organization can easily pursue its course and production, management and
control will be on the right track.
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Simultaneously with reorganizing the enterprises, we must firmly and
steadily readjust and rebuild the existing enterprises and should never be
indecisive or hesitant in taking the necessary steps. First of all, we
must close or merge a number of backward enterprises which have a high
consumption rate of raw materials, whose products are poor in quality and
which have suffered losses for a protracted period. This will save a cer-
tain quantity of energy and raw materials for use by the advanced units to
operate in full capacity. Afterward, we should, conforming with the prac-
tice of coordination and division of work in specialization and with
rational economic principles, perform a good job of gradually organizing
together the remaining enterprises and rationalizing their organizational
structure. Our socialist economic system and economic policy will never
permit us to give way to or protect backward enterprises or curtail or harm
advanced enterprises. On the contrary, we must encourage and promote the
progressive enterprises and spur on or even liquidate the backward ones. It
is clear that following changes in social demand, progress in production
technology and development of division of labor and coordination, naturally
ne;~- enterprises will gradually replace the old and dilapidated enterprises.
In this connection, the socialist system is superior to the capitalist
system in that it can afford to follow the unified plan of the state and
spontaneously carry out the readjustment and rebuilding of the enterprises.
We should never consider the readjustment and rebuilding of enterprises as
measures that are only temporary in nature or passive ones. On the con-
trary, we should treat them as regular features in the course of the
development of social production. They should be treated as positive
measures for upgrading the economic effect of all of society.
III. Developing technical rebuilding in a planned and systematic manner.
A very small proportion of the production technology of our existing enter-
prises has reached the world's present advanced level. By far, the greater
part subsists at the level at which the advanced countries used to be in the
1950's and the early 1960's. Thus, in order to gradually realize the mod-
ernization of the national economy, we must pass. through a necessary stage
of extensive technical rebuilding. Naturally, we should continue to estab-
lish a number of new enterprises but the principal road to expanded repro-
duction is the technical rebuilding and renewal of equipment of existing
enterprises.
The various industries and trades should study and formulate their own
technological policy and plan for technical rebuilding and gradually carry
them out after having laid a good foundation of reorganization and rebuild-
ing. Due to insufficiency in technological power and funds, in the next few
years technical rebuilding will be confined to only the key projects. As
for the area to be covered in technical rebuilding, first of all we should
tightly grasp the backbone enterprises and the central cities and towns and
then follow up on a much larger scale. Technical rebuilding of the machine-
building industry should come first so as to manufacture advanced technical
equipment to arm the various departments of the national economy. As for
the contents in technical rebuilding, first of all we should tightly grasp
the promotion of those production techniques which have already produced
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good economic benefits. Good technological results must be organized for
transfer from the coastal areas to the interior, from being purely for
military use to joint military-civilian use and from outside the country to
within the country. Finally, we should adopt even more new and advanced
technology and artcraft. The various kinds of technical rebuilding should
not be confined merely to increasing the quantity of output or to one-
sidedly striving for a rise in the degree of automation. Rather, they
should revolve around such concepts as practicing economy in energy con-
sumption and use of raw materials, raising the quality and function of
products and reducing the cost of production. An extensive development of
technical rebuilding requires an enormous amount of work. We do not have
sufficient experience and fall short in methodology. Hence, first, we must
exert great efforts to formulate a policy, a plan and some concrete measures
to promote technical rebuilding and, second, we must pay due attention to
the study and solution of new problems that have arisen during the course
of technical rebuilding in order to ensure that technical rebuilding can
progress smoothly.
IV. Concentration of funds and strengthening construction of key projects.
Readjusting the economic structure, reorganizing existing enterprises and
undertaking technical rebuilding work can play an exceedingly important role
in lowering energy consumption and facilitating transport. However, taking
a long view of the development of the national economy, we still need to
step up the opening up of energy resources and the construction of communi-
cation and transportation facilities in order to ease the tense situation
in energy supply and in communications and transport. The building of large
coal mines, oilfields and power stations and the construction of railroads
and seaports generally require a rather protracted period of time. The
scale of the development of energy resources and of the construction of
communication and transportation facilities in the 1980's will, to a very
large extent, determine the growth rate in energy production and in com-
munications and transportation capacity in the 1990's. Opening up energy
resources and developing communication facilities requires large capital`
outlays and will be principally taken care of by the state. Therefore, in
order to prepare for vigorous economic growth in the 1990's, the state must,
beginning now, concentrate the necessary funds and speed up construction in.
the energy and communications sectors.
One of the principal demonstrations of the superiority of the socialist
system is that the state can concentrate its financial and material
resources for use in those sectors which are the most urgently needed and
can produce high economic benefits. In our country, which is economically
backward and has limited national power, appropriately concentrating capital
funds for undertaking key construction projects is particularly necessary.
Comrade Chen Yun once said: "In order to progress on a poor economic
foundation, we must do the utmost to concentrate material and financial
resources and make use of them in a unified way...." "If only we can con-
centrate our forces and use them on the necessary projects, it will be
entirely possible to accomplish several big ones. We should never be so
shortsighted as to engage in confusion in a number of projects without any
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plan." During the first 5-year plan period, we concentrated our main forces
on undertaking the construction of 156 backbone and key projects, and very
speedily the initial foundation for industrialization was laid. Subse-
quently, due to the concentration of too much financial power on the part
of the state, the enthusiasm of the localities, enterprises and workers was
restricted. Following the readjustment and restructuring work done in the
last few years, in the distribution of national revenue a large proportion
was devoted to improving the standard of living of people in the urban and
rural areas while, at the same time, the mobile financial power owned by the
enterprises increased rather rapidly. Generally speaking, this procedure
is necessary and correct and has contributed much to promoting the develop-
ment of production. Nevertheless, in the course of this procedure, distri-
bution of capital funds appeared to be much too wide. This is seen in an
increase in the absolute amount of national spending and in a decrease in
the absolute amount of the state's financial receipts. Concurrently, fiscal
deficit appeared and there was no guarantee that funds would be available
for key construction projects. From now on, we should appropriately readjust
the distribution of the national revenue so that the financial receipts of
the state can have a relatively larger annual increase, but this must be.
done on a foundation of developing production and vigorously increasing
social wealth as well as observing the conditions of protecting the rational
interests of the workers, enterprises and localities. In so doing, we can
reduce and overcome the character of blindness in construction work under-,
taken by certain localities and enterprises,. We can also enable the state
to control the absolutely necessary funds for strengthening key construc-
tion and thus realize a proportionate and stable development of the national
economy. This is in conformity with the basic and long-term interests of
people of the whole country.
