KEY TEXTS FROM PENTAGON'S VIETNAM STUDY

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CIA-RDP80R01720R001200030054-3
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RIFPUB
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U
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27
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December 15, 2016
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August 30, 2004
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54
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Publication Date: 
July 5, 1971
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NSPR
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Following are the texts of key documents accompanying the Pentagon's study of the Vietnam war, covering events in the Truman an.cl Eisenhower Administration. Except where excerpting is specified, the documents appear ver?batin't, with only unmistakable typographical errors col ree'ted. ? Report 0110' s Appeals to U a S In"416 to Support d pe idence Cablegram from an American diplomat in Manor, identified as Landon, to State Department, Feb. 27, 1946, as provided in the body of the Pentagon study. Ho Chi Minh handed inc 2 letters ad- September 1945 of PENW Democratic critically important to Malaya, Ceylon Re ubic of Viet Minh: and Hong Kong and are of considerable dressed to President of USA, China, p significance to Japan .and India, all Russia, and Britain identical copies of C C. Summary of French conquest of Cochin China began 23 Sept 1945 and important areas of free Asia. which were stated to have been for- still incomplete: d. The loss of Southeast Asia, espe-' warded to other governments ifamed. D. Outline of accomplishments of An- daily of Malaya and Indonesia, could re- In 2 letters to IIo Chi Minh request namese Government in Tonkin includ- cult in such economic and political pres- sores in Japan as to make it extremely ?rna in so popular elections, abolition of ttn_ fs one of United Nations to sop g lp difficult to prevent Japan's eventual ac- des port idea of Annamese independence and resumption as far as possible of commodation to communism. according to Philippines example, to normal economic activities: 3. It is therefore imperative `that an examine the case of the Annamese, and E. Request to 4 powers: (1) to inter-. overt attack on Southeast Asia by the. to take steps necessary to maintenance verse and stop the war in Indochina in Chinese Communists be vigorously op- to world peace which is being endan- order to mediate fair settlement and posed. In order to pursue the military gered by French efforts to reconquer (2) to bring the Indochinese issue be- courses of action envisaged in this paper Indochina. He asserts that Annamese fore the United Nations organization. to a favorable conclusion within a will fight until United Nations inter- The petition ends with the statement reasonable period, it will be necessary to fered in support of Annamese independ- that Annamese ask for full independ di ert military strength from other areas ence. The petition addressed to major ence in fact and that in interim while thus reducing our military capability in United Nations contains; awaiting UNO decision the Annamese those areas, with the recognized in, A. Review of French relations with will continue to fight the reestablish- creased risks involved therein, or to in- Japanese where French Indochina al- ment of French imperialism. Letters and crease our military forces in being, or legedly aided Japs: petition will be transmitted to Depart- both, B. Statement of establishment on 2 ment soonest. 4. The danger of an overt military - Asia. However, should Burma come un- i i 1,t4~lL'' ' IJW LaIJl {R a..A Cl b'SViI,J b der communist. dorninat st on, a commun 2. Communist dominAppraya rF,or H ~u ih ORNMR0012900300 ;41}3 Thailand - )s9a? . y n1- e o .Goals in Southeast Asia .Statement of Policy by the'National Security Council, early 1952; on "United States Objectives and Courses of Action With Respect to Southeast Asia." According to a footnote, the docurtett defined Southeast-Asia as "the area embracing Burma, Thailand, Indochina, Malaya and Indonesia." seriously endanger in the short term, Objective and critically endanger in the longer 1., To. prevent the countries of South- term, United States security interests. a. The loss of any of the countries east Asia from passing into the corn- of Southeast Asia to communist aggres- anunist orbit, and to assist them to de- sion would have critical psychological, Southeast Asia and India, and in the longer term, of the Middle East (with the probable exceptions of at least Pakistan and Turkey) would in all probability progressively follow: Such widespread alignment would. endanger the stability and security of Europe. b. Communist control of all of South- east Asia would render the U.S. position in the Pacific offshore island chain pre- carious and would seriously jeopardize fundamental U.S. security interests in the Far East. c. Southeast Asia, especially Malaya and Indonesia, is the principal world source of natural rubber and tin, and a producer of petroleum and other stra- tegically important commodities. The rice exports of Burma and Thailand are trw,-a.cri a~a.au,L OIJUWILao~ . . herent in the existence of a hostile and aggressive Communist China, but such an attack is less probable than can- tinued communist efforts to achieve domination through subversion. The primary threat to Southeast Asia accord- ingly arises from the possibility that the situation in Indochina may deteriorate as a result of the weakening of the resolve of, or as a result of the inability of the governments of France and of the Associated States to continue to oppose the Viet Minh rebellion, the millitary strength of which is being steadily in- creased by virtue of aid furnished by the Chinese Communist regime and its velop will and ability to resist com- political and economic consequences. In allies. raunism from within and without and the absence of effective and timely 5. The 'sua.ces ful defense of Tonkin to contribute to the strengthening of counteraction, the loss of any single is critical to the retention in non-Com- the free world. country would Probably lead to rela- munist hands of mainland Southeast ` ii 1 1 ever means, of all Southeast Asia would' b communism of the rest frf' might. make Indochina, including Tonkin with militarily indefensible. The execution of the following U.S. ccurse6 of action v ail T ,, cl^ t finer olnticat, respect to individual ccl~~PYlcort'rleatt~~Kesast~Ar c80RCF`171D00 p'Cz t feet or area may vary depending upon the security of the United States so that and psyci. uce the a;; rem route of communist advance into South- they may be prepared for any of the se(8) US-French eenccooperation Viet Minh forces. route Asia. courses of action proposed herein. (8) o vem in nu t 6. Actions designed to achieve our ob cizing progressi sve developments in the jectives in Southeast Asia require INDOCHINA foregoing policies in Indochina. sensitive selection and application, on 8. With respect to Indochina the 9. In the absence of large scale Chi- the one hand to ass-ire the optimum ef- United States should: nose Communist intervention in Indo- ficiency through coordination of meal- - china, the United State, should: a Continue to promote international a provide inuc ~sed aid on a high ures for the general area, and on the other, to accommodate to the greatest practicable extent to the individual sensibilities of the several governments, social classes and minorities of the area. Courses of Action SOUT}IEAST ASIA 7. With respect, to Southeast Asia, the United States should: a. Strengthen propaganda and cultural activities,. as appropriate, in relation to the area to foster increased alignment of the people with the free world. b. Continue, as appropriate, programs of economic and technical assistance de- signed to strengthen the indigenous. non-communist governments of the area. c. Encourage the countries of South- east Asia to restore and expand their commerce with each other and with the rest of the free world, and stimulate the flow of the raw material resources. of 'the area to the free world. d. Seek agreement with other nations, including at least France, the UK, Australia and New Zealand, for a joint warning to Communist China regarding the grave consequences of Chinese a,- gression against Southeast Asia, the .issuance of such a warning to be con- tingent upon the prior agreement of France and the UK to participate in the courses of action set forth in paragraphs 10 c, 12; 14 f (1) and (2) and 15 c (1) -and (2), and such oxhers as are de- termined as a result of prior trilateral consultation, in the event such a warning is ignored. e. Seek UK and French agreement in principle that a naval blockade of Com- munist China should be included in the minimum courses of action set forth in paragraph 10c below. f. Continue to encourage and support closer cooperation among the countries of Southeast Asia, and between those countries and the United States, Great Britain, France, the Philippines, Aus- tralia, New Zealand, South Asia and Japan. g. Strengthen, as appropriate, covert :operations designed to assist in the .. 1-: t f ITC bje ti es in Cnnt},- c evemen o o c v s l.,.