CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100300001-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 88
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: July 28, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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4?
JPRS 81379
28 July 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 9, 1 May 1982.
FBIS
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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28 July 1982
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 9, 1 May 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Open Up New Prospects for United Front Work (pp 2-6, 42)
(Editorial Department) ...........................................
A Major Event in the State's Political Life (pp 7-8, 12)
(Editorial) ...................................................... 10
Expectations of the People and the Party--A Talk With Newly
Promoted Cadres (pp 9-12)
(Commentator) .................................................... 14
An Inviolable' basic Principle--Some Understanding on Upholding
the Policy of Relying Mainly on the Planned Economy and
Supplementing It With Regulation by Market Mechanism (pp 13-19)
(Fang Weizhong) .................................................. 20
On the Principle of Democracy in the Relationship Between
the Leaders and the Masses (pp 20-26)
(Xiong Fu) ....................................................... 32
Communists Should Never 'Retire' (pp 27-28)
(Wang Guangmei) .................................................. 43
The Use and Prospects of Structural Chemistry (pp 29-33)
(Lu Jiaxi) ....................................................... 46
Go Among the Masses! (pp 34-35, 28)
(Ding Ling) ...................................................... 55
Increase Consciousness in Studying Theory (pp 36-39)
(Ru Zhi) ......................................................... 59
- a - [III - CC - 75]
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What a Theoretical Test Shows (pp 39-41)
(Qin Li) ......................................................... 65
Why Is It Imperative To Oppose Regional Economic Blockades?
(pp 41-42)
(Qi Xiangwu, Hou Yunchun) ........................................ 69
Strengthen Ideological and Political Work in Enterprises
(pp 43-45)
(Wang Shengyi) ................................................... 71
Proceed From the Conditions of a City in Improving Economic
Results--A Talk on the Method of Leadership Adopted by the
Nantong Municipal CCP Committee (pp 46-48)
(Di Long) ........................................................ 77
Voluntarily Ascend Liangshan Mountain (inside back cover)
(Liu Zijiu) ...................................................... 83
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OPEN UP NEW PROSPECTS FOR UNITED FRONT WORK
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 2-6, 42
[Article by Editorial Department]
[Text] What have we achieved in carrying out our party's united front work
in the last 5-odd years since the smashing of the "gang of four"? It can be
said that the work has been done quite well and the achievements have been
very great. There has been a basic transformation compared with 5 years
ago.
Owing to the 10-year turbulence, 5 1/2 years ago the united front--one of
the three magic weapons for the Chinese revolution that Comrade Mao Zedong
developed for our party--was destroyed almost completely by the Lin Biao
and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques. In the past 5 1/2 years, and
especially since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee,
the party's united front policies have been gradually revived and lively
prospects have taken shape; in certain respects the policies have developed
somewhat. Now, the majority of our friends outside the party have peace
of mind (although not complete peace of mind), and their patriotic enthusi-
asm is gradually surging upward. Witnessing the implementation of our
party's united front policies and the improvement of the united front
situation in our country, patriots in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, and
patriotic Overseas Chinese feel contented and relieved; and many foreign
friends have expressed their admiration and approval. Because the united
front situation has been revived and developed, the political unity in our
country has also been greatly strengthened.
The basic transformation of the united front situation is one of the great
achievements which our whole party has made in setting to rights things
which had been thrown into disorder through unswervingly carrying out the
CCP Central Committee's line, principles and policies. However, while
affirming the successes, we must also see the deficiencies in the work.
Our united front work has not been done "to excess" but not enough; it has
not been done "too much" but too little; and it has not been done with
perfection but with discrepancies and errors. Only in reviewing the prob-
lem in this way can we keep a cool head and can more united front work be
better and more thoroughly carried out in the future.
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flow Should the Whole Tarty View United Front Work?
In order to do a good job in united front work, we must first of all solve
a problem, that is, to fully understand the extreme importance of united
front work in the new historical period. At present, many of our comrades,
including many comrades who are doing united front work, do not have suffi-
cient understanding of this problem.
It has been completely proven by history that we relied on the three magic
weapons, including the united front, in winning the great victory of the
democratic revolution during the long struggle of the democratic revolu-
tion. Do we still need the magic weapon of the united front in the new
historical period of building a powerful and modernized socialist country?
The CCP Central Committee has clearly and emphatically expounded on this
problem many times. The united front will remain essential and important,
with great vitality, and will remain our party's magic weapon in the new
historical period and for a very long historical period to come. Do we not
stress fulfilling the three great historical tasks of building the mother-
land, completing the reunification of the motherland, and, internationally,
opposing hegemonism.? It is absolutely impossible to accomplish these tasks
without the magic weapon of the united front. If we overlook or even give
up the united front, we will inevitably encounter tremendous difficulties,
or even suffer serious setbacks and defeats. More precisely, so long as
classes have not been totally eliminated in our country, it is still neces-
sary to have the CCP--the vanguard of the proletariat--and, consequently,
the united front under our party's leadership.
We now have two united fronts, one is the international antihegemonist
united front, and the other is the domestic patriotic united front. To put
it a bit more plainly, the latter is the broadest united front comprising
the whole body of socialist laborers and patriots who support socialism and
the reunification of the motherland. The comrades of the whole party must
pay profound attention to this point: they must absolutely not just rely
on the proletariat as an isolated force for fighting bravely, or think that
the huge tasks facing us can be accomplished just by adding the peasant
class to the proletariat. Closed-doorism and adventurism are certain to
lead to grief. Historical and practical experiences have told us again and
again that our cause will only be invincible as long as we can intensify
the cooperation between our party and the people outside the party, consoli-
date the patriotic united front under the leadership of the party, unite
with as many people as possible, and strive to win their support based on
the intimate unity among the workers, peasants and intellectuals. There-
fore, for a long period in the future, there will be more and more people
whom we are to unite with, and the scope which united front work covers
will be wider and wider.
As far as the domestic patriotic united front is concerned, the scope of
our work is exceedingly broad. Generally speaking, this work covers the
following sectors: 1) the democratic parties; 2) well-known nonparty
figures; 3) nonparty intellectual cadres; 4) former Kuomintang military
officers who came over to us; 5) former industrialists and businessmen;
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6) upper-strata figures among the minority nationalities; 7) patriotic
religious leaders; 8) dependents, relatives and friends living on the
mainland of people who went to Taiwan; 9) Hong Kong and Macao compatriots
and Taiwan compatriots; and 10) returned Overseas Chinese compatriots and
Overseas Chinese living abroad. How many people do these 10 sectors com-
prise? It is not just a few million or a few tens of millions, but as
many as 100 million. We must stress unity with them and take the initiative
to carry out positive and very careful work regarding them.
This issue is not just limited to the numbers of people in these 10 sec-
tors; it is a fact that there are many superior features among the targets
of our work in these 100 million people. There are three main features:
1) they have relatively good knowledge; 2) they have relatively extensive
social contacts; and 3) they have a strong desire to work hard for the
country. These three features constitute the main current among them, and
are extremely important features which we must by no means neglect. It is
true that certain people among them have some weak points, or even some
stains. However, in light of a comprehensive appraisal, all these weak-
nesses and stains are minor points, and most of them have now become
history. If we just stress these latter features of theirs and disregard
the main current, we will become overcautious and put ourselves in a
passive position, and therefore we will not dare to go all out to unite
.with them and win them over, and we will not be able to truly open up new
prospects in united front work. Therefore, in view of the actual situation
of united front work, what we should stress at present is that we must con-
tinue to eliminate the influence of "leftist" thinking, and prevent and
overcome the attitude of exclusiveness and the wrong tendency of closed-
doorism and adventurism.
We must understand that the internal relations in the united front led by
our party are in essence a political alliance between the party and people
not in the party. The comrades of the whole party first face a problem of
taking a correct view of themselves on this issue. From the overall point
of view, our party's contributions to the Chinese revolution greatly exceed
those of any other political force in revolutionary movements in recent
Chinese history; this is a fundamental and irrefutable fact about the
Chinese revolution. Otherwise, how was our party able to qualify for
leadership and become the leading party? Of course, we do not mean that
because our party is such a great leading party, every party member will
naturally be wiser than our friends outside the party. From the individual
point of view, there are quite a number of party members who are not neces-
sarily wiser than democratic figures outside the party. Certain party
members are even far inferior to democratic figures outside the party! So
far as knowledge is concerned, some people who claim to be Communist Party
members are not knowledgeable; and so far as mass relations go, they do not
get along well with the masses. As for patriotic sentiment, they always
criticize our country in every aspect and think that we are inferior to
others! Moreover, some of our party members are divorced from the masses.
They lack self-knowledge although they are despised by the masses. ,This
is really dangerous. We must take a correct view'of the targets for our
work among these 100 million people, and also take a correct view of
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ourselves. The comrades of the whole party must clearly understand that
for a time in the past, under the guidance of erroneous "leftist"
ideology, we were unfair to our friends outside the party in many respects;
it was not the case that they were unfair to us. We must get rid of the
"government office" work style and run the party'?s united front depart-
ments as houses of friends. We must certainly not fear difficulties, fear
acting in a rightist fashion, and fear having to face a reckoning. We must
unswervingly carry out the party's correct principles and policies. We
must certainly not act in a domineering fashion; we must take a comradely
attitude to our friends outside the party--treating them as equals and
promoting mutual consultation and learning. In a word, we must establish
and develop relations of utter devotion and of sharing honor and disgrace.
Of course, to make all comrades in the party understand this truth is not
a task which can be accomplished overnight. But the situation will be
much better if we can convince all our leading cadres at all levels in the
party, in particular those comrades in charge of united front work, and
urge them to keep this truth in their minds.
What Tasks Should We Promote in Dealing With Domestic United Front Work at
Present?
Currently we should tackle the following four main tasks:
The first main task is to step up education in the whole party concerning
the united front policies for the new period and eliminate the pernicious,,.
influence of "leftism."
How to correctly understand the content, significance and function of the
united front under the new historical conditions remains a big problem for
many comrades. This requires us to vigorously enhance, in terms of
ideology, theory and policy, the level of understanding of the whole party,
first of all of the leading cadres at different levels, including comrades
working in all departments, of united front work.
How should we deepen our understanding of united front work in the new
historical period? The fundamental way is to closely integrate the
theoretical principles of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and our
party's historical experiences with today's new historical conditions and
our party's tasks in the new period, and to carry out reeducation in
united front theory and policies. We should organize comrades who are
.engaged in united front work in various fields to conscientiously study the
party's guidelines adopted since the third plenary session. We should also
organize them to restudy Comrade Mao Zedong's brilliant works on problems
concerning the united front. In pursuing his studies on problems concern-
ing the united front, Comrade Mao Zedong enriched and made great contribu-
tions to Marxism-Leninism. We should by no means overlook or even give up
the scientific ideological wealth left behind by Comrade Mao Zedong just
because of the serious mistakes he made during his later years. We must
absorb wisdom and strength from Comrade Mao Zedong's brilliant works and
push ahead with united front work in the days to come.
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The second main task is to allow all democratic parties and other popular
bodies possessing a united front nature to work independently and to bring
their enthusiasm into full play.
We must say that this is an extremely important part of the mass line we
are adopting in united front work, and one of our extremely important
forms of uniting with the vast number of friends outside the party and
urging them to contribute to the building of socialist modernization.
Under the new situation in which the Chinese revolution was entering the
period of the war of resistance against Japan, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed
out in good time that we were bound to adapt to the circumstances by chang-
ing our usual armed force deployment, organizing and building up a mighty
force, including all possible revolutionary friendly forces, with the aid
of the weapon of the united front. This correct principle of Comrade Mao
Zedong's guided our party to great successes. In summing up the experi-
ences gained in the struggle in north and central China during the early
period of the war of resistance against Japan, Comrade Liu Shaoqi pro-
foundly pointed out that the reason why we failed then to open up a new
prospect in our struggle against the Japanese invaders was because some
responsible comrades, unable to adapt to rapid historical developments,
failed to change in good time their work style and work boldly and reso-
lutely. Today's new historical period can be regarded as the starting
period of the resurgence of our cause. Our comrades must adapt to the
needs of the great changes and developments in this period, make every
effort to create a new way of working which will help to activate an
unprecedentedly enormous contingent and open up new prospects. As long as
we are adept at working in the new way, including giving full play to the
roles of democratic parties and other people's organizations of a united
front nature, we will be able to multiply our forces and thus do several
times more good deeds than we have done so far. In the past, we gave free
rein to the initiative of the China Democratic National Construction Asso-
ciation and the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, and thus
mobilized them to actively assist the party and the government in making
proper arrangements for employing former industrialists and businessmen.
Is this not a convincing example? Historical facts have repeatedly shown
that it is perfectly possible for democratic parties and other people's
organizations of a united front nature to do a great deal of good deeds so
long as we give free rein to their initiative and, in the meantime, appro-
priately help them in terms of guiding principle, policies and methods.
Therefore, giving full play to the wisdom and ability of hundreds of
thousands of figures outside the party is a key link for us in learning
scientific leadership methods, improving our relations with figures outside
the party, and consolidating the political alliance between the party and
the nonparty figures.
In short, we must be adept at deploying our available mighty forces. In the
early period of the war of resistance against Japan, we had only several
tens of thousands of party members. However, as the correct guideline and
policies were adopted and a vast number of intellectuals, patriotic veteran
military officers and patriotic political forces were mobilized, we
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eventually formed a truly mighty army and thus rapidly opened up new pros-
pects. These historical experiences are worth summing up properly, carry-
ing on and developing under the new historical conditions.
The third main task is to vigorously grasp the implementation of policies,
including those on democratic parties, intellectuals, Kuomintang personnel
who have come over to us, former industrialists and businessmen, dependents
of people who went to Taiwan, minority nationalities, people in religious
circles, returned Overseas Chinese, dependents of Overseas Chinese living
abroad, and so on.
During the 10 years of upheaval, many of our party members and friends were
accused of being "counterrevolutionary." This seriously sabotaged our
party's political prestige. The "gang of four" has been smashed for more
than 5 years now, but a lot of problems are still left unsolved as far as
the implementation of policies is concerned. The policy toward old cadres
has probably been well implemented, but other policies have not been well
implemented. In some areas, as soon as implementation of policies is
mentioned, it means difficulties and demands for money. As a matter of
fact, implementation of policies is not always so difficult and does not
always require money. For instance, how much does it cost and how difficult
is it to make conclusions, rehabilitate people's reputation and make job
arrangements? Making job arrangements does not necessarily mean spending
more money. We can do it by means of expanding the collective ownership
system and developing the individual ownership system. A more difficult
problem is the problem of housing, and it is necessary for us to solve this
problem step by step. Therefore, it is wrong for us to complain and sigh
all the time about the problem of implementing policies. If it is really
that difficult, how could some provinces and municipalities have done so
well in implementing policies?
An important factor accounting for the fact that the implementation of
policies has not been well promoted is that some leading organs do not
sufficiently understand local conditions and do not dare to uphold justice.
Comrade Zhou Enlai said it well--"understand the situation, study policies,
make personnel arrangements, readjust relations." It so happens that
at present, some of our leading comrades, including comrades of the united
front work department, fail to do this. Some comrades are still worried
about making "leftist" or rightist mistakes. Is such a state of mind able
to promote united front work? These comrades should change their state of
mind and discard their endless worries. Our comrades should always bear
in mind that it is our unshirkable duty to do a good job of united front
work. We shoulder the unshirkable duty of promoting socialism, building
the great motherland and realizing the reunification of the motherland. We
must go all out and do a good job in our work for the sake of our cause of
socialist modernization. Certainly, besides the problem of state of mind,
we must maintain vigilance against people who are still connected with the
"gang of four." These people stubbornly delay the implementation of poli-
cies and pose a problem of a different nature. We must punish these people
with party discipline and absolutely cannot tolerate or be soft toward them.
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When acting as governor of Chaozhou Prefecture, Han Yu, a Tang dynasty man
of letters, wrote an "Elegiac Address to the Crocodile," giving the croco-
dile, a local pest, a deadline for departing and going into the sea. He
said: "If it can't be done in 3 days, then it can in 5. If it can't be
done in 5 days, then it can in 7. If it can't be done in 7, this means
the crocodile is not willing to go," in which case the crocodile is
"impenetrably thickheaded" and must be punished for refusing to obey
orders. There is no harm in our now copying Han Yu's expression. We say,
if you don't implement the policies in 1 year, then you will in 3; if you
won't do it in 3 years, then you will in 5; and if you won't do it in 5,
then you will do it in 7. This is the sixth year since the "gang of four"
was smashed, and next year will be the seventh year. If you still don't
implement the policies in 7 years, then we will say you are impenetrably
thickheaded. This is in essence a major question of principle of whether
you are maintaining political unity with the CCP Central Committee. Can
we have a vague understanding of such an important question of principle?
Our comrades must fully understand that the question of implementing poli-
cies is related to the state's political situation of stability and unity,
the strengthening, prosperity and reunification of the motherland, the
consolidation and development of the patriotic united work front and the
smooth progress of socialist modernization. Despite the scope involved
and the workload, we must be determined to do a good job of implementing
the various policies. Our party pays much attention to reputation. We
adopt a serious attitude toward everything and mean what we say. So how
are we going to answer our friends both inside and outside the country if
we still cannot do.a good job of implementing the policies this year and
the following year!
The fourth main task is that we must make proper arrangements for figures
outside the party and improve relations of cooperation with them.
In order to open up a new situation in united front work, we propose to all
comrades of the united front that it is necessary to work hard and learn
from the good thinking, good work style and good moral quality of Comrade
Zhou Enlai.
As we all know, in summing up the experiences of the Chinese revolution,
Comrade Mao Zedong laid down three great magic weapons for our party, one
of which was the united front. However, as far as actual struggle is con-
cerned, during the decades of the Chinese democratic revolution period and
the socialist period, Comrade Zhou Enlai was the one who made the greatest
contributions to the establishment, consolidation and development of the
revolutionary united front under the leadership of the party. Comrade Zhou
Enlai is worthy of the title of an outstanding model in united front work
since the building of our party. He won over, united, and educated batches
-and batches of friends outside the party for the good of our party and the
cause of the Chinese revolution. He enjoyed high prestige among his
friends both inside and outside the country and added color to our party.
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However, when our part; made mistakes and suffered setbacks in the course
of struggle, many friends understood and forgave many of our mistakes and
expressed sympathy and strengthened their confidence in us because there
was the lofty image of Comrade Zhou Enlai. The great contributions of
Comrade Zhou Enlai to the Chinese revolutionary united front, his glorious
figure and mental power will live forever. Therefore, all of us and, in
particular, comrades of the united front should strive to learn from the
example of Comrade Zhou Enlai.
What should we learn from him? In general, we must learn the following
four things:
First, we must learn from Comrade Zhou Enlai's farsightedness and revolu-
tionary breadth of spirit.
Marx and Engels said in the "Communist Manifesto" that all that the prole-
tarians lose during the revolution is their chains and in return they gain
the whole world. Marx added that only by emancipating the whole of mankind
can the proletariat ultimately emancipate themselves. It is because Comrade
Zhou Enlai had such Marxist farsightedness and revolutionary breadth of
spirit, and could handle all kinds of practical work including united front
work with such farsightedness and revolutionary breadth of spirit, that he
could adopt a firm stand, fear no dangers, and be unshakable in working in
the most dangerous, most difficult and complicated areas during the tortuous
and great struggle of the Chinese revolution. It is also because Comrade
Zhou Enlai had farsightedness and revolutionary breadth of spirit that he
could consistently uphold his lofty ideals and pure sentiments under compli-
cated circumstances and could emerge unstained from filth. In addition, he
also had a vast field of vision and stood.on the high plane of emancipating
the whole of mankind to win over, unite and transform all those who could be
won over, fully displaying a proletarian revolutionary's mental power in
thinking, politics, morality and justice.
Second, we must learn from Comrade Zhou Enlai's democratic spirit of treat-
ing people as equals.
Comrade Zhou Enlai was a hero of indomitable spirit in the face of any
strong enemies, but he never put on airs in front of the people and the
friends of the people. He always treated others as equals, taught others
with skill and patience, discussed problems with friends and never looked
down on others during discussions. As a result, people never felt uneasy
under his leadership. He deeply realized that a leading position is insuf-
ficient for one to obtain knowledge and experience, and, therefore, he
always turned his face to the masses, made a lot of friends, and improved
his own knowledge by absorbing the masses' wisdom through frequent and close
contacts with the masses and various forms of frank talks. At the same
time, he enthusiastically helped his friends and encouraged others to
advance. It is because of this that Comrade Zhou Enlai could. avoid rigid
ways of thinking and could ceaselessly advance until the day he died.
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Third, we must learn from Comrade Zhou Enlai's revolutionary character in
being ready to take up the cudgel for a just cause.
Comrade Zhou Enlai not only dared to take responsibility for the toughest
tasks during the revolutionary struggles, but also upheld justice in deal-
ing with the questions of right and wrong among the revolutionary con-
tingents. He was bold in insisting on right things, criticizing his own
mistakes, helping others when they made mistakes, speaking out from a sense
of justice when people were wrongly accused, and taking responsibility for
problems which emerged within his scope of leadership. As a result, he
aroused the enthusiasm of the broad masses of cadres. All this means being
ready to take up the cudgel for a just cause! All our party comrades have
deeply realized what valuable contributions Comrade Zhou Enlai made to pro-
tect the party and the people under very complicated historical conditions
such as those during the "Great Cultural Revolution." No matter what
happens, we must uphold justice and be ready to take up the cudgel for a
just cause. This is a character all Communist Party members should have.
Fourth, we must learn from Comrade Zhou Enlai's lofty quality of setting
strict demands on himself.
Comrade Zhou Enlai always realized his own shortcomings and therefore always
set strict demands on himself. "One is never too old to learn or reform."
This is what he always said and he did what he said. This should become a
motto for all our party members. He paid much attention to teaching others
by his own example, earnestly practiced what he preached and set strict
demands on comrades who worked with him. He worked hard around the clock
every day and did not slacken his efforts even when seriously ill. His
spirit not only is unforgettable to the Chinese people but also has deeply
touched many foreign friends.
Comrade Zhou Enlai has left us for more than 6 years now. However, his
great contributions to united front work during his lifetime, his spirit,
work style, and moral quality will live forever. All of us, and in particu-
lar comrades engaged in united front work, should be his students. Today,
all our cadres of the United Front Work Department are the successors to our
party's united front cause which was opened up and cultivated by Comrade
Zhou Enlai. We should feel no qualms about our predecessors and should
refrain from being inert and from being weak and incompetent. In the new
historical era, we are confident, capable and can find a way to open up new
prospects in united front work.
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A MAJOR EVENT IN THE STATE'S POLITICAL LIFE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 7-8, 12
[Editorial]
[Text] The "draft of the revised constitution of the PRC" has been examined
and approved by the national constitutional revision committee, and a reso-
lution has been passed by the 23d Meeting of the 5th NPC Standing Committee
for its publication and-for its discussion by the people of all nationali-
ties throughout the country. This is a major event in the state's political
life. We must do a good job of the nationwide discussion of the "draft of
the revised constitution."