V. Energetically training qualified personnel and promoting scientific and
technological research and studies.
Workers in our country have a low cultural. level; trained and experienced
workers, scientific and technical personnel and people versed in management
and administration are extremely scarce. Moreover, of the available quali-
fied personnel at present, many are unable to fully display their talents.
These conditions have seriously impeded development of the economy. Man is
the main factor in the creation, handling and utilization of advanced pro-
duction methods and production technique. Progress in science and tech-
nology and a rise of the management and administration level are based on
the training of talented personnel. Statistics from abroad and our own
experiences have amply shown that the higher the cultural and scientific
level of the workers, the higher the labor productivity rate and the more
rational proposals, creations and inventions they can produce. Actually,
the training of qualified personnel cannot be done in a single day's time.
Only through tightly grasping the training of personnel in the 1980's can we
expect a general rise in the scientific and cultural level of the entire
body of workers in the 1990's and expect a sizable increase in the ranks of
various kinds of specialized personnel. Hence, we must do our best to
increase the expenditures allocated to education, vigorously develop vari-
ous grades and categories of educational enterprises and adopt various
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measures to raise the workers' degree of competence and their level of
knowledge and also train a sufficient number of various kinds of specialized
personnel who can meet the quality requirements. We must organize our
existing scientific and technical forces to tackle key scientific and
research topics and strive for early and quick results. We should make
good use of the existing intelligent elements and select and place the
better ones in important posts on the various front lines and in various
enterprise units. As for those young people and intelligent elements who
play a backbone role in production and construction, we should adopt con-
crete measures to gradually improve their treatment and work conditions so
that they can render even better services.
VI. Gradually implement the restructuring of the economic system.
In doing various kinds of economic work and solving various economic prob-
lems, what is most fundamental is to arouse the positivism and enthusiasm
of the vast masses of people, of the production units and of the localities
and departments and to scientifically organize them together with due con-
sideration of the interests of all of society and the requirements of
specialized large-scale production. In order to realize this objective, we
must restructure the economic system. For a prolonged period of time, our
economic system has suffered from the defect of an overconcentration of
power and of having exercised a too vast and too rigid control. In conse-
quence, the power, responsibility and interests of the various quarters
have not been joined together well and this, in turn, has affected the
display of their positivism and enthusiasm. In the last few years, the
economic system has been restructured to a certain extent. The decision-
making power of the enterprises has been enlarged and due attention has been
paid to linking together the production and operation results of the workers
with the material benefits accorded to them. As a result, there have been
obvious signs of an enlivening of the economy. Naturally, this restructur-
ing is still in its initial stage. Much important restructuring work still
needs to be done in order to set up, with due consideration of our country's
actual conditions and based on socialist principles, an economic system
which can, under a centralized and united leadership, fully arouse the
positivism of the various quarters.
The "report" specified a series of important principles covering the future
restructuring of the economic system and further pointed out the basic
direction of the restructuring work. These principles are: Under the
logical premise of firmly insisting on the state-run economy occupying the
leadership position, developing the cooperative economy of the collective
ownership system and the individual economy of the workers and making the
various economic forms rationally fit in with each other and promote each
other's development; within the state-run enterprises and the collective
enterprises, earnestly implementing the responsibility system in management
and control and carrying out, in an even better way, the Marxist principle
of material interests; firmly insisting on planned economy as the main body
and regulation by market mechanism as the supplementary part and, in the
control of economic activities, adopting the three different forms of plan-
ning of the directive type, planning of a guidance nature and regulation by
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market mechanism so that while employing administrative measures, attention
will be simultaneously paid to letting economic levers fully play their
role. Overall realization of these principles will make it possible to join
together in a satisfactory manner the enthusiasm and positivism of the vari-
ous quarters with the united and planned nature of the country's economic
activities. This will propel the national economy to proceed along the
socialist road in a lively and proportionate manner and achieve the best
economic benefits. We must, following this direction and based on investi-
gation, research and the summing up of experiences, tightly grasp the
formulation of the general plan for restructuring and the procedure of.
implementation, actively carry out the preparatory work for restructuring
and push the restructuring work forward step by step.
In the 1980's, the tasks facing the economic front are enormous. Of the six
categories of tasks mentioned above, each and every one of them requires us
to exert great efforts and to perform a large amount of difficult and
tedious work. In mentioning that in the 1980's we cannot seek too high a
growth rate, we do not mean that we can afford to be lax or dilatory in our
work. On the contrary, we must firm up our spirit, actively press forward
and strenuously but tenaciously engage in the struggle. Only in this way
will it be possible for us to solve one by one the various problems left
over by history, raise the economic effect on various sides, effect in the
near future a basic improvement in the financial and economic situation and
then proceed forthwith to lay a firm foundation for the subsequent vigorous
economic growth. By the 1990's, as a result of the readjustment of our
economic structure--including the production structure--product structure
and organizational structure of the enterprises having been completed, the
economic control system having become in the main rationalized, the manage-
ment level and level in production technique of the enterprises having been
generally raised, and the fundamental sectors such as agriculture, energy,
communications, education and science having been strengthened, an overall
new state of upsurge will assuredly appear in the economic construction in
socialist modernization of our country. The growth rate will be definitely
much higher than in the 1980's. Pressing forward along the correct road
designated by the 12th party congress, the time for new vigorous economic
growth in our country will surely be ushered in. This is definite and
there is no doubt about it.
CSO: 4004/3
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STUDY THE REPORT TO THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS FROM THE HIGH PLANE OF COMMUNIST
IDEOLOGY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 73-76
[Article by Xiong Fu [3574 1788]]
[Text] In his report delivered at the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
took the communist ideological system as a guide to make an analysis of the
present reality in our country and put forth the great task of creating a
new situation in all fields of socialist modernization and formulated a
series of guiding principles and policies in order to accomplish this great
task after summing up the experience which brought about a historical change
through the practice of bringing order out of chaos. In other words, the
12th CPC Congress has definitely assigned to the whole party, the entire
army and people of various nationalities throughout the country a new com-
bat task and program in the new historical period. How should we study the
report and implement it well in practice? This is the first thing which we
should pay attention to when, studying the report to the 12th CPC Congress.