+, - east Asia." (3) Such reorganization of French au- gres h. Continue activities and operations ministration and representation in Indo- states take whatever action may be designed to encourage the' overseas china as will be conducive to an In- necessary, without geographic limita Chinese communities in Southeast Asia creased feeling pf responsibility on the tion, to assist France and the Associated to organize and activate anti-communist part of the Associated States. States in meeting the aggression. groups and activities within their own. (4) Intensive efforts to develop the b. Whether or not UN action is im- communities, -to resist the effects of. armies of the Associated States, includ- mediately forthcoming, seek the maxi- parallel pro-communist' groups and ac-.' ing independent logistical and adminis- mum possible international supi?ort for, tivities and, generally, to increase their trative services. and participation in, the minimum orientation toward the free world. - (5) The development of more effec- courses of military action agreed upon J. Take measures to promote the co- the and stable Governments in the Asso- by the parties to the joint warning. ordinated defense of the area, and en- ciated States. These minimum courses of action are courage and support the spirit of re- (6) Land reform, agrarian and indus- set forth in subparagraph c immediately sistance among the peoples of Soul.hea.st trial credit, sound rice marketing sys- below. Asia to Chinese Communist aggression tems, labor development, foreign trade and to the encroachmer rmw cEor Fe}t aa2004t09/O3 : CIA-RDP80RO172OR0012000300 munists. 0 inued support for the three Associated States. priority hasis for the French Union b. Continue to assure the French that forces without relieving French author- the U.S. regards the French effort in ities of their basic military responsibil- Indochina as one of great strategic im- portance in the general international interest rather than in the purely French interest, and as essential to the security of the free world, not only in the Far East but in the Middle East and Europe as well. c. Continue to assure the French that we are cognizant of the sacrifices en- tailed for France in carrying out her, effort in Indochina and that, without overlooking the principle that France has the primary responsibility in Indochina,, we will recommend to the Congress appropriate military, economic and financial aid to France and the Associated States. d. Continue to cultivate friendly and increasingly cooperative relations with the Governments of France and the Associated States, at all levels with a view to maintaining and, if possible, in- creasing the degree of influence the U.S. can bring to bear on the policies and actions of the French and Indochinese authorities to the end of directing the course of events toward the objectives we seek. Our influence with the French and Associated States should be de- signed to further . those constructive political, economic and social measures which will tend to increase the stability of the Associated States and thus make' it possible for the French to reduce the degree of their participation in the mili- tary, economic and political affairs of the.Associated States. e. Specifically we should use our influence with France. and the Associat? ed States to promote positive political, military, economic and social policies, among which the following are consid- ered essential elements: (1) Continued recognition and carry- ing out by France of its primary responsibility for the defense of Indo- china. Associated states towaru the evuiuuw1 t.LJU vy -. ary development of the Associated include a UN resolution declaring that ___ ...:..t China has rnmmitted an ag- ity for the defense of the Ai.soca States in order to: (1) Assist in developing indigenous armed forces which will eventually be capable. of maintaining internal security without assistance from French units. (2) Assist the French Union forces to maintain progress in the restoration of internal security against the Viet Minh. ? (3) Assist the forces of Frr.nce and the Associated State.; to defend Indo- china against Chinese Communist aggression. b. In view of the immediate urgency of the situation, involving possible large- scale Chinese Communist intervention, and in order that the United States may be prepared to take whatever ac- tion may be appropriate in such cir .cu instances, make the plans necessary to carry out the courses of action indi- cated in paragraph 10 below. c. In the event that information and circumstances point to the conclusion that France is no longer prepared to carry the burden in Indochina, or if France presses for an increased sharing of the responsibility for Indochina, whether in the UN or directly with the U.S. Government, oppose a French with- drawal and consult with the French and British concerning further measures to be taken to safeguard -the area from communist domination. 10. In the event that it is determined, in consultation with France, that Chinese Communist forces (including volunteers) have overtly intervened in the conflict in Indochina, or are: covertly participating to such -an extent as to jeopardize retention of the Tonkin Delta area by French Union forces, the United states should take the - following measures to assist these forces in pre- venting the loss of Indochina, to repel the aggression and to restore peace and security in Indochina: a. Support a request by France or the Associated States for immediate ac- Approved For (ease 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO17 01200030054-3 c. `Carry out the following, minimum ise o ver Comm ittee"s Me courses of military action, either under 1 the auspices of the UN or in conjunction with France and the United Kingdom On French for id and any other friendly governments: E Requests (1) A resolute defense of Indochina itself to which the United States would Excerpts from memorandum for the record, Jan. 30, 1954, by Brig. Gen. provide such air and naval assistance Charles H. Bonesteel 3d on meeting of President's Special Committee on as might be practicable. Indochina. (2) Interdiction of Chinese Communist 1. The Special Committee met in Mr. communication lines including those in Kyes' office at 3:30 p.m. 29 January China. 1954.... (3) The United States would expect 3. Admiral Radford said he had been to provide the major forces for task in touch with General Ely, French Chief (2) above; but would expect the UK of Staff, through General Valluy. Ten and France to provide at least token B-26 aircraft are on the way to Indo- forces therefor and to render such other china this week. These would contribute assistance as is normal between allies, to filling the French request for air- and France to carry the burden of pro- craft to bring two B-26 squadrons viding, in conjunction with the Associat- up to a strength of 25 operational air- ed States, the ground forces fqr the craft each. However, an additional 12 defense of Indochina. are needed to fill the full requirement 11. In addition to the courses of action because a total .of 22 are needed (12 to set forth in paragraph 10 above, the fill the annual attrition plus 10 to fill .United States should take the following the additional French request). There military actions as appropriate to the was some .discussion on the seeming situation: differences in requests reaching Wash- a. If agreement is reached pursuant ington via Paris and those coming to paragraph 7-e, establishment in con- through the MAAG. Subsequently in the junction with the UK and France of a meeting-it was agreed that the French naval blockade of Communist China.' should be informed that the U.S. would b. Intensification of covert operations act only on requests which had been to aid anti-communist guerrilla forces approved by General O'Daniel after Gen- operating against Communist China and eral O'Daniel was set up in Indochina. to interfere with and disrupt Chinese 4. Admiral Radford indicated that to Communist lines of communication and fill the entire requirement for 22 B-26's. military supply. areas. on an urgent basis would mean taking c.. Utilization, as desirable and feasi- some of them from U. S. operational ble, of anti-communist Chinese forces, squadrons in the Far East, but this including Chinese Nationalist forces in could be done. The aircraft would not military' operations in Southeast Asia, all have "zero" maintenance time on Korea, or China proper. them. d. Assistance to the British to cover 5. As to the additional French re- an evacuation from Hong Kong, if quest for 25 B-26's to equip a third regdired. squadron, it was decided that final de- e: Evacuation of French Union civil cision to furnish them should await the and military personnel from the Tonkin return of General O'Daniel. However, delta, if required. the Air Force has been alerted that they may have to be furnished on short 12. If, subsequent to aggression against notice. !Indochina and execution of the mini- 6. As to the provision of a small mum necessary courses of action-listed "dirigible," it was 'decided to inform in paragraph 10-c above, the United the French that this could not be fur- States determines jointly with the UK nished. and France that expanded military ac- 7. Regarding the French request for tion against Communist China is ren- 400 mechanics trained in maintenance dered necessary by the situation, the of B-26 and C-47 aircraft, there was United States should take air and naval considerable discussion. Admiral Rad- action in conjunction with at least ford said he had informed General Ely, France and the U.K. against all suitable through General Valluy, that the U.S. military targets in China, avoiding does not believe the French have ex- insofar as practicable those targets in hausted all efforts to get French civil- areas near the boundaries of the. USSR an maintenance crews. He suggested in order not to increase the risk of direct the French try. to find them through Soviet involvement. "Air France" Mr. Kyes mentioned the 13. In the event the concurrence of possibility of obtaining French person- the United Kingdom and France to ex- nel from their eight aircraft factories paraded military action against Commu- or from the ' big Chateauroux mainte nist China is not obtained; the United nance base where the U.S. employed. States should consider taking unilateral French mechanics. General Smith in- action. !quired about the possibility of lower- Ing French NATO commitments to en- ,able transfer of French military me- chanics. Admiral Radford said General Valluy had informed him the French Staff have carefully considered the idek but the French Air Force does not have enough military mechanics trained in thanics were being trained on these aircraft that the urgent requirement, could not he rnet. He had also said that the employment of French civilian me- chanics presented a difficult, problem in security clearance. 