The "draft of the revised constitution" makes substantial revisions to the
current constitution. The current constitution of our country was approved
at the First Session of the Fifth NPC in March 1978. At that time, the
"gang of four" had been smashed only a short time before and the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee had not been convened. Owing to
the limitations of the historidal conditions at that time, there was not
enough time to make a comprehensive summing-up of the experiences and
lessons of the socialist revolution and construction in the 30 years after
the founding of the PRC, and there was not enough time to thoroughly elimi-
nate the influence of some "leftist" ideas emerging during the decade of
turmoil on the articles of the constitution. Consequently, in the current
constitution there are quite a few elements that reflect outdated and
erroneous.political theories and viewpoints and quite a few regulations
that do not conform to the practical situation. Although the second and
third sessions of the Fifth NPC had made some amendments to one or two
articles, no great changes had been made. Since the 3d Plenary Session of
the 11th CCP Central Committee in December 1978, great changes have taken
place and major progress has been made in the political, economic and cul-
tural life of our country. The party and state have shifted the focal point
of the work, the party has made a new and scientific analysis of the class
situation in the country, the state has scored major achievements in build-
ing a socialist democratic system and has set forth further demands, and
major reforms of the state leading system and the national economic system
are being carried out. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History
of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" approved by the 6th Plenary
Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee in particular has accomplished the
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task of bringing order out of chaos in the guiding ideology, comprehensively
summed up the historical experiences in the socialist revolution and con-
struction and explicitly defined a path and some major points for achieving
socialist modernization that are applicable to the situation in our country.
All this was not and could not have been reflected in the current constitu-
tion. Moreover, as a fundamental law of the state, many of the articles and
stipulations in the current constitution are also not complete, well-knit,
specific and explicit. In brief, the constitution approved in 1978 does not
keep abreast of the political, economic and cultural reality of our country
or suit the needs of the modernization drive of our country. In September
1980, at the suggestion of the CCP Central Committee, the Third Session of
the Fifth NPC passed a resolution on setting up a constitutional revision
committee to take charge of the work of revising the current constitution.
In the past year and more, under the solicitude and leadership of the CCP
Central Committee, the constitutional revision committee and its secretariat,
acting on the principles that "the leadership should integrate itself with
the masses" and that "the experiences of our own country should be inte-
grated with international ones" and proceeding from the fundamental inter-
ests of the people of the whole country, have carried out extensive investi-
gations and studies to collect opinions from various quarters. After
repeated deliberations and discussions, they have set forth the "draft of
the revised constitution" for discussion. After examining and revising the
draft for discussion chapter by chapter and article by article, the NPC
Standing Committee passed a resolution for its publication. After extensive
discussions by the people of the whole country and further revisions, it
will be submitted to.the Fifth Session of the NPC to be held this year for
examination and official approval. Revising the constitution is a very
serious and earnest job. It is a project of far-reaching significance in
building our country politically during the new historical period.
Of the three constitutions we had before, the one approved by the First
Session of the First NPC in September 1954 was a fairly good and consummate
one. At that time, under the leadership of the CCP Central Committee and
Comrade Mao Zedong, the work of drawing up the constitution was carried out
in a very serious and solemn manner. It was during the "Great Cultural
Revolution" that the constitution was practically annulled. The next two
constitutions reflected in different degrees the abnormal situation in the
state's life, but they were very imperfect. However, in 1954, when the
work of socialist transformation had just started, it was naturally impossi-
ble for a constitution that came into being at that time to reflect the
situation of the state after the completion of the socialist transformation.
The current "draft of the revised constitution" has retained many of the
stipulations of the 1954 constitution that are still applicable today. At
the same time, in the light of the great changes in the situation of the
country since then and under the guidance of the "Resolution on Certain
Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC," it
has paid full attention to summing up the great achievements and basic
experiences of the socialist revolution and construction in our country in
the past three decades and added many new stipulations. The "draft of the
revised constitution" has summed up the fundamental experiences in our
history in the past 100 years and more, particularly since the beginning of
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this century, and recorded the achievements of the people of the whole
country in their protracted struggle in the course of the new democratic
revolution, the socialist revolution and socialist construction. The draft
takes as its general guiding ideology the upholding of the four basic prin-
ciples and, in the form of a fundamental law, defines the fundamental task
of the people of the whole country as the building of our country into a
modernized state with a high degree of democracy and civilization. It has
also showed clearly the domestic guarantee and the international conditions
for accomplishing this task--strengthening the unity of all nationalities
throughout the country and the unification of the country at home and, in
international affairs, upholding the correct foreign policy, strengthening
mutual support with the peoples of various countries, safeguarding world
peace and promoting the progressive cause of mankind. Acting on historical
experiences and proceeding from reality, the draft has defined fairly com-
pletely the fundamental political and economic systems of the state and the
principles for developing culture and building spiritual civilization and
enriched the contents of the fundamental rights and duties of citizens. In
accordance with the principle of democratic centralism and the needs of the
new historical period, the draft pays attention to strengthening the build-
ing of state organs and makes some important new stipulations on state
organization. In brief, the "draft of the revised constitution" has been
revised and drawn up under a correct guiding principle after our party had
accomplished the task of bringing order out of chaos in the guiding ideology.
It has absorbed quite amply historical experiences and lessons and has
recorded quite amply the great progress our country has made in various
aspects and the orientation of reforms since the third plenary session of
the party. It is therefore a fairly consummate and well-considered draft.
As a result of the efforts of the people of the whole country in the past
few years, the various aspects of the country have now been restored to
normal and have become, stable, and the long-term objective of struggle has
also been made clear. After being extensively discussed by the people of
the whole country, who will sum up their ideas and make further amendments,
and after being examined and approved by the NPC, the draft will become the
fundamental law of our country during the new historical period. It will be
a stable and solemn fundamental law that will function over a very long
historical period. It will play a far-reaching and important role in ensur-
ing the long-term stability of our country, in building and improving our
socialist political, economic and cultural systems, in ensuring the consoli-
dation of the state and the democratic rights of the people, in achieving
the institutionalization of socialist democracy and in building the socialist
legal system. Owing to changes in the actual situation, it will perhaps.be
necessary to make some amendments in the future, but they will only be
amendments or supplements to individual articles. The more prudent and
careful we are in revising the constitution now, the more likely we are to
have a constitution of long-term stability.
It is precisely for this reason that the current discussion of the "draft
of the revised constitution" by the whole party is of very great signifi-
cance. First of all, discussion by the whole people will make the new con-
stitution more complete. A constitution gives expression to the will of the
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people of the whole country. The revision of the constitution should not be
done by a small number of people and it is imperative to sum up correct
ideas on the basis of a high degree of democracy. When the people of all
nationalities, all localities and all strata throughout the country are
engaged in extensive and fully democratic discussions, drawing on collective
wisdom and absorbing all useful ideas, the constitution will be in a better
position to reflect the conditions of the whole country and the will and
aspirations of the entire people. Secondly, the discussion of the "draft
of the revised constitution" by the whole people is also a nationwide study
or self-education in the fundamental law of the state. Owing to the fact
that socialist democracy and the legal system in our country are still
incomplete and that, over a considerably long period of time in the past,
the constitution has been cast aside or has been incomplete, with the
result that no attention has been paid to it, there is quite an extensive
lack of knowledge and sense of a constitutional and legal system among the
people of our country. It is necessary, by means of discussion by the whole
people, to raise the understanding of the cadres at various levels and the
broad masses on the status and function of the constitution in the state's
life and raise their consciousness in abiding by and defending the honor of
the constitution. The discussion of the constitution by the whole people
serves as a school for the cadres at various levels and the broad masses to
study and grasp the basic spirit and main content of the constitution. It
is necessary, by means of discussion by the whole people, to raise the
understanding of the cadres at various levels and the broad masses on the.
four basic principles and the fundamental tasks of the people of the whole
country in the future, on our socialist political, economic and cultural
systems and the major principles of the state and on the fundamental rights
and duties of citizens, and make clear the relationship between an indi-
vidual citizen and the state as well as his due responsibility and duties
to the state and society. Finally, the discussion by the whole people is in
itself a study and training by the entire people in correctly exercising
their democratic rights and promoting their democratic life. In building,
socialist democracy, it is necessary, on the one hand, to institute and
improve the various democratic systems. On the other hand, it is necessary
to demand that the numerous cadres and the broad masses learn to correctly
exercise their democratic rights and respect the democratic rights of other
people and that they cultivate the habits of democratic life. The
accomplishment of this point is a long-term process of study and training.
It is stipulated in the "draft of the revised constitution" that the people
have the right "to manage state affairs, manage economic and cultural under-.
takings and manage social affairs through various channels and forms." The
fact that it will take the people of the whole country several months to
discuss the fundamental law of the state fully reflects the socialist demo-
cratic nature of our country. It is at the same time an opportunity for the
people to learn to manage state affairs. Through their concern for and dis-
cussions of the "draft of the revised constitution" the broad masses will be
able to raise their sense of responsibility as masters of the country,
learn to manage state affairs and cultivate the habits of democratic life.
In brief, doing a good job of discussing the "draft of the revised constitu-
tion" is of long-term and great significance to our country. We should
attach great importance to this work and, under the leadership of the party,
take an active part in the nationwide discussion and revise and draw up the
fundamental law of our country together.
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EXPECTATIONS OF THE PEOPLE AND THE PARTY--A TALK WITH NEWLY PROMOTED CADRES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 9-12
[Article by Commentator]
[Text] At present, a number of middle-aged and young people who combine
ability with political integrity and are in the prime of life have taken
up their leadership posts. In 2 or 3 years, there will be more such fine
cadres promoted in large numbers to leadership posts. They are taking up
important leadership work in party and state organs at all levels. The
historical mission of carrying forward and promoting our cause will grad-
ually fall on the shoulders of the masses of middle-aged and young cadres.
The task of the current era is to carry on and develop the glorious cause
pioneered by proletarian revolutionaries of the older generation and build
our country into a modern, highly democratic and highly civilized powerful
socialist country. Can the newly promoted comrades assume their own leader-
ship duties and dare to shoulder the heavy burdens of their new posts and
accomplish something great? Can they, like the comrades of former years,
unite closely with the people in accomplishing the historical mission with
which we are charged by the era? Can they refuse to be influenced by
others' flatteries, refrain from serving private ends, adhere to the prole-
tarian principle of party spirit and become reliable successors to the pro-
letarian revolutionary cause? This is really a severe test for newly
promoted comrades. We trust that newly promoted comrades can stand such
a test.
Since the downfall of the "gang of four" and especially since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, our party, after hard work, has
completed the process of turning chaos into order where guiding ideology is
concerned. It has restored the Marxist ideological, political and organiza-
tional lines and formulated a series of general and specific policies geared
to the national conditions of our country. A correct direction of advance is
thus provided for us. After positive education and education by negative
examples, our people have raised their socialist awareness. They show con-
cern over the future of the state and support for the party's policy. They
are filled with great ambitions concerning the socialist cause. This has
provided us with a solid foundation for the proper handling of our work.
Our older comrades still committed to first line work or already withdrawn
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to the second line are giving the newly promoted comrades the benefit of
their experience, "passing on skills, lending a helping hand and setting
examples." This has again provided our work with strong support. There-
fore, the comrades newly promoted to leadership posts must, on the one
hand, see the arduous nature of the historic mission on their shoulders.
On the other, they must have full confidence and consciously and bravely
take up this arduous and glorious historical mission.
Like the revolutionaries of the older generation, the newly promoted com-
rades must first of all cherish the pioneering spirit of being selfless and
fearless. In their new posts, they must start with fervent revolutionary
enthusiasm, a selfless spirit of dedication and a work style of being
realistic and leading a simple life. Now, we have a large amount of work
to do and many problems to solve. If we are afraid of difficulties and are
fearful and indecisive in action, our enthusiasm and initiative cannot be
brought into full play. This will make it impossible for us to accomplish
something great. Of course, on the other hand, we must not act recklessly,
ignore reality and seek immediate success. By so doing, we will also come
to grief. The correct approach is to combine revolutionary spirit with a
down-to-earth spirit of working hard. We must adhere to the party's four
basic principles. In line with the party's correct guiding ideology, and
after careful investigation and study, we must think out ideas and work out
ways and means--ingeniously and unhesitatingly translating the party's line
and general and specific policies into action in every task we supervise.
Newly promoted comrades face the problem of how to create a new situation.
Our party's history tells us that whether a new situation can be created at
a turning point in history has a great bearing on the development of the
revolutionary cause. To create a new situation, we must, like the prole-
tarian revolutionaries of the older generation, uphold firmly and
unswervingly strategic ideas. We must have the strategic foresight to view
the situation as a whole and show indomitable revolutionary will. That is,
we must display the spirit of daring to act and to hold ourselves responsi-
ble. Furthermore, in observing and handling any problem in work, we must
act with the whole and not the partial situation in mind. We must have
long-term plans. We must keep the main goal in sight and keep busy with
dailyltasks. We must wage a two-line struggle. We must meet the demands of
tremendous changes and great developments and strive to create a new method
of work. We must use the major principle reflecting the nature of things
to guide various minor principles. Only by so doing, can we avoid being
held spellbound by partial, incidental and superficial phenomena (including
certain false ones). And only in this way can we remain clearheaded, can we
combine political firmness with scientific foresight, and can we gain new
leadership experience and create a new situation in work.
Newly promoted comrades all face the same problem: they must quickly grasp
all there is to know about a new job and get used to new leadership work.
Changes in work environments and conditions should also be accompanied by
appropriate changes in the standpoint from which we view a problem and even
changes in work methods. Some comrades are well acquainted with the condi-
tions of a given bureau. But if they act as leadership cadres, their
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knowledge and their accumulated experience will surely prove inadequate.
They must have leadership experience covering a wider field. This task
requires us to make investigations and studies in order to have a better and
an overall idea of the conditions of a given department and a given area.
Of course, to acquaint ourselves with conditions, we can scan documents,
study data and listen to reports. But the most important thing is to get
involved with reality and with the masses to make investigations and studies.
"We must constantly ascertain social conditions and make investigations and
studies." ("Selected Readings From the Works of Mao Zedong," type-A edition,
p 25) Only in this way can we have firsthand data at our fingertips and
really have the right and the initiative to speak. Comrade Mao Zedong
included the kind of people who refrained from making investigations and
studies but lost themselves in thinking. He held that' a small number of
people who confined themselves to their rooms "figuring out ways and means"
and "thinking out ideas" would surely come up with wrong methods and wrong
ideas. Our party has traditionally attached importance to investigation and
study and has said that this is of primary importance to leaders. The lead-
ing comrades of our party Central Committee have played an exemplary role in
this respect. Despite the heavy pressure of work, they constantly take time
out to get close to the masses to make investigations and studies. Newly
promoted comrades are generally in the prime of life and should constantly
go deep among the masses to get acquainted with conditions and do a good job
of making investigations and studies.
An important aspect of leadership work is to unite cadres, make proper use
of cadres and build the contingent of cadres well. Only by so doing can
everyone speak the same language, can there be friendly relations and
mutual support and understanding between comrades, can we really achieve the
aim of working toward the same goal, and can we arouse the enthusiasm of the
entire rank of cadres to bring about stability and unity and do various tasks
well. In using cadres, we must act according to the principle of party
spirit, insist on playing fair and square and using people on their sheer
merits. We must make a point of uniting these people who oppose us and who
oppose those who have erred. So long as those comrades who have erred admit
their mistakes and correct themselves in practice, we should refrain from
discriminating against them. 'Concerning old comrades who have retired, we
must respect them, humbly learn from them and take the initiative to listen
to their opinions. This is an important prerequisite for the proper handling
of the unity of cadres. Regarding the contradictions and cases of disunity
that have arisen among cadres for historical reasons, we cannot listen to
the story of only one side and must do more work aimed at solving misunder-
standings. The aim is to arouse them to get united in the process of
advance. In our new posts, we are likely to encounter people who do not
take the overall interests of the state into consideration, people who show
no cooperation or support for our work, and even individuals who make things
difficult for us, ridicule us and try to strike at and get rid of us. In
the face of all these conditions, we must keep cool and take a correct
approach. It is wrong to resign ourselves to a state of anxiety or allow
ourselves to become depressed. We must not give up doing ideological and
political work with unity in mind, nor must we use the wrong methods to cope
with what is wrong. This will only end in our isolation. In the period of
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the Three Kingdoms, Old General Cheng Pu did not reconcile himself to the
promotion of Zhou Yu as governor and often threw his weight around, making
things difficult for others. But Zhou Yu did not repay in kind. Instead
he used correct methods to make Cheng Pu wake up. Later, the two became
the best of friends. They played an important role in consolidating the
regime of Eastern Wu. Ancients could act like this. We Communist Party
members should go one step further. Newly promoted comrades must devote
themselves to serving the public heart and soul, pay close attention to the
building of the ranks of cadres and strive to distinguish between right and
wrong, between what deserves punishment or praise, and between rewards and
penalties. If we can unite the great majority of comrades, we can direct
the overwhelming majority of cadres' thoughts and talent toward work.
As far as the leadership post is concerned, there is the problem of keeping
in close touch with the masses. The mass line is our party's fundamental
line. Keeping in close touch with the masses is a mark that distinguishes
our Communist Party from other political parties. The only source of our
knowledge is the practice of the masses of people and their collective
wisdom and collective experience. Newly promoted comrades cannot throw
their weight around and put on airs, drifting apart from the masses just
because they have been promoted and become "officials." Moreover, we must
note that given a promotion and a change in our duties, some people are not
likely to behave and talk as freely as they did to us before. Therefore, a
newly appointed leader must consciously overcome these obstacles and show
more initiative in getting close to the cadres and people at lower levels,
talking more with them, supporting their supervision. If we do not do so,
we are unlikely to hear of differing views. It is all the more difficult
for us to hear of any criticism from the masses of the defects and mistakes
in our work. We are thus liable to blindly believe that everything we have
done is right. This is highly dangerous.
After we assume new leadership duties, people will ingratiate themselves with
us in this way or that. Flattery is a vulgar practice of the exploiting
class and also "a sugar-coated bullet." We must remain clearheaded and
refuse to be moved. Flattering remarks are of course not to be taken seri-
ously, still less should an exaggeration that boosts one's ego be accepted.
The reasons for this are given. In the "Record of the Warring States" is a
story about Zou Ji's ridiculing ruler Qi's acceptance of an admonition.
Zou Ji's wife, his concubine and his guests all praised him as being more
handsome than Duke Xu. Actually, he was just no match for Duke Xu in looks.
He pondered over it throughout the night. It dawned on him that "my wife
says that I am handsome because she is biased toward me. My concubine says
that I am handsome because she is afraid of me. My guests say that I am
handsome because they have something to ask of me." All those people that
respond to flatteries will surely be deceived. As time goes on, they will
make the mistake of drifting apart from the masses. In the world, this
situation is unknown: given a promotion, a person's ability and his level
automatically rise. Therefore, we must always make a one-divides-into-two
analysis of ourselves, so that we can always maintain the style of being
humble and modest and free from arrogance and rashness. We must always
remain the respectful pupils of the masses of people and cadres. In the
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revolutionary ranks, tt.ere are many heroic figures, model workers and
leading cadres who originally distinguished themselves by their outstanding
achievements. But yielding to "flatteries," they have waxed arrogant. They
remain at the same level without making any progress and end up drifting
apart from the masses. Some have even consigned themselves to oblivion.
Mr Lu Xun once mentioned the serious harm of flattery. He said that flat-
tery can have the effect of ruining the career of someone of consequence
and making it impossible for him to stage a comeback for many years. This
should particularly arouse the vigilance of those comrades newly assigned
to leadership posts. In no way should they give the flatterer an oppor-
tunity to get his way.
Now, there prevails on the social scene an unhealthy practice of "asking
favors." Some of our cadres command no respect among the people. What they
say goes unheeded. This is often because in handling major and minor issues
concerning their own interests and their own relatives, they compromise
themselves in all cases of "asking favors" and fail to uphold the party's
principles. Some comrades think nothing of these so-called trifles. These
trifles seem like nothing and seem forgivable in light of the large amount
of work they have contributed. Therefore, they assume the wrong attitude of
excusing and giving themselves encouragement. They do not know that these
"trifles" reflect how firm an individual is in upholding his concept of
public and private interests and the principle of party spirit. If in times
of peace these trivial matters in private life cannot be properly taken care
of, how can we unhesitatingly sacrifice ourselves in wartime or at a time
when we are called on to risk death? Today, stopping the practice of "asking
favors" is no minor problem. It is a problem concerning the reputation of
the party and its purity which must be protected. Many serious economic
crimes show that some leading cadres' involvement, their lapse into mistakes
and even their degeneration began as matters of compromising out of personal
consideration. Wholehearted devotion to duty in serving the people is our
party's basic aim. Every cadre of our party has only the obligation of
wholeheartedly and assiduously serving the people, and never the right to
abuse authority to serve the interests of any individual or small group.
What Comrade Zhou Enlai said on many occasions about cadres standing the
five tests (the ideological test, the political test, the test of personal
considerations, the social test and the test of life) is really significant.
His glorious and great life--as exemplified by his cautious and conscien-
tious approach, his devotion to the public without any thought for. self,
his adherence to principle without being swayed by personal considerations
and his defiance of death--is in itself a shining example for us to follow.
Comrades newly promoted to leadership posts cannot avoid experiencing vari-
ous incidents of "asking favors." In our approach to such matters, we must
emulate Comrade Zhou Enlai and resolutely uphold the party's principles. We
must display the militant spirit of Communist Party members, uphold what is
right and resist what is wrong.
To do a good job of leadership work in the historical conditions of today,
we must have scientific and cultural knowledge and technical knowledge.
We must cherish the spirit of doggedly, perseveringly and fearlessly doing
research. Now there is serious waste by the state. There are so many
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loopholes in the management system. Actual work is marked by lack of a
scientific basis and originality. All this has to do with our inadequate
scientific and cultural knowledge and our inadequate knowledge of scien-
tific management. We must of course learn how to build projects in the
Course of construction. We must also squeeze time out to study and
research the subjects that we need to know about in our own fields. As far
as comrades with some fundamental knowledge are concerned, they also must
not remain satisfied. They must keep taking time, out to study and, to do
research. In the new historical period, leaders must be politically
advanced and professionally trained. This is an important requirement for
the proper handling of our work. Using the pressure of work as an excuse
to relax our efforts in acquiring technical knowledge is also a manifesta-
tion of lack of enthusiasm and fear of difficulties. This must be reso-
lutely corrected.
In any leadership post, a newly promoted comrade must take up the duty of
seriously studying Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. Such a study effort
must be combined with the cultivation of ideological awareness in a serious
effort to transform the world outlook. Only in this way can we grasp revo-
lutionary theory as a weapon. Only in this way can we raise the ability.to
distinguish between right and wrong and to correctly solve various problems
'encountered in the process of revolution and construction, and can we avoid
going astray in the face of complicated phenomena and maintain the communist
purity of Communist Party members. Also only in this way can we become
sober-minded, resolute Marxists. As far as a leader is concerned, he has
little future if not armed with theory. A well-known remark from Comrade
Zhou Enlai: "We must live to learn and to transform ourselves," must be
cherished as our motto.
The people and the party committee have vested a weighty mission in the new
generation and have great expectations for them. We proletarian revolu-
tionaries of the older generation and numerous revolutionary veterans have
made our contributions in the glorious history of founding the new China.
Newly promoted comrades should use their own revolutionary experience and
fervently keep working toward creating the glorious history of building a
modern and powerful socialist country. Several decades hence, when our
descendants speak of this era of ours, they will, just as we do with the
proletarian revolutionaries of the older generation and many old comrades
today, say: They are the pride of the party and a generation of worthy
proletarian revolutionary fighters.
CSO: 4004/39
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AN INVIOLABLE BASIC PRINCIPLE--SOME UNDERSTANDING ON UPHOLDING THE POLICY
OF RELYING MAINLY ON THE PLANNED ECONOMY AND SUPPLEMENTING IT WITH
REGULATION BY MARKET MECHANISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 13-19
[Article by Fang Weizhong [2075 4850 0022]]
[Text] I. Several Talks by Comrade Chen Yun
The idea of a socialist economy having to mainly rely on planned economy
while making regulation by market mechanism subsidiary was advanced long
ago by our party.
