FOREIGN RADIO AND PRESS REACTION TO THE MOSCOW NUCLEAR TEST BAN AGREEMENT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000100280022-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 17, 2004
• Sequence Number: 22
• Publication Date: July 29, 1963
• Content Type: REPORT

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Official Use Only
DAILY REPORT
SUPPLEMENT
World Reaction Series
FOREIGN RADIO ANT PRESS REACTION
TO THE MOSCOW NUCLEAR TEST AN AGREEMENT
MONDAY
29 Wf 1LY 1963
WARNING
Laws relating to copyright, libel, and communications require
that dissemination of this publication be limited to persons
having an official interest in its contents. Exception can be
granted only by the issuing agency, and users are warned that
noncompliance may subject violators to personal liability.
STATOTHR
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The DAILY REPORT presents material from current foreign broadcasts,
press transmissions, and selected newspapers. Items are processed from
the first or best available source; it should therefore not be inferred that
they have been transmitted only in the language or to the area indicated.
Headlines, editor's notes, and editorial reports are composed by FBIS.
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FOREIGN RADIO AND PRESS REACTION
TO THE MOSCOW) 'iJCT AR TEaT BAN AGRT-~ SNT
29 JULY 19 63
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY
I. NONCOMMUNIST COUNTRIES
A. France and. Great Britain
B. Other West European Countries
C. Asia and the Far East
D. The Middle East and Africa
E. Latin America and Canada
II. COMMUNIST COUNTRIES
A. The USSR
B. Communist China
C. European Communist Countries
1. The Pro-Soviet Bloc
2. Yugoslavia
3. Albania
Press comment derives mainly from radio
sources. In the interest of brevity,
newspapers are sometimes cited directly.
15
22
25
25
26
STATOTHR
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t$4[ RY
Radio and-press commentaQrs of noncommunist countries generally praise
the Moscow agreement to tan nuclear tests in the atmosphere, outer
space and under water as'a major, historical step toward reducing
international tension and one that may lead to a general detente between
East and West. Commentators and government' spakcsmen,.:often disagree,
however, on the practioQ effect the agreement-may have, without the
participation of France and Communist China.
The Paris radio and French newspapers defer to President do Gaulle's
anticipated press conference remarks on the agreement 29 July, but they
predict in early comments that France will proceed with nuclear tests
to develop its own deterrent despite the Moscow agreement. Opposition
French papers criticize what they call be Gaulle+s "insane polidyf"
while Gaullist editorial writers defend France is desire for peace and
deny any isolationist viewpoint! British press editorials welcome the
Moscow agreement as a first step toward a detente but are cautious
about overestimating the agreement's practical effects as well as what
it may lead to in subsequent East West negotiations.
West German spokesmen welcome the agreement and "unreservedly" support
President Kennedy's views on its strengths and weaknesses, while press
comments which generally praise the agreement show considerable concern
over the proposed nonaggression pact. Bonn leaders will be "very cautious"
in discussing this proposal, reports say. Other West European commentators
hail the agreement as a long-3aited stop toward reducing tension with
many expressing concern over Prance's attitude toward the agreement.
Asian and Far Eastern noncommunist governments and commentators praise
the agreement as a significan- step forward, with Japanese media pointing
out Japan's special gratitude based on its own unique experience with
nuclear bombing. Japanese spokesman show caution about joining in the
agreement, while the Indian Government says it is ready to sign the
treaty as soon as it is available. Australian spokesmen also announce
willingness to sign. Nationalist Chinese and South Vietnamese commentators
and editorials show skepticism of any agreement with the communists.
Middle East and African leaders and commentators generally applaud the
agreement as a step forward and express the hope that it will lead to
further steps toward a complete test ban agreement and general disarmament.
There are also some expressions of misgiving about the limited nature of
the agreement. UAR President Nasir welcomes the agreement as a "first
step toward ending the cold war and toward disarmament." While Israeli
commentators generally welcome the agreement as a turning point in the
cold war, one notes that it is not an interbloc agreement but "merely
an agreement between the big atomic powers." African commentators
similarly welcome the agreement but with reservations concerning French
and Chinese aloofness from it.
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ii
I,a,tin American reaction to the agreement and President Kennedy's
26 July speech on it is very favorable. Mexican Foreign Minister
Tello is quoted as saying Mexico fill sign the treaty as soon as
possible. Many commentatoJ7s stress the imp.r. ovc:cent in East-West
relations which the agreement implies. A Chilean paper says the
treaty shows that the communists and the.West can reach agreement
through negotiations, while a.,*Pogota paper wonders if Colombia should
now reexamine its policy of l1 recognition of the Sovic Union.
k rushchcv's widely broadcast "interview" with IZVESTIYA and PRAVDA--
the same device he had used to comment on the President's American
University speech--highlights Soviet propaganda welcoming:wbat IZV,STI"fA
says will be known as "the Moscow treaty." Editorials in PRAVDA And
IZVESTIYA echo Ehrushchev's expression of hope that this ."first step"
will ease tensions. In this context both repeat the call for a nonaggression
treaty and the other measures advanced in his 19 July speech--still without
indicating the relationship among these measures, their relative priority,
or the forum in which they might be discussed. Commentators continue to
note the importance of banning underground tests, although Id ushchev
says nothing about underground testing in the interview. Moscow's over-
whelming stress is on favorable worldwide reaction to the treaty, although
opposition in some Western circles is noted, Franca's position is deplored,
and two fairly authoritative press articles castigate the Chinese communists
for their sanguine attitude toward war. While Soviet domestic radio
listeners hear IZVESTIYA's diplomatic observer Polyanov complain that
the president said socialist states "should repudiate their aggressive
plans," Moscow's overall treatment of his radio/TV report is highly
favorable. In recounting the speech TASS leaves out passages bearing
directly on the cold war.
Peking has sustained and sharpened its voluminous, shrill propaganda
protests against the treaty, dating from its first acknowledgement on
11 July that Khrushchev had announced Soviet willingness to agree to a
partial test ban. Peking's denunications of IShrushchev's "capitulation"
have become more venomous and more explicit since the initialing of the
treaty. NCNA on 28 July transmits lengthy excerpts of the President's
radio/TV report, interlarded with editorial comment calculated to show that
the gain is all on the Western side and that the treaty is aimed ac
preventing socialist countries which do not have nuclear weapons from
getting them. To help its readers "grasp the substance of the treaty,"
NCNA accompanies the text of the document with comments by Soviet delegate
Kuznetsov in the Geneva disarmament talks last August objecting to a
similar treaty proposed by the West. NCNA thus documents the Peking :Line
that the present treaty is one the West has wanted all along and that it
has been concluded because Khrushchev now wants the same thing.
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Two East European communist countries; Pula a tend Czechoslovakia,
have thus far expressed their intention to lc,ere to the agreement.
The pro-Soviet satel?.itns Mod cow the lion's share of the cred:Lt
for its "stubborn efforts" and "initiatives" throu.,;hout the years,
describing the treaty as a victory for peaceful coexi teMcc. Yugoel~.v a
predictably welcomes the agreement, and Albania predictably attacks it,
Chinese style.
Havana commentators welcome the accord cautiously, calling it a victory
for world peace and a contribution to detente, but with the caveat that
it does not mean the world's big problems have been solved. Castro
claims it was only the "awareness of a superior military force" which
made the "imperialists" face reality and agree to the test ban.
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I. NONCOMMUNIST COUNTRIES
A. France and Great Britain
France While prominently importing the Moscow test ban agreement and the
resultant world reaction, the Paris radio offers little comment, explain-
ing that official reaction will be forthcoming only after
President de Gaulle's 29 July press conference.: In this immediate
context, the radio recalls French F6reign Minister Couve:de...Murville's
25 July observation that "the termination of nuclear tests is not a
disarmament measure but only onq which crystallizes the difference of
positions between those who hav!and those who do not have the atomic
bomb. The French Government wi i continue to implement its atomic
program." Couve de Murville as "s that the test ban talks will "not
prevent France from continuing the development of its nuclear deterrent"
and that "in the absence of an agreement on effective, controlled
disarmament, France could not sacrifice its atomic armament."
In a commentary on the agreement, Faris radio commentator Maurice Ferro
emphasizes that though all signatories to the treaty refer to it as a
"first step," the end of tests by the two "great powers" does not change
a thing: "They want only to prevent other countries from developing
a nuclear potential which could paralyze them." Insofar as the present
agreement constitutes the starting;' point of a real East-West confronta-
tion,, the most significant consideration is the Soviet-proposed. NATO-
Warsaw Pact nanaggrression treaty,, Ferro then explains, In this respect)
he adds, the Americans, aware of their "very .eliaate position" in
relation to their NATO allies and recognizing that France, too, has a
right to share in the bargaining with the Russians, have carefully
separated the test ban from the nonaggression pact, thus proving that
despite allegations of "certain circles," France is not isolated.