8. General Smith recommended that the U.S. send 200 U.S. Air Force mechanics to MAAG, Indochina, and tell the French to provide the rest. Ad- miral Radford said this could be done and that the Air Force- is, somewhat reluctantly, making plans to this end. He had let the French know that if Ameri- can mechanics were sent they must be used only on air bases which were entirely secure from capturd. General Smith, wondered, in light of additional French requests, if the Committee should not consider sending the full 400 me- chanics. 9. Mr. Kyes questioned if sending 200 military mechanics 'would not so commit the U.S. to support the French that we must be prepared eventually for complete intervention, including use of U.S. combat forces. General Smith said he did not think this would result- we were sending maintenance forces not ground forces. He felt, however, that the importance of winning in In- dochina was so great that if worst came to the worst he personally would favor intervention with U.S. air and naval forces-not ground forces. Admiral Radford agreed. Mr. Kyes felt this con- sideration was so important that it should be put to the highest level. The President himself should decide. Gen- eral Smith agreed. Mr. Allen Dulles wondered if our preoccupation with help- ing to win the battle at Dien Bien Phu was so great that we were not going to bargain with the French as we sup- plied their most urgent needs. Mr. Kyes said this was an aspect of the question he was resisting, Admiral Red- ford read from a cable just received from General O'Daniel, which indicated General Navarre had been most cordial to General O'Daniel at their meeting and had indicated he was pleased with the concept of U.S. liaison officers be- ing assigned to his general headquar- ters and to the training command. Gen eral Navarre and - General O'Daniel agreed to try to work out a maximum of collaboration at the military level. 10. Later in the meeting, Mr. Allen Dulles raised the question as to send- ing the CAP pilots the French had once requested. It was agreed that the French apparently wanted then now, that they should be sent, and CIA should arrange for the necessary negotiations with the French in Indochina to take care of it. 11. Mr. byes said that if we meet the French urgent demands they should 6 or C-47 maintenance to fill the re- b^ e ti e achieve- z, For i lit?QQE4> 93t>~e4AvR[i $ORg ~Ro ,a @~a~ation with ,such a_,delay while their military me- the French in training and strategy, and QQ~2t i,~u4 cf Approved Fpr lease 2004/09/03.,CIA-RDP80RO172( 101200030054-3 ,O'Daniel's hand in every way possible. General Smith agreed and felt we should reinforce General O'Daniel's position not only with the French in Indochina but also at the highest level,in Paris.... 12. Summary of Action Agreed Re- garding Urgent French Requests Admiral Radford, Admiral Davis, Gen- eral Erskine, Mr, Godel, BIG Bonesteel, Colonel Alden. Department of State--General Smith, Mr. Robertson. . CIA-Mr. Allen Dulles, General Cabell, Mr. Aurell, Colonel Lansdale. It was agreed: ,..'a. To provide 200 uniformed U.S. Air Force mechanics who would be assigned as an augmentation to MAAG Indo- china, these mechanics to be provided only on the, understanding that they would be used at bases where they 'would be secure from capture and would not be exposed to combat. c. To send, the CAP pilots, with CIA arranging necessary negotiations. d. Not to provide a "dirigible." e. To await General O'Daniel's return to Washington before making a decision on the other French requests. Efforts should continue to get the French to contribute a maximum number of mechanics. It was further agreed that General Smith would clear these recommended actions with the President. 13, The next item discussed was the status of General 'O'Daniel. Mr. Kycs said General Trapnell, the present Chief of MAAG, is being replaced at the nor- Trial expiration of 'his tour. General Dabney had been chosen to replace General Trapnell and is about to leave for Indochina. Admiral Radford pointed out that General O'Daniel could be made Chief of MAAG without any further clearance with the French Government. General Smith said this would be Al right but slioul d not preclude further action to increase the position of Gen- eral O'Danid . General Erskine pointed ? out that the MAAG i1 Indochina is not a "military mission" but only an ad- ministrative group concerned with the provision of MDAP equipment. Ile thought the MAAG status should be raised to that of a mission which could help in training. It was agreed that General O'Daniel should probably be first assigned as Chief of MAAG and 'that, for this reason, General Dabney's; departure for Indochina should be tem- porarily held up. General Dabney should, however, go to Indochina to assist Gen- eral'O'Daniel by heading up the present MAAG functions. Admiral Davis was requested to assure that General Dabney -did not depart until further instructions, were given. 20. Mr. Allen Dulles inquired if an un- conventional warfare officer, specifically Colonel Lansdale, could not be added" to the group of five. liaison officers to which General Navarre had agreed. Admiral Radford thought this might be done and at any rate Colonel Lansdale could immediately be attached to the MAAG, but he wondered if it would not be best for Colonel Lansdale to await General O'Daniel's return before' going to Indochina. In this way, Colo- nel Lansdale could help the working group in its revision of General Erskine's paper. This was agreeable to Mr. Allen '54- RK-eport by Special Committee On the Threat of Communism Excerpts from Part II of the Special Committee's Report on Southeast Asia, April 5, 1954. Part I was not made available with it. IVr Conclusions A. The Special Committee considers that these factors reinforce the neces- sity of assuring that Indo-China remain in the non-Communist bloc, and believes that defeat of the Viet Minh in Indo- China is essential if the spread of Com- munist influence in Southeast Asia is to be halted. , B. Regardless of the outcome of mil- itary operations in Indo-China and with- out compromising in any way the over- whelming strategic importance of the Associated States to the Western po- sition in the area, the U.S. should take all affirmative and practical steps, with or without its European allies, to pro- vide tangible evidence of Western strength and determination to defeat Communism; to demonstrate that ulti- mate victory will be won by the free world; and to secure the affirmative association of Southeast Asian states with these purposes. C. That for these purposes the West- ern position in Indo-China must be. maintained and improved by a military victory. D. That without compromise to C, above, the U.S. should in all prudence reinforce the remainder of Southeast Asia, including the land areas of Malaya, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. Recommended Courses of Action A. The Special Committee wishes to reaffirm the following recommendations which are made in NCS 5405, the Spe- cial Committee Report concerning mili- tary operations in Indo-China, and the position paper of the Special Committee, concurred in by the Department of De- fense, concerning U. S. courses of action and policies with respect to the Geneva Conference: (1) It be U. S. policy to accept nothing short of a military victory in Indo-China. (2) It Lie the U. S. position to obtain French support of this position; and that failing this, the U. S. actively oppose any negotiated settlement in Indo-China at (3) It he the U. S. position in event of failure of (2) above to initiate immedi'. ate steps with the governments of the Associated States aimed toward the con- tinuation of the war in Indo-China, to include active U. S. participation and (4) Regardless of whether or not the U. S. is successful in obtaining French support for the active U. S. participa- tion called for in (3) above, every effort, should be made to undertake this active participation in concert with other in- terested. nations. B. The, Special Committee also con- siders that all possible political and eco- nomic pressure on France must be ex- erted as the obvious initial course of ac- tion to reinforce the French will to con- tinue operatings [sic] in Indo-China. The Special Committee recognizes that this course of action will jeopardize the ex- isting French Cabinet, may be unpopular among the, French public, and may be considered as endangering present U. S. policy with respect to EDC. The Corn- mittee nevertheless considers that the free world strategic position, not only ?The Department of State representative recommends the deletion of paragraphs A and B hereunder as being redundant and included in other documents. in Southeast Asia but in Europe and the Middle East as well, is such as to re- quire the most extraordinary efforts to.. prevent Communist domination of South- east Asia. The Committee considers that firm and resolute action now in this regard. may well be the key to a solution" of the entire problem posed by France in the free world community of nations. C. In order to make the maximum contribution to the free world strength in Southeast Asia, and regardless of the outcome of military operations currently in progress in Indo-China, the U.S. should, in all prudence, take the follow ing courses of action in addition to those set forth in NSC 5405 and in Part I. of the Special Committee Report: Political and Military: (1) Ensure that there be initiated no cease-fire in Indo-China prior to victory: whether that be by successful military action or clear concession of defeat by the Communists. Action: State, CIA (2) Extraordinary and