After the basic completion of socialist transformation in 1956, Comrade
Chen Yun explained this point at the 1st Plenary Session of the 8th CCP
Central Committee:
"The situation of our socialist economy will be: In industrial and com-
mercial management, state management and collective management will be the
principal part of our industry and commerce, but there will also be a
certain amount of individual management. This individual management will
be supplementary to state management and collective management. In produc-
tion planning, the principal portion of industrial and agricultural products
of the whole country will be based on planned production, but at the same
time, there will be free production of some products based on market changes
and within the extent permitted by the state plan. Planned production will
be the mainstay of industrial and agricultural production, and free produc-
tion based on market changes and within the scope permitted by the state
plan will be a supplement to planned production. Therefore, our market will
absolutely not be a capitalist free market but will be a socialist unified
market. In the socialist unified market, the mainstay will be the state
market, but there will be to a certain extent a free market under state
leadership. This free market will be a supplement to the state market under
the leadership of the state. Therefore, it will be a component of the
socialist unified market."
This talk by Comrade Chen Yun completely expounded the idea of mainly rely-
ing on the planned economy while making regulation by market mechanism
subsidiary. Unfortunately, this idea was later subjected to leftist inter-
ference and could not be properly implemented.
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In the early part of 1979, Comrade Chen Yun reiterated more explicitly the
principle of mainly relying on the planned economy while making regulation
by market mechanism subsidiary, and pointed out that there must be two
parts in the national economy throughout the socialist period: 1) the
planned economy part (planned and proportionate part); 2) the part involving
regulation by market mechanism (or the unplanned part based on self-
regulatory market demands). The first part is basic and primary; the
second part is subordinate and secondary, but also necessary. He pointed
out that what we have done by adhering to planned and proportionate develop-
ment in our planning work is correct, and the only shortcoming is that
"planned and proportionate" does not include "regulation by market mechan-
ism." He pointed out that the present planning is too rigid and includes
too many things, regulation by market mechanism is being restricted, pro-
duction cannot become rich and colorful, and the articles of daily life
required by the people have become very drab.
Here, Comrade Chen Yun stressed the need to improve our planning system,
called for giving play to the supplementary role of regulation by market
mechanism while adhering to the principle of mainly relying on the planned
economy, and criticized some comrades for not understanding the inevitabil-
ity and necessity for doing so.
Since 1979, we have made some improvements in the economic system. To a
certain extent, we have corrected the shortcomings of excessive planning
and overrigid control and have paid attention to giving play to the role
of regulation by market mechanism. Our general orientation is correct.
For some time there have been mentions of "integrating regulation by plan-
ning mechanism and regulation by market mechanism" in some documents. This
formulation has played a positive role in changing the situation of not
paying attention to regulation by market mechanism. However, placing
regulation by market mechanism and regulation by planning mechanism side by
side can easily lead to misunderstanding. In December 1980, Comrade Chen
Yun pointed out at the central work conference: "Our state takes the plan-
ned economy as the mainstay." According to Comrade Chen Yun, the "Resolu-
tion on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of
the PRC," adopted at the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Com-
mittee in June 1981, clearly stated: "It is necessary to give play to the
supplementary, regulatory role of the market on the basis of public owner-
ship."
In December 1981, Comrade Chen Yun, at a meeting of first secretaries of
provincial, municipal and autonomous regional party committees, pointed out
that the agricultural economy is an important part of the national economy
and it is also necessary for agricultural economy to mainly rely on planned
economy while making regulation by market mechanism subsidiary. Only in
this way can it contribute to the long-term interests of the peasants and
enable the state to carry out construction. At this meeting, he also talked
about coordinating the construction of the nation like pieces in a chess
game and working according to plan.
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On 25 January 1982, in his talk with responsible comrades of the State Plan-
ning Commission, Comrade Chen Yun again discussed the subject of mainly
relying on the planned economy while making regulation by market mechanism
subsidiary. He pointed out that after carrying out the responsibility
system in agriculture, there cannot be any exception to adhering to the
above-mentioned principle. For example, the suburbs must plant vegetables
according to plan, hog-raising tasks must be assigned, the acreage planted
to tobacco must not be further increased, and the area sown to grain must
not be further reduced. He pointed out that in order to properly grasp the
relationship between construction and livelihood, the people must first
have enough to eat and construction comes second.
From the emphasis in Comrade Chen Yun's recent talks on the importance of
the planned economy, we can see that regulation by market mechanism can only
be flexibly applied within the scope permitted by the state plan. Other-
wise, it will shatter the state plan.
II. Great Practical Significance
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, we have
carried out a preliminary restructuring of our economic system and achieved
very good results in carrying out the policy of opening the door to foreign
countries and invigorating the economy at home. People are beginning to
manage the economy in accordance with economic laws. The gradual improve-
ment in economic life has aroused the enthusiasm of the localities, enter-
prises, and the broad masses of workers and peasants for production and
has promoted the development of the national economy. Practice has proved
that such reforms are necessary because they conform with the wishes of the
masses. Without such reforms there could not be today's excellent situa-
tion.
In the process of discussing and carrying out the restructuring of the
economic system, many comrades have published articles analyzing the
existing state of our economic system, exploring the orientation for
restructuring the system and smashing some outmoded concepts, and the main
trend is good. In the process of exploration, the appearance of some incor-
rect formulations is unavoidable. However, some articles have put forth
some incorrect ideas and views which will lead to weakening and breaking
away from the planned economy. For example, they have exaggerated the
shortcomings of the planned economy and regarded blind command and ossifi-
cation as the inevitable products and results of unified planning. They
have refused to recognize the existence of the law of planned development
and inappropriately exaggerated the role of the law of value. They have
negated the instructiveness of planning and the necessity of administrative
intervention and have advocated turning enterprises into independent
economic entities. They have stressed that planning is bound to fail and
regulation by market mechanism is bound to succeed, and have advocated
establishing a planned economy on the basis of regulation by market mechan-
ism. They have advocated that regulation by planning mechanism should only
control macroeconomics and that microeconomics should completely rely on
regulation by market mechanism. These ideas and views are divorced from
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the actual conditions in China and do not conform to the principle of mainly
relying on the planned economy while making regulation by market mechanism
subsidiary.
Generally speaking, the restructuring of our economic system and all our
economic activities have been carried out with the orientation of mainly
relying on the planned economy while making regulation by market mechanism
subsidiary. However, because of the inability of management work to follow
up, the lines of demarcation between some policies are not distinct and
certain reform measures cannot be fitted in. On top of that, with the rise
of departmentalism and decentralism in some units, certain tendencies of
breaking away from and weakening the planned economy have also appeared in
actual economic activities. For example, in agriculture, the quantity of
important farm products, which come under requisition by purchase, fixed
purchase quota and turnover to,higher authorities, has become less and less.
Some localities have dropped the unified purchase and fixed purchase quota
tasks altogether, and this has resulted in a reduction of the area sown to
grain. Some localities have lost control over the area planted to cash
crops; consequently, some cities are not getting enough vegetables. In
industry, some units are unwilling to accept the production plan and the
allocation plan set by the state. They have willfully retained products
in short supply on the market and arbitrarily expanded the extent of their
own marketing, and have overfulfilled the planned production of the state on
some highly profitable products in excessive supply. This has resulted in
overstocking and false financial figures. In capital construction, the
inability to control construction using self-raised funds and construction
using bank loans has developed into blind construction in some places. In
the field of circulation, because "all the workers, peasants, soldiers,
students and traders want to be in business," they have blindly competed
with each other, blocked each other, ruined the unified market of the coun-
try, and disrupted the planned supply and marketing of materials and the
circulation of commodities. In the distribution of income, some enter-
prises have casually increased the proportion of profit retained and indis-
criminately apportioned costs. The phenomenon of evading and not paying
taxes is quite serious, and there is no control over cash awards and various
welfare subsidies. In foreign economic activities, instead of adopting a
unified policy and uniting against foreigners, they have each gone their own
way, undercut each other's price and cut the ground from under each other.
The profit of the locality and the enterprise.is small, but the loss to the
state is enormous. What merits pointing out is that these economic crimi-
nals, who have taken advantage of the loopholes in our economic management
to engage in such sinister activities as smuggling and illegal transactions,
corruption and graft, speculation and swindling, and embezzlement of state
and collective property, are already running quite rampant.
The tendency of breaking away from and weakening the planned economy appear-
ing in the above-mentioned theoretical propaganda and in actual economic
activities should not be exaggerated, but this tendency definitely exists.
If we ignore it and allow it to develop, it will become worse and worse and
there could be a danger of shattering the state plan.
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The great practical significance of Comrade Chen Yun's recent talks is that
they make us clearheaded so that we can take measures to solve emerging
problems. In restructuring the economic system, we must adhere to the
policy of opening the door to foreign countries and invigorating the economy
at home, and correct the tendency of weakening and breaking away from the
planned economy. We must never allow the tendency of liberalization to run
wild. Only in this way can we create conditions for consolidating the
position of economic planning and further restructuring the economic
system.
III. The Two Kinds of Economy Cannot Be Confused
According to the Marxist standpoint, there are two principal kinds of
economy in the world today: one is the market economy built on the basis
of capitalist private ownership, and the other is the planned economy built
on the basis of socialist public ownership.
It is fundamentally impossible to build a planned economy on the basis of
capitalist private ownership. As long as contradictions exist between the
socialist nature of production and the private nature of ownership, there
will be no way to solve the state of anarchy in social production. Simi-
larly, a capitalist market economy cannot be carried out on the basis of
socialist public ownership. The giving up of the planned economy will
inevitably destroy socialist public ownership and ultimately result in a
retrogression to capitalism.
There cannot be any confusion or uncertainty regarding this. basic Marxist
standpoint.
We should recognize that, as a result of the development of capitalist con-
tradictions, the bourgeois governments have to a certain extent strengthened
intervention and planned guidance over the capitalist market economy. In
Japan, some people call their economy a system of economic planning based
on the market economy. In West Germany, some people call their economy a
social market economy, or the addition of social balancing and government
intervention on the basis of the market economy. However, the intervention
and guidance of the bourgeois government make no change in the capitalist
ownership of the means of production. Therefore, they also cannot basically
solve the state of anarchy produced by the whole society. This kind of
government intervention and planned guidance are essentially different from
the planned economy built on the basis of socialist public ownership.
The practice of socialist planned economy has negated the viewpoint that
commodity relationships and a market do not exist in socialist economy. To
a certain extent, it has taken advantage of the regulatory role of market
mechanism and allowed the spontaneous production and marketing of some
commodities based on the relationship of supply and demand on the market
to supplement the production and supply of products not provided for in the
plan. At the:same time, it has made use of the law of value and the
economic levers in a planned manner to regulate social production and
changed unitary administrative means into the simultaneous use of
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administrative means and economic means. However, that part of regulation
by market mechanism within a given framework of the socialist economy is a
component of the socialist unified market. There is a basic distinction
between the socialist market and the capitalist market.
In recent years, such formulations as "giving the same importance to the
planned economy and the market economy" and "the planned economy must be
built on the basis of the market economy" have also appeared in some
articles published in the country. The implications of these formulations
are neither distinct nor precise and can be easily confused with the bour-
geois economic theory of the West and lead to ideological confusion. The
articles which frankly advocate that China is not in a situation to carry
out a planned economy and should carry out a market economy are basically
mistaken.
IV. We Must Not Forget the Superiority of the Socialist Planned Economy,
and We Must Not Attribute the Economic Losses Caused by Mistakes in Guiding
Ideology and Political Turbulence to the System of a Planned Economy
The superiority of the socialist planned economy is tremendous.
1. The state has the necessary means and is able to make arrangements for
the production and needs of the whole society in a unified way. This pro-
motes the coordinated development of the economy and reduces waste and
blind production.
2. When the economy is in a state of imbalance, it is possible for the
state to take overall or partial measures for readjustment to restore the
balance of the economy more rapidly.
However, the capitalist economy does not possess this kind of superiority.
It has planned guidance and government intervention to mitigate contradic-
tions and crises in the capitalist economy, but is unable to basically
resolve them. Beneath the prosperous exterior of capitalism, numerous
insurmountable contradictions are concealed. The fact that currency infla-
tion and economic. stagnation are either interwoven or coexist is an
obvious example.
Over the past 30 and more years since nationwide liberation, by relying on
the planned economy we have established an independent and comparatively
complete industrial system and a national economic system to guarantee the
basic food and clothing needs of 1 billion people. We have eliminated the
gap between poor and rich, basically solved the problem of unemployment,
stabilized prices on the market and maintained the independence of our
country. Without a planned economic system, it would have been impossible
to make these achievements. Over the past 30 years and more, several major
imbalances have appeared in the national economy. However, because of the
effective measures adopted to carry out planned readjustments, we have been
able to gradually resolve these imbalances and to demonstrate' the tremendous
power of the planned economy in triumphing over difficulties.
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It cannot be denied t, at we have suffered many setbacks in our socialist
construction which resulted in serious losses to the economy. However,
these losses were not caused by the implementation of the system of a plan-
ned economy. Why was the economy able to develop more harmoniously during
the periods of national economic recovery and the first 5-year plan but
suffered setbacks in economic development from 1958 to 1960 and after 1967?
As shown by economic analysis, the most important reason was because, in
our anxiety for quick results, we set overambitious targets in production
and construction under the guidance of "leftist" ideas. Plans became
seriously divorced from reality, and correct planning systems and methods
were attacked and destroyed. The problem which appeared under the guidance
of "leftist" ideas was precisely not wanting a comprehensive balance or
proportionate results but just the opposite. During the past 30 years and
more, the first 2 years were good, the years in between were full of ups and
downs and there was not much time to really concentrate on carrying out
planned construction in an earnest and conventional manner. In particular,
during the 10 years of political turbulence of the "Great Cultural Revolu-
tion," there was no way of smoothly carrying out a planned economy or bring-
ing into play the superiority of a socialist planned economy. If not for
that, our achievements in construction would certainly be much better than
those at present.
Why have some people lost their confidence in the planned economy? An
important reason is that they have not conscientiously analyzed the root
cause of the setbacks in our past economic development and have attributed
the responsibility, which should not be shouldered by the planning system,
to the planning system. The planned economy is a bright pearl that has been
covered with dust. If the dust is removed, the planned economy will shine
brightly.
V. We Must Improve the Planning System But We Cannot Carry Things So Far
as To Start All Over Again
The planning system formulated after the founding of the PRC is basically
correct and is in line with the demands of economic planning.
First, the main econo.ic activities of society, including production, con-
struction, circulation and distribution, and also the important components
of cultural, educational and sanitation undertakings, are incorporated in
state plans, with all departments striving toward planned and proportionate
development.
Second, mandatory plans are imposed on the principal products of major
enterprises, so that the state can exercise direct control over the produc-
tion and distribution of important products bearing on the state's economic
life and the activities of important enterprises, in order to ensure the
satisfaction of the needs of the state and the people in their everyday life.
Third, carry out the principle of unified planning and split-level manage-
ment allowing the centralization of big power and the dispersion of little
power.
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The problems and defects of the planning system are chiefly:
1. We stress the need for a plan to be complete and detailed and try to
incorporate everything in it without paying attention to the necessity of
regulation by market mechanism, or without allowing the spontaneous regula-
tion of a part of production by the law of value.
2. We impose excessive and overrigid control over the planned sector, with-
out paying attention to arousing local and departmental enthusiasm. We
overlook an enterprise's proper rights, so that the development of its
initiative and enthusiasm suffers.
3. We mainly rely on administrative means without paying attention to or
being good at using economic means, or without using the economic levers
to regulate production.
Given a low level of planning and lack of experience in controlling social
mass production, the planning organs are kept so busy with the daily
routine of management that they cannot take care of everything. On the
other hand, enterprises are living off the state and "eating out of one
big pot." Gaps between supply and demand often occur, seriously interfer-
ing with the improvement of economic results and hampering the development
of the superior features of the socialist planned economy.
To deal with the above problems, in line with the principle of reforming
the economic system set forth in the government work report given by
Premier Zhao Ziyang at the 4th Session of the 5th NPC, our planning system
calls for improvement and reform in the following respects:
First, in line with the principle of taking planned economy as the primary
factor and regulation by market mechanism as the subsidiary one, we must
follow the system of combining mandatory plans and guiding plans. For a
number of products and enterprises, the state does not hand down plans but
allows free production by enterprises, in order to make up for what is
lacking in state plans.
Mandatory plans are arranged by the state in a unified manner and must be
strictly observed and carried out by planning units and plan enforcement
units at all levels. Plans in this category mainly refer to tasks con-
cerning the national economy as a whole, such as planned state purchases
and fixed purchase quotas, the transfer of products into or out of an area,
the production, purchase, distribution and inward or outward transfer of.
important industrial products, the total amount of investment in fixed
assets and large and medium-sized construction projects, the volume of
transportation of major commodities, the total volume of import and export
trade, the state's financial income and expenditure, banks' credit receipts
and payments, the international balance of payments, the total number of
workers in state enterprises and the total amount of their wages, the
prices of important products, and so forth.
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Guiding plans refer tc, those relatively important projects in the develop-
ment of the national economy and plans formulated and handed down by
people's governments at all levels which serve to guide the direction of
development and which are not compulsory. Based on guiding plans, the
enforcement units work out plans by combining social needs with the actual
conditions of a given unit and report to the department in charge of plan-
ning as a matter of form.
Concerning the development of other economic enterprises outside plans in
the above two categories, the state does not set plans or targets. Basic-
level units are allowed to make their own arrangements according to social
needs where the state's policies and decrees permit. This represents a
sector subject to regulation by market mechanism.
Second, in line with the principle of unified planning, split-level manage-
ment, and centralizing big power while dispersing little power, we must
correctly define the limits of central and local plans and correctly pre-
scribe the power assigned to people for controlling enterprise plans. Take
industrial production for example.
For important and relatively important products bearing on national planning
and the people's livelihood which must be purchased and distributed under
central plans, the central authorities should directly set plans in the
form of central instructions. For those important and relatively important
products bearing on national planning and the people's livelihood which must
be purchased and distributed under regional plans, plans are set by various
regions in the form of regional instructions. Regions must obey unified
national plans. In working out plans, departments at the central level must
take regional features and proper regional rights into consideration. Based
on their different roles in the national economy, enterprises must follow
different management patterns, some directly.under the control of the
central department in charge and some under regional control. Of the kinds
of products produced by enterprises, some must be produced according to
mandatory state plans. Some must be mostly produced according to state
plans and partly produced according to arrangements made by the enterprises
themselves. Some may be partly produced according to state plans and mostly
produced according to the enterprises' own arrangements. Some are to be
organized by enterprises with regard to production.
Third, in light of the role of the economy of a socialist country and the
objective laws of development of the socialist economy, we must adopt the
method of combining administrative means with economic means. To enforce
mandatory plans, we must chiefly rely on the state's administrative means
to exercise management. But in formulating plans, we must take market
demand into consideration and take the production costs of products and
their prices into account. Guiding plans are not compulsory. The state
chiefly gives guidance through economic policies, economic levers and
economic regulations and resorts to administrative means as a supplement
where necessary. Products regulated by market mechanism can be freely pro-
duced and exchanged where state laws and decrees permit, but the state must
strengthen market control and prevent the expansion and spread of their
negative role.
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To effect improvements and reforms in the above three respects, we can pro-
mote what is correct in the planning system previously followed and overcome
its drawbacks and defects. Of course, what is involved here is a large
number of problems concerning both theory and practice that call for solu-
tion.
One school of thought holds that once plans are followed everything goes
wrong and that once regulation by market mechanism is promoted everything
comes to life. Those who hold this view, therefore, call for the cancella-
tion of mandatory plans and administrative interference and the promotion
of "regulation of macroeconomics by planning mechanism and regulation of
microeconomics by market mechanism." This actually means that all plans
must be realized through regulation by market mechanism. It seems that we
can thus avoid bureaucratism, blind commands and inflexibility and that the
national economy can thus be enlivened with the realization of planned and
proportionate development.
Is there some sense to this viewpoint? It should be said that there is.
In the past, plans were followed too rigidly. Now, they should be made
more flexible. In the past, no attention was paid to giving full play to
the supplementary role of regulation by market mechanism. Now, such a role
should be brought into full play. But a conclusion thus drawn means that
mandatory plans and administrative means should be abolished and that every-
thing should be made dependent on regulation by market mechanism. This is
wrong. Experience has proved that if we make proper use of the market
mechanism as a regulatory factor, the economy can be made more active. But
if we do a bad job in this respect, the economy can get in trouble. What
can really enliven the economy is not the regulatory role of market mechan-
ism but a unified state plan compatible with reality. Only by properly
arranging and coordinating various proportionate relations and linking
immediate development with long-term development within the framework of
the whole plan for the national economy and carrying through unified
national plans, can the whole national economy, given the proper regulatory
role of the market mechanism, be really made to thrive. To realize unified
state plans, we must combine mandatory plans with guiding plans and adminis-
trative means with economic means. If we do not do.so and let all enter-
prises resign themselves to the action of the market mechanism, and treat
the enforcement of national plans as a matter of choice, then unified
national plans would be reduced to nothing but a mere formality and any
talk about "regulation by macroeconomic plans" would also become just non-
sense with no microeconomic activities falling into line. We must learn
how to use the economic levers and especially learn how to properly handle
plans for the national economy. In the past, we suffered because we did
not know how to use the economic levers. But what made us suffer most was
that we did not know how to handle or were not equipped to handle economic
plans well. If we do not strive to raise the level of planning work and
the level of economic work, the sole reliance on mandatory plans would land
us in trouble and cause the economy to be dislocated or out of order.
Reliance on market mechanism as a regulatory factor would also give trouble
and cause the dislocation of the economy.
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The proper conclusion co draw is that the fundamental principle of a planned
economy must be adhered to and the planning system must be improved. We
must pay attention to developing the supplementary role of regulation of
market mechanism, pay attention to the proper dispersion of the power to
make economic decisions, and pay attention to using economic policies, the
economic levers and economic rules. We must not deviate from the principle
of taking the planned economy as the main factor. Nor can we give up plans
of a guiding nature. Nor can we give up centralization and unification.
Nor can we give up administrative means. This is to say that while
stressing planned economy as the main factor, we cannot overlook the supple-
mentary role of regulation by market mechanism. While. stressing the regu-
latory role of the market mechanism, we cannot weaken the role of the
planned economy.
VI. Sober-Minded and Healthy Reforms
It is highly necessary to reform the economic system, including the planning
system, but the reform should be sober-minded and healthy.
First, we must take correct theory as a guide. Any display of one-
sidedness in a theoretical sense and any deviation from reality will natu-
rally lead to errors and mistakes in action.
Second, we must follow a clearcut direction reform. This is to say that,
as pointed out by Comrade Chen Yun, we must take the planned economy as the
main factor and regulation by market mechanism as the subsidiary one, and
practice big planning, small freedoms, big centralization and small dis-
persions. In no way can we act to the contrary, or do one thing to the
neglect of another.
Third, in light of the actual conditions of our country, we must formulate
perfect reform programs, work out a general scheme that takes everything
into consideration, and put forth practical and feasible measures and steps.
We must avoid having to stop to watch every step of the way and avoid
stressing one thing to the neglect of another, and even the appearance of
contradictions and clashes, in the course of implementing reform. programs.
Fourth, we must proceed in a planned and orderly manner, after conducting
trial point and feasibility studies. We must enable administrative work
to catch up and avoid doing everything all at once.
Fifth, concerning some reforms already in progress, we must sum up experi-
ences promptly so that the problems that have cropped up can be solved
promptly and satisfactorily. We can never press forward rashly. Nor can
we beat a hasty retreat once a problem crops up. This is in order to avoid
the reappearance of a situation marked by chaos following relaxation and
this chaos requiring a tightening up.
Sixth, before a new program has been formulated, the old ways of doing
things must not be freely changed or dropped. We must adhere to the
principle of destroying nothing where something new has not been created
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and must avoid chaos and prevent the appearance of a state of anarchy with
everyone going his own way.