We all know that the present struggle which we are carrying out for building
China into a socialist and modernized country is a practice of the communist
movement.in China characterized by the development of socialism and an
inevitable stage in the great historical process for the realization of
communism in China. The program for creating a new situation in all fields
of socialist modernization put forth by the report to the 12th CPC Congress
is actually our party's program for profoundly and extensively developing
step by step the Chinese communist movement in the socialist society, the
first phase of communism. This is the basic spirit of the report to the
12th CPC Congress, or its general spirit.
Comrade Mao Zedong said that people need a bit of spirit. Leading comrades
of the central authorities have also told us repeatedly that we should
inspire our spirit. To our Communist Party members and party cadres, this
spirit means communist spirit. Only by using communist ideology to inspire
our spirit can we effectively study the report to the 12th CPC Congress and
implement it well.
When we talk about communism, it seems that all of us understand it because.
when we joined the party, we pledged to struggle for communism all our lives.
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Do we really understand communism? Perhaps the answer is not in the
affirmative. When all of our party members and cadres think over this
matter deeply, they will find that a number of our comrades, including our-
selves, have a vague understanding, or even a muddled idea, on communism,
not to, mention those who have degenerated into and become the captives of
the capitalist ideology and shameful renegades of the communist cause.
Some people regard communism as a visionary fantasy or an abstract concept
which has not been tested by practice. Some people think that all revolu-
tionary struggles carried out in the past had nothing to do with communism.
Some people do not acknowledge that communist factors have existed and are
developing in our socialist society. Some people even deny that we have
entered the stage of socialist society--the first phase of communism.
Through the study of the report to the 12th CPC Congress, we should, first
of all, clean the dust and remove the dirt stains on the great banner of
communism in our minds so that it will become brighter and more splendid.
In so doing, we will strengthen our belief in communism, raise our communist
consciousness, purify our communist values and consciously use the communist
ideological system to guide and standardize our actions so that we will
become qualified communist fighters.
Comrade Mao Zedong said a long time ago: Communism in which we believe
refers to the communist social system and the communist ideological system.
Now articles published in our newspapers and periodicals stress the two
implications of communism: the communist social system and the communist
movement. This idea is actually identical with that of Comrade Mao Zedong.
The so-called communist social system means the brightest and most beautiful
future social system discovered and delineated by the communist ideological
system. The society of mankind will inexorably evolve into this social
system. The name and Marxist world outlook of our party have explicitly
pointed out that we should struggle hard to realize this lofty ideal. The
so-called communist movement means the practical activities and process
carried out under the guidance of the communist ideological system with the
lofty ideal of realizing communism as their ultimate aim. Since the found-
ing of the CPC, all revolutionary struggles and practices carried out by our
party have been the communist movement guided by the communist ideological
system. During the period of the new democratic revolution, Comrade Mao
Zedong already explicitly pointed out: "The Chinese revolutionary movement
led by the Communist Party embraces the two stages, that is, the democratic
and the socialist revolutions, which are two essentially different revolu-
tionary processes." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 2, p 330) He also
said: "For the present period, new democracy, and for the future, socialism;
these are two parts of an organic whole, guided by one and the same communist
ideology." (Ibid., p 361) Comrade Mao Zedong went on to say: "When every
Communist Party member joins the party, he has two definite aims in mind:
to strive for the new democratic revolution and for the future socialism
and communism." (Ibid., Vol 3, p 232) At that time, our party program
explicitly stipulated that the realization of new democracy was the party's
minimum program whereas the realization of socialism and communism was the
maximum program. It also stressed that the party's utlimate aim was to
realize communism. Since we have joined the party's ranks, we should accept
the party program. In other words, all Communist Party members and advanced
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elements should stick to the ultimate aim of realizing communism and should
be willing to struggle all their lives or even shed their blood and lay down
their lives for the realization of this great aim.
The ultimate aim of communism cannot be successfully attained immediately
after the outbreak of revolution. It has to undergo various stages of
development. This has been proved by practice in China and all countries
in the world. Although the starting points in various countries might be
different and the stages of development might not be the same, they belong
to the general historical process marching toward communism. Our starting
point began with the semicolonial and semifeudal China. However, from the
very beginning, the revolutionary struggle and practice carried out by our
party have been a part of the historical process of the development of com-
munism. As early as in the period of the new democratic revolution, Comrade
Mao Zedong had already pointed out: "If any communist or communist
sympathizer talks about socialism and communism but fails to fight for this
objective, if he belittles this bourgeois-democratic revolution, relaxes or
slows down even so slightly and shows the least disloyalty and coolness or
is reluctant to shed his blood or give his life for it, then wittingly or
unwittingly, such a person is betraying socialism and communism to'a greater
or lesser extent and is certainly not a politically conscious and staunch
fighter for communism." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 3, p 232)
Here, what Comrade Mao Zedong meant was that to realize communism, we should
attach importance to the present revolutionary struggle and practice, other-
wise socialism and communism would merely become "empty talk." In other
words, to realize communism, we should undergo revolutionary struggle and
practice representing various stages of development. Revolutionary struggle
and practice at each stage always regards the realization of communism as
the ultimate goal. They are an inevitable flight of stairs getting nearer
and nearer to and marching toward the goal of communism. In a word, they
are the practice and development of the communist movement under the guidance
of the communist ideological system. Only by passing through and relying on
the practice and development of the communist movement under different
historical conditions can the communist system be eventually established.
At present, the Chinese communist movement led by our party is at a very
important stage of development. We have not only won a complete victory.in
the new democratic revolution and successfully brought about a transition
from new democracy to socialism in our country's society, but have also
established the socialist social system which is the first phase of com-
munism. In spite of the fact that we suffered great setbacks in the process
of carrying out socialist construction, we have, after all, established a
powerful, independent and comparatively complete material base for this
brandnew social system. We now have entered a new historical period of
extensively carrying out socialist modernization and the 12th CPC Congress
has formulated a program for creating a new situation in all fields of
socialist modernization. In other words, the communist movement in our
.country has developed into a socialist society which is the first phase of
communism and a communist movement with socialist construction as its con-
tent and form. Although the ultimate realization of the communist social
system in our country is in the distant future, we are getting closer and
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closer to the lofty ideal of communism because our communist movement under
socialist conditions has fully developed and.matured. It might well be said
that each and every Communist Party member and advanced element is not
allowed to relax and slow down even so slightly or show the least dis-
loyalty and coolness for the communist movement at the present stage. We
have no right to do so. It is our sacred duty and responsibility to fight
bravely and wholeheartedly or even shed our blood or give our lives for the
realization of the loftiest ideal of communism. During the period of the
new democratic revolution, tens of thousands of martyrs died a heroic death
for the communist cause. They proved themselves to be great communist
fighters. We, Communist Party members and advanced elements, should learn
from them forever. At present, in our ranks of Communist Party members and
cadres, there are tens of thousands of advanced figures who are fighting
untiringly for the defense and construction of our socialist motherland.