unilateral, as well as multi-national, efforts should be un- dertaken to give vitality in Southeast, Asia to the concept that Communist im- perialism is a transcending threat to each of the Southeast Asian states. These efforts should be so undertaken as to appear through local initiative rather than, as a result of U.S. or UK, or French insti?ation. Duties. Approved For 2004/09/03-: CIA-RDP80R01720R001200030054-3 Cnntinuod Approved For lease 2004/09/03: CIA-RDP80RO172t 01200030054-3 .ACTION: USIA, State, CIA ? (3) It should be U. S. policy to develop within the UN Charter a Far Eastern regional arrangement subscribed and un- derwritten by the major European pow- ers with interests in the Pacific. a. Full accomplishment of such an arrangement can only be developed in- the long term and should therefore be preceded by the development, through, indigenous sources, or regional economic and cultural agreements between the several Southeast Asian countries and later with Japan. Such agreements might take a form similar to that of OEEC:. in Europe. Action: State, CIA, FOA , b. Upon the basis of such agreements, the U. S. should actively but unobtru- sively seek their expansion into mutual defense agreements and should for this purpose be prepared to underwrite such agreements with military.and economic aid and should [rest unavailable]. D. The courses of action outlined` above are considered as mandatory re= gardless of the outcome of military op= orations in Indo-China. (1) If Indo-China is held they are needed to build up strength and re- sistance to Communism in the entire. area. (2) If Indo-China is lost they are es- sential as partial steps: a. To delay as long as possible the extension of Communist domination throughout the Far East, or b. In conjunction with offensive opera tions to retake Indo-China from the Com- niunists. (3) Should Indo-China be lost it is clear-to the Special Coriunittee that the involvement of U. S. resources either in an attempt to stop the further spread of Communism in the Far East, (which is bound, except in terms of the n extensive military and political effort, to be futile) or to initiate offensive op- erations to retake and reorient Indo- China, (which would involve a major military campaign), will greatly exceed those needed to hold Indo-China before it falls. (4) Furthermore, either of these under- takings (in the light of the major set- back to U. S. national policy involved in the loss of Indo-China) would entail as an urgent prerequisite the restoration of Asian morale and confidence in U. S. ?policy' which will have reached an un- . precedentedly low level in the area. (5) Each of these courses of action would involve greater risk of war with Communist China, and possibly the So- viet Union, than timely preventive action taken under more favorable circum- stances before Indo-China is lost. once at highest .level, I must confirm this position. US is doing everything possible as indicated my 5175 to pre- pare public, Congressional and Constitu- tional basis for united action in Indo- highest level. Approved For Release 2004/09/03 CIA-RDP80Ri)1720R001200030054-3 guns operated by Chinese and evidently are- from Korea. These AA guns are now shooting through clouds to bring down French aircraft. Dillon Cable to Dulles on Appeal F or it Support at ienbienp u Cablegram from Douglas'Dillon, United States Ambassador to France, to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles on April 5, 1954. Fourth. One thousand supply trucks of which 500 have arrived since 1 March, all driven by Chinese army per- sonnel. Fifth. Substantial material help in guns, shells, etc., as is well known. Bidault said that French Chief- of Air Staff wished US be informed that US air intervention at Dien Bien Phu could lead to Chinese Communist air attack on delta airfields. Nevertheless, govern- ment was making request for aid. Bidault closed by saying that for good or evil the fate of Southeast Asia now rested on Dien Bien Phu. He said that Geneva would be won or lost depending on outcome at Dien Bien Phu. This was reason for French request for this very serious action on our part. He, then emphasized necessity for speed in view of renewed attack which is expected before end of week. He thanked US for prompt. action on air- lift for French paratroops. He then said that he had received -Dulles' proposal for Southeast Asian coalition, and that lie would answer as soon as possible later. in week as restricted Cabinet ses- sion not competent to make this de- cision. New' Subject. I passed on Norstad's Concern that news of airlift (DEPTEL 3470, April 3) might leak as planes as- sembled. Pleven was called into room. He expressed extreme concern as any leak would lead to earlier Viet Minh attack. He said at all costs operation must be camouflaged as training exer- cise until troops have arrived. He is preparing them as rapidly as possible and they will be ready to leave in a week. Bidault and Laniel pressed him to hurry up departure date of troops and he said he would do his utmost. URGENT. I was called at 11 o'clock Sunday night and asked to come im- mediately to Matignon where a restrict- ed Cabinet meeting was in progress. On arrival Bidault received me in La- niel's office and was joined in a few minutes by Laniel. They said that im- mediate armed intervention of US car- rier aircraft at Dien Bien Phu is now necessary to save the situation. Navarre reports situation there now in state of precarious equilibrium and that both sides are doing best to rein- force-Viet Minh are bringing up last available reinforcements which will way outnumber any reinforcing French can do by parachute drops. Renewal of as- sault by reinforced Viet Minh probable by middle or end of week. Without help by then fate of Dien Bien Phu will probably be sealed. Ely brought back report from Wash- ington that Radford gave him his per- sonal (repeat personal) assurance that if situation at Dien Bien Phu required US naval air support he would do his best to obtain such help from US Gov- ernment. Because of this information from ? Radford as reported by Ely, French Government now asking for US carrier aircraft support at Dien Bien Phu. Navarre - feels that a relatively minor US effort could turn the tide but naturally hopes for as much help as possible. French report Chinese in- tervention in Indochina already fully established as follows: First. Fourteen technical advisors at Giap headquarters plus numberous others at division level. All under com- mand of Chinese Communist Gemeral Ly Chen-liou who is stationed at Giap headquarters. Second. Special telephone lines in-. styled maintained and operated by Clii- nese personnel. Third. Forty 37 mm. anti-aircraft guns radar-controlled at Dien Bien Phu. These Dulles Cable Barring Intervention china. However, such action' is impos- sible except on coalition basis with active British Commonwealth participa- tion. Meanwhile US prepared, ' as has been demonstrated, to do everything short of belligerency. FYI US cannot and will not be put in position of alone salvaging British Commonwealth interests in Malaya, Australia and New Zealand. This neat- ter now under discussion with UK at Cablegram from Secretary Dulles to Ambassador Dillon in Paris, April 5, As I personally explained to Ely in presence of Radford, it is not (rpt not) possible for US to commit belligerent acts in Indochina without full political understanding with France and other countries. In addition, Congressional action would be required. After gonfer- Approved For ease 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80R017201200030054-3 Dillon Reply, o: French Reaction Cablegram from Ambassador Dillon to Secretary Dulles, April 5, 1954. I delivered message DEPTEL 3482 to unfortunately the time for formulating Didault Monday evening. He asked me coalitions has passed as the fate of In- to tell Secretary that he personally dochina will be decided in the next ten covrid well understand position US Gov- drys at Dien-Bien-Phu. As I left he said that even though French must fight -rnment and would pass on your answer alone they would continue fighting and to Laniel. he" prayed God they would be success- He asked me to say once more that ful. Memo of Eiserjhower-iliulles Talk On the French Cease -Tire Plan Memorandum by Robert Cutler, special assistant to President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Ma) 7, 1954. At a meeting in the President's office this morning with Dulles, three" topics were discussed. 1. Whether the President should ap- prove paragraph lb of the tentative Record of Action of the 5/6/54 NSC meeting, which covers the proposed an- swer to the Eden proposal. The Secre- tary of State thought the text was cor- rect. Wilson and Radford preferred the draft message to Smith for Eden pre- pared yesterday by MacArthur and Captain Anderson, and cleared by the JCS, which included in the Five Power Staff Agency. Thailand and the Philip- pines. Radford thinks that the Agency (which has hitherto been not disclosed in SEA) has reahy completed its mili- tary planning; that if it is enlarged by top level personnel, its actions will be necessarily open to the world; that therefore some Southeast Asian coun- tries should be included in it, and he fears Eden's proposal as an intended de- laying action. The President approved the text of paragraph lb but suggested that Smith's reply to Eden's proposal should make clear the following: 1. Five Power Staff Agency, alone or with other nations, is not to the United States a satisfactory substitute for a broad political coalition which will in- clude the Southeast Asian countries which are to be defended, 2. Five Power Staff Agency exami- raAion is acceptable to see how these nations can give military aid to the Southeast Asian counties in the coop- erative defense effort. 