The leading comrades of the party Central Committee and the State Council
recently again stressed the importance of summing up experiences and the
importance of formulating general reform plans. By seriously doing things
in this way, the reform of our economic system can surely be sober-minded,
healthy and successful.
VII. Strengthen and Improve Planning Work
Persistence in taking the planned economy as the main factor and regulation
by market mechanism as the subsidiary factor has imposed a more exacting
demand on planning work. The present level of our planning work is
extremely incompatible with this demand. Improving the planning system
does not equal doing a good job of planning work. To do a good job of
planning work and enable a plan to be both farsighted and practicable, there
is much more work for us to do and we must exert tremendous efforts. At
present, there remain many problems concerning'the ideas of planning, ways
of planning, the organization of plans, the training of working personnel,
and so forth. Without solving these problems, we cannot improve and
strengthen planning work.
In the past, many errors appeared in planning work. The planning depart-
ments were chiefly responsible for these errors. The planning departments
often had a vague idea of conditions, did a very poor job in their efforts
to achieve a comprehensive balance, and acted against the principle of being
down to earth, acting according to capabilities, proceeding in a steady and
orderly manner, and seeking practical results. Owing to errors in planning
work, the development of the national economy suffered greatly. As we
recall this, we feel a great sadness. That some people have no confidence
in planning has to do with our failure to do planning work well in the past.
But it should be noted that planning work is not bound to be a failure.
The laws of economic development can be grasped. After many years of con-
struction effort, we have accumulated a wealth of experience. So long as
we insist on proceeding from the national conditions of China, respect
objective laws, arouse our spirits and are down to earth, we can do planning
work on the basis of continuously summing up experiences and enable the
national economy to develop in a sustained and steady manner.
CSO: 4004/39
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ON THE PRINCIPLE OF DEMOCRACY IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE LEADERS AND
THE MASSES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 20-26
[Article by Xiong Fu [3574 1788]]
[Text] At present the whole party is concerned about the question of recti-
fying party style. The CCP Central Committee has already called for a dis-
tinct improvement in party style this year. This question touches on the
relationship between the leadership and the masses and also embraces the
relationship between all party members and cadres in the party leadership--
especially those who have assumed responsibilities and duties--and the
masses. In my essay "On the Position and Role of the Party in State
Affairs," I pointed out: "The question of the relationship between the
party and the masses is the essence and basis of the implementation of
party leadership." This essay seeks to probe further into the question of
the relationship between the leadership and the masses.
To be sure, the relationship between the leadership and the masses is one
between leaders and subordinates. However, under socialist conditions, and
with our party in a position of power, this understanding alone is insuffi-
cient. This is because the question hinges on how we should implement the
party's leadership over state affairs without turning it into direct
management of state affairs. We must, in particular, prevent individual
organizations and peotie from using leadership positions to place them-
selves as rulers above the masses. We should further realize that, under
socialist conditions, and with the party in its position of power, the most
essential content and requirement of the leadership of the party in state
affairs is to organize the masses to be masters of their own future and to
give them support to this end. Therefore, the relationship between the
leadership and the masses should be established and developed from beginning
to end according to the principle of democracy. At present, the ideological
style and work style of certain comrades are not correct. On the one hand,
they are used to giving orders and imposing their individual will on the
masses. On the other hand, they display laxity and weakness and an inabil-
ity to carry out a struggle against the various erroneous ideological
tendencies and unhealthy influences. In both these respects, they have
divorced themselves from the masses and have hindered the bringing into.
play of their socialist initiative. One of the main reasons for this is
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that, in their knowledge and practice, they have turned their backs on the
democratic principles governing the relationship between the leadership and
the masses.
Equality is the first democratic principle governing the relationship
between the leadership and the masses. That is to say, no party member
or party cadre, especially those who have assumed responsibilities and
duties, is in any way superior to the masses. We must establish and develop
the relationship between the leadership and the masses according to the
principle of equality. This principle is decided by the nature of our coun-
try's socialist economic base and superstructure.
First, as far as economic position is concerned, leaders are equal with the
masses. This is because, on the basis of the socialist public ownership
of the means of production, all the people, through the various forms of
ownership by the whole people and collective ownership, share equally in
the right of ownership of the means of production. Nobody has any right or
reason to turn public property into private property to satisfy individual
desires or to claim the fruits of,social labor as their own without having
paid for them. CCP members and cadres who make use of party and state power
for private gain violate this principle right off the bat. They have
degenerated. "Rulers" who live off the backs of the masses frequently
start like this.
Second, as far as political position is concerned, leaders are also equal
with the masses. This is because, under the socialist economic and polit-
ical systems, every citizen shares equally in the basic rights conferred by
the state constitution. At the same time, he shares equally in the basic
duties laid down by the state constitution. Nobody has any right or reason
to enjoy civil rights without performing civil duties or to distort certain
civil rights in such a way that they become unrestrained "absolute free-
doms." As for CCP members and party cadres, their greatest right and duty
is to have a higher degree of self-consciousness than the masses when it
comes to protecting the interests of the people and sacrificing personal
interests.
Third, as far as legal status is concerned, leaders are also equal with the
masses. This is because our country's law was formulated by the whole body
of people themselves and embodies the determination of the people to pro-
tect their own interests. Every man is equal before the law. Nobody has
any right or reason to violate the law without being punished as he deserves.
CCP members and party cadres are not "special citizens." They can only be
models of abiding by state law. Criminal cadres who are corrupt and dis-
honest, speculate, offer and accept bribes, smuggle and well contraband,
and who appropriate vast quantities of public property for private use,
especially those who usurp important positions, must be severely punished
according to law.
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Fourth, as far as sociai status is concerned, leaders are also equal with
the masses. This is because communist morality basically denies such class
concepts as so-called "noble or lowly," "superior or inferior," "high-grade
or low-grade" and "upper class or lower class." It only recognizes the
elimination of classes, joint labor organized on the basis of eliminating
classes and the social division of labor suited to this kind of labor. 'This
is to say that it only recognizes the relationship of equality among men
in this sense. Consequently, one of its basic requirements is that, in all
aspects of social life, we respect the labor of everyone, respect the dig-
nity of everyone and treat everyone as an equal. Nobody has any right or
reason to consider himself a cut above the rest and to belittle others and
in order to uphold his own "dignity." CCP members and party cadres also
fall into the category of laboring people. No matter what office they
might assume and no matter how high the office might be, they should, in
the capacity of ordinary laborers, relate to the broad masses by laboring
as equals.
However, not everyone has a clear understanding of this relationship of
equality between the leadership and the masses. Owing to the fact that our
society has only just emerged from the semifeudal, semicolonial old society,
the ideology of the exploiter class and the old concept of class is still
subtly eroding people's minds. This, together with the fact that the Lin
Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques created much confusion
surrounding this question during the "Great Cultural Revolution," has caused
the role of power to get to the point in some people's heads where it has
been transformed into a distorted concept: apparently, power is not-con-
ferred by the people; apparently, once power is in their hands, they'are a
cut above the rest; apparently, the masses are the mere appendages of power.
Some people, although they verbally admit that leaders and the masses are
equal, in fact regard the masses as merely the negative, passive instru-
ments of the leaders' desire. Some even abuse their power, turning power
into "privilege," oppressing the masses, or harming the interests of the
state, and seek to make private profits for the individual or for a small
clique. Under these circumstances, how can they truly, and not merely
verbally, give conscious support and protection to the principle of the
masses being masters of their own future?
Indeed, under socialist conditions and with our party in a position of power,
our party members and cadres, especially those who have assumed responsi-
bilities and duties, have taken upon themselves an important responsibility
in social life. Under the unified leadership of the party, they are respon-
sible for organizing and guiding the economic, political and cultural life
of the whole society, and for guiding and leading the masses in their
implementation of various party and state policies, principles and plans.
At first sight, this "position" seems to take them above the masses. How-
ever, this is not the nature of things.
Comrade Chen Yun said: "The role of the individual is undeniable, but a
person must not overrate himself. Anyone who has divorced himself from the
people and the party is incapable of doing anything. This is how a person
should think." This is an extremely profound and earnest comment. From
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this we can correctly understand the truth about the relationship between
the leadership and the masses.
Why did Chen Yun say what he did? First, where does a leader's power come
from? It can only derive from the masses. The power wielded by leaders
as representatives of the masses merely implies a political responsibility
of serving the people and of being responsible for the people and an obli-
gation to discharge this responsibility. On no account should they say
that their position is "higher" than that of the masses. Only when the
leaders use the power conferred by the masses wholly for the purpose of
serving the people and of organizing and supporting the principle of the
masses being masters of their own future, can this power truly embody its
original essence and bring its strength into play. On the other hand, if
they abandon the corresponding responsibilities and obligations, this power
will degenerate into a source of disaster and will lead them, whether con-
sciously or not, onto the path of abuse of power and crimes against the
people, and they will be punished accordingly. Second, where do the leaders'
correct ideology, viewpoints, plans and schemes come from? They can only
come from the practical experience of the people and from relying on the
practical experience of the people for replenishment and development. The
collective wisdom and experience displayed by the masses in the course of
their practice tower above that of anyone else. All the leaders do is to
do their own work in the process of recognizing and implementing truth by
"taking it from the masses and concentrating it, and then going to the
masses, persevering in it, and carrying it through." Third, supposing the
leaders do a bit of work and do it quite well, how should we assess this
labor? First, the leaders must have done work to meet the needs of the
revolution, the situation and the masses. In order for the leaders to have
done this, they must have relied on the correctness of the party's line,
principles and policies and on the practice of the broad masses obtained
under the guidance of the correct line, principles and policies.
What conclusion can we draw from this? The conclusion that, under socialist
conditions, our party members and cadres, especially those who have assumed
responsibilities and duties, do not and cannot hold "positions" that place
them above the masses. It is only by respecting the masses, believing in
the masses, relying on the masses and treating the masses as equals, that we
can fully arouse the sense of responsibility for making the masses masters
of their own future and bring into play their initiative for building a new
socialist life. It is precisely because of this that we say that, in
handling the relationship between leaders and the masses, an important
prerequisite to cementing the ties between the leaders and masses is to
adhere to and implement the principle of equality.
Under conditions of socialism the masses are the true masters of the state
and society. Our party members and cadres, especially those in positions
of responsibility, are not only equal with the people in terms of position
but are also the people's public servants. This view was put forth by Marx
in his summary of the experiences of the Paris Commune.
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Why should we compare leaders with public servants? Or to put it another
way, what is the essence of Marx' comparison. The crux of the matter lies
in the basic distinction between leaders under conditions of a proletarian
dictatorship and rulers under all other previous exploiting systems. Rulers
under exploiting systems are always the exploiters and oppressors of the
masses. They ride roughshod over the interests of the masses, doing what-
ever they please, and cruelly oppress the ordinary people. Leaders under
the dictatorship of the proletariat, however, are the people's servants.
They must unconditionally serve the people, and must hold themselves respon-
sible to the people. Firmly upholding and implementing the principle that
the people should be masters of their own affairs, they must make the funda-
mental interests of the people the foundation of their own words and deeds.
As public servants they must first of all acknowledge the people's position
as masters and must consciously place themselves in the position of the
people's servants. People who equate responsibility with social status,
believing that the heavier the responsibility the higher the social status,
are not public servants. They take delight in issuing orders and commands
and are no more than power-hungry office seekers. Leaders who use their
authority for personal ends, enriching themselves at the expense of the
.public and embezzling large amounts of state property, should be seen as
out-and-out "worms" rather than public servants. Our party's principal aim
is to serve the people wholeheartedly. The true qualities of the people's
public servant can only be displayed in the spirit of working selflessly,
diligently and tirelessly to serve the people. This is what a line from one
of Dong Biwu's poems calls "ashamed of office yet eager to serve." The
older generation of our party's proletarian revolutionaries are the true
practitioners of the sentiment expressed in this line. It is therefore
entirely natural that they should be respected and cherished by the people.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, leading
comrades of the Central Committee have improved the work style of other
leading cadres and have set an example by establishing close ties with the
masses. Each of us should take the older generation of proletarian revolu-
tionaries as our model, working diligently to revive and develop the fine
traditions of our party.
The most basic demai.?: placed on the people's public servants is that they
must represent the interests of the masses as a whole. When we say the
masses we do not mean a single individual, several people or even a group
of people. We are referring to the whole nation's masses in the broadest
sense possible. Is there no need to represent minority interests? Pro-
vided that such interests are legitimate they should, of course, be repre-
sented. These legitimate minority interests, however, must satisfy the
precondition of being in accord with the interests of the masses as a whole.
It is incorrect to one-sidedly pursue the interests of an individual,
several people or a group and to deviate from the interests of the masses
as a whole. The political responsibility of the leaders should derive from
the basic interests of the nation's people. They must resolutely uphold
principle and do a good job of their work. They must criticize, educate
and assist backward elements of the people whose views are incorrect. They
should under no circumstances allow such views to go unchecked.
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Leading comrades in the Central Committee have recently criticized the mis-
taken departmentalism of people who fail to adopt an overall view of the
situation and are unable to act in the interests of the overall situation.
While comrades who make this mistake may wave the banner of representing
the interests of the masses, they either refuse to implement or deliberately
delay carrying out the plans and decisions that were formulated by higher
levels on the basis of the fundamental interests of the nation's people.
There are other comrades who are clearly involved in various unhealthy
practices but who can talk plausibly and at length about their activities,
saying, "Anything is reasonable as long as it is for the 'collective'!"
and "No expense should be spared for the good of 'all."' Using excuses
such as these, they cheat the state of goods and materials, embezzle state
funds, divert profits from state enterprises, and arbitrarily issue rewards
and bonuses. Does this represent the interests of the masses? It does not!
It represents the backward mentality of a small segment of the masses, a
mentality which seeks to fleece the state and damage the interests of the
masses as a whole. It is imperative that our comrades keep a clear head
and firmly uphold the principle of taking the interests of the state, the
collective and the laborers into account. While we should not be insensi-
tive to or ignore the partial and local interests of our own unit or
department, it is more important that we should never damage the overall
interests of the nation's people in order to satisfy the partial and local
interests of a minority. While we must not turn a deaf ear to the opinions,
suggestions and demands of the masses, they should be subjected to analysis
and should not be accepted indiscriminately.
What conclusion can we draw from all this? The conclusion we draw is that,
under conditions of socialism, our party members and cadres, especially
those in positions of responsibility, must be--and can only be--the people's
public servants. As public servants the basic political responsibility of
leaders consists of serving the people unconditionally, holding themselves
responsible to the people at all times, proceeding from both the partial
and overall interests of the masses, and uniting long- and short-term
interests. Only when leaders have succeeded in discharging this responsi-
bility will they be able to earn the support of the masses or to strengthen
their ties with the masses. It is for this reason that the crux of the
question of intimate ties between the leaders and masses lies in upholding
and implementing the principle that all words and deeds should be based on
the fundamental interests of the broad masses of people.
Our party is the vanguard of the Chinese working class. The basic r. .inks of
the masses are composed of the Chinese working class, their allies, and the
broad masses of the Chinese people, including workers, peasants, intellec-
tuals and all other patriotic supporters of socialism. An important aspect
of the relationship between the leaders and the masses is the relationship
between this vanguard and the basic ranks of the masses. Every one of our
party members and cadres, especially those in positions of responsibility,
must correctly understand and handle this relationship.
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We must never forget o.Le of the basic principles of Marxism, which is that
the complete liberation of the people can never depend on any "spirit,
emperor or savior," but must depend solely on the liberation struggle of the
people themselves. The fruits of this struggle, moreover, can never be won
or bestowed by any single individual, small group or political clique, no
matter how outstanding certain individuals might be. This also holds true
for our party. The line, principles and policies of our party will play
a significant role only when they represent the highest interests of the
broad masses of people, when they are both understood and supported by the,
masses, and when they have been converted into conscious organization and
struggle for the protection of the people's own interests. The broad masses
of the people should provide the foundation for the leadership of this van-
guard. The vanguard must never separate itself from the basic ranks of the
masses, for such separation will leave them isolated and alone, causing
untold damage to the revolutionary cause. The whole history of our coun-
try's revolutionary cause has proved this to be true.
At the same time, we must not forget another of the basic principles of
Marxism: the workers' movement, is incapable of spontaneously creating or
achieving Marxism. For this reason Marxism must be infused into the
workers' movement from without. If the broad masses of people are to
become more than a disorganized mass, if they are to avoid defeat and rise
up to seize victory for themselves, and if they are to endure the long and
tortuous path and reach their goal of final liberation, they must have
their own vanguard to unite, guide and lead them in their struggle. As
such a vanguard, the Chinese Communist Party has as its most fundamental
political responsibility the need to imbue the Chinese masses with Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. Only when the masses have been armed with
this advanced scientific ideological system can they be organized to form a
vast and mighty revolutionary army. The vanguard is a guide and leader and
must never forget for a single moment the need to carry out this most impor-
tant political responsibility. Otherwise, it will be impossible to unite,
lead and guide the masses to achieve victory for the revolutionary cause.
The truth of this has been amply proved by the whole history of our coun-
try's revolutionary cause.
We should at this po_~_it pay close attention to an important historical
experience. This is that our party's discharging of this political respon-
sibility has never depended solely on propaganda and teaching but has also
depended on the actual actions of our party members and cadres. The
exemplary and leadership roles played by our party members and cadres and
the fact that their actions have always matched their promises, are the
clearest and most unmistakable expression of our party's nature, aims and
propositions; they are also the most accurate and reliable evidence of our
party's success in winning the trust and support of the broad masses of
people. The broad masses of party members and cadres must soberly
acknowledge that because our party is now in power our function as a model
is of particularly great significance. 'If we should abdicate our political
responsibility, be undisciplined in ideological and political work, and
show ourselves to be incapable of carrying out a resolute struggle against
erroneous ideology and unhealthy trends, we will certainly find ourselves
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cut off from the masses. If we say things only because they sound nice and
are incapable of either playing a model role or of sharing the comforts
and hardships of the masses we will also certainly cut ourselves off from
the masses. It can be said with even greater certainty that if we embark
upon the road of degeneration and corruption we will be cast aside by the
people. Should any of the circumstances mentioned above ever arise, the
party's reputation will suffer serious damage, and the people's trust in
the party will be seriously weakened, causing great damage to the party's
and the people's revolutionary cause.
As embodiments of the leadership of the party, all our party members and
cadres, especially those in positions of responsibility, must be firm and
clearheaded. As Marxists they must use the communist ideological system
as the norm for all their words and actions and must always preserve the
purity of communism. The standards we impose on the vanguard can never be
allowed to drop. We should pay close attention to the fact that there has
been a tendency recently among party members and cadres to allow the
standards of the vanguard to drop to the level of those of the ordinary
masses.
Some comrades have adopted a negative, uncaring and irresponsible attitude
toward the implementation of the party's line, principles and policies.
This is a spiritual state of liberalism. We are now in a period of great
change and development, a period of transition from chaos to order and from
poverty to wealth, and we are faced with many difficulties, contradictions
and problems. Because of the multifaceted nature and complexity of objec-
tive events and the differences in people's experiences, consciousness,
position and approach to questions, it is entirely normal that people
should have different views on these problems, contradictions and questions,
and that there should be differences of opinion. We should not be sur-
prised by the fact that the masses occasionally complain or make cynical
remarks about certain difficulties, contradictions or problems. It is the
responsibility of our leaders to try and discover where shortcomings and
weaknesses in our work lie and to swiftly correct them. In the case of
practical difficulties which cannot be completely solved for the time being,
the masses will be very understanding so long as the leaders set an em.L.Lple,
share their hardships and offer appropriate explanations and guidance.
However, there are certain comrades who do not act in this way. Faced with
difficulties or contradictions, some are negative and uncaring, others
refuse to accept responsibility and are content to just muddle through.
There are still others who pose as "ordinary folk," and who do nothing but
complain and grumble, blaming everyone but themselves for the pro',1em.
All party members and cadres, especially those in positions of responsi-
bility, must fully appreciate the political responsibility they have as
members of the vanguard. Only when we have given full play to our exemplary
role, placing progress and hardship before retreat and luxury, and fighting
courageously for the good of all, will we be able to unite, guide and lead
the masses. The strength, revolutionary will and revolutionary zeal of the
broad masses of people, their collective wisdom and creative ability, and
their enthusiasm and initiative can only find full expression and development
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under the unity, guid.ace and leadership of the vanguard. Under socialist
conditions, the organization and support of the people in their struggle to
be the masters of their own affairs is a concentrated expression of the
flesh-and-blood ties that exist between the masses of people and the van-
guard.
What conclusions can we draw from all this? Under conditions of socialism,
our party members and cadres, especially those in positions of responsibil-
ity, must make full use of their exemplary role to unite, influence and
guide the masses. Only if we live up to our promises, set an example and
lead the way, will we be able to win the trust and support of the masses
and lead the broad masses of people in their struggle to reach the lofty
goal of socialist modernization. It is precisely because of this that in
handling the relationship between leaders and the masses, an important
prerequisite to cementing the ties between the leaders and the masses is
to uphold the principle that leaders should set an example.
Under the conditions of socialism, in order to enforce the party's leader-
ship, the vast number of our party members and cadres, especially those
party members and cadres who hold office, are responsible for the important
task of educating the masses. We must stick to the key link of ideological
education--educating the masses and doing our best to help the masses under-
stand and accept Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. But, at the same time,
we also have to fulfill our obligation in unremittingly receiving education
from the masses of people.
Comrade Mao Zedong repeatedly reminded us of this principle. He said, "Only
by learning from the masses first can we teach them in turn." Why did he
say this? Because since the masses of the people are the masters and our
leaders are public servants, the masters naturally have the right to super-
vise and examine the work of their own "public servants," to find out whethLi.
the latter have followed their will and represented their interests; since
the leaders are vanguards, their function as vanguards in uniting with and
leading the masses of people can only be improved, perfected and developed
by constantly learning from the experiences of the collective practices of
the masses of people and subjecting themselves to their supervision. The
epistemology of Marxism tells us that knowledge can only come from practice;
and this practice is not in the isolated activities of any individual, but
the struggle carried out by the masses to transform the world and society.
During this struggle, leaders can only obtain a certain one-sided knowledge
from their own vantage point. Therefore, their knowledge is inevitably
rather limited compared with the overall practice of the masses. In order
to break through this limitation and provide correct leadership, the leaders
have to subject themselves to the supervision of the masses of people.
They should humbly learn from the masses, take lessons from the masses'
practice, or more to the point, accept education from the masses of people.
We must understand that receiving education from the masses is of special
significance in strengthening the relationship between the leadership and
the masses.
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First, only by holding to the stand of the people and to truth can a leader
educate and lead the people. Learning from the masses and following their
direction is the basis for a leader's understanding. For this reason,
receiving education by the masses of people is, in a certain sense, the
prerequisite for a leader to educate in turn the broad masses of people and
exercise his leadership.
Second, what we have mentioned above--that we must respect the masses of
people, that we must proceed in all cases from the fundamental interests of
the broad masses of people, that we must set ourselves as the examples for
the masses, that we must follow the direction of the masses' practice, and
so on--all these things are naturally the basic requirements for being a
leader. However, to fulfill or to observe these basic requirements, a
leader not only needs to rely upon his self-consciousness but also to sub-
ject himself to a binding force, so as to examine himself, find out and
correct at any time all his tendencies, malpractices and mistakes which go
against or deviate from these basic requirements. In a word, this binding
force comes from the masses' supervision or the education by them.