A number of comrades have even shed their blood and given their lives. We,
Communist Party members and advanced elements, should also learn from them.
We should bear in mind the teaching of Marx and Engels: "Communists are
fitnting for the immediate goals and interests of the working class. But in
the present movement, they also represent the future of the movement."
("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 284) In other words, we
should fight to attain the aim and accomplish the task of the present stage.
At the'-same time, we should further promote this struggle in order to attain
the eventual goal. This means we should continue to carry out revolutionary
struggle under socialist conditions, vigorously expand social productive
forces and continuously improve and develop socialist production relations
and the superstructure and, on such basis, gradually eliminate all class
differences and all social differences and social inequality resulting
mainly from the inadequate development of social productive forces. Hence,
we will be able to make preparations with respect to material and spiritual
conditions for the transition to and eventual realization of communism. To
accomplish this great historical task, people of many generations should
carry out unswerving, heroic and arduous struggle and strictly observe
discipline. Therefore, all Communist Party members and advanced elements
should continue to maintain their communist purity and preserve revolu-
tionary ideals and a vigorous revolutionary fighting will to carry through
to the end this great revolution unprecedented in the history of mankind.
In this struggle, we should pay attention to making a distinction between
communism and socialism, the two stages of development which are both inter-
related and distinctive. In other words, we should adopt different programs
for action and policies. It is, of course, wrong not to acknowledge social-
ism as the first phase of communism. However, it is equally wrong to con-
fuse these two stages and implement the program of action suitable for the
higher stage at the present socialist stage. With regard to this problem,
the most important thing which we should do is to correctly understand and
handle the relations between the communist ideological system and present
policies. In his "On New Democracy," Comrade Mao Zedong said: "Beyond all
doubt, now is the time to spread communist ideas more widely and put more
energy into the study of Marxism-Leninism, otherwise,'we shall not only be
unable to lead the Chinese revolution forward to the future stage of
socialism, but also unable to guide the present democratic revolution to
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victory." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 2, p 379) Equally, we can
say that without the guidance of the communist ideological system, we will
neither be able to attain the goal of communism in the future nor guarantee
the victory of socialism and the implementation of the program of the 12th
CPC Congress aimed at creating a new situation in all fields of socialist
modernization. With regard to relations between the communist ideological
system and present policies, Comrade Mao Zedong was right in saying: "We
must keep the spreading of communist ideas and propaganda about the com-
munist social system distinct from the practical application of the new-
democratic program of action; we must also keep communist theory and method
of investigating problems, undertaking research, handling work and training
cadres distinct from the new-democratic line for'national culture as a
whole. It is undoubtedly inappropriate to. intermix the two." (Ibid., p 380)
What Comrade Mao Zedong meant here was the relationship between the communist
ideological system and the revolutionary practice of the new democracy in
history and revolutionary policies. The spirit and principle of his idea is
equally applicable to our co?rect understanding and handling of the relations
between the communist ideological system and the revolutionary practice of
socialist modernization in the present stage and revolutionary policies.
The differences are: Due to the fact that ours is now a ruling party and
communist factors have constantly occurred and developed under socialist
system, that material and spiritual preparation for the transition to com-
munism is a basic content of the socialist period; and that we have resisted
and defeated the rotten capitalist ideology and the corrosion and corruption
of the remnant feudal ideology are still characterized by the nature of
class struggle; it is absolutely necessary to expand and strengthen the
study and propaganda of communist ideological system.
With regard to the program of action and present policies, it is beyond any
doubt that we should implement the practice of distribution according to
work and other socialist policies. However, we should also realize that to
build and develop socialist spiritual civilization, with communist ideology
as its nucleus, has been put on the agenda. This is a significant matter of
preserving the socialist nature and orientation of the development of our
social system. This is because a great number of persons holding a private
ownership mentality and the ideas of the exploiting class left over from
the old society will not disappear of their own accord, although material
civilization continues to develop. The development of material productive
conditions and material living conditions will not automatically give rise
to communist ideology, morals and values, let alone establishing and
developing new social relations between people characterized by socialist
spiritual civilization. It is just as the report pointed out: If we
neglect the building of socialist spiritual civilization, we will not be
able to maintain the socialist orientation of our modernization. As a
result, our socialist society will lose its ideals and goals, spiritual
motive force and combat effectiveness. If this is the case, we will not be
able to resist the corrosion of various corruptive factors, or will even
embark on the reckless course of abnormal development and degeneration. Of
course, we once committed "leftist" mistakes when we implemented our program
of action and policies. We once pursued the practice of the so-called
"poor transition" and "communist wind" characterized by equalitarianism and
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indiscriminate transfer of resources. The nature of these mistakes was that
production relations were divorced from or even exceeded the development of
productive force. We should bear this lesson in mind and avoid committing
similar mistakes. At the present stage, we should stick to the system of
distribution according to work and other socialist systems. However, we
should not, for this reason, think that it is no longer necessary to take
the communist ideological system as the guide of our action and advocate
communist revolutionary spirit of the years of revolutionary wars and that
communist morals, value and work attitude are "supraclass" things. All
these viewpoints and thinking are obviously wrong and harmful. We should
realize that at the present stage of social development in our country, that
is, the first phase of communist society, the objective conditions and
social basis for advocating and promoting communist spirit already exist.