3. The, United States will not agree to a `:`white man's party" to determine the problems of the Southeast Asian nations. I was instructed to advise Wilson and Radford of the above, qnd have done so. 2. The Preside-.at went over the draft of the speech which Dulles is going to. make tonight, making quite a few sug- gestions and changes in text. He thought additionally the speech should include some easy to understand slo- gans, such as "The US will never start "a war," "The US will not go to war without Congressional authority," `,`The US, as always, is trying to organize co- operative efforts to sustain the peace." 3. With reference to the cease-fire pro- posal transmitted by Eidault to thei French cabinet, I read the following, as views principally of military members of the Planning Board, expressed in their yesterday afternoon meeting: 1. US should not support the Bidault proposal. 2. Reasons for this position: a. The more proposal of the cease- fire at the Geneva Conference would destroy the will to fight of French forces and make fencesitters jump to Vietminh side. b. The Communists would evade covertly cease-fire controls. 3. The US should (as a last act to save IndoChina) propose to France that if the following 5 conditions are met, the US will go to Congress for authority to intervene with combat forces: a. grant of genuine freedom for As- sociated States b. US take major responsibility for training indigenous forces c. US share responsibility for mili tary planning d. French forces to stay in the fight and no requirement of replacement of US forces (e. Action under UN auspices?) This offer to be made known simul- taneously to the other members of the proposed regional grouping (UK, Aus- tralia, NZ, Thailand, Associated States, Philippines) in order to enlist their par- ticipation. I then suiiimarized possible objec- tions to making the above proposal to the French: a. No French Government is now competent to act in a lasting vmy. b. There is no ierdication France wants to "internationalize" the conflict. c. The US proposal would be. made without the prior assurance of a re- gional grouping of SEA states, a pre- condition of Congress; although this point might he added as another condi- tion to the proposal. d. US would be "bailing out colonial France" in the eyes of the world. e. US cannot undertake alone to save every situation of trouble. I concluded that some P13 members felt that it had never been made clear to the French that the US was willing to ask for Congressional authority, if certain fundamental precondition's were met; that these matters had only been hinted at, and that the record of his- tory should be clear as to the US posi- tion. Dulles was interested to know the President's views, because he is talking with Ambassador Bonnet this afternoon. He indicated that he would mention these matters to Bon net, perh-a.,ss mak- ing a more broad hint than heretofore. He would not circulate any formal pa- per to Bonnet, or to anyone else. The President referred to the propo- sition advanced by Governor Stassen at the April 29 Council Meeting as not having been thoroughly thought, out. He said that he had been trying to get France to "internationalize" matters for a long time, and they are not willing to do so. If it were thought advisable at this time to point out to the French the' essential preconditions to the LS asking for Congressional authority to intervene, then it should also be r.:,ade clear to the French as an additional precondition that the US would never intervene alone, that there must be an invitation by the indigenous people, and that there must he some kind of re- gional and collective action. I understand that- Dulles will decide the extent to which he cares to follow this line with Ambassador Bonnet. This discussion may afford Dulles guidance in replying to Smith's request about a US alternative to support the Bidault proposal, but there really was no deci- sion as to the US attitude toward the cease-fire proposal itself. Approved For Release 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO172OR001200030054-3 Conti."ntzed Approved For lease 2.004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO172W01200030054-3 Eisenhower's Instructions U. S. Envoy at 'enev a T al ks Cablegram, from Secretary of State Dulles to Under Secretary Walter Pedell Smith, May 12, 1954. The following basic instructions, that area peacefully to enjoy territorial, which have been approved by the Presi- integrity and political independence un- dent, and which are in confirmation of . der stable and free governments with these already given you orally, will. the opportunity to expand their econ- guide you, as head of the United States omies, to realize their legitimate na- Delegation, in your participation in the Indochina phase of the Geneva Confer- ence. tional aspirations, and to develop secu- rity through individual and collective defense against aggression, from within 1. The presence of a United States or without. This implies that these -peo- representative during the discussion at ple should not be amalgamated into the the Geneva Conference of "the problem of Communist bloc of imperialistic dicta- restoring peace in Indochina" rests on torship, the Berlin Agreement of February 18, 5. The United States is not prepared 1954, Under that agreement the US, to give its express or implied approval UK, France, and USSR agreed that the. to any cease-fire, armistice, or other four of them plus other interested states settlement which would have the effect -should be invited to a conference at of subverting the existing ]awful govern- ments of the three aforementioned Geneva on April 2G "for the purpose states or of permanently impairing their of reaching a peaceful settlement of the territorial integrity or of placing in " Korean question and agreed further, that "the problem of restoring peace in Indochina" would also be discussed at Geneva by the four powers repre- sented at Berlin, and Communist China .and other interested states. . 2. You will nat.deal with the delegates of the Chinese Communist regime, or any other regime not now diplomatically recognized by the United States, on any terms which imply political recognition or which concede to that regime any status other than that of a regime with which it is necessary to deal on a de facto,basis in order to end aggression or the threat of aggression, and to obtain peace. 3, The position of the United States in the Indochina phase of the Geneva Conference is that of an interested na- tion which, however, is neither a bellig- erent nor a principal in the negotiation. 4. The United States is participating ,in the Indochina phase of the Conference in order thereby to assist in arriving at decisions which will help the nations of jeopardy the forces of the French Union in Indochina, or which otherwise con- travened the principles stated in (4) above. 6. You should, insofar as is compati- ble with these instructions, cooperate with the Delgation of France and with the Delegations of other friendly partici- pants in this phase of the Conference. 7. If in your judgment continued par- ticipation in the Indochina phase of the Conference appears likely to involve the United States in a result inconsistent with its policy, as stated above, you should immediately so inform your Gov- ernment, recommending either with- drawal or the limitation of the US role to that of an observer. If the situation develops such that, in your opinion, either of such actions is essential under the circumstances and time is lacking for consultation with Washington, you may act in your discretion. 8. You are authorized to inform other delegations at Geneva of these instruc- tions. 195 Study by ,the Joint Chiefs On Possible U. S. Intervention reference to the Fair East as a whole, Indochina is devoid of decisive military objectives and the allocation of more than token U.S. armed forces in Indo- china would be a serious diversion of limited U.S. capabilities. The principal sources of Viet Minh military supply lie outside Indochina. The destruction or neutralization of these sources in China proper would materially reduce the French military problems in Indochina. b. In connection with the above, it may be readily anticipated that, upon Chinese Communist intervention in Indo- china, the French would promptly re- quest the immediate deployment of U. S. ground and air forces, additional naval forces, and a considerable increase in MDAF armament and equipment. The Joint Chiefs of Staff have stated their belief that committing to the Indochina conflict naval forces in excess of a Fast Carrier Task Force and supporting forces as necessary in accord.,nce with the developments in the situation, of basing substantial air forces in Indochina, will involve maldeployrnent of forces and re- duce readiness to meet probable Chi- nese Communist reaction elsewhere in the Far East. Simultaneously, it is nec- essary to keep in mind the considerable Allied military potential available in the korea-Japan-Okinawa area, c. In light of the above, it is clear that the denial of these forces to Indo- china could result in a schism between the United States and France unless they were employed elsewhere. However, it should be noted that the Joint Chiefs of Staff have plans, both approved and tinder consideration, which provide for the employment of these forces in com- bat operations outside Indochina. Never- theless, it is desired to repeat that this particular report is responsive to the question of U. S. intervention in Indo- -hina only. Assuming the Chinese Communists Intervene 3. Strategic Concept and Plan of Op- eration Seek to create conditions through the destruction of effective Communist forces and their means for support ,in the Indochina action and by reducing. Chinese Communist capability for ' fur- ther aggression, under which Associated States forces could assume responsibility for the defense of Indochina. In the light of this concept the major courses of action would be as follows: a. Employing atomic weapons, when- ever advantageous, as well as other weapons, conduct