According to REUTERS, General de Gaulle's reaction to the signing of the
agreement is "very reserved," and the agency quoted "sources close to
De Gaulle" as saying that French experiments and tests involving missiles
and the hydrogen bomb will "last until 1970."
The Gaullist paper LA NATION writes an 25 July that there is a fundamental
contradiction in hoping to see a European force and at the same time
condemning its eventual components. LE FIGARO called the agreement
of "more symptomatic than real value."
Later LA NATION says: "If there is going to be an:entente, France will
be the first to feel satisfaction. France is also peace-loving; It is
even more so than the two supergiants whose countless experiments have
for years shaken the world."
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"However, there is no more agreement over real nuclear disarmament after
the Moscow Treaty than there was during the six years of negotiations.
Thus, the French position, which would be modifies only in the event of
real disarmament, will remain unchanged. Having decided, like Britain,
to have a nuclear force capable of becoming a European force when there
is a European government, France cannot but continue with its research.
France does not feel like letting the supreme weapon remain in the hands
of the giants alone, thus relegating France, Europe, and the rest of the
world to a definite, backward, and intolerable impotence."
The Paris CONBtT writes that "the vital step" has been taken ands for
the firstttime, the three major nuclear bowers have reached-an,agreement,
thereby lifting the political obstacle which stood in the.way of a
detente. LIBERATION says that the desire to limit the spread of nuclear
weapons i1 "realistic" and "if we wish to continue on this road, as we
should, who can fail to see how atomic disarmament would become more and
more difficult and the risks of an atomic war greater, as more major
powers in the world come to possess such weapons of mass destruction?"
The Socialist LE POPULAIRE says it is "inconceivable" that De Gaulle,
"for the sake of continuing an insane policy, is deliberately.provoking-
the isolation of France, with resulting dire consequences. Gaullist
diplomacy has already noticeably weakened the influence of our country
in most Western countries."
PARIS-JOUR says that "already one can foresee General de Gaullets
reaction, which is that of most Frenchmen; the agreement is good news,
as it demonstrates Khrushchev's desire to seek a rapprochement with the
West, and it further confirms Khrushchev's hostility for the Chinese.''
However, says PARIS-JOUR, "it is expected that General de Gaulle will
put our Anglo-Saxon allies to the test by insisting on their giving
him--that is Europe--a seat at the table of the future East-West
conference. Peace, which is fervently desired by the French, concerns
the French just as much as it concerns the other great powers, and the
Ialta Conference has left too many bad memories for the French to permit
a repetition."
Great Britain: The British press generally welcomes the test ban, the
BBC says, but there is an air of caution in some cases.
The TIMES writes that the main criticism of the treaty will be that
"it is not the foundation stone for disarmament that once seemed a
possible result of the three-power talks in Geneva," but must be
recognized as being "only the minimal first step toward a check in the
arras race." It is, according to the DAILY TELEGRAPH, "only a humble
beginning" but "it nevertheless represents a step forward which will be
welcomed by millions of people around the world."
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The DAILY HERALD says that 25 duly will be:remembered as "the day when
the world took a step toward sanity e" The_GUARDIAN sees the treaty as
symptomatic of "the more confident relations._that have grown up between
the United States and Russia in the past year or two, interrupted by Cuba."
The DAILY EXPRESS says that while the treaty falls short of the ideal, "it
is the first agreement on broad principle between East and West since the
war," and "the credit for it goes to one man beyond any other, Prime Minister
Harold Macmillan. Almost alone. among world 'statesme. ,, Mr. Macmillan has
always believed that this agreement was possible." The DAILY MAIL says this
is not the millenium introducing peace on earth, "but it is a step along
the road to better relations between Fast and West."
The 29 July TIMES observes that Chinese spokesman Kuo Mo-Jo's statement that
the present monopoly of nuclear weapons would be smashed ""in the not too
distant future" should be read in context "if exaggerated fears of China's
nuclear potential are not to gain ground*" :The desire for equality with
the West "demands that Chinese skills must be demonstrably the equal of
the Western ones. Hence K1ao's insistence that China should develop nuclear
know-how and the industrial capacity necessary to back it."
The GUARDIAN believes that the strength of the Moscow test ban is that it
expresses the common interest of both sides to avoid further pollution of
the atmosphere. The GUARDIAN adds: "One question, probably now the most
vital, was mentioned by Mr. Kennedy in his broadcast: the prevention of
the spread of nuclear weapons to states which do not now have them." The
GUARDIAN says that control was not practicable in 1959 when the USSR and
China still were close allies, but "it will be more so today. Moreover,
the USSR has an added interest now in that none of the likely recipients
would be an ally of the Soviet Union." The GUARDIAN adds that now, with
both sides in a frame of mind to discuss further ways of reducing tension,
"no subject should be excluded. The Beaty should be followed by a cautious
reexamination of policies which have been treated as immutable for the
duration of the cold war."
Speaking in Wales, George Brown, deputy leader of the British Labor Party,
says that the agreement should lead either to East-West mutual inspection
or disengagement in central Europe. "It could. well be that some agreement
providing for withdrawal or even just for mutual inspection of each other's
activities in this area is possible," he says.
Eire. AFP reports that Eire has announced it will sign the test ban treaty
as soon as it is xot3.fi a Uy 'tzip- united States, the Soviet.. Union,. and Great
Britain.
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B. other West European Countries
West Germany: The West German Federal Government supports the aim of
#he Moscow treaty as an initial step in the direction of complete
disarmament under the stri4ttest international control, DPA says,
citing a government spokesman. Also, the agency reports, Bonn government
circles "unreservedly" agree with President Kennedy's views on the
test ban agreement with regard to its "future possibilities as well as
its weaknesses."
Both West German Government and press opinion temper their "considerable
acclaim" for the test ban with "cautious optimism" with regard to this
treaty's marking the beginning of a turning point, in the cold war.
The Moscow communique's wordy about discussions concerning a NATO-
Warsaw Pact nonaggression treaty are 4 source of almost universal West
German anxiety, as is the suggestion that all states, even the GDR,
might accede to the test ban treaty, thus fulfilling the Soviet aim
of indirect recognition of the East German satellite. Efficacy of the
test ban is conditioned in comment by both press and party spokesmen on
the position of France and Communist China, both of whom are represented
as striving for recognition as nuclear powers despite contrary world
currents.
Bonn Government circles draw satisfaction from the test ban provisions
in view of West Germany's own renunciation of such weapons, a DPA
correspondent points out. An SPD press service spokesman feels that the
Moscow agreement will have a positive influence on the forthcoming Geneva
disarmament talks. He voices the hope that underground tests will also
be banned soon. The CDU-CSU press service finds it "regrettable" that
the French Government has not found it possible to participate in the
negotiations.
The proposed nonaggression pact comes in for most West German attention,
the government spokesman contending that it would make sense for the
Federal Government only if coupled with steps toward the solution of
those problems responsible for tension in Europe. The CDU-CSU press
service adds in this connection that possible agreements must not lead
to one-sided entrenchment of the military strength relationships or the
cementing of the division of Germany. DPA points out that official
circles will operate "very cautiously" in discussions within the Western
alliance as a whole and with France separately, as well as in early cabinet
and parliamentary consultations. In this context, too, West German sources
welcome British Ambassador Frank's assurance that there is no link between
the nuclear test ban and the nonaggression pact.
Klaus Mehnert over West German television welcomes the agreement, but
points out that the three big powers involved are not giving up much
since all are well stocked with nuclear bombs and can still continue
their underground tests. There seems to be little hope that this
agreement will prevent France and the CPR from developing their own
nuclear weapons, Mehnert states.
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He also stresses that KhrushGhev may want to bolster Ulbricht internationally
if he succeeds in; making the West sign a nonaggression pact between NATO
and the Warsaw Pact countries., an agreement which would also bear
Ulbricht's signature. On the other hand, I4zrushchev may want to
indicate a basic''hange in Soviet policy toward the Western world, as
happened in 1939 W.th the lining of the German-USSR pact.
Virtually all WestGermab newspapers carry banner headlines on the
successful cone on of the Moscow talks, with editorials differing in
their assessment but generally showing caution and warning against a
possible "catch" in the Soviet policy, as DIE WELT, Hamburg independent,
puts it. Optimism is voiced inasmuch as an ending of tests will halt
pollution of the atmosphere and possibly lead to an international detente.
Some papers speculate concerning.the,~possibility of new developments
regarding the German problem.