Third, according to the constitution and the law, the masses of people,
being the masters of the state and the society, enjoy various rights under
the socialist conditions. These rights include discussion, suggestion,
inspection, criticism, accusation, exposition, complaint, interrogation,
election, impeachment, recall, and so on. The masses of people can exercise
their right of supervision of their leaders through various agents such as
the people's congresses, the CPPCC, congresses of representatives of staff
and workers (or peasants), federations of trade unions, peasant associa-
tions, women's federations, youth federations and other social organiza-
tions, and various channels such as newspapers, publications, broadcasting
stations and so on. With such an extensive social supervision which is
exercised by the whole people, and which covers all aspects of society and
penetrates to all walks of life, a strong and enduring public opinion can
be formed. It will play an important part in developing socialist democracy
and perfecting the socialist legal system. Of course, such an education by
the masses of people can by no means easily perform its function. It call:,
for a great deal of arduous effort. And in particular, some systems have
to be reformed and some necessary decrees must be promulgated, so that
those rights of the masses of people can be safeguarded, in terms of system
and law, against violation.
What conclusion can we draw from this? It is that leaders must learn from
the broad masses of people and place themselves under the superviri.on and
education of the masses. Only by fully relying on the masses' supervision
and education can we give better play to the masses' role of being masters
of their own houses and more effectively prevent the leaders from trans-
forming themselves from the people's servants into the people's masters.
And only by so doing, can the leaders correct shortcomings and mistakes in
their work as soon as they occur and better perform their political duties.
It is because of this that we say that upholding the principle of the masses'
supervision and education in handling the relationship between the leaders
and the masses is a guarantee for bringing closer the relationship between
them.
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In light of the four aspects mentioned above, we can see that, under social-
ist conditions, a main trend still runs through the relationship between the
leaders and the masses--the broad masses of people are masters of their own
houses. The principles of democracy which must be upheld in the relation-
ship between the leaders and the masses are the principle of equality, the
principle that the leaders take the fundamental interest of the masses as
the standpoint and starting point of their own words and deeds, the principle
that leaders set good examples for the masses, and the principle that the
leaders place themselves under the supervision and education of the masses.
Our country's socialist practice over the past 30 years and more has already
proved that whenever we have a more explicit understanding of this question
and whenever we pay more attention to this question in our actual practice,
there will be development in the relationship between the leaders and the
masses. It has also been proved that whenever we have a vague understanding
of this question and neglect this question in our actual practice, the
leaders will be isolated and divorced from the masses.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, the Central
Committee has attached.great importance to protecting the masses' right to
be masters of their own houses and has paid much attention to standardizing,
systematizing and legalizing the democratic relations between the leaders,
and the masses. Consequently, the "Guiding Principles for Inner-Party
Political Life" and the "Regulations on Wages and Benefits of High-Ranking
Cadres" have been formulated, the party's discipline inspection commissions
at all levels have been established, and the scope of direct election has
been expanded, which strengthens the power of the people's congresses and
their standing committees and promotes the position of the CPPCC and other
mass organizations in the life of the state. At the same time, the con-
stitution of the PRC is being revised and the draft has already been sub-
mitted for discussion to people throughout the country. Recently, the
reform in the state's leadership system has been gradually pushed forward,
which includes streamlining the government structure, conducting rotational
training for cadres, implementing the retirement system for old cadres,
promoting cadres.who are in their prime of life and who have both ability
and integrity to leading posts at all levels, and other important measures.
All this is fundamentally integrating the flesh and blood relations between
the leaders and the masses, ensuring that the broad masses of our cadres,
the party's cadres and primarily the leading cadres will not be transformed,
and providing a guarantee for our party's and state's unchangeable and far-
reaching strategic measures. In light of all this, we see a prosperous
future: there is a practical guarantee for realizing a fundamental change
for the better in the party work style and a fundamental improvement in the
relationship between our party's leadership and the masses.
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COMMUNISTS SHOULD NEVER 'RETIRE'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 27-28
[Article by Wang Guangmei]
[Text] It is a matter of far-reaching strategic significance to build up
a contingent of revolutionary, well-educated, professionally competent and
younger leading cadres.
Our veteran revolutionaries and comrades have made many important contribu-
tions to the revolutionary cause and the construction of our motherland.
Today, under the new circumstances, the party and the people require us to
make new contributions and fulfill the glorious task that history has
entrusted to us, that is, to do a good job in handing over our work to
reliable successors, to young and middle-aged comrades who truly support
the party's line, policies and principles mapped out since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee.
Either in modern or ancient times, in China or elsewhere, great leaders
usually manifested their remarkable talent when they were very young. Many
of our old comrades were regiment commanders, county CCP committee secre-
taries or leaders of worker, peasant and student movements when they were
about 20. Comrade Deng Xiaoping was secretary general of the CCP Central
Committee when he was only 23. Led by the party, some minority nationality
comrades also did outstanding jobs for the revolution and became good lead-
ers when they were young. Are there not talented young comrades at present?
Actually, there are many among the 1 billion people. It is true that owing
to the sabotage of the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques,
our work of training and selecting young and middle-aged cadres has been
delayed. But during more than 10 years of upheaval, they were also tempered.
They were brought up in the complicated circumstances and struggles and have
become mature. We must make every effort to foster the growth of these
young and middle-aged cadres, boldly promote them to important posts and
support their work. We must pass on experiences and set an example to bring
them up. I am convinced that our young cadres will certainly be worthy
successors.
Relief from duty. is a normal process. It is an important matter concerning
the destiny and future of our country. All party members, cadres and people
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are showing great concern for it. So, no matter what difficulties we may
encounter, we must carry out this work well. In the past, we followed a
roundabout road in this respect and caused the country and people to suffer
a lot. We must draw a lesson from this. Under the leadership of the party,
we must continue to adhere to the mass line, select and appoint talented
people and hand the power over to reliable successors.
Being prompted by a strong sense of responsibility toward the people, we
joined in the revolution dozens of years ago. We all made the pledge on
being admitted to the party: for the cause of communism, we will not hesi-
tate to sacrifice our all, including our lives. Now the development of our
party's cause confronts us with another severe test. It is also an oppor-
tunity for us to make new contributions to the party. I am convinced that
our veteran cadres will certainly do a good job in handing over their work
to the next generation and thus add a new page to the record of meritorious
service compiled by the people.
In comparison with many old comrades, I am a party member of shorter stand-
ing and have made fewer contributions. But I am already 60. Like many
other comrades, I was deprived of the right to work for the people during
my most capable years. How we thirsted for work at that time! However,
soon afterward we regained the right to work, and now that we are working
energetically, we have become old and it is time for us to hand over the
work. I do not think that young and middle-aged comrades could understand
what we are feeling now. It is extremely painful that the law of nature
has made us unable to make up for lost time. So far as bitter experiences
in the "Great Cultural Revolution" are concerned, we should say that our
veteran cadres are those who were most seriously harmed during that period
of time and have lost the most precious time, that of their prime years.
Since we have experienced such pain, we should be more willing to hand over
our work to the younger generation and do our best to help them do a good
job. In this way we can make up for their own losses during the 10-odd
years while fulfilling our unfinished tasks to make up for the losses
suffered by the party and state, and they will not suffer the pain that we
suffered. This naturally requires a lofty sentiment, a broad vision and
a strong sense of responsibility toward revolution.
To one who makes revolution all one's life, it is very painful to leave
one's present post. What shall we do after we leave our posts? This
reminds me of a past event. In 1952, Comrade Liu Shaoqi and I paid a visit
to a subtropical botanical garden in Sochi in the Soviet Union. The cadre
in charge of the botanical garden, who accompanied us on the visit, was an
old Bolshevik. He was a retired Red Army man who had rendered outstanding
service. After retirement he volunteered to work in the botanical garden.
Comrade Liu Shaoqi expressed admiration for his deeds and said: "Being a
revolutionary who makes revolution all this life, it is very painful to
completely retire and convalesce without continuing to do anything for the
revolution and without spiritual sustenance. If my physical condition and
energies fail me in doing my present work, I would like to work as a
teacher of party history or philosophy. If I am not able to teach, I would
like to go with you to a tree farm! Then we shall work together to select
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seeds, raise seedlings and spread fertilizer on the soil...." Comrade Liu
Shaoqi was only 54 then. But for reasons known to all, he was unable to
realize his ideals.
Now the important task of handing over our work to the younger generation
has fallen on our shoulders. If we really understand the importance of
this strategic policy decision of the CCP Central Committee, we are sure
to do the job well. There are still a lot of jobs for us to do after
retirement! We can work as voluntary after-school advisers for students,
do some reading and sum up our experiences, or work as tree farm workers.
How nice it will be to keep ourselves busy all the time! No matter what
jobs we are going to do, if we work as advisers on the second and third
lines or even if we do not hold any post, we are revolutionaries and workers
at all times. It is our lifelong task to "select seeds, grow seedlings...
and take an active interest in the growth of trees." We must fight for the
cause of communism as long as we have a breath. Communists should never
"retire"!
The present situation is good. But there are still many difficulties, and
our conditions are very complicated. The greatest disaster the Lin Biao
and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques brought to us is disrupting our
unity, the unity between the party and the masses, between the cadres and
the masses and between the army and the people, as well as the unity of the
cadres, the unity of the masses and the unity of all nationalities. There-
fore, we must strengthen our unity under the leadership of the CCP Central
Committee and overcome all difficulties step by step to make our socialist
%otherland a powerful and prosperous country so that the great cause
pioneered by the revolutionaries of the older generation can be carried on
from generation to generation, and the hard-won great achievements of count-
less revolutionary martyrs and fighters can be passed on to posterity!
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THE USE AND PROSPECTS OF STRUCTURAL CHEMISTRY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 29-33
[Article by Lu Jiaxi [4151 0857 6932]]
[Text] Synopsis: This article expounds on the history,
scientific features and prospects of structural chemis-
try and points out that this science plays an important
role in our modernization program and that it can pro-
vide a theoretical basis for seeking new materials, new
technology and new processes in promoting the develop-
ment of industrial and agricultural production as well
as national defense construction; it also puts forth
some views about the guiding principles in developing
sciences.
The task of structural chemistry is to study, at the level of atoms and
molecules, the mutual relationship between the microscopic'structure
(including the forms of combination, space structure and the mode of
electron movement) and the macroscopic structure of chemical substances.
Structural chemistry is an important specialized branch of modern science.
This article is intended to probe into the guiding principles for the
development of structural chemistry in our country from the three aspects
of recalling the history of structural chemistry, expounding on the role
of structural chemistry in the development and production of chemistry,
and expounding on the prospects of structural chemistry.
1. Brief History of Structural Chemistry
Mankind is in a position to make use of and transform the substances that
exist in nature and produce new products with many different features to
meet the needs of social production and livelihood and the development of
scientific technology. In this process, chemistry has emerged and
developed. Europe began to enter the era of bourgeois revolution in the
17th century. Because of the needs for the development of capitalist pro-
duction, chemistry has like other sciences accumulated very rich experi-
mental materials. On this basis and through,pirotracted and repeated dis-
cussions, various theories have been put forth one after another. Among
these theories are the theory of element by R. Boyle, atomic and molecular
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theory by J. Dalton and A. Ayogadro and the periodic law of element by
D. E. Mendelev, and these theories have correctly answered the questions
about the smallest particles of chemical substances and their composition.
These achievements show us that all chemical substances are composed of
atoms of known elements that cannot be separated again by any chemical
reaction. When atoms are being formed into substances, eventually there
exist the unity and coherence of one "molecule"; in addition, there also
exists a certain coordinated relationship among the atoms of a molecule
while a chemical reaction is nothing more than a movement process in which
a new combination of atoms of the original molecule or several molecules is
brought about or a new formation of one or more molecules results. Basically
speaking, many products needed by mankind can be obtained through chemical
changes by making use of natural and artificial raw materials. Thus, with
such a viewpoint, people have been able to correctly explain many chemical
changes, systematically sum up a large amount of chemical reference mate-
rials that have been accumulated in the past and, as a result, chemistry
has become an independent science that has been able to display its impor-
tant guiding role in the chemical industry and in the production of
materials.
The above-mentioned theories successfully solved the problems of the compo-
sition of chemical substances. But certain properties of substances are
determined not only by their composition but also by their inner structures.
People noticed long ago that in nature there exists the three distinctive
physical substances of diamonds, graphites and amorphous carbons, and yet
these three are made up of simple structural carbon that is composed of
carbon atoms. In the mid-19th century, examples of such isomeric molecules
emerged one after another in the process of studying chemical compounds and
particularly organic substances. As the conditions for experiments were
still limited at that time, the method of analytic reasoning was used to
determine the possible existence of chemical structural forms (including
different fixed stereo structural forms) and explain all objective
phenomena of isomerisms. In 1861, A. M. Butlerov definitely put forth the
theory of molecular structure. He pointed out that the chemical properties
of a substance are determined by the chemical structure of this substance
and that by studying chemical properties it is possible to determine chemical
structure; conversely, chemical properties can be predicted on the basis of
understanding chemical structure. In 1857, F. A. Kekule pointed out that
carbon has four valences while carbon atoms may be combined with other
carbon atoms to form carbon chains; in 1865, he put forth the concept of'the
annular structure of benzene. In 1874, J. H. van't Hoff and J. A. le Bel
respectively put forth the theory that the four valences and bonds point in
the direction of the top of a square, and as a result they successfully
explained the phenomenon of optical rotational isomerism of some organisms.
Thus, based on such concepts, the classical theory of the structure of
organic chemistry was established, and this theory has played an important
role in the development of organic chemistry and the organic chemical
industry. In 1893, A. Werner put forth the theory of the coordination of the
complex compound of metal elements, and he expounded his views on the chemi-
cal structures of inorganic complex compounds and on the stereo isomerism of
such compounds to promote the development of complex compound chemistry.
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But it was not until early in this century that modern physics discovered
that atoms are composed of atomic molecules and electrons, and only follow-
ing the emergence of the theories of the atom and the molecule was it
possible that this development could directly be used as an experimental
basis and theoretical method in studying the microscopic structure of
chemical substances. On the one hand, progress has been made in physical
experimental technology and on the basis of different effects of the inter-
action between substances and detecting measures such as light, electricity
and magnetism, many experimental measures have been adopted for determining
molecular structure and for providing data on understanding electron move-
ments, and all these have provided good conditions for studying molecular
structure and the relationship between structure and property. On the
other hand, the theory of quantum physics, which emerged in the 1920's, can
be used to probe into the law of the movement of microscopic particles.
Starting with the most simple structure of hydrogen molecules, quantum
physics has been successfully used in explaining the law of the movement of
electrons within molecules and the nature of the chemical activity of
combinating atoms into molecules that represents chemical bonds. Conse-
quently, there has emerged quantum chemistry that serves as a powerful
theory for the study of various properties that depend on the law of atomic
movement. Following decades of hard work, various basic problems such as
how to combine the power of various different types of atomic substructures
such as valences and bonds, ionic bonds and metallic bonds and the experi-
mental results of applied force on molecules have been incorrectly expounded
to a great extent. As a result, the various theories of quantum chemistry
such as the theory of valence and bond, the theory of molecular tracks and
the theory of coordination ground have been established and developed.
Experimental technology and theoretical method affect and promote each
other, and this situation has resulted in modern structural chemistry
developing. into a new stage.
II. The Role of Structural Chemistry in Chemical Development and Production
The establishment and development of structural chemistry has played a big
promoting and guiding role in expanding the structural features of chemical
substances and their relationships with properties, in promoting the develop-
ment of chemical sciences and in effectively probing into new ways for
synthesizing new products with particular properties. There are countless
examples in this aspect.
Following the establishment of the theory of benzene annular structure,
aromatic organic chemistry has made tremendous development since the 1860's.
Aromatic organic chemistry has played a guiding role in comprehensively
using coal tar and in producing various dyestuffs, drugs, essences and
explosives.
The three prevalent molecular industries of plastics, synthetic fiber and
synthetic rubber have a close relationship with people's livelihood, indus-
trial and agricultural production, and the national defense industry. Due
to achievements in the study of. the mutual relationship between complex
molecular structures and their properties, the complex molecular industry
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has been developing vigorously. For example, it was pointed out as early as
in the 1920's that natural rubber and natural fibers are not simple annular
polymers but complex chain polymers. People have correctly understood that
the requirement for natural rubber complex polymer is very strict, and as a
result there emerged a concept of stereoregular polymer that made it possi-
ble to produce "synthetic rubber."
Since the beginning of this century, the use of such experimenting methods
as X-ray diffraction technology has resulted in defining a great number of
inorganic ionic compounds, including structural statistics of many series
of natural ore crystals. From this development, L. Pauling summed up the
principles of ionic compounds to successfully explain the relationship
between the chemical composition of silicate and its structure. In addi-
tion, we also know that new technical crystalline materials constitute an
important material condition for developing many sophisticated technologies.
It would not have been successful in seeking working substances (most are
inorganic compound crystals) such as laser and electric light if there were
no rich statistics about the structure of inorganic crystals.
Under the theoretical guidance of the structure of organic chemistry and by
using chemical methods and X-ray diffraction technology or a combination of
these two, the molecular structures of many complicated natural organisms
and antibiotic drugs (such as penicillin and aureomycin) have been
delineated. This achievement has not only provided pharmacologists with a
technical foundation for atomic-molecular level in expanding pharmacology
but has also formed a reliable base for synthesizing such drugs to expand
medical resources. Herbal medicine is a valuable heritage of the medical
sciences of our country. Over the past few years, our structural chemical
workers have studied and analyzed how to extract information on chemical
structure and space structure for Chinese herbal medicines. The research
articles on this study show the mutual relationship between structural
features and pharmacology. For example, the defining of an effective anti-
malaria drug essence of artemisia apiacea and the three kinds of crystalline
structures of its derivatives prove that the effectiveness of the drug is
related only to two kinds of peroxide radicals and some other particular
structures. Work is being done to determine the crystal structure of the
protein base of the roots of Chinese trichosanthes. Initial achievements
in this study have drawn the attention of foreign countries. Clinical
tests prove that the roots are highly effective in gestation during the mid-
pregnancy period, and it can also be used in treating such diseases as
ectopic pregnancy and vesicular moles. It can be predicted that as long as
we are able to work hard and accumulate experiences and to closely cooperate
with pharmacologists, the ancient Chinese herbal medicinal treasure cif our
country will no doubt make great contributions to the medical and health
cause of our country and the health of our people.
The research which has led to the successful synthesizing of some new struc-
tural compounds has not only pointed out the way for the further develop-
ment of structural chemistry but will also be able to meet needs in the
development of scientific technology. For example, in the 1950's, W. N.
Lipscomb correctly expounded the "three central bonds" of the borichydrogen
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compound to make outstanding contributions to the development of this com-
pound. A complex borichydrogen compound that can be used as a highly
efficient fuel has at last been synthesized.
The role of quantum chemistry is very apparent in explaining those proper-
ties that are related with the law of electron movement within molecules
as well as in synthesizing new compounds. N. Bartlett investigated chemical
bonds and their function, and in 1962 he successfully synthesized the first
historically significant "inert element compound"--the fluoride platinum
acid, xenon, which shattered the longstanding view that inert elements
could not produce chemical compounds and consequently he opened up a new
area of study known as "inert element chemistry."
The molecular structure of vitamin B-12 is very complex because it has 512
possible isomerisms. In the process of synthesizing B-12, R. B. Woodward
resorted to his rich practical experience that he had accumulated in the
process of synthesizing complex compounds such as bioalkali. In synthesiz-
ing such compounds he summed up the reasons for his failures, found out the
mechanism for achieving such a reaction, and effectively controlled the
stereo structure of substances during the reaction. Consequently, he
synthesized the vitamin. During this process, he also had some ideas about
the symmetry conservation of molecular tracks. Later, R. M. Hoffmann
carried out analysis and study on the basis of quantum chemical theory, and
consequently he put forth the famous Woodward-Hoffmann symmetry conservation
law of molecular tracks. As a result, quantum chemistry moved into the
study of chemical reaction. The symmetry conservation law of molecular
tracks has displayed and will continue to display its important role in
studying stereo regular reaction and in synthesizing complex compounds such
as bioalkali and drugs.
Biology made no progress for quite a long period in the past, and it
remained at a level of carrying out submacroscopic studies with the use of
microscopes. Following the research on carbohydrates, proteins and nucleic
acids and particularly over the past two to three decades, the introduction
of X-ray diffraction in coordination with the chemical method has made it
possible to directly determine the molecular space structure of cells and
consequently there has emerged molecular biology and quantum biology. For
example, the structure of more than 20 kinds of major amino acids (the
basic units of protein) and nearly 10 kinds of simple peptide bonds (com-
posed of several amino acids) was determined early this century. On this
basis, L. Pauling and R. B. Corey put forth two basic principles about the
structure of amino peptide bonds. Using these two principles, L. Pauling
pointed out in 1950 that protein has two kinds of helix structures: the
alpha helix structure and the beta helix structure. It was proven later
that the alpha helix structure is an important form of the second-grade
structure of protein. Then, J. D. Watson and F. H. C. Crick developed the
model of double spiral structure of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), which is
the important genetic material base, and this achievement has played an
important role in molecular genetics. The activities of analyzing the
crystalline structure of protein that began with whale muscle red protein
[jing ji hong danbai 7650 5133 4767 5751 4101] and horse blood red protein
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[ma xue hong danbai 7456 5877 4767 5751 4101] are still very active today.
In 1965, our scientific workers succeeded in completely synthesizing bovine
insulin with the chemical method. It was the first time that this method
was used in producing artificial bovine insulin. Recently, they have syn-
thesized ferment ammonia acid-turned-ribonucleic acid that is able to
catalyze the biological activity of propionic ammonia acid and this
achievement showed that our country continues to be in the forefront in
this field. We have also made brilliant achievements in determining the
structure of swine insulin. The accumulation of all this synthesizing work
as well as the work in determining structure have provided a foundation for
studying, on the basis of the atomic-molecular level, such phenomena as
muscular contractions, nerves, photosynthesis and genetics.
Nitride is a very important raw material for such products as nitrogen
fertilizer and explosives that are very important for industry, agriculture
and national defense. But the nitrogen that abundantly exists in the
atmosphere is far from active and, at present, it is only under the condi-
tion of high temperature and high pressure that it can be fixed and turned
into chemical compounds which can be used. Interestingly enough, there
exist in nature some microbes such as the root nodule bacteria of
leguminous plants that can achieve nitrogen fixation under normal tempera-
ture and pressure. Following the synthesization of the first molecular
nitrogen complex compound under normal temperature and pressure in 1965,
.there appeared a worldwide fervor for studying nitrogen fixation through
chemical simulation biology to open up a new frontier for science--chemical
'bionics. Since 1971, our country has organized the scientific strength from
various sectors to carry out enormous work from different angles. According
to theoretical study and deductive reasoning, we have put forth a series of
views that complement each other about necessary structural conditions for
the center of activity of nitrogen-fixing ferment as the biological catalyst
for nitrogen fixation. Proceeding from complex compound structural chemis-
try of large metal atomic clusters and from the angle of catalyst, we
analyzed the active conditions for the complex composition of nitrogen
molecules. In 1973 and 1978 we put forth the "string bag" structural
models--"Fuzhou model I" of molybdenum-iron-sulphur atomic cluster of the
center of activity of the fermentation catalyst for fixing nitrogen, and
these two "string bags" were formed back to back into the twin combination
of "Fuzhou model II"--and analyzed various forms of the possible complex
composition of applied substratum. At the same time, other scholars in our
country proceeded from different viewpoints and put forth structural models
of the similar active center of nitrogen-fixing fermentation. We also
carried out activities to determine the stimuli of the above-menr'oned
models and the composition and structure of the related complex compounds
of atomic clusters and to carry out experiments on acetylene, nitrogen and
other applied substratum. We have made encouraging achievements in this
aspect and we introduced them at international academic symposiums on
nitrogen fixation over the past few years. Foreign scientists held that
our scientists were forward looking when they were the first to put forth
the view that the active center of nitrogen-fixing ferment has an atomic
clustered structure. At present, a series of the results of this study
have convinced scientists that there is a definite requirement for atomic
clustered "string bag" in nitrogen fixation.