offensive air opera- tions against selected military targets in Indochina and against those military tar- ots i Ch' Y-1- ' d th C n Excerpts front memorandum from Admiral Arthur W. Radford, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to Secretary of .Defense Charles E. Wilson, May 26, 1954, on "Studies With Respect to Possible U.S. Action Regarding Indochina." The italicized emphasis appears in the original document. g uta, rnart, an o er om- 1. Reference is made to the memo- 2 a. The Studies requested by the munist-held offshore islands which are randum by the Acting Secretary of De- Acting Secretary of Defense were de- being used by the Communists in direct fense, dated I8 May 1954, subject as veloped within the parameters pre- support of their operations, or which above, wherein the Joint Chiefs of Staff scribed in the memorandum by the Ex threaten the security of?U. S. and allied were requested to prepare certain stud- ecutive Secretary, NSC, dated .18 May forces in the area. 195 4, subject as above. This memoran- b. Simultaneously, ies, and agreed outline answers to cer- French Union dum is interpreted as assuming no con- Forces, augmented by U. S. naval, and taro questions relating ther eto, for dis- cussion with the Acting Secretary of current involvement in Korea. This as. air forces, would exploit by coordinated sumption may be quite unrealistic and ground, naval, and air action such suc- Defen b f 2 M f se on or e ore a and I v ~~snifOOR1'(~R04($0$tic@5~#-8 result of subsequent submission lipA, 1~ f 4 Security Council NSC .. to point out their belief that, from the t e a oro oned air operations in or- ( point of.view of the United States, with der to destroy enemy forces in Indo- . . China. continued Approved For c. Conduct coordinated ground, naval, and air action to destroy enemy forces in Indochina. . d. In the light of circumstances pre vailing at the-time, and subject to an evaluation-of the results of operations conducted under subparagraphs a and b above, he prepared to take further action against Communist China to reduce its war-making capability, such as: (1) Destruction of additional selected military targets. In connection with these additional targets, such action requires an enlarged but highly selective atomic pffensive in addition to attacks employ- ing other weapons systems. (2) Blockade of the China coast. Thi might be instituted progressively from the outset. (3) Seizure or neutralization of ,Hainan Island, (4) Operations against .the Chinese mainland by Chinese Nationalist forces.... Assuming Chinese Communists Do Not intervene 9. Strategic Concept and Plan of Action Seek to create conditions by destroy- ing effective Communist forces in Indo- china, under which the Associated States Forces could assume responsi- bility for the defense of Indochina. In the light of this. concept, the major courses of action which would he t-ndcr- taken are as follow; : ' a. Conduct air operations in sup- port of allied forces in Indochina: The employment of atomic weapons is con- templated in the event that such course appears militarily adIvantageous. b. Simultaneously, French. Union Forces augmented by such armed forces of the Philippines and Thailand as may be committed would, in coordination with U.S. naval and Air Force forces, -conduct coordinated ground, naval and air action to destroy enemy forces in Indochina. ble by Dulles on s T..v. ) vie C1 d LI . id- 11 CILC1116 Cablr'gsram by Secretary Dulles to United States Thnbossy in Paris with copies to the United States Embassies in London and Saigon and to United Stoics Consul General in Geneva for Under Secretary Bedell Smith, July 7, 1954. We see no real conflict between paragraphs 4 and 5 US-Ul' terms. We realize of course that evc t agreement which appears to meet all seven points cannot constitute guarantee that Indo- china will not one day pass into Com- munist hands. Seven points are intended provide best chance that this shall not happen. This will require observance of criteria not merely in the letter but in the sjdiit. Thus since undoubtedly true that elections might eventually mean unification Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh this makes it all more important they should be only held as lone, after cease- fire agreement as possible and in con- ditions free from intimida.iiott to give democratic elements best chance. We believe important that no date should be set now and especially that no condi- tions should. be accepted by French which would have direct or indirect effect of . preventing effective inter- national supervision of agreement en- suring political as well as military guarantees. Also note paragraph 3 of President and Prim: Minister joint dec- laration of June 29 regarding QTE unity through free elections supervised by the UN UNQTE. Our interpretation of willingness QTE respect UNQTE agreement which might be reached is that we would rot (repeat not) oppose a settlement which con- formed?,to seven points contained Deptel' 4853. It does not (repeat not) of course mean we would guarantee such settle- ment or that we would necessarily sup- port it publicly. We consider QTE respect UNQTE as strong a word as we can possibly employ in the circum- stances to indicate our position with re-, spect to such arrc.ngements as French. may evolve along lines points contained DEP'TEI., 4853. QTE respect UNQTE would also mean that we would not seek directly or indirectly to upset settlement by force. You may convey substarrtco above to French. e n Ch inrec~ -0 CaUiegram from Under Secretary Bedell Smith at Geneva to Secretary Dulles, July 19, 1954. Topping has supplied in confidence following background information con- cerning his story on views of Chinese communist delegation. He stated his informant was Huang Hua, whom he has known for many years. Interview was at Huang's'initia- tive, was called on short notice, and was conducted in extremely serious manner without propaganda harangues. Topping said he had reported Huang's statement fully in his story but had obtained number of "visual impres- sions" during interview. When Huang spoke of possibility American bases it-, Indochina or anti-Communist pact in Southeast Asia, he became very agi- tated, his hands shook, and his usually excellent English broke down, forcing him to work through interpreter. Huang also spoke seriously and with apparent sincerity concerning his belief that I have returned to Geneva to prevent settle- ment.. Topping believes Chinese Commu- nists convinced Americans made deal with French during Paris talks on basis of which Mendes-France has raised price of settlement. Glossary of `err s 6.6.(?.-ttachelor eticcrs' quarters. C.A.T.--Civil Air lr,nsonrt, airline basrni on Taiwan. DEpTEL--Stale Dep *rtnrost telenran. E.'6.C.-Eurccnan 0`fenso Community. F.E.C.-French Expeditionary Corps. F.O.l..-Forel,n OrJ.rations Admrnisrraticn. J.C5..-Joint Chb:.fs of Staff. MA.AG--f.lilitan? Assistance Advisory 'Crow. MCsAP-M1lutual Detrnse AnssMe a t'rosrern. ational. S 0 Itd Council. O.E.E.C.-Orga^+ratiu~i fur Europea r Economic Coorera- lion. Os.O.-Offla! of strref~ry of Defense. SEA.-SYtthcast Asia. ~.S.O.M. -U.S. Operations Mission. Continued Approved For Release 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO172OR001200030054-3 Chinese communist-s' Position Covei un a i eutrai zeu ctoc r a missioll Cablegrurn from. Under Secr etary of State Bedell Smith at Geneva to Secre- Duties, July 18, 1954. tary Following despatch given us in ad- vance by Topping of Associated Press apparently represents official Chinese Communist position and was given Top- ping in order that we would be- come aware of it, It begins: ? QUOTA e: The Communist bloc has 'demanded that the United States guarantee the partition peace plan for Indochina and join in an agreement to neutralize the whole country, a responsible Chinese Communist informant said today. The informant, who reflects the views of Red China Premier Chou En-lai, said the Communists are hopeful of a cease- fire. agreement by next Tuesday's dead- line if the Western powers agree to 'bar all foreign-military bases from Indo- china and keep the three member states out of any military bloc,' The informant said the Communists are pressing for the stamp of American approval on the armistice agreement--- already okayed' in principle by Britain and France--which would divide Viet- nam between Communist leader Ho Chi Mink's Viet 'Minh and Bao Dal's pro- Western regime. 'We believe that the US as a member of the conference should and is obligated to subscribe to and guarantee any settle- ment. Morally, there is no reason for the US to avoid this obligation.' But the informant did not (repeat not)- rule out the chance of an Indochina cease-fire even if the US refuses to okay the armistice agreement. The Eisenhower administration has told France and Britain that they can go ahead with their plan for an Indochina settlement based on partition of Vietnam, But Washington has made it clear that it is not (repeat not) ready to associate itself formally with the plan which woidd sanction putting millions of Vietnamese under Red rule. The. Communist informant said the 'crucial issue' now in the Geneva peace negotiations revolves around whether the Western powers will agree effec- tively to neutralize Indochina. 