In a socialist society, socialist spiritual civilization is the ideological
basis for relations among all members of society. In addition, communist
ideology is a powerful pillar for socialist spiritual civilization. We
should not demand that all members of society be communists. However, our
Communist Party members and party cadres should be communists. Our Communist
Party members and advanced elements should, first of all, set an example in
both their thinking and acts and use the communist ideological system to
guide and standardize their actions and become people with ideals and morals
and who observe discipline. Only in so doing can they use their own
exemplary behavior to influence the masses, unite with and educate them and
train all members of society to be laborers with ideals and morals and who
observe discipline. Only thus can they establish and develop new social
relations among all members of society which embody socialist spiritual
civilization. This is the most glorious, sacred and loftiest mission of
all Communist Party members and advanced elements.
The 12th-CPC Congress has shown that our party has become even more mature
politically and ideologically and that it is able to have the complicated
situation well in hand and continue to push forward our communist cause.
All our Communist Party members and party cadres should become more mature
politically and ideologically so that we will be able to consciously master
the orientation of communism and make due contributions to the accomplishment
of the great tasks put forth by the 12th CPC Congress. This is the ideologi-
cal preparation, ideological level and level of political consciousness which
we should attain in order to study well the report to the 12th CPC Congress
and effectively implement its spirit.
CSO: 4004/3
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HOW TO STUDY THE FIRST PART OF THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS REPORT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 pp 77-80
[Article by the Editorial Office for Theoretical Education]
[Text] The first part of the report delivered by Comrade Hu Yaobang at the
12th CPC Congress scientifically summed up the victorious experiences in
effecting a great and historic change since the smashing of the Jiang Qing
counterrevolutionary clique and, in particular, since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. It clearly pointed out the
party's general task of pushing forward the socialist cause in the new
historical period. The contents comprise the following four main points:
1. The main indicators of the great and historic change that has been
brought about.
2. The basic experiences in effecting the great and historic change.
3. The far-reaching significance of this historic change in the light of
historical experience.
4. The party's general task in the new historical period.
All these four points have rich contents which should be conscientiously
mastered and profoundly comprehended in the light of actual conditions
while studying them.
While studying the first main point, namely, the main indicators of the
great and historic change that has been brought about, it is advisable to
deepen our understanding in two aspects. One is to fully understand the
tremendous achievements gained in the seven fields, namely, ideology,
politics, organization, economy, culture and the work of the army and party
in the last 6 years and, in particular, since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee; the other is correctly to understand the present
exceptionally good situation with a scientific method of thinking.
The report deals with our great achievements in the last 6 years and in
particular since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
in broad outline. In our study, we must acquire a full understanding of
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the rich and concrete contents in the seven fields, in accordance with
actual conditions, through reviewing the past and contrasting it with the
present and we must realize that these successes were won only after we
made arduous efforts and overcame obstacles of all kinds. They were indeed
hard-won.
In looking back at the past, we see that during the decade of domestic
turmoil, Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought was seriously distorted and
like the "incarnation of the golden hoop," "leftist" ideology fettered
peoples' minds. Society was for a long time in a state of turmoil and the
socialist democracy and socialist legal system were sabotaged. The leader-
ship of quite a few party and government organizations was usurped by
scoundrels. These scoundrels waged ruthless struggle against and struck
merciless blows at the vast numbers of cadres and the masses and fabricated
a heap of unjust, false and wrong cases. Socialist construction was
obstructed and sabotaged and as a result, a large batch of industrial and
mining enterprises had to stop work and production and the national economy
suffered enormous losses. Educational, scientific and cultural undertakings
were trampled underfoot and vast numbers of intellectuals were discriminated
against and attacked. Our endeavors to build a modern and regular army were
interfered with and the army's political work was undermined. The party
organizations and the principles of democratic centralism and the fine
traditions and style of the party were seriously damaged.
In contrasting the past with, the present, we can more clearly see that the
successes we have scored are tremendous and that an exceedingly favorable
situation full of vitality and prosperity has emerged on all fronts of
endeavors since order was brought out of chaos and the Marxist ideological,
political and organizational lines reaffirmed.
In the spheres of ideology, politics and organization, large numbers of
cadres and other people have freed themselves from the spiritual shackles
of personality cult and dogmatism that prevailed in the past. This has
stimulated thinking and ensured ease of mind inside and outside the party,
giving rise to a lively situation where people try their best to study new
things and seek solutions to new problems in the light of actual conditions.
The principle of correctly distinguishing and handling the contradictions,
which fall into two different categories, and the "double hundred" prin-
ciple and the principle of "three don'ts" which were encouraged by Comrade
Mao Zedong have been correctly implemented. The democratic system of the
party and the state has become more and more perfect, the democratic life
has been increasingly extended and the building of the legal system has
been intensified in successive years. For example, the system of voters
directly electing the people's representatives at the county level or below
has been widely practiced. At present, about 300 new laws, decrees and
administrative rules and regulations have been promulgated, including the
criminal law and the law of criminal procedure which were never previously
enacted after the founding of the PRC. The party's policies concerning the
nationalities, religion, the united front, the intellectuals and others
have been gradually implemented and the unity of the people throughout the
country has been unprecedentedly strengthened. The unjust, false and wrong
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cases which occurred during the "Great Cultural Revolution" and the histori-
cal mishandled cases before it, have been basically redressed and righted,
and large numbers of contradictions within the party and among the people
have been properly handled. The merits and demerits, the rights and wrongs
of some prominent leaders of the party and the state have been fairly
evaluated, they have been rehabilitated and the contributions they made in
history have been reaffirmed. On the basis of exposing and criticizing the
factionalist setups of the "gang of four," the leading bodies of organiza-
tions at various levels throughout the country have been readjusted,
reorganized and strengthened. Large numbers of outstanding young and
middle-aged cadres are being promoted to leading posts and the leading
comrades at all levels have, step by step, become more revolutionary,
younger and more knowledgable and specialized.
Take economic work for example. First, we have realized the shift of the
focus of work and brought about a turn for the better in the major dispro-
portions in the national economy through the implementation of the policy
of readjustment, restructuring, reorganization and upgrading. We have tried
our best to make our economic construction suit China's national condition
and tally with economic and natural laws and have enthusiastically carried
out economic cooperation and technical exchanges with other countries, while
maintaining independence and achieving self-reliance through rejuvenation.