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Since the establishment of the Nobel Prize in 1901, the prizes have been
given to 98 chemists on 73 occasions, with an exception of 8 years because
of certain reasons, of these, on 20 occasions to 28 chemists who made great
contributions in structural chemistry. Some chemists have won the prizes
in physics and biology. The former recipients included W. H. Bragg and
his son W. L. Bragg who both made important contributions in introducing
and developing the analytical method of the crystal line structural X-ray
diffraction while among the latter were J. D. Watson and F. H. C. Crick,
who introduced DNA double helix. Therefore, it can be seen that structural
chemistry is becoming increasingly important in drawing more and more atten-
tion on the part of scientific and technical circles.
III. The Prospects of Modern Structural Chemistry
The continuous development of modern physics (both in experiments and
theory) and the timely use of newly emerging technology (computer tech-
nology and laser technology) have constantly provided new tools and new
methods for the study of structural chemistry and enabled the handling of
the recording and testing statistics of messages to become more and more
automatic and higher and higher in speed and consequently, it is possible
to make accurate determination and calculation of the crystal structure,
molecular structure, molecular energy level and the distribution of the
electron cloud that are becoming more and more complicated. For example,
one to two decades ago people began to study the dynamic structure of the
process of reaction and the microregional structure of the surface of solid
substance; new development has been made in this study and it is expected
that important progress will be made in the near future. Modern structural
chemistry has developed into anew stage; it can systematically and pre-
cisely prove and grasp the methods and laws of atoms and atomic radicals in
becoming chemical substances and of changes of. inductive chemistry. Modern
structural chemistry is also in a position, through such laws, to under-
stand and determine the nature and properties of the dynamic and static
state of substances. Structural chemistry is developing the whole of
chemical science from classic and fixed sciences into modern and quantum
sciences. The study of the interdependence and mutual conditioning between
the properties of chemical structures and chemical reactions of classical
chemistry has already developed into the research topic of exploring the
mutual relationships between the "nonchemical" properties and the proper-
ties of microscopic structures and macroscopic chemistry of modern chemistry.
Consequently, in the trend of its development, modern chemistry has the
following features of developing from macroscopic to microscopic, from
description to reasoning, from the air and crystal phase to the amorphous
phase, liquid phase and liquid-crystal phase, from the body phase to the
surface phase, from the properties of chemical reaction to various non-
chemical properties, from the static state to the dynamic state, from con-
stant proportion to inconstant proportion, and from stable to substable and
even unstable. Chemistry has also developed into a new stage in breadth
and depth. On the other hand, structural chemistry, solid state physics,
material science, biology and pharmacology permeate each other and are
intertwined, and these situations have promoted the development of these
sciences. More and more branches of borderline science such as molecular
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biology, chemical bionics and molecular design have been applied or are
emerging and all these sciences have bright prospects.
In order to develop structural chemistry in our country, it is imperative
to grasp well the features. of this chemistry which is a basic science, to
grasp the trend of its development and to resort to correct guiding prin-
ciples. Of course, by solely studying and determining structure and
without studying and developing synthesis means that we are setting up a
retail department of structural analysis and consequently we will not be
able to develop structural chemistry; if we study microscopic properties
(chemical or nonchemical), then the basic study of microscopic structure
would depart from the production and science of the macroscopic realm; if
we merely study the mutual relationship between structure and property and
neglect the molecular design of materials and reaction, we will remain in
the stage of just understanding the objective world. This means that we are
not working to change the objective world, and consequently we will not be
able to realize the basic tasks of chemical science. We must understand the
trend in the development of structural chemistry, and at the same time we
must acquaint ourselves with the needs of our country in the near future and
the features of our resources, strengthen weak links, fill in gaps, select
major topics of study through which major developments or breakthroughs can
be made by the end of this century, establish and develop modern study
methods, closely combine and promote the study of structural and property
synthesis and determination, and work hard to reach the great goal in which
our structural chemistry enters the world's advanced level so as to make
our contribution to the modernization program of our country.
Science is a productive force, but it is not a common and direct productive
force; rather, it is an indirect productive force. Through science we will
be able to bring happiness to the coming generations of our country as-well
as to the people throughout the world, to strengthen the competitiveness of
our motherland in international affairs and step up our strength in defense
of world peace. As a basic science, structural chemistry has developed and
gradually matured through gradual accumulation and through the process of
exchanges of experiences and contention among various academic branches.
Therefore, we cannot demand that each subject of study must directly dis-
play its role in production. We must understand that when conditions are
ripe and when the works of basic study make an important breakthrough, our
study will certainly bring great basic changes to chemistry and to the
related production departments. But it must be pointed out that we must
not therefore neglect the use of the achievements we have made in struc-
tural chemistry so that we will be able to solve urgent problems in both
national economic construction and the construction of national defense.
Premier Zhao Ziyang pointed out in his report to the 4th Plenary Session
of the 5th NPC: "There are many branches of science and technology and
they must serve various aspects. We can in no way weaken basic study. But
the main purpose in the development of all science and technology is to
serve economic construction and particularly to solve the key problems with
major economic effects in the national economy. Our present task is to
display still better the role of science and technology so that they will
become a powerful productive force and a tremendous strength for developing
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the economy." In fact, the existing theories and knowledge of structural
chemistry in the broad industrial and agricultural sectors that are closely
related to chemistry have already provided theoretical guidance in seeking
new materials, new technologies and new processes and have already promoted
production. Structural chemistry develops in the process of promoting the
national economy and consequently it will display still more powerful
strength. It is also wrong to neglect this point.
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GO AMONG THE MASSES!
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 34-35, 28
[Article by Ding Ling [0002 3781]]
[Text] Over the past few years, culture and art work has substantially
flourished and developed, but there are still problems which were left over
or newly emerged which call for solutions through discussions and studies by
bringing the problems out into the open and having frank and sincere
exchanges of views. Such discussion meetings have been held on numerous
occasions with the participation of leading comrades who delivered speeches
at them, and these meetings have produced positive results. However, quite
a few problems still exist in the minds of literary and art workers. In
the new situation, some literary and art departments and individual lit-
erary and art workers still have an abnormal understanding or sentiments
when approaching some problems and have failed to completely manage to
approach problems in the manner of being selfless and fearless, matching
words with deeds, and thinking and acting one and the same way as a com-
munist or a writer who has a sense of justice. As for party-member writers,
they should take this matter into account, and now particularly since the
forum on the problems on the ideological front has been held, they must not
remain aloof and indifferent to this situation. Over the last 3 years, on
various matters I have written articles, made some remarks, stated my
opinions and made statements of my position. This year is the 40th anni-
versary of the publication of Comrade Mao Zedong's "Talks at the Yanan Forum
on Literature and Art." After pondering, the words which I can use to.
advise my fellow writers and to spur myself on are still: To continue to
go among the masses. This means that when the numerous problems are put to
the masses, we can find good solutions to them by going among the masses to
"observe and learn from real life and be engaged in creation." A writer, no
matter on what subjects he writes, whether on history, mountains and waters,
people, struggles or on love affairs, invariably reflects his own ideas and
his own view of life, society and the accepted modes of human conduct. It
is impossible for a writer to write on those things for which he has
neither love nor hate and for which he has no feelings. If he forces him-
self to do so, what he writes will not be profound, vivid or moving. There-
fore, before a writer produces a work, he must have rich raw material
gathered from life, some training in writing techniques and what is more
important, he must have the necessary ideological level to analyze society
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and interpret life. These three aspects of self-cultivation are not iso-
lated and contradictory and also cannot be acquired by stages. The three
aspects of self-cultivation must be linked, each complementing the other;
must be carried out simultaneously, gradually improved, gradually deepened
and gradually purified until they are merged into one. Only then can we
reach the realm of real emancipation in ideology and freedom in creation;
can we write works which suit the needs of the broad masses, and can our
creations become works of art which will raise the people's moral character
and develop the social spiritual civilization and can we be free from the
fear of making a mistake or being criticized.
Like other theories and policies, our literary and art theories and poli-
cies are all summed up and refined from the social life and struggle of the
masses. If we divorce ourselves from the masses and lack a practical
understanding of the people's life, we will be unable to profoundly under-
stand why such theories and policies are needed. At the same time, it is
only through the social practice of the masses that we can test our
theories and determine whether our policies are correct. If theories and
policies are repeatedly examined in studies and forums, the historians and
philosophers with practical experience may possibly make new discoveries
and create new works. However, if writers who create works of art and
write living history do not personally go into and experience as well as
observe and learn from the lives of the masses, they will be unable to
produce works which present realistic characters, plots, stories, and
human mental activities, and relationships between man and man, the good
and the bad, as well as the beautiful and the ugly in people's lives. Even
if we can recite from memory many clauses and technical terms in words and
in terms in the most effusive way, appearing erudite and recondite, in fact
we are no more than a phonograph or a duplicator. The principles you want
to write about are already known to all and your work merely echoes others'
views, thus there is lack of originality in your writing. A writer must
carry out creative work on the basis of the lives of the masses rather than
repeat principles in books. So is the case of literary and art theoreti-
cians. Instead of merely presenting a verbatim transcript of newspaper
editorials and invariably copying the speeches of leading comrades or the
talks of others, we must go all out in discovering and developing our writ-
ings in regard to the concrete problems in actual life. Otherwise, it
would be sufficient for readers to simply read newspapers. Is it worth the
trouble to reread shallow, dull and fragmentary articles?
Only when we have an understanding of and a thorough knowledge and grasp of
theories and policies, can we truly make them ours; can we have keen
insight; can we find out about problems at all times and anywhere in the
kaleidoscope of life; can we dare to think independently; can we not wait
to see which way the wind blows, not to equivocate and not to vacillate;
and can we make a contribution and discharge our responsibility. But how
can we grasp thoroughly theories and policies? So long as we bring what
we read from books and what we learn from speeches to life and fight,
engage in construction, experience all kinds of contradictions and find
solutions to the contradictions together with the masses, we can then push
society forward. With our practical experiences among the masses, we may
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then turn around to ruminate and digest the theories. A man with experi-
ence and a man without experience simultaneously study theories and what
they learned from them varies greatly. The former manages to understand
the theories with a little direction while the latter will not understand
the theories even if he is given some direction. Conversely, a man with
correct theories and a man without theories go into real life and what they
learn from life is also substantially different. The former can find out,
in life, myriads of precious deposits which are too dazzling in color and
beautiful to be absorbed all 'at once that. he can pick and choose a small
part of them to write a good work. Having been drawn into the ocean of
life, the latter can see nothing and find nothing attractive and touching
that will arouse his interest, and thus for him to be able to create is
out of the question. Even if he sees odd bits in life, he can only
enumerate the events rather than grasp the principal problems. Having no
strong zeal for life will spoil source material. Some people regard this
state of affairs as the difference between having talent or not. In my
opinion, there is in fact a lack of self-cultivation of politics and
theories. If he does not have this key--politics--in his mind (please do
not vulgarize politics as the stratagems of politicians or as a synonym
fora political stick), there will be no ideological content. This is like
having no soul. Such being the case, a writer will find it hard to know
his own mind; either he will not dare to write or, basing himself on his
personal thoughts and feelings which have not yet been sorted out, he will
write in an unlimitedly free manner and at great length. This will most
likely lead to some errors (those who always have blind faith in Westerniza-
tion, like vulgar things and try to depart from the socialist political
orbit must be, of course, classified separately). Naturally, it is not a
serious matter to make some mistakes. So long as we draw a lesson from
them, go deep into real life again, do some penetrating thinking and con-
tinue to temper ourselves, we will still be able to write good works.
What I have attempted to show is that a writer must be diligent in prac-
ticing his craft and, what is more, must temper himself. He must put him-
self among the broad masses and get in touch with people of all walks of
life; through the exchange of feelings between man and man, he must adapt
advanced political ideology . to. his outlook. A writer is a creator, who
produces images and describes feelings but at the same time he is also a
politician. He must dissolve politics into images and feelings which he
describes with high-level political zeal so that the readers will see it as
only literature. Thus, this attractive and exquisite literature will play
a political role.
It is not easy for a writer to do so. It is not an easy job for a writer
to produce works which are full of fervor and extremely touching on the
one hand and mirror the spirit of our time on the other hand, but it is
attainable. Many writers have managed to do so or almost managed to do so.
Writers must always encourage one another to get rid of selfishness. They
must seek neither fame nor gain and neither position nor power and influ-
ence; must be free from prejudice and factionalism and be honest and
upright; must not be controlled by their personal emotions and must have
a breadth of vision. It is necessary to loyally treat the people's cause
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and to be diligent and conscientious, indefatigable and not to be at all
self-satisfied, and it is necessary to start with this basis to make steady
progress and find pleasure in so doing. To accomplish this, it is natu-
rally necessary to go among the masses and breathe, share weal and woe,
fight and advance together with the people.
My suggestions are few and not new. While celebrating the 40th anniversary
of the "Talks at the Yanan Forum on Literature and Art," I would like to
offer them with full respect to my fellow writers and young friends. I
will learn from those who are in the same profession as I and who have more
profound ideas and have created better works and have achieved greater suc-
cesses than I. In the impressions of the postscript of "A Scene of Northern
Shaanxi," published in 1950, I wrote:
"I experienced a lot of self-induced pain in northern Shaanxi before I began
to know, squarely face, correct and remold myself. This experience cannot
be explained in a few simple words. But ultimately it brought me the great-
est pleasure. I feel that it is not easy for me to travel the road which I
have taken; to go from being ignorant to being more sensible, from being
somewhat perceptual to rational, from being unstable to being stable, from
being weak to being staunch and from being remorseful to being relaxed....
I think that anyone who 'has taken a similar road will realize that this
road is both rugged and smooth. However, each of us progresses in this way.
"Some people were born revolutionaries; some are revolutionaries who leap at
one stroke from a backward state to an advanced one; others have never made
any mistakes. These fortunate few are admired by all. However,I am still
willing to march on my two legs step by step to the place where I will
really become useful to some extent and really become a man without thought
of self, a man who has really acquired some knowledge and truth...."
Instead of complaining about being decrepit and slow-witted, I am now
willing to continue to forge ahead step by step along with the large con-
tingent of marchers. However, having undergone a trudge of 30 years from
the 1950's to 1980's, I feel happy rather than regretful. I will march
step by step behind the young people cheerfully and unremittingly.
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INCREASE CONSCIOUSNESS IN STUDYING THEORY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 36-39
[Article by Ru Zhi [1172 4249]]
[Text] Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought is a revolutionary scientific
theory. The laws governing social development which it brought to light
and its world outlook and methodology are our guide in action. Our party
is united on the basis of this theory, and the victories in the cause of
our revolution and construction were achieved under its guidance. At
present, many new conditions and new problems which arose in the course of
our modernization program call for scientific explanation and correct
guidance. The practice of the new historical stage has once again put the
study and research of revolutionary theories in an extremely important
position. To keep abreast of the current situation, all of our cadres must
increase their consciousness and study hard Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought.
Recalling the history of the Chinese revolution, it can be very clearly seen
that whether there is correct theoretical guidance and whether the cadres
of the whole party study and apply Marxism-Leninism well concern the suc-
cess or failure of the cause of revolution and construction. In modern
Chinese history, the dissemination of Marxism-Leninism into China was an
epoch-making turning point. Prior to this, in order to save the country and
nation from the danger of elimination, the Chinese people and its advanced
elements waged repeated heroic struggles, but through all of them they
failed to find the correct road for liberation and every struggle ended in
failure. Things were significantly different after Marxism-Leninism
reached China. The Chinese advanced elements warmly welcomed this theory,
enthusiastically studied and disseminated it and integrated it with the
rising workers' movement. As a result, the great CCP came into being and
a great revolution on a grand and spectacular scale was waged. Thousands
upon thousands of revolutionaries saw the dawn of a new era and absorbed
incomparable confidence and power from this revolutionary theory, and with
this the Chinese revolution took on a totally new aspect..
The period from the Zunyi conference to the Yanan rectification movement
was another great turning point in the history of the Chinese revolution.
Prior to this, the CCP had led the people in accordance with
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Marxism-Leninism in waging more than 10 years of struggles and had traversed
a zigzag road. During this period, the revolution suffered failures and
setbacks many times, but this precisely showed the importance of truly
mastering and correctly applying revolutionary theory rather than proving
that Marxism-Leninism did not work or was not important. Just as Comrade
Liu Shaoqi said, these failures resulted from the infancy of and mistakes
in the theoretical guidance rather than failures in ordinary work. The
practice of the revolution required us to integrate Marxism-Leninism with
the reality of China, and in the light of the characteristics of Chinese
society to find a correct road for the Chinese revolution and to seek
creation and development in theory. The Chinese communists headed by Com-
rade Mao Zedong solved this problem in their long years of plain living and
hard struggle. In this way the great Mao Zedong Thought came into being.
This scientific theory with Chinese characteristics became mature at the
stage of the Yanan rectification movement and was widely popularized. The
cadres of the whole party studied this theory with immense zeal and a
scientific approach, acquired a fundamental understanding of the correct
path for the Chinese revolution and the principles and policies that should
be adopted, and thus substantially raised their own level,of Marxism-
Leninism. This brought about an incalculable force propelling the revolu-
tion forward, ensured the smooth course of struggle and, resulted in suc-
cessive victories in the war of resistance against Japan, the war of
people's liberation and the birth of the PRC. As the saying goes, the
founding of new China was the victory of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought. This is a very real truth.
Victory in the new democratic revolution vividly displayed, with facts
universally acknowledged, the unparalleled power of Marxism-Leninism.
This state of affairs caused the most intense attention to be paid to
theory by people throughout the nation.
In the early 1950's, there,emerged an upsurge of studying revolutionary
theory among the broad masses of cadres, youths and intellectuals. This was
when there was a wide popularization of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong'Thought
throughout the country. The fact that large numbers of cadres and masses
mastered revolutionary theories greatly promoted the smooth development of
the various types of work at that time.
After the serious setbacks suffered in the "Great Cultural Revolution,"
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee began another
great turning point, which similarly shows the importance of theoretical
guidance. "Leftist" mistakes committed in the past, and especially the
mistake of the "Great Cultural Revolution," were primarily the result of
mistakes made in theoretical guidance. Therefore, the historical turning
point, which was manifested by the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP
Central Committee, had to make the bringing of order out of chaos in
theory a prerequisite. By stressing practice as the only criterion for
testing truth, we precisely mean to discard the sort of "leftist" theories
which have been proved to be erroneous, to reaffirm the principle of uniting
the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with.China's reality, and to open
up a path for developing the party's correct theory in new practice rather
than to negate or ignore the role of theory.
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Of course, correctly and satisfactorily providing answers to the various
problems which lie ahead of us in the new historical stage will be an
arduous process. In this process, the explorative deeds of those who blaze
a new trail will be inevitably mingled with the perplexity of those who
waver, and there will be a small number of people who show indifference
toward theory. It will be difficult to completely avoid this state of
affairs. The key lies in the fact that our party's ranks and particularly
the vast numbers of cadres must work hard to increase consciousness in
studying theory. It must be noted that only Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought can help us attain a clear understanding of the orientation and
path of socialist construction and be full of confidence in our cause; can
help us acquire the correct stand, standpoint and method, correctly under-
stand and implement the party's principles and policies and carefully and
skillfully handle various problems; can help us effectively educate and
mobilize the masses, unite the revolutionary ranks and bring every positive
factor into play; can help us, communists and state functionaries, preserve
the purity of communism and resist the corrosive influence of the ideology
of the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes. In brief, only if there
is a study of theory can our cadres become firm and sober-minded Marxists
who can accomplish things. Moreover, having large batches of such cadres
is an important condition for enhancing the fighting capacity of the party
and for leading the broad masses in triumphant.advance. Today large numbers
of middle-aged and young cadres are assuming the leading posts at various
levels to shoulder various important tasks and to fill the posts of veteran
cadres. It is of even more urgent significance to strengthen theoretical
study by the middle-aged and young cadres and urge them to manage to master
Marxist-Leninist theories in a relatively systematic and practical manner.
At present, many cadres have, through practice, realized the importance of
theory. They have immense zeal and enthusiasm for studying theory. How-.
ever, some cadres attach insufficient importance to theory and hold that
whether we study theory is of no importance and even regard that which has
been learned as of no use. If we do not clarify those confused ideas, it
will be difficult to increase consciousness in studying theory.
Some people say: "Theory is changeable and you cannot depend on it. Things
can be interpreted in any way." They try to use this argument to prove that
it is useless to study theory. In fact the argument concentrates only on
the surface of matters and fails to make a correct analysis of them. It
must be acknolwedged that at the stage when leftist mistakes were committed
in the past, and particularly during the 10 years of internal disorder,
theory was indeed ever changing. At the same time, what was regarded to be
correct yesterday became the targets of criticism today, and what wzs
regarded to be correct today might possibly become erroneous things
tomorrow. The propaganda of many theories was easily swayed by the polit-
ical requirements at different stages. This state of affairs caused the
greatest damage to the reputation of the party's theoretical work and
ideological and political work. But many theories at that time were
erroneous theories and even pragmatism and sophism rather than Marxist-
Leninist scientific theories. Studying those kinds of theories is indeed
not only useless but harmful. However, things today are fundamentally
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different. From the 3d Plenary Session to the 6th Plenary Session of the
11th CCP Central Committee, our party brought order out of chaos in its
guiding ideology; some major theoretical problems were clarified and the
true face of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought was restored. We must not
judge today's situation by old standards and experiences. Next, we must
make an analysis of "theory being changeable." In the past, people used to
argue in favor of their erroneous political propositions by resorting to
theory to repudiate as mistakes that which was formerly correct. This was a
"change." At present, bringing order out of chaos and repudiating and
correcting the previous "leftist" theories is another "change." The two
must not be mixed together. Here lies a question of whether it is some-
thing which is correct changing to something which is wrong or vice versa.
The criterion to judge the right and wrong of the change is still practice.
So we must not indiscriminately negate all kinds of changes. We must
warmly welcome correct changes, that is, the bringing of order out of chaos
in theory, and promote its accomplishment through study. Furthermore, we
cannot integrate overnight the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought with the new conditions and new tasks facing us now and
create mature theories suited to China's national conditions. It is neces-
sary to sum up our experiences in practice and ceaselessly replenish, revive
and substantiate some existing conclusions in practice so as to explore and
probe new conclusions. This is also a "change." This change constitutes
development. This change is invariably normal under any circumstances and
it is particularly needed now. Otherwise, our theories will become rigid
.and cease to develop. In short, as long as we make a concrete and histori-
cal analysis of the phenomenon of the so-called "theory being changeable,"
we will absolutely not reach the conclusion that "what has been learned is
of no use" and instead will derive from this a more profound understanding
of the importance of theoretical study.
Some people say: "Studying theory cannot solve problems in practical work."
This argument implies a misunderstanding of the role of theory. Theory is
important, but no theory is a miraculous cure. Nor can it provide us with
readymade answers to the various concrete and practical problems which we
encounter. First, what is brought to light by a theory is, in general,
matters of a universal and regular nature. Only from these can we find out
knowledge about laws and the methods for observing and handling matters.
The various concrete and practical problems in our work must depend on us
for solution in accordance with the party's principles and policies and in
the light of reality. Some people might argue: "Such being the case, it is
all right just to implement the party's principles and policies and carry
out the tasks assigned by the higher authorities. Why should we bother
ourselves about studying theory again?" They fail to see that, although
concrete problems depend on us for solution, whether ideologically we have
a correct theoretical guide makes a world of difference. This is because
the party's principles and policies are formulated on the basis of Marxist-
Leninist theory. Without the basic knowledge of Marxist-Leninist theory,
one will be unable to correctly understand these principles and policies
and also be unable to implement them in a flexible and creative way in the
light of one's own local actual.conditions. Second, Marxist-Leninist theory
must be combined with the actual conditions at our new stage, must bring to
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light the laws of our socialist construction and construction, and must
scientifically elucidate major problems of principles in practical life.