'Refusal to join in such a guarantee,' the informant said, 'could seriously deter a final settlement. On other important .points in the negotiations we are in agreement or close to it. We are hopeful and we believe that there is- time to reach. a settlement by July 20.' French Premier Pierre Mendes-France has promised to resign with his-Cabinet =Rd 5 .. if he fails to end the bloody eight-year- old war, by next Tuesday. -Fall of the French Government probably would doom the Geneva negotiations. The in- formant declared that American efforts' to organize, a Southeast Asia Treaty, organization (SEATO) is a 'threat to .any possible Indochina agreement' 'Success or failure of the Geneva Con- ference may depend on the attitude of the American delegation in this regard,' he added. END QUOTE . The above seems to me extremely significant, particularly in view of the fact that in my discussion with Eden last night he expressed pessimism, which lie said was now shared for the first time by Krishna Menon. Latter had begun to feel, as I do, that Molotov wishes to force Mendes-France's res- ignation. Eden remarked that Molotov had now become the most difficult and intransigent member of Communist dele- gation. You will note obvious intention to place on shoulders of US responsi- bility for failure of Geneva Conference and fall of French Crovernment if this occurs. Molotov is insisting on a meeting this afternoon which French and British are trying to make highly restricted as they are apprehensive of what may occur. If such a meeting is hold and if demands are made for US association in any agreement, I will simply say that in the event a reasonable settlement is arrived at which US could "respect", US will probably issue a unilateral statement of its own position. If question of participa- tion Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam in security pact is raised, I will reply that this depends on outcome of conference. Eden has already told Molotov that security pact 'is inevitable, that he him- self favored it some time ago and that he would not (repeat not) withdraw from that position, but he made the mistake of saying that no consideration had been given to inclusion of Laos and Cambodia. This final gambit is going to be ex- tremely difficult to play and I do not (repeat not) now see the moves clearly. However, my opinion as expressed to' you before leaving, i.e., that Molotov will gain more by bringing down Mendes Government than by a settlement, has grown stronger. Followinq are excerpts from the I-eport of the Saigon, Mili,tarr?y Mission, an American team headed h, . F]d vard G. Lansdale, covering its activities in the .19,54,-55 per-iod. The repo,?t acco 7anie. the Yeiitagon`s study of this Vietnam war; which cites it i.oitho?.tt identifying the author, or c'rxt The excerpts appear vei'bati,mm, with only unmistakable typo- graph icac eir?ors corrected. L FORE W G .. ?. This is the condensed account of one year in the operations of a "cold war" combat team, written by the team itself in the field, little by little in mo- ments taken as the members could. The team is known as the Saigon Ivlili- tary Mission. The field is Vietnam. There are other teams in the field, American, French, British, Chinese, Vietnamese, Vietminh, and others. Each has its own story to tell. This is ours. The 'Saigon Military Mission entered Vietnam on 1 June 1954 when its Chief arrived. However, this is the story of a team, and it wasn't until August 1954: that sufficient members arrived to con- stitute a team. So, this is mainly an account of the team's first year, from August 1954 to August 1955. It was often a frustrating and perplex- ing year, up close. The Geneva Agree- ments signed on 21 July 1954 imposed restrictive rules upon all official Amer- icans, including the Saigon Military Mission. An active and intelligent enemy made full use of legal rights to screen his activities in establishing his stay- behind organizations south of the 17th Parallel and in obtaining quick security north of that Parallel. The nation's econ- omy and communications system were crippled by eight years of open war. The government, including its Army and other security forces, was in a painful ? transition from colonial to self rule, making it a year of hot-tempered inci- dents. Internal problems arose quickly to points where armed conflict was sought as the only solution. The enemy . .was frequently forgotten in the heavy Approved- For Release 2004/09/03: CIA-RDP80R01 ? b`f2db0dbW-'3 n'a`reu.' aria L.lU 1 i 1 bdntTnued Approved For!'lease 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80R0172t'01200030054-3 The Saigon Military Missiorl received some blows from allies and the ene_e.y in this atmosphere, as we work cd to help stabilize the government and to beat the Geneva time-table of Communist takeover in the not tih. However, we did beat the time-table. The government (lid become stabilized. The Free Vietnamese are now becoming unified and learning how to cope with the Communist enemy. We are thankful that we had a chance to help in this work in a critical area of the world, to be positive and constructive in a year of doubt. 11". it 11-ii-ISN001110 I. I The Saigon Military Mission (SMM) was born. in a Washington policy meet- ng early in 1954; when Dien Bien Phu was still holding out against the encir- ,ling Vietminh. The S.''IIr$ was to enter into Vietnam quietly and assist the Viet- namese, rather than the French, in un- conveentional war fare. The French were to be kept as friendly allies in the proc- ess, as far as possible. On 1 July, Major Lucien Conc in ar- rived, as the second member of the l team. lie is a paramilitary specialist, well-known to the French for his help 'i with French-operacd maquis in Tonkin against the Japanese in 1945, the one American guerrilla fighter who h A not been a member of the Patti Mission. He was as-,igned to MAAG for cover pur- poses. Arranged by Lt-Col William Ros- son, a meeting was held with Col Car- bonel, Col Nguyen Van Vy, and the two SMM officers; Vy had seen his first combat in 1945 under Conein. Carbonel proposed establishing a maquis, to be kept as a secret between the four of- ficers. SMi1,.L refused, learned later that Carbonel had kept the FEC Deuxieme Bureau informed. Shortly afterwards, at a Defense conference with General O'Danit.l, our Chief had a chance to suggest Vy for a command in the North, making him a general. Secretary of State fore Defense Le Ngoc Chan (lid so, Vy was grateful and remained so. Ngo Dinh Dien: arrived on 7 July, and within hours was in despair as the French forces withdrew from the Cath- The Saigon. Military Pvlissiori (Si4IIv`i) course was initiated for the Ministry of Dirih in Tonkin. Catholic militia strearned started on I June 1954, when its Chief, Information. Rumor campaigns were north to Hanoi and Haiphong, their Colonel Edward G. Lansdale, USAF, added, to the tactics and tried out in hearts filled with anger at French aban- arrived in Saigon with a small box of Hanoi. It was almost too late. doninent. The two SMM officers stopped files and clothes and a borrowed type- The first rumor campaign was to be a a planned grenade attack by militia writer, courtesy of an SA-16 flight set carefully planted story of a Chinese girls against French troops guarding up for him by the 13th Air Force at Communist regiment in Tonkin taking a warehouse; the girls stated they had Clark AFL. Lt-General John O'Daniel reprisals against a Vietminh. village not eaten for three days; arrangements and Embassy Charge Rob Mc(Ciin- whose girls the Chinese had raped, re- were made for Chinese merchants in tock had arranged for his appointment calling Chinese Nationalist troop be- Haiphong to feed them. Other militia as Assistant Air Attache, since it was havior in 1945 and, confirming Viet attacks were stopped, including one improper for U.S. officers at MAAG namese fears of Chinese occupation against a withdrawing French artillery at that time to have advisory confer- under Vietminh rule; the story was to ences with Vietnamese officers. Ambr:s- be planted by soldiers of the Vietnamese unit; the militia wanted the guns to sailor Heath had concurred already. Armed Psywar Company in Hanoi stand and fight the Vietminh. The Ton- There was no desk space for an office, dressed in civilian clothes. The troops kinese had hopes of American friendship no vehicle, no safe for files. He roomed received their instructions silently, and listened to the.advice given them. with General O'Daniel, later moved to a dressed in civilian clothes, went on the Governor [name illegible] died, report- small house rented by MAAG. Sec-get mission, and failed to return. They had edly by poison. Tonkin's government communications with Washington were deserted to the Vietminh. Weeks later, changed as despair grew. On 21 July, provided through the Saigon station of Tonkinese told Ti aexcited story of the the Geneva Agreement was signed. Ton- CIA. misbehavior of the Chinese Divisions in kin was given to the Communists. Anti- There was deepening gloom in Viet- Vietminh territory. Investigated, it Communists' turned to SMM for help in nam. Dien Bien Phu had fallen. The turned out to be the old rumor cam- establishing a resistance movement and French were capitulating to the Viet paign, with Vietnamese embellishment's. several tentative initial arrangements minh at Geneva. The first. night in Sal- . There was political chaos. Prince Buu were made. gon, Vietminh saboteurs blew up large Loc no longer headed the government. Diem himself had reached a nadir of ammunition dumps at the airport, rock; Government ministries all but closed. ing Saigon throughout the night. GCII- The more volatile leaders of political frustration, as his country disintegrat- eral O'Daniel - and Charge McClintock ed after the conference of foreigners, agreed that it was time to start ta,n i groups were proposing a evolution, With the approval of Ambassador positive action. O'Daniel paved the way which included armed attacks on the Heath and General O'Danicl, our Chief for a quick first-hand survey of the sit- French. Col. Jean Carbone] of the French uction throughout the country. McClin Army proposed establishing P. regime drew up a plan o' overall govarnniental tock paved the way for contacts with with Vietnamese (Nungs and others) action and presented it to Dien, with Vietnamese political leaders. Our Chief's known to him Close to the Chinese bor- Hellyer as interpreter. It called for fast reputation from the Philippines had pre- der and asked for our backing. Our constructive action and dynamic leader- ceded him. Hundreds of Vietnamese reply was that this was a policy deci- ship. Although the plan was not adopt- acduaintanceships were made quickly. sion to be made between the FEC top ed, it laid the foundation for a friendship Working in close cooperation ~:ith congi,nand and U.S. authorities. which has lasted. Goon e Hellyer, U IS Chief, a new p_~- /'I' A.rellano. Junior Chamber Inter- , ArPrr.ann visited Sr=aeon amain.' chologicat warfare c a"~e 2g0J,,09~03.' C4 FQP8001721200030054-3 r ov r, to resrden s eersiort c. cial the draft Congressional resoht- gave only a sketchy account and did April 4, contrary to what was written at tion-it is clear that such a Congression- iot report asking Secretary of State John the time, was only tentative. The debate at resolution was prepared and circulated Foster Dulles to draft a Congressional on intervention was still very much alive, in the state Department, the Justice De- J?esolution. 