The MUENCHNER MERKUR so far is the only West German paper commenting
on President Kennedy's 26 July speech and his possible difficulties in
gaining the two-thirds support of the Senate necessary for ratification
of the Moscow agreement. The report points out that it is expected in
Washington that Kennedy will be successful if he uses his prestige fully.
Italy: The Italian press, referring frequently to the test ban agreement
as the most significant development in East-West relations since World
War II, suggests it is a significant turning point in history, opening
the way to a detente on a world scale. At the same time there are pointed
references to French and Chinese intransigence, described in some instances
as the source of both U.S. and Soviet fear. Even the communist UNITA
speculates that the "act of wisdom" in Moscow could "modify the very
notion of two blocs opposing one another." In line with the recurrent
view that the way has been opened to wide discussions of unsettled
problems, IL MESSAGGERO hints at a. tripartite summit meeting which might
go so far as to discuss the German problem. IA VOCE REPUBBLICANA says
it is appropriate to again warn "those nations and groups which cherish
the hope of reaching nuclear equality, which will be the beginning of
proliferation," and IL POPOLO describes both Paris and Peking indications
that they will persist in their nuclear policy. IL TEMPO is particularly
alarmed by the appearance of "an aggressive force, not subject to any
control, which is undermining the foundations of the building of peace"
and which has made it clear that "global peace cannot be negotiated with
Ihrushchev alone; one must meet Mao as well."
Amid what the Rome radio calls "much comment" by Italian political circles
on the Moscow agreement only Social Democrat Saragat's remarks calling
the treaty "a powerful step toward peace" are quoted,
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L'OSSERVATORE ROMANO, the organ of the Vatican, under the heading "good
omen," emphasizes that the agreement reached by the three powers is "what
the Church had always hoped for all the nations of the world."
Austria: The Austrian radio prominently features reports on initialing
or lie nest bar_ treaty and routinely reports President Kennedy's 26 July
radio and television address. There has been no monitored radio cormient
thus far. The Austrian press gives top coverage to the test ban agreement,
and three-quarters of the available noncommunist papers carry editorial
comment ranging in tenor from.en.t :isiastic to cautious welcoming-of the
test ban. Most papers consider the expected rejection of the agreement
by Paris and Peking its main flaw, but some also voice misgivings over
the possibility that it might serve Khrushchev as a lever to extort
concessions from the West.
The semiofficial newspaper WIENER ZEITUNG observes: "The initialing of
the test ban agreement is a historic event, the crowning of five years of
endeavor. It should mark the beginning of an era which ultimately will.
lead to the replacement of the balance of terror by a balance of trust."
The independent SALZBERGER NIACHRICHTEN asks: "What caused this most
conspicuous haste of the Soviets?"" It adds that it could be possible
for the test ban treaty to become a turning point in the cold war,
but it possibly could also be no genuine cause for rosy optimism,"i''or
too often Moscow has deceived the gullible free nations. One will have
to wait and see." The independent KURIER says: ''There has been a spirit
of Geneva, a spirit of Camp David, a spirit of Vienna, and every time it
was the East which has broken this trust and violated this spirit.
Nevertheless the West's motto is that to strengthen the position of
Khrushchev is to strengthen the most liberal communist leader, who knows
what will come after him."
Benelux Countries: The Belgian Foreign Ministry is "highly satisfied" with
the nuclear test ban agreement reached in Moscow, according to the Brussels
radio. The radio adds that a ministry spokesman stated that while the
treaty does not mean real disarmament, "it can nevertheless be regarded
as the first expression of a new spirit."
Switzerland: The Swiss press generally welcomes the test ban agreement.
Initial comment by DIE TAT suggests that the agreement might signal. the
end of the cold war, with the United States and the USSR jointly setting
up a global system of peace and security based on their nuclear hegemony.
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NEUE ZUERCHCR ZEITUNG sees a "none flexible attitude toward Berlin" on the
part of East Germany as a reflection of Moscowww's increasing concern at
the controversy with Peking wh.eh mattes it necessary to, treat Ulbricht
and his policies as more or less expendable.. The same paper warns against
reading too much into the test ban agreement, for, it says, rearming can
continue unhampered and both the United Stated and the USSR already have
sufficient nuclear potential to annini.lateany opponent,
Scandinavia: The majority of Scandinavian papers, welcoming the U.S.-
British-Soviet agreement as "an historic turningpoint" in East-VJest
relations, point out that the treaty's significance is primarily psychological
and warn that outside countries constitute a factor which could nullify it.
Area newscasts report that the Nordic countries have already received from,
the United States an appeal to join the treaty and that this will be
considered promptly.
Swedish Foreign Minister Nilsson says in a statement broadcast by the
Stockholm radio that "the Swedish Government and the Swedish people note
with joy that the three great powers have reached an agreement." Nilsson
adds that "the agreement now reached must be considered extremely important"
since it is a "step on the road to a complete test ban." The SVENSKA
DAGBLADET warns that the agreement "in no way means disarmament" but adds
that it "may mean the beginning of a new epoch in the relationship between
the USSR and the Western powers--a prospect all the more fascinating when
seen against the background of the profound crisis between Moscow and
Peking." The paper cautions that it is too early to talk of a genuine
detente, however, for less than a week ago Khrushchev "recalled in this
respect that the German problem was the big and decisive issue--and here
the situation is just as deadlocked as before."
Finnish Premier Karjalainen says that the three-power agreement has created
better conditions for implementation of Finnish policies already expounded
in its peace treaty contract not to make or retain nuclear weapons, its
consistent opposition to all nuclear tests, and the proposal that the
spread of nuclear weapons be blocked at least by establishing the Nordic
areas as a nuclear-free zone. A Helsinki radio commentary speaks of the
Moscow agreement as having engendered "guarded optimism" which, though
not eliminating differences, reflects an improved international atmosphere
in which peaceful settlement of disputes might be possible. While
specifically noting opposition to the agreement in the U.S. Congress, the
commentator anticipates the necessary two-thirds support for Mr. Kennedy.
The Finnish press, notably the PAIVAN SANCMAT and TURKU PAIVALEHTI, are
particularly preoccupied with the "alarming feature" of "countries
remaining outside the agreement."
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Portugal: The Lisbon radio. says that it would be "excessively naive" to
assume that Western diplomacy does not have a great task before it just
because the Russians seem willing to reach an agreement. Russia does not
want or need a war, because she is attaining her dbJectives, says the
radio. The Portuguese newspaper,A VOZ~describes the agreement and points
out that "no thoughtwas given to the idea of one of the, signatories asking
a nonsignatory country to allow them to carry out some fireworks on their
territory. It is hoped that '4t3nore complete treaty will be forthcoming
which will go as far as prohibiting underground tests:" However, "in this
treaty there is at least a little honorable sincerity and it is, therefore,
a great step."
Spain: While there has been no official comment in Madrid, according to
AFP, the Spanish press devotes much attention to the test ban agreement.
YA calls it a "step on the right path, a step which may be the beginning
of a new era in international relations." ABC feels that the great
objective of the "two K's" is `to prevent the proliferation of nuclear arms
by blocking France's progress toward atomic independence in the West and
the detonation of the first Chinese bomb in the East."
C. Asia and the Far East
India: Hailing the treaty as a "landmark in international cooperation,"
an Indian Government press note reported by the Delhi radio announces
India's readiness to sign a nuclear test ban treaty as soon as it is
available for signature. The statement expresses the hope that all coun-
tries concerned with peace and human progress would also sign it and that
the Moscow agreement would speedily lead to a treaty on general and complete
disarmament. The radio also quotes Prime Minister Nehru as saying that
the agreement is good news "for the whole world."
Japan: Initialing of the treaty is given prompt and tremendous play by
the Japanese press, radio, and television, all hailing the treaty as "epoch-
making," "a joyful event," "..a result of .praiseworthy compromise," and
citing President Kennedy's warning against "overoptimism." Japanese
information media make the point that Japan, "as the only nation ever to be
atom-bombed," is especially happy over the signing, while commentators often
express regret that the treaty will not be binding upon France and Communist
China.
Although the leading papers note that the treaty does not cover underground
testing and express guarded optimism, echoing Foreign Minister Ohira"s
statement that "no optimism is warranted," ASAHI editorially praises the
Soviet Union for failure to insist on its demand for the conclusion of a
nonaggression pact and for making the "bigger concessions," but deplores
the clause which provides for the withdrawal of a signatory nation upon.
three months' notice. It observes: "Actually, the treaty is astonishingly
flexible."
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TOKYO SHIMBUN editorially hints that. tUe treaty may encourage disturbances
and disputes in Southeast Asi cotzn-~res neighboring Communist China,
whose ::'osfrie.lta for r?evo_].-at ou is to resort to force when necessary.