Guided by these principles, fairly rapid advances have been scored in
industry and agriculture. From 1979-1981 the average annual increase in
light industrial output value was 14 percent. The structure of industry
is becoming more rational and coordinated. Agriculture has quickened its
rate'of growth, the annual average increase in the total agricultural out-
put value between 1979 and 1981 was 5.6 percent. Export trade has grown at
a rapid pace and the total volume of import and export trade in 1981 was
100 percent more than the 1978 figure. Remarkable improvements have been
achieved in the living standards of urban and rural people. The net income
of peasant families from 1979-1981 showed an average yearly increase of 18
percent, compared with 1978. In 1981 the average income of staff members
and workers throughout the nation increased by 25.7 percent, and the average
per capita increase in the real disposable income of staff and worker
families was 30.8 percent. A total floor space of 220 million square
meters of housing for staff members and workers was completed all over the
country between 1979 and 1981, which was equivalent to the total sum of the
12 years from 1966 to 1977. More than 26 million people were given jobs
between' 1979 and 1981. What we have stated above is some instances of the
general situation throughout the country. In our study, it is advisable
to acquire a more detailed comprehension of the tremendous changes which
have taken place since the 3d Plenary Session of the '11th CPC Central Com-
mittee in the light of the actual conditions on all fronts and in various
localities so as to deepen our understanding of the great and historic
change.
This great and historic change can be synthesized into one point, which is,
that we have accomplished the task of setting the party's guiding ideology
and practical work in various fields to rights. Through setting things
right this time, we have, first of all, eradicated the evil influence of
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the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques, corrected the
"leftist" mistakes made before and during the "Great Cultural Revolution,"
including the mistakes made by Comrade Mao Zedong in his later years,
corrected the erroneous "two-whatevers" policy pursued during the 2 years
after the smashing of the "gang of four" and criticized the tendency
toward bourgeois liberalism over the last few years. We have thus enabled
the party's ideological, political and organizational lines and various
tasks to embark on the correct course of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought. Nevertheless, it is a scientific summary of the 30 years of both
positive and negative historical experiences of the party, a more profound
understanding of the laws governing socialist construction and a further
integration of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of
the ongoing revolution and construction, rather than a simple restoration.
While studying new things and seeking solutions to new problems, that is,
in the practice under socialism, we have issued a series of correct
theoretical and political principles and formulated a series of correct
principles and policies, thus enriching and developing Mao Zedong Thought.
Fats have proved that the party's line, principles and policies worked out
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee are entirely
correct and in conformity with the fundamental interests of the people and
the laws governing the development of our socialist society. They have
played a tremendous guiding role in the development of our socialist cause,
in the practice of the communist movement at the present stage and in the
completion of this great and historic change.
In approaching our victories and analyzing the situation, there is the
question of method. Some people have an insufficient understanding of the
great victory of the historic change and even take a skeptical attitude
toward the exceptionally good situation. One of the important reasons for
this is that the way they look at things is not on the right track. This
state of affairs calls for solution in the course of our study.
It must be acknowledged that many problems accumulated during the 10 years
of domestic turmoil and they cannot possibly be solved once and for all
within a short time. There are still shortcomings and difficulties in our
work. However, compared with the great successes we have achieved, they are
after all secondary, partial and temporary. Marxism tells us that in
approaching things, we should see their main aspects and the overall sit-
uation, and look at a thing with an eye to its course of development to
avoid the subjective one-sidedness of not seeing the woods for the trees,
or of a leaf obstructing the view of Mount Taishan. Take the living
standards of the people for example. Some increases in commodity prices
have indeed interfered with improvements in the people's livelihood, but
so long as we settle detailed accounts in an overall manner, we will see
that remarkable improvements in the living standards of the people have
indeed been achieved. Although there still exist unhealthy tendencies of
all kinds in the party style, taken as a whole, all these are not the
essential and principal aspects. Moreover, we are already most firmly
determined and are taking strong measures to solve these problems. We have
struck resolute blows at the serious criminal activities in economic and
other fields. This is an eloquent proof. Of course, we must not rest on
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our laurels, and even less must we make an attempt to conceal our short-
comings and problems. However, we must not doubt that there is an excep-
tionally good situation in the face of the shortcomings and problems and
never let them interfere with our confidence in forging ahead.
While studying the second main point, namely, the basic experiences in
effecting the great and historic change, we must not only have a serious
comprehension and acquire a better understanding of these experiences, but
we must also emphatically ponder how to apply these experiences to our work
and actions in the light of actual conditions.
The basic experiences gained 'by the CPC Central Committee in leading the
whole party and the people of all nationalities throughout the nation in
effecting the great and historic change in the last 6 years are: 1) To be
bold in making self-criticism and correcting mistakes in the spirit of seek-
ing truth from facts; 2) to wage timely and appropriate struggles on two
fronts--against both the "leftist" and rightist deviations; 3) to adopt the
scientific work method of first tackling the key problem so as to facili-
tate the solution of the rest; and 4) to trust the people and rely on them,
and act in compliance with the requirements of the people and historical
trends. These four experiences are the concrete application of the basic
principles of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought in new historical condi-
tions.
It is a manifestation of thoroughgoing materialism to be bold in making
self-criticism. Marx said that one different aspect between proletarian
revolution and other revolutions is that the proletariat criticizes itself
and expands itself by depending on criticizing itself. Lenin said: "The
attitude a party takes toward its mistakes is the most important and reli-
able yardstick for measuring whether or not this party is serious and
whether or not it genuinely makes great efforts to carry out its commit-
ments to its own class and to the masses of the working people." ("Selected
Works of Lenin," Vol 4, p 213) Criticism and self-criticism are the fine
tradition of our party, but because of personality cult prevailing for years
in the past, the party democratic life was damaged and as a result, our party
lost, to a certain extent, its courage to make self-criticism and timely
correction of its mistakes. Lin Biao and the "gang of four" even went so,
far as to push this abnormal state of affairs to extremes. It is because
we have restored the fine tradition of the thoroughgoing materialist prin-
ciple.of seeking truth from facts and of being bold in making self-
criticism, since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
that we can bring order out of chaos, correct the "leftist" mistakes which
have for long years held a leading position, correctly appraise the merits
and demerits, the rights and wrongs of Comrade Mao Zedong and scientifically
sum up the historical experience since the founding of the PRC.