In this sense, at present there are indeed many practical problems which
have not been theoretically solved and 'call for further systematic and
scientific answers. However, this state of affairs shows all the more that
it is necessary to study theory, integrate it with practice, and develop
revolutionary theory rather than showing that "what has been learned is of
no use." Some people might think: "This is a matter for the central
leadership and theoreticians and has nothing to do with us." As for our
cadres, although their work might be broad or limited in scope and the
responsibilities they shoulder might be heavy or light, they have, in fact,
a common task to combine general theory and principles with the actual con-
ditions of their own localities and units through study and to explore the
laws governing their own work. Even in terms of the whole country and the
whole party, it is also absolutely not the affair of only a small number of
people to integrate Marxism-Leninism with the reality of China, probing the
laws governing our construction and advancing our party's theory are abso-
lutely not the affairs of only a small number of people. Doing.all this
depends on the accumulation of the practical experiences of the whole party
and the universal improvement of the theoretical level. In this sense,
each one of our cadres has a share of responsibility for developing the
party's theories. To fulfill this share of responsibility, it is first
imperative to study seriously.
There are other people who say: "Even if we have studied theory, we are
still not in a position to avoid making mistakes. In the past, we were
called on to study theory. Some people even had a high theoretical level
but committed mistakes just the same." This argument looks at problems in
an oversimplified way. Correct theoretical guidance is very important in
avoiding mistakes but cannot guarantee a cure for all diseases. This is
because a person making a mistake is a complicated phenomenon and the
reasons for it are often many-sided. In terms of theoretical guidance
alone, in order to manage not to make a mistake, one must at least have the
following conditions: 1) the theory itself must be correct; 2) it is neces-
sary for one to carry out practical activities under'its guidance; and
3) the theory needs to be continuously tested by practice and developed. in
practice. In the past, when theoretical guidance tallied with these condi-
tions, we did our work in a relatively correct way and achieved successes.
The reason why we sometimes made mistakes was either that the theory was
basically wrong or that the theory . was correct but divorced from practice.
If the theory is itself wrong, the practice will naturally be wrong. For
instance, there was a theory of "continuing the revolution under the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat." The "Great Cultural Revolution" eme- ed
from this. As good as the theory is, if it is not followed in practice,
one will still make mistakes. For example, in theory, democratic central-
ism and the mass line should be practiced, but in reality the idea of what
one says being what counts was practiced, thus resulting in subjectivism and
cutting oneself off from the masses. It can thus be seen that the past
mistakes committed by the leadership of the party prove the importance of
preserving the correctness of theory and of uniting theory with reality,
rather than prove that theories are useless. One of the important causes
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of our cadres following suit in making mistakes in the past was their low
theoretical level and their lack of the ability to distinguish, in theory,
between right and wrong on major principles. Under those circumstances, the
reason why some cadres could keep a clear head and resist mistakes was not
unconnected with their relatively high theoretical level and comparatively
great ability to differentiate between right and wrong. This further shows
the importance of the broad masses of cadres studying theories and increas-
ing their consciousness.
Marx said: "The process of putting a theory into practice in a country is
determined by the process of the theory fulfilling the requirements of this
country." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 10) Comrade Mao
Zedong also said: "The reason why Marxism-Leninism could play such a great
role after it reached China is that China's social conditions already had a
need for it." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 4, p 1452) The quota-
tions from Marx and Mao Zedong clearly show the relationship between a
theory and the actual need for it in a country. The liberation of the
Chinese people badly needed, and present Chinese social development badly
needs, the guidance of scientific theories. When our theories are correct
and meet the needs of the Chinese people in transforming the country, the
revolutionary cause will be greatly developed on the one hand and revolu-
tionary theories themselves will be substantially developed, spread and
be warmly welcomed by the broad masses of people on the other hand. But
when some erroneous theories bring harm to our society instead of meeting
its needs, these theories naturally will be detested by the people. At
present, since bringing order out of chaos, the party's theoretical guidance
has once again got onto the correct path and reestablished normal contact
with actual needs. We are confident that the needs of our socialist con-
struction will again arouse an interest in theory by the broad masses of
the people and push Marxist-Leninist scientific theories forward. Our
cadres must try hard to increase consciousness in studying theory, stand
in the forefront and enthusiastically promote this process.
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WHAT A THEORETICAL TEST SHOWS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 39-41
[Article by Qin Li [4440 0500]]
[Text] In order to meet the needs of cadres' philosophical study in the
second half of this year, a party school has recently run a training course
for philosophy instructors. Of the more than 100 participants, some were
leading cadres from propaganda departments at the prefecture and county
levels and leading cadres from party schools and cadre schools, but the
great majority were theoretical teachers and ordinary propaganda cadres.
After enrollment, the students were given an assessment test on the two
subjects they were going to study. To some extent, the results of this
test reflected the theoretical level of some theoretical cadres who are
currently engaged in educational work and of some propaganda cadres. They
have also shown why it is so important and urgent to strengthen cadres'
theoretical study, particularly the study by theoretical and propaganda
cadres at the grassroots level.
Five philosophical questions were posed on this test: 1) What are the basic
questions in philosophy and which two aspects do they include? 2) Why do we
say that the law of the unity of opposites is the essence and core of mate-
rialist dialectics? 3) What does the Marxist concept of practice imply?
4) What is the ideological line of the party, and what are the relations
between ideological and political lines? 5) What Marxist philosophical
works have you studied, and what philosophical lessons have you lectured on?
The first four questions were posed for the purpose of examining their basic
knowledge of philosophy. The results of the test showed that those who
could satisfactorily and accurately answer the questions accounted for about
20 percent; those whose answers were basically correct but not satisfactory
and accurate accounted for about 40 percent; those who did very poorly
accounted for about 40 percent, of which many participants could not answer
some isolated questions, and some handed in their examination papers
unanswered. Outstanding wrong answers to the basic questions in philosophy
were "world outlook and methodology" or "the combination of theory with
practice and the unity of opposites." With regard to the two aspects of
the basic questions in philosophy, some participants answered that they
were "political economics and scientific socialism." Half of the
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participants could not answer the question about the implications of the
Marxist concept of practice and the question why the law of the unity of
opposites was the essence and core of materialist dialectics; 25 percent
of the participants could not answer the question about the ideological
line of the party and the question about the relationship between ideologi-
cal and political lines, which are often propagated in newspapers.
The fifth question was posed for the purpose of investigation. From the
answers given by the participants, we could see that those who have studied
philosophy or those who had done so in a comparatively systematic way
accounted for about 57 percent and those who had not studied philosophy
accounted for about 43 percent.
With regard to the history of the CCP, four questions were posed: 1) What
are the fundamental differences between China's new democratic revolution
and old democratic revolution? 2) What is Mao Zedong Thought, and what is
the living soul of Mao Zedong Thought? 3) What is the great significance
of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee? 4) Please
write a brief account of your past study of and lectures on the history of
the CCP.
The purpose of the first three questions was to examine the basic knowledge
of the party's history. The results of the test showed that those who could
answer the questions satisfactorily and accurately accounted for about 9
percent; those whose answers were basically correct accounted for about 31
percent; those who could not answer satisfactorily and had many mistakes in
their answers accounted for about 45 percent; and those who could not answer
some isolated questions or whose answers were full of holes and even com-
pletely wrong accounted for about 15 percent. Some markedly wrong answers
were given on their papers. For instance, with regard to the fundamental
differences between China's new democratic revolution and old democratic
revolution, some participants answered: "The old democratic revolution was
not guided by unified thinking. Its sole purpose was to fight against the
rich and assist the poor...and was waged for the livelihood of one family
and one person and carried a very strong flavor of the bourgeoisie." With
regard to the great significance of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP.
Central Committee, some participants did not know what the session was
about, answering that the significance was that "classes do not exist, and
although class struggle exists, the main contradictions are contradictions
among the people." Comparatively speaking, their answers to the questions
about Mao Zedong Thought and the living soul of Mao Zedong Thought were
somewhat better, but many participants could not give accurate answers, and
the answers of six participants were basically wrong.
The. fourth question was asked for the purpose of investigation. The
answers showed that those who had systematically studied the history of the
CCP accounted for about 17 percent; those who had taken part in a short-term
study course on or studied independently some party history accounted for
about 26 percent; and those who had never studied the party history
accounted for about 57 percent.
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The above-mentioned material is to a certain extent representative. We
know that there have been similar results in tests and investigation mate-
rials in some provinces. These materials show that a certain number of
cadres who engage in theoretical and propaganda work at the grassroots
level possess very little Marxist knowledge and have a low theoretical
level and that it is very difficult for them to meet the requirements of
the work. Of course, there are many causes for this phenomenon, but in the
main it is owing to the disruption by Lin Biao and the "gang of four" and
to some extent to the shortcomings in our work. Therefore, we should not
simply blame our cadres. But under no circumstances must this phenomenon
be allowed to continue. It is our urgent task to energetically raise the
theoretical level of these cadres.
How can we solve this problem?
First, leading institutions in charge of theoretical and propaganda work
must put special emphasis on the building of theoretical and propaganda
contingents. Our party and state take Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
as their guiding thought, and theoretical and propaganda work is an impor-
tant part of the party's work. A strong and energetic theoretical and
propaganda contingent is an indispensable force for pushing forward the
work of party committees at all levels. Our comrades who engage in
theoretical and propaganda work at the grassroots level get in touch with
the cadres at the basic level and the masses almost every day. They
directly shoulder the task of propagating Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought among the masses and educating them with Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought. Educators must first receive education. The theoretical
level and quality of work of these comrades directly affect the raising of
the ideological and political level and the completion of the tasks of the
cadres at the basic level and of the broad masses. Therefore, we must put
special emphasis on raising the theoretical level of the theoretical and
propaganda cadres at the basic level. We must put this question on the
agenda, adopt effective measures, and be determined to devote a certain
amount of manpower and material resources to the training of theoretical
and propaganda cadres in order,to solve the problem of finding the teachers
required for theoretical study and the problem of finding study materials
and study time. In addition, we must be strict on cadres and carry out
the necessary supervision and examination of their work. We must check not
only their work but also their study. We must encourage them to study hard,
to carry out investigations and to aim high.
Second, the cadres who engage in theoretical and propaganda work must be
conscientious in their study. This is the crux of the problem. Some
basic theoretical knowledge is not difficult to master so long as we con-
scientiously read some books and pay attention to the relevant articles in
the newspapers and magazines. We should say that the study conditions of
our cadres now are better than those in any period in the party's history.
But no matter how good the objective conditions might be, they will be use-
less if we do not study hard. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP
Central Committee, under the leadership of the party, theoretical and
propaganda cadres have been conscientious in their study and have made a
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contribution to the party's theoretical and propaganda work. But owing to
the long-term disruption by Lin Biao and the "gang of four," Marxist theory
and the party's propaganda work have enjoyed less prestige. Some people
think that theory is useless so they ignore it. It is necessary to carry
out arduous ideological and political work to solve this problem. Decades
of experience have told us that Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought is an
objective truth and that it is the only banner that can guide us in our
advance to victory. Before we ask others to have a firm belief in
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, we ourselves must first have a firm
belief in it. Our comrades who engage in theoretical and propaganda work
must firmly believe in the correctness of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought, correctly sum up historical experiences and draw a practical
scientific understanding from them. With a correct understanding of
theoretical and propaganda work, we can have the spirit to study theory.
So long as we are conscientious in our study, energetically raise our
theoretical level and enthusiastically do a good job in our work, we can
certainly bring into full play the power of theory and make greater con-
tributions to educating and arming the masses with Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought.
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WHY IS IT IMPERATIVE TO OPPOSE REGIONAL ECONOMIC BLOCKADES?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 41-42
[Article by Qi Xiangwu [7871 0686 2976] and Hou Yunchun [0186 0061 2504]]
[Text] Regional economic blockades refer to some localities and depart-
ments, proceeding from their respective partial interests and abusing their
power, closing their markets, and blocking the supply of their raw mate-
rials and technology to others. At present, the main manifestations of
regional economic blockades are as follows. Some local authorities force
the marketing in their own areas of locally produced general machinery,
electric equipment and farm machinery which are poor in quality and per-
formance, even though the users are reluctant to adopt them. At the same
time, these authorities also arbitrarily forbid users in their own areas
from purchasing similar products of high quality from other areas. Some
raw material-producing areas refuse to transfer their raw materials in line
with state plans, and process these raw materials by themselves or sell them
at high prices without authorization. Some keep their technology secret and
block the popularization and application of advanced technology.
Economic blockades are a backward phenomenon of feudalism. One of the tasks
in the bourgeois revolution is to smash these economic blockades and thus
open a unified domestic market for the development of capitalism. Ours is
a socialist state, where a unified domestic market is an essential condi-
tion for running a unified planned economy on the basis of public owner-
ship. Practicing economic blockade will lead to historical retrogression
and do great harm to the development of the socialist economy.
First, this action will undermine unified plans and markets. If an economic
blockade is put in force, goods and materials cannot be smoothly circulated
and cannot be fully utilized because they are blocked from being transferred
in or out. Thus, commodity circulation is harmed and forced to diverge from
state plans and the unified market is disturbed. In this situation, the
state will certainly lose control of the overall economy and all economic
activities will fall into chaos.
Second, this action will lead to blind production and construction and affect
the improvement of economic results. Socialist production is socialized
mass production. There should be not only division of labor but also close
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relationships between uifferent enterprises, trades, departments and areas.
Only when they assist each other and closely cooperate can production be
handled normally. But, as a result of economic blockades, the internal
relations of socialized mass production are artificially broken down. If
one refuses to allow in those products that one can make, then inferior
goods cannot be replaced in a timely way. If one insists on starting to-
make things one has never made before, this will cause blind production and
blind construction and an enormous waste in manpower, materials, financial
resources and transport power.
Third, this action will impede the development of technology. As a result
of economic blockades, the products of high quality and low price made in
other areas are unable to enter local markets, and their sales are affected.
Thus, these products cannot be fully developed. Inferior local products,
however, can monopolize the market because there is no other competitor.
Thus, enterprises will lack outside pressure to carry out technical innova-
tion and their products will hardly change for dozens of years running.
Therefore, economic blockades, in fact, reject advanced things and protect
backward things.
Economic blockades are not only extremely harmful to the overall national
economy, but, in the long run, also harm the development of the local
economy. If localities practice economic blockades, they will not only
block others but will be blocked by others. Meanwhile, when backward local
products are protected by means of economic blockade, not only will the
enterprises producing these products lose the impetus to improve product
quality and upgrade their products, but the area will also incur losses
owing to high consumption and waste, poor efficiency and performance caused
by the use of these inferior products. Therefore, economic blockades,
though bringing some ostensible and temporary benefits to localities, are
in fact an action of binding oneself, which is not only harmful to the state
and other areas but also to oneself.
When we encourage breaking economic blockades, protecting proper competition
and guaranteeing smooth circulation of goods and materials, does this mean
that all products should be transferred in from the advanced areas, and that
nothing can be done by the underdeveloped areas? No. In fact, each area
has its own advantages as well as disadvantages. Not everything is advanced
in advanced areas; nor is everything backward in underdeveloped areas. As
long as underdeveloped areas can bring their advantages into full play while
overcoming their disadvantages, and make efforts to adopt advanced techniques
and technology and improve operation and management, they will be absolutely
competent to compete with advanced areas and to strengthen themselves in the
course of competition. Even if their product quality cannot reach a high
level for a time, they should not exclude advanced products and protect
their inferior products by means of closing their market. What they should
do is to devote great efforts to catching up. Of course, advanced areas
must guarantee that what they sell to the other areas are products of high
quality, low prices and good service. They should also take the responsi-
bility of helping underdeveloped areas in the fields of equipment and tech-
nology. At the same time, the state should also actively support and help
underdeveloped areas. By means of taxes, interest rates and other economic
levels, conditions should be created for underdeveloped areas to compete
with advanced areas.
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STRENGTHEN IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL WORK IN ENTERPRISES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 43-45
[Article by Wang Shengyi [3769 0581 5030], deputy secretary of the CCP Com-
mittee of the Anshan Iron and Steel Company]
[Text] Strengthening and improving ideological and political work in enter-
prises and further promoting the building of socialist civilization and
spiritual civilization is an important task confronting enterprise party
organizations. Over the last few years, we have deeply realized that to do
this work well, the most important thing is to solve the problem of how to
view ideological and political work. One argument holds that because the
economic responsibility system has been introduced in the enterprises, it
is advisable not to have any more ideological and political work. The
advocates of this position say: "No matter what you say, you still have to
give out banknotes" and "No matter how much you talk, it is still money that
makes the world go round," and even that so long as secretary "Qian" [money]
gives a mobilization talk anf factory director "Jiang" [bonus] makes a sum-
mary, the enthusiasm of the staff and workers will at once be aroused. This
poses to people questions that call for immediate answers: In the four
modernizations program, is there any need to uphold ideological and polit-
ical work? What role does ideological and political work actually play?
Only when these questions are correctly answered can the broad masses of
cadres have a sense of urgency and enthusiasm for doing ideological and
political work.
It must be acknowledged that the implementation of the economic responsibil-
ity system in enterprises and the appropriate issuing of bonuses play an
important role in mobilizing the enthusiasm of the staff and workers. How-
ever,, we must by no means think that the more bonuses issued, the higher the
enthusiasm, and still less should we replace ideological and political work
with bonuses. The implementation of the economic responsibility system is
aimed at strengthening rather than abolishing ideological and political
work. Viewed from the actual conditions of enterprises, there are economic
factors, ideological and political factors, and many other factors, such as
the contradictions within the family and other practical difficulties which
affect the enthusiasm of the staff and workers. These cannot all be
resolved by relying exclusively on the economic responsibility system and
bonuses. At present, in the enterprises, bonuses must be issued but it will
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not do to arbitrarily uistribute them. Bonuses play 'a large role for some
people, but for others they are less important. There are some young people
who have good family economic conditions, who will not take any notice if
they spend 10 or 20 yuan more or 10 or 20 yuan less a month. For instance,.
in the Anshan Iron and Steel Company, many of the people who work in the
,open-hearth furnace workshops are absent from duty in the high-temperature
season. Some young workers "take a summer holiday" at home, saying I would
rather not get the scores of yuan of bonuses than get a toasting. Obviously,
this kind of problem can only be solved by relying on ideological and polit-
ical work rather than by relying on bonuses. This is because the comrades
of the iron and steel mill carried out positive enlightenment work and
painstakingly explained to the young workers, through paying visits to their
parents and other ways, the relationship between making steel and the four
modernizations program and helped them gain enlightenment from correct ideas.
Thus the young workers eventually went back to work. This shows that while
carrying out the economic responsibility system and utilizing such methods
as the bonus system, it is imperative to carry out vigorous ideological and
political work and to arm the masses of workers with revolutionary ideals
and revolutionary spirit to better arouse their enthusiasm.
At present in the enterprises there exists the following phenomenon: when
encouragement is mentioned, attention is more often than not centered on
material encouragement while insufficient importance is attached to
spiritual encouragement. We must not indulge in the idea of the "spirit
being omnipotent," but we must also not negate the role of spiritual
encouragement and indulge in the idea of "money is all-important." There
was a young finished-product packer in the naphthalenic acid workshop of the
chemical general plant who always stayed away from work without leave, or'
came late, left early and, while at work, slept like a log. Despite not
getting any bonuses for 10 our of 12 months, in an uncaring manner, he said:
"You may deduct my bonuses as you please. I will ask my father for money
when I have used up all my money." Later, the workshop changed its method
and started doing ideological work, adopting the method of giving priority
to encouragement and commendation. This kindled his enthusiasm for work
and his spirit of making progress, and eventually brought about a change in
him. On the one hand. he won the "championship" in a finished-product pack-
ing exhibition match and was cited with a meritorious service certificate,
second class and on the other, he was elected group leader of the packing
group. The parents of many young workers say: "Giving my son a certificate
of merit will have a greater effect on him than giving him 100 yuan. Money
will be used up in several days while a certificate of merit, which will
always hang on the wall, will give him the impetus to continue to devote
his efforts to doing better." Of course, spiritual encouragement must not
be carried out in isolation, divorced from people's material benefits.
Marxism holds that all things for which people struggle are directly or
indirectly related to their interests. People's interests include the
rights and interests in all fields, such as political work, and we must not
deviate from the rights and interests of the public in trying to analyze
various ideological problems. Nor must we deviate from these rights and
interests of the public in trying to find solutions to various ideological
problems. In terms of economic life, for example, all the problems such as
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housing, employment for their sons and daughters, and the distribution of
bonuses, have an impact on people's thoughts and feelings. Therefore,
while enthusiastically solving the ideological problems of the masses, we
must also pay attention to seeking earnest solutions to some practical
problems of the masses. Of course, while solving these problems, we must
take personal opinions and requirements into account and, at the same time,
give consideration to the actual condition and capabilities of the state
and solve them in a realistic and practical way. Over the last 2 years,
the Anshan Iron and Steel Company has built additional floorspace of nearly
1 million square meters; more than 20,000 households of staff and workers
have moved into their new houses; and most of the sons and daughters of the
staff and workers throughout the company have been assigned jobs. These
tangible material benefits have enhanced the confidence and power of the
staff and workers in accomplishing the four modernizations program and have
also made ideological and political work more convincing.
The fundamental task of the propaganda work and ideological and political
work of enterprises is to carry out propaganda and education in Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought among the staff and workers.. It is necessary
to help the masses of staff and workers to heighten their confidence in the
superiority of socialism and satisfactorily solve the problems of upholding
the socialist road and of fostering communist ideals. It is necessary to
help the masses of staff and workers to realize their position of being the
masters of the country, carry on the spirit of being the masters of the
country, correctly handle the relationship between the state, the enter-
prises and the individual, and make greater contributions to the socialist
modernization program.
The Anshan Iron and Steel Company has the glorious tradition of handling the
relationship between the state, the collective and the individual in a
manner of the people being the masters of the country. At present, this
tradition is being revived and developed. However, in the new situation,
some phenomena have emerged in enterprises which warrant special attention.
For instance, some units indulge in selfish departmentalism and disregard
the interests of the state. The main manifestations of this are: exerting
more efforts for big profits and less efforts for meager profits; concen-
trating on profit sharing to the neglect of holding oneself responsible to
the state; practicing fraud and retaining profits which ought to be turned
over to the state; and concocting various pretexts for recklessly issuing
bonuses. In the production process, the manifestation is disputing over
trifles and counteracting each other's efforts rather than working in
coordination by tacit agreement between different factories, workshops,
teams and groups and having coordination between the upper and lower working
procedures. Furthermore, in regard to staff and workers, some people,
influenced by the hired hand mentality, hold the view that a person will
do no more than he is paid for; some concentrate on quantity at the expense
of quality, pay one-sided attention to production to the neglect of equip-
ment and only look after themselves and disregard others; and in order to
get more bonuses some even make false reports on figures and seize every
chance to gain advantage by trickery. There was an electrician who, while
checking the operations of machines, found that three of the foundation
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screws of a motor had become loose. He was aware that this would interfere
with the normal operation of the equipment. According to reason, he should
have tightened the screws. But the first thing that came to his mind was
that the foundation screws becoming loose was the business of the electrical
pincers team. If anything went wrong, bonus deductions would be made from
other teams and he himself might be entitled to more bonuses. As a result,
he neither tightened them nor reported to the departments concerned. As for
these phenomena, we must, of course, not make a great fuss over them but
they must not be allowed to go unchecked. In our ideological and political
work, to deal with problems in this respect, it is necessary to imbue the
masses of staff and workers with proletarian ideas including Marxist
political thought, philosophical and legal thinking, moral concepts and so
on in a constant, repeated and highly effective way. Only by so doing can
we kindle the staff and workers' revolutionary spirit of loving the country
and of being the masters of the country, heighten their sense of being the
masters of the country, help the enterprises and the staff and workers put
the overall interests of the proletariat and the interests of the state and
the collective in first place, and help our enterprises to uphold the
socialist orientation.