Although President Kennedy's report to the nation is given prominence by
the Japanese press, little attention is given to the president's
"sudden" proposal to prime Minister Ikeda inviting Japan to participate in
the test ban treaty. In a radio-television network panel discussiofl
Foreign Minister Ohira says: "I am not particularly opposed to Japan's
participation in the treaty I only ,think there is no need to hurry as
the treaty has not been ratified4" He adds that there is no need to
change Japan's basic foreign and defense policy.
The communist AKAHATA, in an editorial giving the first official reaction
of the Japan Communist Party,. charges that the danger of nuclear war
still exists because the treaty provided for a signatory's right to
withdraw from the agreement and "because the United States has
concentrated on underground nuclear testing." It expresses no position
toward the Soviet Union but defends Communist China, saying that the
CPR has "consistently" called for a total ban on nuclear weapons test,
while the United States is opposed "even to an agreement prohibiting
the use of nuclear weapons."
Ceylon: Premier Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, in a statement broadcast
by the Colombo radio,-hails the agreement as "an important first step
on the road to world peace," and expresses the hope that the present
achievement will usher in a new era of international confidence and
pave the way toward general and complete disarmament.
Malaya: Malaya has joined other nations in welcoming the treaty, says
tl Kuala Lumpur radio, reporting that Prime Minister Rahman, in
congratulatory messages to U.S., British, and Soviet leaders, described
the agreement as an "historic landmark toward the lessening of world
tension," and quoting him as saying that Malaya is looking forward
to an era Of peaceful coexistence and closer cooperation among the major
powers.
Nationalist China: The Taipei radio quotes a number of editorials warding
the Western nations not to relax vigilance against the USSR. The
HSIN SHENG PAO cautions about placing too much confidence in the
agreement because the USSR, like any member of the communist bloc,
cannot be trusted. After signing the treaty the Soviet union may use
its resources to develop other instruments of war, such as rocket and
chemical weapons, the paper says. The YOUNG WARRIOR DAILY warns
against Soviet plots to alienate U.S.-French x 1Ftions, while the
CHUNG HUA DAILY predicts a heated debate in the U.S. Senate and the
British Parliament on ratification of the treaty.
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Regarding the nonaggression pact, being pressed by the Soviet Union, the
CHINA HUA DAILY anticipates strong.;;opposition.by France and West Germany
and fears that Kennedyts "peace strategy." will bring about discord among
the Western allies.
hi ippines: The signing of the agreement is reported prominently by
Filipino media. President hcapagal is-reported to have called the
treaty "a major breakthrough in the stalemated negotiations on
disarmament."
1lustr alia: Melbourne radio reports extensively on the signing of the
treaty and subsequent statements by Macmillan and Khrushchev expressing
the hope that the treaty will lead to further East-West agreements.
Australian External Affairs Minister Sir Garfield Barwick is reported
to have stated that the necessary steps for Australia to become a
rzemben of the treaty "will be taken immediately." The Australian
minister describes the treaty as a "significant breakthrough" in East--
West relations and "among the most important agreements yet made between
the West and the Soviet Union." Australian Labor Party leader Calwe;l..
says the agreement reflects an easing of world tension and expresses the
hope that although the treaty does not ban the making or stockpiling
of weapons this will be the next logical move. Commenting on the
treaty, the Melbourne HERALD says the agreement came in "dramatic
contrast" to fruitless conferences of the past, and it is to be hoped
that France and other nations will sign the agreement.
Indonesia: The Djakarta radio takes only passing notice of the test ban
treaty, its only reference coming in an item reporting the departure of
Subandrio and Sukarno for Manila. It quotes Subandrio as saying that
Indonesia will support any understanding among the big powers for
relaxing threats of war. According to AFP, Subandrio welcomed the
agreement as "a move toward lessening the threat of war." He said
Indonesia hopes the agreement will be taken as one of the foundation
stones toward the ultimate aim of world peace.
,South vietnam: Although some editorials in the Saigon-Cholon press
view the treaty signing with optimism, the majority express their
habitual pessimism on East-West dealings. Vietnamese editorialists
as a rule look more favorably on the recent negotiations than the
editorialists of the Chinese-language press, who tend to view inter-
national affairs in the light of their effect on a Nationalist Chinese
return to the mainland.
Takin. an optimistic view, LE SONG voices a belief that the dark
prospect of nuclear war has been driven away and that there is a
possibility of lasting peace.
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SAIGON MAt, on the other hand) says'the treaty will have few practical
results because the nuclear arsenals of.the co ntries involved remain
intact and the danger of nuclear w has not dimthished.. TU DO qualifies
its optimism by saying that the threat of war cannot be eliminated
until nuclear weapons are destroyed..
Several papers feel that Khrushchev'sXaotiyes.are far from what he
says they are. One paper believes he W3, 111 use`the treaty to induce
the West into a summit meeting to dis tkss a np aggression pact, thereby
realizing his aim of permanently dividing Geriiny. Another editorialist
views the treaty as e temporary measure :to e, internal dissension
and believes that it will be discardedas`an empty agreement when
Khrushchev consolidates his position.
Chinese editorialists note that the danger in the Par East comes from
Communist China, and the papers generally feel that optimism is groundless
"because Communist China and it$`henchmen are plotting to annex Southeast
Asia." None of the papers touches on thy: subjects of reduced contamination
of the atmosphere or radiation fallout, nor do they discuss President
Kennedy's speech specifically.
D. The Middle East and Africa
UAR: President Nasir, in a speech reported by the Cairo radio, expresses
support for Prime Minister Nehruts appeal to all ristions to sigh the
agreement and he welcomes it as a "first step toward ending the cold
'war and toward disarmament." He expresses the hope that "the next step
in the agreement will be the destruction of all atomic weapons, disarmament,
and the allocation of all the money spent on atomic weapons and armament
for the prosperity and development of peoples." In another speech carried
by the radio he expresses "great satisfaction" at the signing of the
agreement. A commentary by the Cairo radio points out that one of the
factors contributing to the reaching of agreement was the "efforts of
the nonaligned and neutral states in the disarmament committee" and
their threat to withdraw from the committee "unless the big powers agreed
to at least a partial suspension of nuclear tests." Another commentary
notes that the optimism regarding the agreement "does not extend to
various other East-West problems," such as Berlin, Germany, and
disarmament inspection within Soviet territory.
Iraq The Baghdad domestic service reports a congratulatory telegram
from~President Arif to Kennedy, Macmillan, and Khrushchev describing the
agreement as an "important step toward bolstering peace" and expressing
the hope that "this will be the beginning of work to reach an agreement
banning all kinds of nuclear tests and a. means for a comprehensive
agreement on disarmament,"
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Jordan: Amman radio reports a statement by Defense Minister a,s-Salih that
the Jordanian cabinet "welcomes" the.agreement and "every similar step to
establish peace and security in the world." A radio commentary points out
that Premier Khrushchev has'also expressed readiness to sign an agreement
on banning underground nuclear tests and stresses his "leniency" in not
insisting that a test-ban tre4tybe conditional on the signing of a non-
aggression treaty between : tbeW4rsav and NATO alliances.
Sudan: The Sudanese Minister of Information is quoted by AFP as saying
that the tripartite agreement in Moscow was received with "great enthusiasm
in the Sudan," and the minister said that the Sudan looks on the agreement
as "a step toward total disarmament.`
Israel: Premier Eshkol describes the agreement as "a positive step toward.
the relaxation of international tension and a solution of international
problems," the Israeli radio reports. In another statement reported by
the radio the Premier says the agreement "may mark a turning point leading.
to an improvement in the Middle East situation if as a result of it the
arms shipments to Israel's enemies are stopped." The Jerusalem radio
quotes Eshkol as saying that the improvement in East-West relations 'migwjt
improve the lot of Soviet jews. Former Premier Ben-Gttrion says the importance
of the agreement "should not be exaggerated, although this event undoubtedly
has created a better international atmosphere."
A commentary carried by the radio says that with the initialing of the
agreement, amny diplomats in Geneva attending the disarmament talks,
"especially the representatives of the nonaligned states, realized again
that their own influence on the course of important affairs in the world
is negligible.'.' The commentary indicates two defects to the agreement:
it does not cover underground tests and it "is not an interbloc agreement
but merely an agreement between the big atomic powers. France and China
are not partners to the agreement." In conclusion,. the commentary describes
the agreement as "only,a rather modest beginning." The radio reports that
the Israeli press regards the agreement as "a turning point in the cold war
between the two blocs" and sees in it a "possibility for reducing tension
in the Mediterranean region."