Waging timely and appropriate ideological struggles on two fronts--against
both. the "leftist" and "rightist" deviations and avoiding focusing on
criticism of one erroneous tendency to the neglect of another are the
objective requirements of the course of revolutionary struggles and the
concrete application of materialist dialectics in the practice of
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revolution. Our party has paid a high price many times and has learned
grievious lessons in this respect. Although it has also gained successful
experiences, the problems in this respect have not been all along solved
satisfactorily. After the founding of the PRC and beginning from the end
of the 1950's, with the development of "leftist" guiding ideology, there
emerged in our party erroneous tendencies of "leaning to the 'left' is
preferable to leaning to the right" and "inclining to the 'left' and not to
the right." For a considerable period of time, we have acted contrary to
the basic principle that we should wage a struggle on two fronts. People
were allowed only to oppose the rightist deviation and forbidden to oppose
"leftism" and all this resulted in the serious consequence of the "leftist"
things growing in number and the "leftist" mistakes becoming harder and
harder to correct. This problem remained unsolved for a period of time
after the smashing of the "gang of four." The tremendous service of the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee was that we set right
the guiding ideology of the party and began to correct the "leftist" mis-
takes made before and during the "Great Cultural Revolution" in a compre-
hensive and earnest way. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee, our party has adhered to the principle of waging a
struggle on two fronts and in handling various practical problems, it has
done its best to establish the scientific and comprehensive way required by
Marxism. In the course of making a clean sweep of the "leftist" mistakes
and, when they emerged, the tendencies toward bourgeois liberalism in
society, our party conducted criticisms and struggles in good time and
reiterated the four basic principles. On various fronts and in every type,
of work, our party implemented the spirit of opposing "leftism" if there are
any "leftist" things and opposing rightism if the rightist deviation emerges.
This is indeed the key for us to correctly handle various social contradic-
tions.
The method of tackling the key problem first to facilitate the solution of
the rest is also the concrete application of materialist dialectics in
practical work. Lenin said: "It is far from sufficient to be only an
ordinary revolutionary and a supporter of socialism or a communist. It is
necessary to be good at seeking a specific link in a chain at every oppor-
tunity and it is necessary to spare no efforts to grasp this link in order
to have a firm hold of the whole chain and make steady preparations for the
transition to the next link." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 526)
Comrade Mao Zedong also often taught us to be good at first grasping the
principal contradiction to facilitate the solution of the other contradic-
tions. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the
reason why our party, in a situation in which the contradictions are
complicated and the problems are in heaps, can continually open up new
prospects in its work, is inseparable from its adherence to using this
scientific work method.
Trusting the people and relying on them is a historical materialist basic
principle widely known to all. In the protracted practical revolutionary
practice, our party has all along upheld this basic principle and listened
attentively to the voice of the people, reflected their demands and adhered
to the mass line of everything for the masses, reliance on the masses in
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everything and from the masses to the masses. However, after we had
seized political power throughout the country, arrogance, bureaucracy and
commandism emerged among a section of cadres to a'certain extent with their
sense of the masses getting blunted, their ties with the masses being not
so close. They turned a deaf ear to the voice of the masses. This is an
important reason why we failed to do our work well in many fields and why we
failed to correct our mistakes for years. The factors for the fact that our
party has won victory since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee are many, but in the final analysis, it is because the party's
line, principles and policies are indeed in compliance with the inspirations
of the people and in conformity with the trends of historical development.
These basic experiences summed up by the report are most valuable and they
were gained only after the party paid a high price for them. We must
cherish them the most. In the course of our study, we must not only master
the spirit and essence of these experiences in terms of the integration of
theory and practice, but what is more important, we must also really apply
these experiences to our work and actions. These experiences seem to be
quite familiar and not hard to understand, but it is not very easy to
genuinely put them into practice. Take the matter of being bold in making
criticism and self-criticism and correcting mistakes, for example. Some
comrades have various kinds of ideological obstacles in this respect. At
present, the phenomena of not daring to make criticism and self-criticism,
of not daring to conduct education and enforce discipline and in particular,
the phenomenon in which comrades who have been proved in practice to make
mistakes have not yet made any self-criticism, are considerably serious
among quite a few comrades. Similarly, some comrades are very often insuf-
ficiently firm in opposing both "leftist" and rightist deviations. For
example, in a period of time after the smashing of the "gang of four," they
were afraid of correcting "leftism" and later when bourgeois liberalism
emerged, they were afraid of correcting rightist deviation. All these
comrades should enhance self-consciousness in applying these experiences in
the light of their ideological reality in the course of study.
While studying the third main point, namely, the understanding of the far-
reaching significance of this great and historic change, it is advisable to
have a better understanding in two aspects. One is the question of what
enlightenment the previous instances of historic change in the history of
our party gave us. The other is to understand the important position of the
12th CPC Congress in the history of our party through contrasting what
happened in history with what is going on today.
There are two previous instances of historic change that took place in our
party during China's democratic revolution, namely, the change from the
failure of the Northern Expedition to the outbreak of the agrarian revolu-
tionary war and the change from the failure of the struggle against the
KMT's fifth "encirclement and suppression" campaign to the launching of the
war of resistance against Japan. These two instances of historic change
show a truth: The revolutionary struggles of the proletariat have never
developed in a straight course and followed a straight line, and they will
unavoidably suffer setbacks and even failures. However, so long as we
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conscientiously sum up experience and correct the line, principles and
policies, we will be able to open up a new path for advance, turn setbacks
into smoothness and advance from defeats toward victory. The people often
say that failure is the mother of success. Of course, with regard to the
reactionary classes, because they act contrary to the laws of historical
development, their failures can be nothing but failures and definitely not
the "mother of success." The revolutionary cause of the proletariat is a
just cause and in conformity with historical trends, so for the proletariat,
setbacks and failures are always temporary while advances and victories are
inevitable. With this understanding, even in a desperate situation which is
"as if the hovering dark clouds want to flatten the city," we can still
remain calm and at ease and full of confidence and we can continue to strug-
gle, rather than becoming passive and wavering and growing pessimistic and
disheartened. Compared with the two instances of historic change, this
change has taken place under vastly different historical conditions.
Although we are still confronted with a great deal of difficulties and
problems, we must however realize that our party has become more mature and
experienced with greater strength. Under these circumstances, we must be .
more confident that our party can lead the people in overcoming the various
kinds of difficulties lying on the road for advance and creating a new
situation in socialist modernization.