In order to help the staff and workers to carry on the spirit of being the
masters of the country and correctly arrange the relationship of the indi-
vidual with the state and the collective, many units of our Anshan Iron and
Steel Company have carried out ideological educational activities in the
"three comparisons and three understandings" in a deep-going manner. First,
compare the new society with the old one and clearly show that their posi-
tion of being the masters of the country was hard-won; second, compare
socialism with capitalism and clearly show the essential difference between
the workers being the masters of the country and the relationship of work-
ers being hired under capitalism; and third, compare the situation before
the "Great Cultural Revolution" with the situation after it and clearly
show that the 10 years of internal disorder was one of the reasons for the
blunted sense of responsibility of workers being the masters of the country
among some workers. This year we have launched activities of settling
.accounts in the economic field on a company-wide scale. Like the Capital
Iron and Steel Company. we have also widely calculated accounts in several
aspects: First, we have calculated what was taken from the people and what
was used in the interests of the people by the state so that the staff and
workers will recognize the principle that the fundamental interests of the
state, the collective and the individual are identical. Second, we have
calculated the relationship between individual positions and the whole so as
to foster the view that the economic results and the partial and local
interests of enterprises must be subordinated to the overall interests.
Third, we have calculated personal contribution by contrasting individuals
with the advanced. We have carried out ideological and political work
closely centered on the problem of how to handle the relationship between
the state, the collective and the individual; as a result, great changes
have taken place in the appearance of the staff and workers. At present,
the number of those who conscientiously work without remuneration and
enthusiastically make greater contributions to the state has increased,
and the number of those who square accounts in every detail and do
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everything "for the sake of money" has decreased; the number of those who
concern themselves with the collective and pay attention to both style and
cooperation has increased, and the number of those who only look after
themselves and indulge in selfish departmentalism has decreased. A con-
tingent of iron and steel staff and workers who cooperate in unity and in
accomplishing the four modernizations is taking shape, a contingent which
is ideologically advanced, technically proficient and highly disciplined.
In economic work, stress should be put on the improvement of economic
results and, similarly, immediate attention should be paid to the effect
of ideological and political work. That is to say, it is necessary to
really clear up doubts and suspicions in the minds of the staff and work-
ers, and clarify all sorts of confused ideas so that everybody will make
progress ideologically and improve.
To do this, it is no good to rely on empty talk and bragging, and it is
worse to indulge in false statements which do not tally with objective
reality. What is most convincing is facts, and what is most touching is
true statements. Dull and dry preaching and force-fed inculcation will
result in nothing. The aim of ideological and political work is to work
for the people. Man's thinking is complicated and varied as well as growing
and changing. This requires us to have a serious understanding of the new
conditions, study new problems and probe new methods, and carry out ideologi-
cal and political work with certain aims in mind. At present, do not some
comrades feel that "the old methods are no good while the new ones have not
yet been clearly defined"? Feasible methods stem from the investigation and
study conducted by immersing oneself among the masses. So long as we have a
clear picture of the different ideologies of different objects, we will
already have solutions to the problems. While conducting an investigation
in Liaoning Province, Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out that without con-
ducting investigations and study, it is difficult to do away with old
restrictions. Investigation and study as well as examination and super-
vision are all learned from reality. To learn from practice is the best
study. If our ideological and political work deviates from the investiga-
tion and study conducted by going deep into the realities of life, it wil:L
become random shooting. Furthermore, random shooting will inevitably give
rise to indulging in either falsehoods or empty talk. This will surely lead
to failure.
Over the last few years, on the basis of investigations and study and in
the light of the different ideologies of different objects, we have adopted
multifarious forms in doing enlightenment work and have tried hard? to
convince people by reasoning and influence them by tender sentiments. We
have frequently provided people with clear concepts and distinctive images
so that they will know what they must or must not do and how they must or
must not behave. We have again publicized Anshan's veteran hero Meng Tai's
spirit of being the master of the country, a spirit of plain living and
hard struggling and loving the country as his own family; Wang Chonglun's
spirit of forging ahead; Song Xuewen's spirit of keeping on working as long
as he lives; Zhao Yulin's spirit of defying personal danger for the revolu-
tion; Zhao Chengshun's spirit of daring to scale new heights in science and
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technology; and Wang Wenpigsyjs spirit of serving the people wholeheartedly.
While publicizing old models, the Anshan Iron and Steel Company has set up
large batches of new models. The company has set up 102 advanced party
branches, 152 advanced party groups and 201 fine party members as models;
in the field of the building of spiritual civilization, the company has set
up a batch of models, such as young woman worker Chang Li of the No 2
blooming mill. We organized these models to separately give 117 lectures
to 102 units. These activities enabled people to see that they have exam-
ples to learn from, that there is much room for them to exert their efforts
and develop their abilities, and that they will be cited for meritorious
service. Within the past year alone, there emerged 2,769 advanced producers
and advanced workers, 578 advanced collective units and 5,473 shock workers
in the new Long March.
To make ideological and political work a success, it is still necessary to
have specific programs and feasible measures. For instance, within a year,
how many rotational training courses for cadres will be held and what level
will be attained? How many less advanced young workers will be helped to
make progress? What level will be reached in a year in terms of spiritual
civilization? All these call for specific requirements. Over the last few
years, the problem of educating youths has become a serious problem. Every-
body is now paying a good deal of attention to it. Before 1981, in the
Anshan Iron and Steel Company there were 3,233 young people who were less
advanced or had done evil things. These people "polluted" society and had
simply become serious social polluters. In order to solve this problem, the
whole company organized over 2,000 helping-teaching groups composed of more
than 5,000 party members, CYL members and veteran workers. Within a year,
they helped 1,528 less advanced young people to make progress and 1,119
young people who had taken a wrong step in life to cease their illegal and
criminal activities. Of these, 247 have entered the advanced ranks. In
the future, in accordance with the requirements of the CCP Central Committee
and on the basis of earnestly summing up experiences, we, the Anshan Iron
and Steel Company, will conscientiously find out where we lag behind and
further firmly grasp ideological and political work.
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PROCEED FROM THE CONDITIONS OF A CITY IN IMPROVING ECONOMIC RESULTS--A TALK
ON THE METHOD OF LEADERSHIP ADOPTED BY THE NANTONG MUNICIPAL CCP COMMITTEE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 pp 46-48
[Article by Di Long [5441 7127]; passages enclosed in slantlines printed
in boldface]
[Text] Proceeding from reality is a basic viewpoint of dialectical mate-
rialism. It is also an important matter in carrying out our leadership
well.
In recent years, under the guidance of the spirit of the 3d Plenary Session
of the 11th CCP Central Committee, the Nantong Municipal CCP Committee has
paid conscientious attention to this matter.
Whenever they decide to set up a new enterprise or to introduce new equip-
ment, they consider whether this is in conformity with local conditions and
characteristics and whether this can yield satisfactory economic returns.
In their own words, they will "try by every possible means to accomplish
feasible projects which conform to the local realities, while refusing to.
be attracted by infeasible projects, even if they are as attractive as gold
and silver." These simple but lively words reflect that what they think
and what they do are in accord with the materialist line.
Nantong is a medium-sized industrial city located in the lower reaches and
on the northern bank of the Changjiang River. To its north, there is the
vast Subei plain. Its urban districts cover 18 square kilometers. There
is a population of 210,000 (not including people in suburban farming
villages). There are 370 industrial enterprises with a total of 163,000
workers and staff. A modern textile industry has existed in this city for
more than 80 years. Several similar medium-sized cities can be found in
Jiangsu Province, and more can be found in the whole country. Compared with
many other medium-sized cities, besides having features common to all of
them, Nantong has its own specific characteristics in industrial production.
The Nantong Municipal CCP Committee did not clearly realize their specific
local conditions for a long time in the past. From time to time, they
blindly organized and led industrial production. In the 10 years of chaos,
this blindness in action was especially serious. In those days, owing to
the influence of the "leftist" guiding ideology, they did quite a number of
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stupid things that did not conform to local conditions. For example,
without making an investigation and study, they invested several million
yuan in mining coal in another area in order to solve the coal problem;
without thorough consideration, they embarked on infeasible projects such
as fractional distillation of petroleum and producing reagents for develop-
ing color film. Investment worth tens of millions of yuan was thus like a
huge stone dropped into the Changjiang River. As a result, some projects
had to be stopped before they were completed, some could not yield benefits
after they were completed, and others just became heavy burdens. Though
this was not a-small "educational expense," some leaders did not draw the
proper lessons. In the period after the "gang of four" was smashed, the
municipal committee still intended to develop heavy industry. They planned
to build a heavy machine-building factory and put forward some unrealizable
slogans and plans, such as "setting up an integrated industrial system" and
"four bases." This showed that the municipal committee had not freed it-
self from the shackles of "leftist" ideas and had not clearly realized how
to develop a city like Nantong. This was a basic reason why they took a
roundabout course in developing Nantong's industry.
After the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, the Nantong
Municipal CCP Committee conscientiously summed up their positive and nega-
tive experiences in the course of implementing the policy of readjusting the
national economy. They deeply felt that all kinds of work should be
centered on production because the whole party was shifting.the focus of
its work, while production should be handled in line with local conditions
and not be based on subjective will. Of course, the local conditions of
Nantong are complex and varied. After repeated investigation and study, by
inviting experts, professors and engineering technicians for discussions
many times, the Nantong Municipal CCP Committee initially realized that the
specific characteristics of Nantong could be summarized into the "three
haves" and the "three have-nots," the so-called "three haves" are:
1) Nantong already has a foundation of production, technology and manage-
ment for the textile industry, which has existed for more than 80 years.
They have accumulated some experience over many years in this industry, and
the proportion of light and textile industry is over 70 percent. 2) Nantong
has abundant farming and sideline product resources which provide light
and textile industry with sufficient raw materials. This is because Nantong
is situated in one of the country's major cotton-producing areas.
3) Because Nantong is very near Shanghai, Suzhou, Wuxi and Changzhou, where
light and textile industry is fairly developed, Nantong has favorable con-
ditions for learning advanced experience from these cities. Moreover,
Nantong has 22 kilometers of river bank which is beneficial to water trans-
port. The so-called "three have-nots" are: Nantong has no mineral
resources, no nearby fuel supply bases and no railway transport. These
"three haves" and "three have-nots" generally reflect Nantong's specific
local conditions.
These specific actual conditions are a major basis for working out all
schemes and plans. While working out an overall plan for urban construc-
tion in line with the local characteristics, the Nantong Municipal CCP Com-
mittee decided to build Nantong into an industrial city with light and
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textile industry as the main body and into a future harbor city. They
clearly put forth a slogan of "embarking on, guaranteeing, and promoting the
development of light and textile industry" and blazed a new trail in devel-
oping industry in line with local conditions. This new trail not only gives
full play to the existing advantages in light and textile industry, but also
avoids the disadvantages arising from the shortage of mineral products and
energy resources. This results in low investment and low energy consumption,
rapid completion of projects, speedy circulation of funds and satisfactory
economic results. Examples can be found in the development of bicycle
production and the electronics industry. The production of bicycles, which
are in short supply now, can reap quick returns. They can acquire suffi-
cient raw materials for this purpose from the state and only consume small
quantities of coal and power in the production. After determining the
orientation, the municipal committee mobilized the strength in all fields
to give all-out support in manpower, finance and materials and thus produc-
tion has grown rapidly every year. The output of Changjiang bicycles last
year was 140,000. These products were sold in 260 cities and counties of
22 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions. In doing this, Nantong
avoided its disadvantage of having a shortage of mineral resources and energy
resources and gave play to its advantages.
Though the way for developing industry in line with local conditions has,
been found, it cannot be considered that all contradictions in taking this
way have been resolved. In the course of "embarking on, guaranteeing, and
promoting the development of light and textile industry," Nantong has con-
tinuously met new problems. The municipal committee takes an active atti-
tude and devotes efforts to analyzing and properly handling the following
matters, thus bringing their advantages into full play.
/Persisting in expanding reproduction mainly in an intensive manner and
doing a good job of tapping potential, renovating and transforming equip-
ment./ The so-called "expanding reproduction intensively" means that the
aim of developing production and expanding capacity is attained by intensive
operation and improving technology but not by increasing investment. This
results in less money spent but: greater benefits. In the past, some comradzs
thought that only by increasing manpower, investment and equipment could
conditions be created for expanding reproduction. That is, in essence, to
expand reproduction in an extensive manner. The state cannot make a large
investment in this city each year; thus it is impossible to build many new
enterprises. from the very beginning. Proceeding from the specific condi-
tions of little state investment but many old enterprises, the municipal
committee has stressed reforming these old enterprises and achieved initial
results. From this they realize that by raising the production levct and the
technical level of existing enterprises by tapping their potential, and by
renewing, renovating and reforming their equipment, they can bring their
proper economic efficiency into full play and thus attain the aim of
expanding production. Therefore, in developing light and textile industry,
the municipal committee persists in placing reliance on existing enter-
prises and expanding reproduction mainly in an intensive manner. The major
measures for doing so are: renovating and reforming old equipment, actively
popularizing new techniques and technology to strive for production with
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high output and low consumption and providing readily marketable products
of high quality, filling up gaps; creating distinctive local features for
enhancing the level and competitive force of their products, and economizing
on energy and tapping labor potential. There are several old plants in the
textile trade in this city which had old equipment and were backward in
technology and low in productivity. After technical transformation, their
old equipment has been thoroughly modernized and the old enterprises have
taken on a new look with a higher degree of mechanization, automation and
continuity.
/While adhering to self-reliance, actively and reasonably utilizing foreign
capital./ The Nantong Municipal CCP Committee adheres to relying on their
own strength in construction and takes this as a major policy. But they
never refuse to make use of foreign capital beneficial to construction.
Proceeding from the local conditions of Nantong, they have made use of
foreign trade loans, compensation trade, joint ventures with foreign com-
panies and the processing of imported materials, so as to speed up. the
development of local industry. They believe that the utilization of foreign
capital can not only economize on state investment, speed up the development
of our industry and satisfy the needs of people's material life, but can also
step up accumulation of funds for national construction. It is a measure,
which can yield multiple results. It exactly embodies the policy of "rely-
ing mainly on one's own efforts while making external assistance subsidiary."
The No 2 National Cotton Mill has, since December 1979, imported 23,400
spindles and assembled by itself 988 looms by utilizing loans offered by an
American company. It took only 21 months to complete the whole project,
which had yielded a net foreign exchange return of $3.6 million by the end
of last year. It is expected that the whole capital outlay can be recouped
within 5 years, and then all the imported equipment and capital will be
owned by this factory. As a leading comrade of the municipal committee has
said, "It is a profitable measure to use foreign capital and to import
advanced equipment. The key lies in borrowing money skillfully, utilizing
it properly and getting a quick return."
/Developing other industries while "starting, guaranteeing and promoting
the development of light and textile industry."/ The development of light
and textile industry is the crux of Nantong's economic construction. The
municipal committee, however, has not neglected guidance and organization
for other industries. Centering on developing light and textile industry,
they have actively changed the service orientation of the machine-building
industry and the chemical industry and encouraged the production of light
industrial products. The machine-building and chemical industries have also
raised the slogan "Support light and textile industry and strengthening
ourselves." They have reduced the number of long-term projects and intensi-
fied the short-term projects, making use of their respective advantages to
provide light and textile industry with technology, equipment, raw materials
and subsidiary materials and serving light and textile industry conscien-
tiously. The electronic instrument plant has actively developed instruments
for light and textile industry; at the same time, they have changed their
product ranges in line with market conditions and produced electronic
appliances. During the readjustment, machine tool plants are generally
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short of production assignments, but the Nantong Machine Tool Plant is still
developing. They have continuously improved designs for a kind of multiple-
use miller which is now suited to maintenance and production and also to
making light industrial molds in various enterprises. These products not
only have supported the development of local light and textile industry,
but have also been exported to other countries. Thus the production there
is becoming more and more prosperous.
/Actively developing collective-owned enterprises in the course of readjust-
ing the economic structure./ Quite a few people in society look down on
enterprises under collective ownership. It seems to them that collective-
owned enterprises are inferior to state-owned enterprises. To counter this
tendency the Nantong Municipal CCP Committee continuously overcomes the
wrong idea of "looking up to enterprises under the system of ownership by
the whole people while looking down on enterprises under the system of
ownership by the collective." They treat the latter as a fresh force in the
construction of modernization and help develop them with great efforts.
They also actively support the enterprises run by neighborhoods, suburban
communes and production teams. Of 370 factories in the whole city, 261 of
them are enterprises under the collective ownership system, accounting for
70.5 percent of the enterprises. Particularly in the second light industry
department and the electronic instruments trade, collective-owned enter-
prises account for 91 percent of the enterprises. These factories are
characterized by a small scale, flexible operation and high adaptability.
They can rely on funds raised by themselves to expand reproduction, and
thus can achieve a fairly great development in the course of competition.
In recent years, the growth of the industrial output value created by
collective-owned enterprises in this city has greatly exceeded that created
by enterprises under ownership by the whole people. As a result of greatly
developing collective-owned enterprises, not only can the social labor force
be fully used to develop the production of consumer goods, thus satisfying
the needs of people's life in both urban and rural areas, but more employ-
ment opportunities can be created, thus promoting-the unity and stability
of society.
Because the Nantong Municipal CCP Committee persists in starting from local
specific conditions, continuously analyzes and studies new situations, and
finds solutions for new problems, industrial production in this city has
achieved a fairly high growth rate and good economic returns. Last year,
the gross industrial output value of the whole city was as high as 2.35
million yuan, or nearly double that in 1976; the per capita output value
was thus increased to 11,197 yuan. The employment problem of this city has
basically been solved--77.7 percent of the population is employed. This
means that each employed worker now only supports 0.3 person. This is
rarely seen anywhere in the country.
The great change that has occurred in Nantong is closely related to the
improvement of the leading organ's work style. The leaders of the munici-
pal committee hold that, in order to push ahead the production of light and
textile industry, it is necessary to change the leadership style--leaders
should go out of their offices to help grassroots units solve their actual
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problems. In recent years, leaders of the party's municipal committee and
the municipal people's government have introduced a system of "jointly
working on the spot," which has been welcomed by the grassroots in general.
Under this system, leading comrades of the. party's municipal committee and
the municipal government personally take the lead and organize other leading
members of the departments concerned in going down to bureaus and factories.
They find out the situation there and solve problems personally on the spot.
This is both a change in leadership style and an improvement in the art of
leadership. It can effectively link a general call with concrete guidance.
Last year, the municipal authorities loaned 3.96 million yuan to the Nantong
Bicycle General Factory. In order to get a return on this investment as
quickly as possible, leading comrades of the municipal party committee and
the municipal government led more than 50 leading members from over 20
departments concerned, including planning, economic, construction and
finance departments, and went to work in the bicycle factory. They con-
fronted over a dozen problems which were apt to cause disputes between
different departments, problems such as those concerning funds, land requi-
sition, capital construction and equipment. They made on-the-spot decisions
that were recorded, and the parties concerned were charged to complete their
tasks within a time limit. The cadres and masses of this bicycle factory.
were pleased and said: "So long as this system of leading members of the
municipal committee going down to work in a factory can be persisted in, it
is certain that the construction of modernization in our city can be
speeded up."
Seeing the existing good results, the Nantong Municipal CCP Committee
soberly realizes that, as compared with Shanghai, Changzhou and other
advanced cities, they still have a long way to go, have lots of things to
do and a lot of problems to solve. They know that if one rests content with
things as they are, one will never make further progress. At the beginning
of 1982, the municipal committee put forth higher goals for the people of
the whole city and placed higher demands on itself. A vigorous, down-to-
earth and mutually encouraging spirit is now spreading through the city.
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VOLUNTARILY ASCEND LIANGSHAN MOUNTAIN
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 9, 1 May 82 inside back cover
[Article by Liu Zijiu [0491 1311 0036]]
[Text] The saying "voluntarily ascend Liangshan Mountain" was derived from
the idiom "being driven to ascend Liangshan Mountain." In today's political
vocabulary, "being driven to ascend Liangshan Mountain" means the people are
forced to rise and wage revolution. As it is known, in history, due to the
cruel oppression and exploitation by slave owners, slaves are driven to wage
revolutions; for the same reason, peasants are driven to wage revolution
against landlords and the proletariat is driven to wage revolution against
the bourgeoisie. National revolutions throughout the world are all forced
by the aggression, oppression and exploitation of alien nations. The
idiom "being driven to ascend Liangshan Mountain" is a highly general sum-
mary of all class revolutions and national revolutions in modern or ancient
times, in China or elsewhere.
At present, we are devoting great efforts to reforming our organization;
this is also a revolution. But this revolution is not forced by a class
enemy, nor by a national enemy. It is waged by ourselves, of our own
accord, under the party central authorities' mobilization and leadership,
So, we say that this revolution can be described as "voluntarily ascending
Liangshan Mountain." However, this revolution is not directed at people but
at the system. A revolution of the system will certainly lead to the promo-
tion of self-education and self-revolution in the aspects of ideology,
organization, politics and work style.
Why should we wage such a revolution? That is because some unhealthy
phenomena, such as duplicate and overstaffed leading organs, unclear divi-
sion of duties and responsibility and being divorced from the masse; and
reality, have been formed in the long period of a peaceful environment.
This has severely blocked the growth of productive force and social
progress and has reached such an intolerable degree that reform must be
carried out by means of revolution. In order to give an impetus to the
development of productive force and social progress, our party central
authorities have made up their minds to carry this revolution through to
the end. This is a very necessary and very timely decision.
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Reforming our organization is a revolution in the realm of the superstruc-
ture. That is designed to solve the problem that a part of our super-
structure is not suited to the economic foundation and is impeding produc-
tion from developing. The superstructure should, in essence, serve the
economic foundation on which it is built, and ultimately, it should serve
the development of production. If a part of the superstructure begins to
lose its function of serving the economic foundation and the development of
production, then this superstructure faces the danger of losing its right
to exist. If this contradiction is not solved promptly, it will cause a
series of frictions and troubles inside society, thus resulting in enormous
waste, and even stagnation and retrogression. In history, no other social
system or ruling class has been able to overcome this contradiction which
often develops into an incurable disease and perishes together with those
social systems and ruling classes. Only the socialist system and the pro-
letariat and the Communist Party can solve this problem conscientiously and
promptly. That means that they can, on their own initiative, adjust those
unsuitable links in the relations between productive force and production
relations and between the economic foundation and the superstructure, so as
to continuously perfect the system and improve leadership. That is where
the superiority of the socialist system lies and where the revolutionary,
scientific and advanced nature of the leadership of the proletariat and the
Communist Party lies. To sum up this. matter, it can be called a kind of
self-revolution or "voluntarily ascending Liangshan Mountain" as I have
mentioned above.
This self-revolution of "voluntarily ascending Liangshan Mountain" is
exactly a problem of correct handling of contradictions among the people.
Its essence is correctly handling the relations between individual inter-
ests and overall interests and between immediate interests and long-term
interests. While contradictions occur between individuals, current inter-
ests and overall, long-term interests, the former should spontaneously obey
the latter--that is the sole correct way to handle this contradiction among
the people, in particular, a ruling party should act in this way in the
period of peaceful construction. Are there not quite a lot of people who
have suffered setbacks because they cannot properly handle this contradic-
tion? Of course, it is not only a question of individual fate, but a
question concerning the country and the party's fate. Therefore, we regard
this revolution--the reform of the organization--as a test for the broad
masses of cadres, and we believe that they are able to stand up to this test
and successfully carry out this revolution.
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