HAARETZ is quoted as speculating that President Kennedy promised Premier
Khrushchev that "he would work for the signing of a nonaggression treaty
between the two blocs if the Soviet Premier would not make the test-ban
agreement conditional on the signing of this treaty." HABOKER believes
that "each of the two blocs will now make a unilateral declaration that
it will abstain from war," while IAMERHAV expresses the opinion that the
great powers will now act to prevent the spreading of nuclear arms,in
the world.
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Iran: An Iranian Foreign Ministry statement announcing Iran's "complete
support" for the agreement and willingness to-join it, hailing it as
an "important ste13 toward reducing international tension and creating
more favorable conditions for strengthening world peace, and expressing
hope that it "Will, pave the way for more extensive measures to this
end, is reported yTeheran radio. A talk carried by the radio declares
that the statementp` made by Kennedy and Fhrushchev following the signing
of the agreement give pedple great hope that world problems will be
settled. Another radio talk expresses the view that the dispute between
the USSR and the CPR-forced Moscow to settle some of its problems with
the West and that,,ns soon as the differences with Peking are settled
difficulties with the West will materialize again.
Turkey: The Foreign ministry information dffice has issued a statement
we coming the partial: agreement as a "positive step" ' and expressing the
view that the thinking behind "this hopeful beginning will have a positive
effect on the work baing done for balanced general disarmament," Ankara
radio reports.
Greece: Athens radio quotes Premier Pipinelis as describing the agreement
as a "very happy event that contributes to a relaxation of tension."
Afghanistan; The Kabul domestic service reports that in a message to
President Kennedy and. Soviet president Brezhnev the King of Afghanistan
says the initialing of the test ban agreement is "a major step toward
world peace and security." Press comment reported by the radio terms
the agreement "one of the most important reached between the East and
West since World War II" and "a major step in the-service of peace."
The Kabul TIMES is quoted as saying that the agreement is "not only
important in itself but important in that it has prepared the ground'
for future negotiations between the East and West" and that it may prove
to be "the beginning of a new phase in international affairs and a
contribution toward a,gradual solution of other international issues."
The paper notes, however, the possible neutralizing effect of the withdrawal
clause should the nuclear powers not all join in the agreement.
Africa: Noting that in today's cold war there are "precious few occasions
for rejoicing," an Accra radio commentary says the initialing of the
treaty certainly is such an occasion. With this "first giant step"
taken, Accra radio adds, there is little doubt that with a sincere
effort the major powers can arrive at an agreenc~n banning underground
tests as well. Noting that the halt in g of tests is important to all
peoples because the earth's atmosphere "is no respecter of borders and
ideologies," the commentary quotes U.S. scientist Linus Pauling on the
fallout danger to future generations.
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Raising the question of future French and Communist Chinese nuclear
programs, the commentary says it is vitally important that the United
Nations be "strengthened" by "bringing China into what the Americans
like to call the area of persuasion' so that all nations can work
together to eliminate the arms race.
Ghana press comment reviewed by Accre.radio includes a DAILY GRAPHIC
editorial which says the treaty "opens the gateway to disarmament" toward
which there has been little progress`; but notes the complication of
France refusing to associate itself with the treaty and planning to
continue nuclear experiments. A Ghanaian TIMES comment says that welcome
as the agreement is it can be considered nothing more than a welcome.
The agreement to ban undergound tests as well should be reached with
as little delay as possible, the paper adds.
Accra radio reports several times a message from the Accra secretariat
of the "World Without the Bomb" movement expressing "great relief and
satisfaction" with the treaty, and the hope that it will lead to even
more determined efforts for complete disarmament.
A 27 July Lagos international service commentary says all Africa rejoices
with the whole world over the agreement which "seems to have arisen out
of nothing except mutual confidence on the part of the East and the West."
Congratulating' President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev on their "give
and take attitude," the commentary says however that while Africa rejoices
over the treaty, it is compelled to ask the nuclear nations what their
stand is on the long-standing demand for the African continent to be
declared a nuclear-free zone, and concludes: Africa now calls on tl.-le
world nuclear powers to help it realize this legitimate aim not later
than next September during the annual session of the U.N. General Assembly.
Dar es Salaam radio reports that Tanganyikan Vice President Kawawa had
sent a congratulatory message to the three powers welcoming the agreement
and voicing hope that tripartite negotiations might continue until all
war is made impossible, and that the vast resources devoted to nuclear
tests could now be diverted to banning disease, hunger, and ignorance
in the world.
Radio Tunis reviews AS-SABAH comment which laments that this "semi-
agreement" is neither "everlasting" nor respected by "certain countries
in the two camps" and therefore lacks a sufficiently comprehensive
character to realize anticipated international. reia.Yati_on.
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Failure to stop the armament ace does not ralieve humanity from the
fear that continuously threatAs it, the paper says, suggesting that
the signatories to the Moscow treaty have agreed to stop nuclear tests
only after having accomplished their objectives which resulted
in contamination of the world and the's:ear by nuclear tests.
The Algerian people; says a -adio Alg1.ers commentary, "warily hail
this great step" which h: greatly relieved the world. This "great
victory of the peade-loving peoples," the commentary goes on, must now
-work "to remove the motive for armament, which is misunderstanding
emanating from the imperialist "ambitions of. some states." Another
task, the broadcast adds, "is forcing the other states to stop nuclear.
testing, even if they have not yet signed the Moscow agreement."
The Algerian radio also supplies the text of a joint message from
Premier Ben Bella and visiting Tanganyikan President Nyerere to
Khrushchev, Macmillan, and Kennedy telling of their governments'
"wholehearted support" and "great satisfaction" at this "embodiment of
the legitimate desires of the peoples of the world."
President Kennedy's 26 July speech on the test ban agreement is briefly
reported by some African radios, but there is so far little comment
on it. The Brazzaville radio says the President's speech was "skillful"
and swept away the objections of adversaries of the treaty.
E. Latin America and Canada
Brazil: Radio Brasilia reports that President Goulart sent messages
to-Kennedy, Khrushchev, and Macmillan congratulating them on the
signing of the treaty. Goulart cites the "constructive spirit and
understanding shown by the dlegations of the three nations."
Colombia: The Bogota newspaper EL TIEMPO notes in an editorial the
"generally favorable" reaction of the Colombian press. The writer
of the EL TIEIiTO editorial wonders whether the time has come for Colombia
to reexamine its policy of nonrecognition of the USSR.
Chile: The signing of the treaty and Kennedy's 26 July speech are widely
reported by Chilean transmitters, with the treaty itself evoking
considerable comment. President Alessandri and the Chilean Foreign
Ministry declare that the "people and government of Chile enthusiastically
hail the agreement." Alessandri's statement expresses the belief that
this "great.step" will also diminish international tension and strengthen
peace, while the Foreign Ministry declaration expresses the hope that
favorable prospects have now been opened for general and total disarmament.
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The liberal Chilean EL MERCURIQ calls the treaty "the most important
political event of recent year?," but notes that France does not feel
bound by the agreement. One Santiago radio comentator calls for
caution in appraising tl~e treaty, noting that France is developing
nuclear weapons and China is t4ought to be developing thee. However,
the commentator declares the taty is proof that the cormunists and
the West can reach agreebents'`tlrouuh negotiation.
&'exicot Extensive factual Mexican coverage of the treaty and.the
President's report to the American people emphasizes Kennedyts remarks
that the treaty is "a step toward peace" and a "victory for mankind."
Press services quote Mexican Foreign Minister Manuel Tello as stating
that Mexico will sign the treaty "as soon as possible." Tello points
out that although the treaty represents a "great step" toward general
and complete disarmament, these objectives are not yet realized and
therefore Mexico will continue to press for an agreement under which
Latin America would be declared a nuclear-free zone.
Panama: A Panama City Radio Tribune, commentator, reporting the initialing
of the agreement, says it arouses new expectations, may open a new
era in East-West relations, and could mean the end of the cold war.
Peru: A Lima Radio Pananericana commentator says the agreement marks the
first true expression of understanding between east and West since 1955.
A Lima Radio America commentator says the world greets the test ban
agreement with true appreciation, hoping that the event signifies a long
period of tranquillity. He adds that he regards the agreement as the
first step toward total East-West understanding, and that perhaps logic,
reason, and good will may suffice to end wars forever.
Canada: Canadian opposition party leaders voice caution in viewing the
test ban treaty. Former Conservative Prime Minister Diefenbaker holds
that unless the treaty includes Communist China the threat of nuclear
war still hangs over the world. The West should take another look at
its policy toward China, he suggests, warning that China may have
nuclear weapons in a year or two. While New Democratic Party leader
Douglas terms the treaty an "important milestone in man's march toward
peace on earth and the rule of law," Social Credit Party leader Thompson
advises caution since communism's aim of destroying capitalism has not
changed. In discussion before the Canadian House of Commons, there
is speculation that Canada may play an important role in trying to
persuade France to sign the treaty, and that Prime Minister Pearson and
perhaps Foreign Minister Martin may visit France before the end of the
year for a meeting with President de Gaulle.