The 12th CPC Congress was convened at a time when the party had brought
about another great and historic change. This congress was similar to the
Seventh CPC Congress in systematically summing up experiences and lessons
and defining the correct path for continuing to advance through historical
twists and turns. Before the Seventh CPC Congress, our party had carried
out more than two decades of democratic revolutionary struggles. The
stipulations of the Sixth CPC Congress, in 1928, concerning the nature and
tasks of the democratic revolution were basically correct, but they failed
to become a unified understanding in the whole party and to be objectivized
in various kinds of work. Therefore, after the Sixth CPC Congress there
emerged the adventurist "leftist" mistakes and then Wang Ming's adventurist
line which ruled the party for 4 years, thus bringing grievous losses to
the revolution. Later on, it was only through the Zunyi meeting and the
Yanan rectification movement and till the Seventh CPC Congress in 1945 that
the experiences gained during the period of the new democratic revolution
were summed up in an overall manner. The thinking of the whole party was
unified and the correct program and tactics were formulated, thus laying a
foundation for the national victory of the new democratic revolution. Dur-
ing the period of socialism, from the 8th CPC Congress in 1956 to the 12th
party congress, revolution and construction also experienced more than two
decades of tortuous development. The line of the Eighth CPC Congress was
correct but at that time, because the party lacked mental preparations for
striving for all-round socialist construction, it failed to keep the line
and many correct ideas drawn up by the eighth party congress going in
practice. After the Eighth CPC Congress, we achieved numerous successes in
socialist construction but at the same time we also suffered serious
reverses, and in particular, we faced the occurrence of the "Great Cultural
Revolution"--a decade of domestic turmoil. It was only after the smashing'
of the "gang of four," and through the party's 3d and 6th plenary sessions
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and till the 12th party congress that the historical experiences both
positive and negative were summed up in an overall manner, the correct line,
principles and policies were formulated, and another historic change was
effected, thus laying a solid foundation for creating a new situation in
socialist modernization. Like the 7th CPC Congress during the period of
the democratic revolution, the 12th CPC Congress will be a most impor-
tant meeting during the period of socialism.
While studying the fourth main point, namely, the party's general task in
the new historical period, it is advisable to ponder over two questions:
one is to acquire an all-round and comprehensive understanding of the
general tasks; and the other is to have a correct understanding of the
relationship between the long-range goals of struggle for the two decades
up to the end of this century and the goals of struggle within the coming
5 years on the one hand, and the party's general task on the other.
The party's general task in this new historical period is to unite the
people of all nationalities in working hard and self-reliantly to achieve,
step by step, the modernization of our industry, agriculture, national
defense, and science and technology, and to make China a culturally advanced
and highly democratic socialist country. The realization of the four mod-
ernizations holds a key position in the general task. Only when the four
modernizations are accomplished, can we lay a solid material and technical
foundation for building a powerful socialist country. However, we must not
confine our understanding of the general task exclusively to striving for
the four modernizations. We must see that highly advanced civilization and
highly developed democracy are similarly the component parts of our general
goal of struggle and the important indicators of a powerful socialist coun-
try. Furthermore, to realize the above-mentioned goals, the most funda-
mental thing is to rely on the spirit of the people throughout the country,
a spirit of achieving self-reliance through. rejuvenation and of working hard.
These contents of the general task are closely related and not a single one
of them can be dispensed with. While studying it, we must acquire an all-
round and comprehensive understanding of the general task.
The party's general task means its general line. Its program and require-
ments are applicable in the whole historical period of all-round socialist
construction, while the program and requirements of creating a new situa-
tion in all fields of socialist modernization refer to the total goals
which should be attained in two steps from now until the end of this cen-
tury. This includes a central task, namely, economic construction. The
four. tasks which need to be carried out in earnest are as follows: Carry-
ing out structural reforms and reforms of the economic system and ensuring
that the cadres become more revolutionary, younger, more knowledgeable and
specialized; building socialist spiritual civilization, developing social-
ist democracy and strengthening the socialist legal system; striking blows
at all serious criminal activities in the economic and other fields; and
rectifying the party's work style and organization. The task of striving to
realize a fundamental turn for the better in three spheres within 5 years is
surely included in these tasks. In order to fulfill the party's general
task in the new historical period, it is first necessary to fulfill the
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task in the 5 years from the present party congress to the next, strive to
bring about a fundamental turn for the better in the country's financial
and economic situation, in the standards of social conduct and in the
party's work style. Only when these short-term tasks are fulfilled, can we
create a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization and simi-
larly only when the long-range goals of struggle from now until the end of
this century are attained, can we pave the way for fulfilling the general
task. If we are not loyal, enthusiastic and keen in realizing a funda-
mental turn for the better in the three spheres and fail to fulfill the
scheduled requirements, and if we are not loyal, enthusiastic and keen in
creating a new situation in socialist construction and fail to fulfill the
scheduled requirements, the fulfillment of the general task will come to
nothing. Similarly, if we do not have the general task--this grand task--
at heart, we will lose our bearings at every stage of development and in
the various practical work in the near future and lack motivation. At the
closing ceremony of the Seventh CPC Congress, Comrade Mao Zedong called on
the whole party to fulfill the tasks of the seventh party congress in the
spirit of the foolish old man moving the mountains. While struggling to
fulfill the party's general task in the new historical period, we similarly
need to learn from this spirit. Now in the face of difficulties, some
comrades hesitate to press ahead, and the way of thinking of the coward
and the sluggard characterized by attempting nothing and accomplishing
nothing prevails among them. This state of affairs is extremely unsuited
to the current situation and the party's tasks and thus has to be reso-
lutely sorted out and eliminated in the course of our study.
CSO: 4004/3
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 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100370001-7
WITHOUT THE COMMUNIST PARTY THERE WOULD HAVE BEEN NO NEW CHINA
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 18, 16 Sep 82 p 81
[A song (lyrics and music) by Huo Xing [3499 2502]]
[Text] (Moderato, Piu Mosso)
Without the Communist Party there would have been no new China.
Without the Communist Party there would have been no new China.
The Communist Party toils for the nation.
The Communist Party devotes itself wholeheartedly to saving China.
It pointed out to the people the way to liberation.
It led China to the light.
It kept up the war of resistance against Japan for 8-odd years.
It improved the people's livelihood.
It established base areas behind enemy lines.
It practiced democracy, which had many advantages.
Without the Communist Party there would have been no new China.
Without the Communist Party there would have been no new China.
CSO: 4004/3 END
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100370001-7