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In line with the attempt-..manifest since Khrushchev's 2 July speech--to
underscore the Soviet "initiative" on the test ban, Moscow broadcasts the
text of Khxushchev's interview with IZVESTIYA and PRAVDA on the treaty
some 130 times on-26 and 27 July and, in addition, disseminates numerous
summaries of it. Khrushchev ? speaks of the "many years" the Soviet
Union has been struggling for a test ban. At the same time,. he pt.ates
that the American and British Governments and their negotiators should
be given their "due," and he leaves it to his propagandists: to document
the notion that through the years it has been the Soviet Union which has
been leading the way in test ban proposals.
Similarly, Khrushchev doe,d.not take this occasion to assert the "correctness"
of Soviet pursuit of a peaceful coexistence policy and takes no jabs at the
Chinese this time--leaving This, too, to his propagandists. Thus the
domestic service on 29 July,reviews'a Zhukov PRAVDA article which, after
pointing to French and WestGerman opposition to the treaty, asks "with
astonishment" how some responsible.Chinese leaders can act in concert
with the French defenders of nuclear testing and the thermonuclear arms
race. Zhukov adds that defense of continued testing by a representative
of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions on 25 July "will not be
understood by the people." TASS and the domestic service also review a
"long" article in the 28 July PRAVDA by Inozemtsev (a frequent writer
on the Sino-Soviet polemic since 1960) which calls the initialing of the
test ban accord in Moscow new vivid} proof that the Leninist principle of
coexistence remains the general line of Soviet foreign policy. Inozemtsev
reiterates censure of the Chinese leaders for advancing "readiness to
incur world war with the aim of overthrowing imperialism" as "the most
important criterion of revolutionary character," He also notes pointedly
that while Soviet nuclear rocket defenses are in constant readiness, "the
USSR will never be the first to set these weapons into action or to unleash
a world war." (Khrushchev had reverted to this long-standing Soviet
position in his 19 July speech, after the 14 July CPSU "open letter"
attacking the Chinese had introduced the formula that i'if imperialism
starts a war against us we shall not hesitate to use this formidable
weapon against the aggressor; but if we are not attacked, we shall not
be the first to use this weapon.")
Soviet media carry a substantial account of the President's radio/TV
report, but there is little independent Soviet comment. Thus Moscow
commentators merely note in passing that the President welcomed the test
ban accord and expressed hope for further progress. A domestic service
broadcast on 27 July, after noting the "immense interest".displayed in
Khrushchev's interview in the U.S. press, says that an appeal to the
American people in connection with the agreement "was also made by
President Kennedy, whose speech was relayed by all the large U.S. radio
and television stations." The TASS account of the President's speech
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reports many of his remarks verbatim, but. it also omits large portions,
particularly such passages bearing directly on the cold war as his
reference to the United States having stood on the verge of direct
military confrontation with the Soviet Union in Laos, Berlin, and Cuba
and his statement that Western policies have attempted to persuade the
Soviet Union to forego aggression, direct or indirect. In connection
with the latter point, htwever, IZVESTIYA's diplomatic.observer Polyanov
tells Radio Moscow's domestic listeners that the President's words about
improving relations are incompatible with his "slander and attacks"
directed at the Soviet Union, and specifically with his statement that--
as rendered by Polyanov--the USSR and other socialist countries should
"repudiate their aggressive plans."
The TASS account of the President's speech also omits his -reference to.
U.S. attempts to control nuclear weapons dating back to the Baruch plan
of 1946 and his statement that the United States and Britain had proposed
limited test ban treaties in 1959, 1961, and 1962. However, commentaries
for foreign audiences counter with chapter and verse of Soviet "initiatives"
in the test ban area. A commentary for German listeners by Shakhov on the
28th declares that the USSR has been fighting for the discontinuance of
nuclear tests for years, and adds "it is by no means the notorious Baruch
plan but the Soviet proposal of 1956,which was the first initiative in
this direction." A 'commentators' roundtable" broadcast to Britain the
day before goes to great lengths to document Soviet initiative. Thus, one
of the commentators on the panel asserts that the Soviet Union first
proposed a treaty to stop tests in March 1956, that in May 1957 the
Supreme Soviet appealed to the United States and Britain to facilitate
agreement, and.that finally on 1 March 1958 the Soviet Union announced a
unilateral halt of tests, having received no response to its appeal the
previous fall to halt tests on 1 January 058. The commentator then says
the USSR again took the initiative on a test ban treaty in November
1961
and that it is not Moscow's fault that it took 20 months to achieve
a
partial ban. None of this detailed documentation appears in available
domestic service broadcasts.
The most authoritative Soviet comment following Khrushchev's interview
appears in IZVESTIYA and PRAVDA editorials on 27 and 29 July. The
IZVESTIYA editorial (broadcast in full in the domestic service) plays
up the fact that the successful negotiations took place in Moscow. It
says that the agreement will soon be signed and that it will go down in
history as the "Moscow Treaty." As for the United States and Britain,
IZVESTIYA notes only that Khrushchev "congratulated" all people of good
w.11 who have added their efforts toward a test ban agreement. But the
PRAVDA editorial--a9 reviewed by TASS on the 29th--also notes that he
"gave their due" to the efforts of the U.S. and British governments, and
adds that "the achievement of agreement at the Moscow discussions was
facilitated by the desire of those political leaders to achieve concrete
results."
Khrushchev does not take the occasion in his interview to repeat the Soviet
advocacy of tests in all environments, including underground experiments.
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But Radio Moscow Is listeners have heard the text of the treaty, with
its reference to expanding the agreement; the TASS account of the
Pres_dent's speech includes hiq reference to the possibility of extending
the treaty "somewhat later'' to 'other forms of nuclear tests; and Moscow
propaganda, unlike Khrusheliev ''if. the interview, refers to underground
tests. Thus the IZVESTIYA editorial, in discissin.g the treaty, say's
"a way is opened to banning all atomic explosions, including underground
ones. Three powers have pledged themselves before 6,11 mankind to
continue their efforts to reach such a ban." The PRAVDA editorial notes
that the understanding reached does not apply to underground. tests,
and then echoes Kkirushchev's remark that the test barb does not yet spell
an end to the arms race and hence cannot avert the risk of war and cannot
ease the economic burden placed on the shoulders of the peoples. A TRUD
article on the 27th, as reviewe.b. TABS, recalls that the USSR wanted
an agreement that would prohibit all tests, including underground, but
that "since the West was against," the USSR decided to settle for an
initial agreement. Available versions of these articles do not recall
the Soviet proposal for two or three onsite inspections annually, but
the roundtable discussion broadcast to Britain on 27 July does recall
it and notes "the West's rejection." A commentary broadcast to scattered
NATO audiences on 26-27 July implies that the West will come around to
conceding the adequacy of national means to detect underground tests.
The commentator remarks that "it took them some time" to admit that
national means are sufficient in three environments. He states that
"illustrious scientists throughout the world, including American and
British owes, "see that national means are sufficient to detect underground
tests. And he cites as a "striking';' example Secretary Rusk's statement
to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee oh 11 March that "the improvement
of our national earthquake detection potentialities allows Us to estimate
that seismic stations outside the USSR would be able to detect underrground
nuclear explosions on the territory Of the USSR."
Iirushchev in his interview says nothing about other nations adhering to
the treaty, but a 28 July TASS dispatch by Professor of International Law
Fyodor Kozhevnikov, after observing that the text embodies the main
principles of contemporary international law, notes that it is open to
all states for signature. And TASS reports a Soviet Peace Committee
statement expressing hope that the accord will be joined by "all" the
countries of the world. In the commentators' "roundtable discussion"
broadcast in'the domestic service on 28 July, IZVESTIYA correspondent
Matveyev says Canada, Australia, Nov Zealand, Denmark, and Norway have
stated their intention to join, and adds that perhaps "up to 100" countries
will do so.. In the only available Moscow reference to a bloc country's
signing of the treaty, one of the commentators on the panel says that
Bonn is concerned that the GDR may join the treaty and fears that this
may raise the question of recognition in the West.
Discussing French opposition to the treaty, and declaring that France's
prestige would be weakened by not adhering to it, commentator 1diarlamov
calls attention to press speculation that the French may modify their
inflexible line to some extent.
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He concludes that the position should be clearer'af'ter De Gaulle's
29 July press conference. A commentary broadcast to France on the
27th says the indications are that Fiance will reuse to sign and that
it will go ahead with the installation of. the French testing range in
the Pacific. Another commentary, tailored for the French audience on
2b July, takes issue with the French argument that the Soviet attitude
on tests was due to "a certain switch in foreign policy beginning with
the Caribbean crisis" and that consequently further Western arming would
result in more concessions. The commentator tells the French that
"more than once have leaders of the West like Kennedy spoken about our
strength with profound respect."
Ne:Lther Khrushchev nor Moscow comment elaborates on the other partial
measures the Soviet leader had advanced in his 19 Ju*y speech, although
it is made clear that special importance is attached to a nonaggression
pact. Commentators point to the reference to a nonaggression pact in the
communique on the Moscow talks, and Khhrushchev says a nonaggression accord
between NATO and the Warsaw Treaty powers "would have all the more
significance in that it would embrace all the states at present possessing
nuclear weapons." The IZVESTIYA editorial, after noting that the conference
of Warsaw Pact countries which just took place in Moscow "approved the
results of the test ban talks," says that if a test ban "were joined" with
a nonaggression pact "the world could now witness a serious turn toward
improvement in the international situation." As regards Khrushchev's
other proposals--for control posts to guard against surprise attack, as
reduction or:freezing of military budgets,, and a reduction of troops
and exchange of military missions in Germany--commentators do little
more than note them, as they do Khrushchev's latest reference to the
importance of a German peace treaty and a normalization of West Berlin
on that basis. The TASS account of the President's speech mentions that
he listed other areas of possible negotiation as "control over
preparation for surprise attack or over the number and types of one or
another kind of weapon, and further limitation on the dissemination of
nuclear weapons." However, Soviet comment to date has not discussed
these suggestions.
B. Communist China
Early on 26 July the Chinese news agency NCNA carried a cryptic report
that the test ban treaty had been initialed. Peking did not convey its
assessment of the agreement until the 28th, when NCNA transmitted a
lengthy account of the President's speech interlarded with editorial
comment calculated to point up Khrimhrhev's "capitulation" and the
great advantage the treaty gives the United States. Some two hours
after this editorialized account of the President's speech, NCNA
released an "editor's note" explaining that in addition to the full
text of the treaty, Peking has released extracts of the President's
26 July remarks, Khrushchev's PRAVDA and IZVESTIYA interview, and
"reactions from various quarters." Since its first acknowledgment on
11 July of Khrushchev's 2 July announcement that the USSR would be willing
to agree to a partial test ban, Peking has made clear:in),an unprecedented
volume of propaganda,, and with increasing shrillness, its unalterable
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(Peking has completely ignored Khrushchev's 19 July speech, in which he
specified other partial disarmament measures which should follow a test
ban.) The 19 July PEOPLE'S DAILY editorial (widely broadcast, including
10 times in Russian), ostensibly attacking the U.S. "nuclear fraud," was
exceptionally frank in expressing Communist China's concern over the
worldwide approval which would greet a test ban-and its fears that the
"vigilance" of ,tbe Veoples would be dulled and the peace partisans
movement thereby diluted, Chinese sentiments about Khrushchev's
"appeasement" of the West were also made clear in Peking's tendentious
reports of the Moscow talks. Thus, Western press reports and various
statements by U.S. leaders were quoted at length to document the basic
tenet that the limited treaty, which would allow the United States to
continue the kind of tests it has specialized in, would be of great
advantage to the west.
While Peking's voluminous propaganda clearly implied that the CPR should
not and would not be deterred from developing a nuclear weapons capability,
it stopped short of explicitly referring to such a program, However,
speaking on 26 July, on the anniversary of the "victory" in the Korean war,
the prominent Chinese spokesman Kuo Mo-jo declared that "nuclear weapons can
by no means remain for long a monopoly of a small number of people and
countries. . . . It will not be long, before the attempt by a small number
of countries to control the destiny of the people with their monopoly of
weapons will be thwarted. It is our firm conviction that whatever new
technology imperialism can master can definitely be mastered by our
revalutionar people." (Such vague temporal references to the Chinese
nuclear weapons program have been made in the past but have been rare.
There was a flurry of propaganda last September, conveying apparent CPR
concern that there might be progress toward a test ban, calling attention
to CPR dissent from the Soviet position that measures should be taken to
prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons; but this propaganda carefully
avoided the matter of actual CPR plans or activities in the field of nuclear
research. )
The 28 July NCNA editor's note on the treaty says blatantly, in a clear
allusion to the "revisionist" Soviet Union, that "ir. an all-out effort
to boost the treaty after it was initialed, certain persons described it
as 'of great international importance,' ' a victory for the world forces
of peace,- 'a great triumph of the policy of peaceful coexistence,'
'herald of peace,' 'a turning point in the history of mankind,' and so on
and so forth." NCHA then sets out to demonstrate how the treaty should
be evaluated by quoting at length from the President's speech. According
to NCNA, the President "laid bare completely the substance of this treaty--
that it cannot restrict the United States, whereas it can, restrict others,
LeSt_ ictlug_ ;those other socialist countries not posse ssing nuclear weapons,
and can restrain the socialist countries' efforts to strengthen their
national defense." And I4CNA caps this by saying that "the leaders and
press of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and the GDR, and the
French aiid Italian communist parties went so far as to laud this treaty to
the skies, calling it something of a prodigy. Is this not deceiving oneself
and others?"
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NCNA concludes the editor's note by quoting Undersecretary Harriman's
remark that ar agreement was reached because Khru.shchev "very much wanted
one at this time." It notes that, as Walter Lippmann had done earlier,
the President stated that substantially the same treaty had been offered
by the West last August a4 CN.A adds that to help its readers grasp
the substance of the partial treaty, it was publishing, along with the
treaty text,kuznetsov's remarks in Geneva last August on the similar
draft offered by the West at that. time.
The Peking NCNA' s review of the CPR press for 29 July notes that PEOP'LE' S
DAILY carries a picture of Kh hhev embracing Harriman. Almost the
entire press review is devoted to the test ban treaty.
(Note: As yet there has been no mention of the initialing of the
treaty in broadcasts and press agency transmissions from pro-Peking
North Korea. The only monitored reference in North Vietnamese media to
date is a short news item on 27 July quoting news from Moscow that
agreement has been reached. Hanoi's VIETNAM NEWS AGENCY, in a Vietnamese-
language transmission that customarily carries "reference" material for
an apparently restricted audience, has transmitted "reference news" in
the form of Western news agency dispatches on the progress of the Moscow
talks; but none of these dispatches has been used in transmissions
for mass consumption.)
1. The P-ro-Soviet Bloc
East Germany: Welcoming the test ban agreement as furnishing "practical
proof that it is possible to reach an understanding it good will exists,"
East German comment makes it clear that if favors a similar attitude
being applied to the questions of a nonaggression pact and a German.
peace treaty. But propagandists stay within the outlines of Khrushchev's
proposals in his PRAVDA-IZVESTIYA interview: Thus NEUES DEUTSCHLAND
on 28 July emphasizes that world reaction will inevitably cause further
negotiations on safeguarding peace, especially negotiations on
Khrushchev's recent proposals for a nonaggression pact, the withdrawal
of foreign troops from East and West Germany, a German peace treaty,
and the solution of the West Berlin problem. Jarning against the anti-
peace policy of the Adenauer and De Gaulle governments and against
reactionary forces in the United States, the paper tells the West
Germans that it is their responsibility to oppose this policy and to
insist on peaceful coexistence. (Khrushchev's interview is carried
textually on 27 July by NEUES DEUTSCHLAND, BERLINER ZEITUNG, JUNGE WELT,
and TRIBUENE. The only reference to President Kennedy's 26 July
address in the German press is a brief report in NEUES DE17T'SCHLAND;
East Berlin radio has not been heard to mention the President's address.)
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East Bevlin radio repo 'ts that Ulbricht, on his arrival at Berlin-
Schoenefold airport, declared that the GDR people can be content with
the test ban agreement, which "will help develop relations among the
big powers in the spirit of peaceful coexistence." Ulbricht adds that
a nonaggression pact between NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries would
ease rapprochement of both German states and negotiations on a peace treaty.
BERLINER ZEITUNG comments that what has been possible for nuclear
experiments will be equally possible for the solution of many other
problems. NATIONAL ZEITUNG feels the success of the Moscow talks
"should improve the prospects for a realistic solution of the Gorman
question."
East German comment on the agreement invariably refers to "Bonn's
furious reaction" to the Moscow accord. Noting that the Adenauer
Government rightly fears that the agreement could become the beginning
of a major policy of detente in the world, Deutschlandsender says that
Bonn is anxiously awaiting the next GDR People's Chamber meeting in fear
that Ulbricht "might renew, make more specific, or even enlarge his
proposals for a policy of reason and good will in Germany" and thus
further isolate West German policy. Noting that Bonn is hoping that the
Goldwater faction and De Gaulle will wreck the agreement, the radio says
that the French president has been caught off guard by the French public's
demand that France terminate its testing.
Czechoslovakia: Radio Prague, in welcoming the agreement which "may be
considered as the beginning of the end of the cold war," announces that
Czechoslovakia will be among those countries which will join the agreement.
While giving a favorable assessment of the agreement, Czechoslovak
media caution against excessive optimism: "We must not forget," says
Prague radio, "that the cause of peace has not yet won a complete victory
and much remains to be accomplished." Questions regarding the security
of Central Europe--primarily the question of Germany, problems outside
the European area, and the question of disarmament--are still awaiting
solution, ZEMEDELSKE NOVINY points out.
Prague radio, briefly reporting president Kennedy's 26 July address, says
it bespeaks "responsible Western statesmen's" recent awareness of the
true strength of peaceful coexistence. RUDE PRAVO, printing "substantial'
excerpts" of the President's speech, comments editorially that despite
the fact the speech "was not free of cold war ballast and an absolutely
false interpretation" of postwar history, "on the whole it must be
assessed positively."
Bulgaria, In a government statement, Bulgaria formally announces its
readiness to participate in the treaty, and expresses the hope that it
will come into effect "as soon as possible." Like other Sofia comment,
the statement points out that this is "only the beginning": Redoubled
efforts should now be made for the solution of other questions, such
as the signing of a NATO Warsaw Pact nonaggression treaty and the creation
of nuclear-free zones. RABOTNICHESKO DELO terms the test ban agreement
as a "brilliant victory for the policy of peaceful coexistence-ma policy
persi tpp ovec~'i'ee 101~31ID~O~31~i1i~2$'OOYr press
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comment, Echoing this sentiment, sees the agreement as giving momentum.
to the idea of settling disputed issues through negotiations. One can
understand the reaction of the militarists and revenge-seekers to the news,
says RABOTNICHESKO DECO, but the stand by the French ..Government "causes
regret."
Poland: Warsaw sources hail the test ban agreement as "an important
and-valuable valuable step forward." `1'RYBUNA LUDU says it "constitutes the
first step toward replacing the 'balance of fear' policy with the 'balance
of security' policy." The paper says the Warsaw Pact has recognized
the agreement "as a success of the I.eniniat policy of peaceful coexistence."
Referring to West German and American rightwing opposition to the
agreement, Warsaw radio hopes that General De Gaulle will come out of
"his splendid isolation" and join the agreement.
TRYBUNA LUDU, comparing President Kennedy's speech with Ebrushchev's
PRAVDA-IZVESTIYA interview, says these statements show the differences
between the social systems the two statesmen represent and the political
situation prevailing in each country: Whereas President Kennedy has to
overcome opposition to the treaty within his own country as well as the
Western carrrp, O rushchev has the solid support of his country and the
Warsaw Pact. In this light, the paper says, I4bru.shehev's statement
amounted to an appeal to`the Western powers to reach agreement and an
assurance that the Soviet side "will not diminish its efforts aimed at
attaining the consolidation of peace."
Hungary: While Budapest reaction does not as yet indicate Hungarian
adherence to the agreement, a commentary broadcast to Europe notes that
the "atomic truce" can only be complete if other states, particularly
France, adhere to it. Budapest media join with the other Soviet-oriented
satellites in welcoming the result of the talks. The text of the treaty
appears on the front pages of the press, and the Hungarian radio leads
off its broadcasts with roundups of favorable world reaction to the
agreement. MrI editorially observes that almost every commentator
believes that "something has been set moving and the summer of 1963 marks
the beginning of a new and unusual stage of diplonacy."
Rumania: Commenting favorably on the talks, Bucharest on 27 July
escr ues the agreement as an "international deed which could also create
prospects for the achievement of new-progress in the field of international
life." It notes that the agreement could open a path to the solution of
other problems such as a N TO nrsaw Pact nonaggression treaty, the
establishment of nuclear-free zones, and steps for the prevention of
surprise attack. It cautions, however, that there are reactionary circles
in the West which oppose this agreement, and says that in the United
States "ultrareactionary Senator Barry Goldwater has placed himself at
the head of a group making noisy opposition to the agreement." Bucharest
adds that the "ultrareactionaries at the Pentagon and in the U.S. Senate
are in the minority to the favorable reaction coming in from all parts
of the world." Bucharest had followed the progress of the talks and
carried the TASS communique on the agreement, and a 27 July broadcast
carried a IsaisePYQ? t1 K3~DA=k~V 5~@00388R0~1 Y8OO22-91ay.
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2. Yugoslavia
A Yugoslav Foreign, Ministry statement "warmly welcomes" the initialing of
a partial test ban agreement"as an event of the greatest international
significance.." The stateme'rab; summarized by TANYUG, maintains that the
accord reached. ."convincingI ,ii onfirms the correctness of negotiating and
the need for mutual confidetibe, serves:as evidence of the practical value
of the policy of peaceful coexiatence,`and opens up considerable prospects
for further negotiations." A POLITIKA article, TANYUG repor.ts,,"emphasizes
the great merits of the three s;gna'tory powers," but points out that with
this credit goes "responsibility for the future development of everything
relating to this agreement and 411 that may violate it."
TANYUG's Moscow correspondent ro is that President Kennedy's statement on
the significance of the agreetnitb and his appeal to the American people to
support its. ratification have been "very favorably received" in the Soviet
capital.. The President's appeal, the reporter says, "is interpreted as a
sign of encouragement" in view of the increased efforts of American
reactionaries to impede approval of the treaty. The agency's Washington
correspondent cables that capital a:rcles believe that the Senate will
eventually pass the agreement, adding that the "first reeetidns of
high military men have been more favorable than expected." A TANYUG
dispatch from Peking says the Chinese are maintaining them "adverse
attitude toward this agreement." The Chinese attitude, according to
BORBA, is motivated by their "unreasonable desa~e ~d enter the nuclear
club at any expense."
Tirana radio briefly reports the official communique on the conclusion of
the talks, while ATA's review of the Albanian press says only that "the
papers deal with the communique on the Moscow talks, pointing out that
France is to continue development of its nuclear weapons." The radio's
comment and reportage during the course of the Moscow discussions echoed
Peking in stressing that with the talks the Kennedy administration hoped
to strengthen its military position by limiting the spread of nuclear
weapons and preventing other countries from strengthening their national
defenses--one of the primary targets in this respect being the CPR. The
real reason for a test ban treaty, says Tirana, is "to expand U.S. nuclear
arms to establish an imperialist American order over the world." The
radio calls on the "peoples of the world who oppose nuclear war" to
"expose this trick of American imperialism." In his 26 July speech to
the nation, Tirana declares, President Kennedy "openly said" that he
considered the limited restrictions of the treaty a positive factor.
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Speaking on 26 July over Cuban radio and television,, Fidel Castro calls
the nuclear test ban agreement a "victory for woz'ia peace" and a "victory
fcr the peace policy of the Soviet Union. If the imperialists," he
continues, "were the only possessors of nuclear arms they would not have
signed such an agreement. It is the awareness of a superior force in the
military field that forces them to reflect and makes them adopt this type
of measure. Naturally, all the world is happy to receive this news.
This shows how the imperialists are, how they at, when they have to face
the reality of force, when they face realities they cannot overcome.""
Havana broadcasts echo Castro in hailing the agreement as a step in the
right direction. TV commentator Gonzalez Jerez, in a 19 July talk, had
said that even if such a treaty'were obtained, "this would not in itself
mean the solution of today?s great problems." Yet he sair every peace
treaty., "no matter how limited," as a victory over the "desperate"
imperialists. And on 27, July Havana quotes Juan Marinello, in his
capacity as "president of the Movement for Peace and Sovereignty of
Peoples)" as saying that the agreement, "although it does not signify
the full. crystallization of the universal hope, is an important step
toward that objective. The treaty, he says, "deserves the applause
of all. those who? love peaceful coexistence," and "advance should be made"
for a complete prohibition of nuclear weapons "and their complete
destruction."
Commentator Kuchilan, on Havana television, sees a note of "great
gravity" in the fact that the treaty will have to be ratified by a
two-thirds vote in the U.S. Senate. "I refer to the Versailles Treaty
when Wilson proposed a League of Nations and the plan was approved in
Europe, yet the U.S. Senate defeated the treaty and it did not come
into being."
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