4 the Pentagon account says. partment and the Defense Department. The Eisenhower Administration felt In fact, the following day, April 5, Although some historians have specu- intervention might be necessary, the the National Security Council, in an lated that Vice President Richard M. study says, because without American action paper, concluded: Nixon strongly advocated American in- help the French were likely to negotiate "On balance, it appears that the U.S. tervention in Indochina during these de- a "sellout" at Geneva to escape an should now reach a decision whether bates, the Pentagon study does not de- .mpopular war. or not to intervene with combat forces scribe his views. Moreover, the account The Loss `Would Be Critical' if that is necessary to save Indochina does not mention Mr. Nixon as a par- As early as August, 1953, the Na- tional Security. Council decided that American policy should be that "under present conditions any negotiated set-' tlernent would mean the eventual loss to Communism not only of Indochina but of the whole of Southeast Asia. The loss of Indochina would be critical to the security of the U.S." . The Eisenhower Administration stat- ed its opposition to a negotiated settle- ment most fully in an N.S.C. paper, "United States Position on Indochina to be Taken at Geneva," late in April in the week the conference opened. It was at this point, according to the study, that the Council urged President Eisenhower "to inform Paris that French acquiescence in a Communist take-over of Indochina would bear on its status as one.of the Big Three" and that "U. S. aid to France would automatically cease." In addition, the Council's policy paper said that the United States should con- sider co-ntinufng the war itself, with the Indochina states, if France negotiated an unsatisfactory settlement. America's goal should he nothing short of a "mil- itary victory," the Council said. The President Decides The Government's internal record shows, the study says, that while Sec- retary Dulles and Adm. Arthur W. Rad- ford, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, pushed hard for intervention, other service chiefs, particularly Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway of the Army, were more cautious. They remembered the bitter and protracted experience in Korea and were not eager to repeat it. President Eisenhower finally reached e decision against intervention on April 4 after a meeting of Mr. Dulles and Admiral Radford with Congressional leaders the previous day showed that the Congress would not support Amer- ican action without allied help. . As journalists wrote, at the time, the President felt he must have Congres- sional approval before he committed American troops, and the Congressional leaders insisted on allied participation, especially by Britain.- At the very time the President was reaching this conclusion, Ambassador Douglas Dillon in Paris was cabling that from Communist control, and tentatively ticipant in any of the critical meetings the form and conditions of any such at which intervention was discussed by intervention." the President, Secretary Dulles or Ad- On May 7, with the news that Dien- bionphu had just fallen and with tho delegates already in Geneva, President Eisenhower" met with Mr. Dulles in the White House to again consider inter- `U.S.. Will Go to Congress' According to a memorandum by Robert Cutler, the President's executive assistant, they discussed how "the U.S. should (as a last act to save Indochina) propose to France" that if certain con-' ditions were meta"the U.S. will go to Congress for authority to intervene with combat forces:" The words in paren- theses appeared in the memorandum. [See text, memo of talk, April 7, 1954.] Mr. Cutler noted that he explained to the President that some members of the Council's Planning Board "felt that it had never been made clear to the French that the United States was will- ing to ask for Congressional authority", if the preconditions were met. Mr. Dulles said he would mention the subject to the French Ambassador, Henry Bonnet, that afternoon, "perhaps making a more broad hint than hereto- fore." The preconditions Included a call for the French to grant "genuine freedom" to the Indochina states-Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. They also stipulated that American advisers in Vietnam should "take major responsibility for training indigenous forces" and "share responsibility . for military planning." American officers in Vietnam had long chafed under the limits on the role the French allowed them the study says. Participation by the British, who-had shown themselves extremely reluctant to get involved, was no longer cited as a condition, The French picked up Mr. Dulles's hint, and on May 10 Premier Joseph Laniel told Ambassador Dillon that France needed American intervention to save Indochina. That evening the Presi- dent again met with Mr. Dulles, along with Admiral Radford and Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, to discuss Both the State- Department and the Defense Department then undertook what the account describes as "con- tingency planning" for possible inter- vention--the State Department draw- ing up a hypothetical timetable of diplomatic moves and the Defense De- partment preparing a memorandum on the U.S. forces that would be required. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, in a memo- randum to Secretary of Defense Wilson on May' 20, recommended that the United States limit its involvement to "air and naval support directed from outside Indochina." "From the point of view of the United States," the Joint Chiefs said, "Indochina is devoid of decisive mili- tary objectives and the allocation of more than token U.S. armed forces to that area would be a serious diversion of limited U.S. capabilities." In the debates over intervention, the study says, advocates of American action advanced several novel ideas. Admiral Radford proposed to the French, for example, that the United States help create an "International Volunteer Air Corps" for Indochina. The French in April had suggested an American air strike with the planes painted with French markings. And late in May the French suggested that the President might be able to get around Congress if he sent just a division of marines-some 15,000 men. But all the arguments in favor of Intervention came to naught. The French Cabinet felt that the war-weary. Na-, tional Assembly would balk at any further military action. And the military situation in the Red River Delta near Hanoi'deteriorated so badly in late May and early June that Washington felt intervention would now be useless. On June 15 Secretary Dulles informed Ambassador Bonnet that the time for intervention had run out. the French had requested the "irn- Instructions For Dulles mediate armed intervention of U.S. car- rier aircraft at Dienbienphu." [See text, During the meeting President Eisen- Dillon cable, April 5, 1954.] hower directed Secretary Dulles to pre- Mr. Dillon noted that the French had pare, a resolution that he could take been prompted to make the request be- before a joint meeting of Congress, re- cause they had been told by Admiral questing authority to commit American Radford that "he would do his best to troops in Indochina. obtain such help from the U.S. Go ern- From 'a document included in the merit." Approved For 2OO4i09fO3e: iCFA RDP8OR01720R001200030054-3 a legal commentary by a Pentagon offi- Approved For lease 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80R0172' 001200030054-3 When the Geneva agr-eersents were concluded on July 21, 10154, the account says, "except for the United States, the major powers were satisfied with their handiwork." France, Britain, the Soviet Union, Communist China and to some extz-nt North Vietnam believed thee.t they h,ad ended the war and had transferred the conflict to the political realm. And, the study says, most of the gov- ernments involved "anticipated that France would remain in Vietnam." They expected that Paris would retain a ma- jor influence over the Diem regime, train Premier Diem's army and insure that the 1956 elections specified by the Geneva accords were carried out. But the Eisenhower Administration took a different view, the Pentagon ac- count relates. In meetings Aug. 8 and 1.2, the Na- tional Security Council concluded that the Geneva settlement was a "disaster" that "completed a major forward stride of Communism which may lead to the loss of Southeast Asia." The Council's thinking appeared con- sistent with its decision in April before the conference began, that the United States would not associate itself with an unsatisfactory settlement. Secretary Dulles had announced this publicly on several occasions, and in the end the United States had only taken note of the agreements. The Voices of Dissent But before the Council reached a final decision in August on exactly what programs to initiate in Indochina, several dissenting voices rose inside the Government. The national intelligence estimate of Aug. 3 warned that even with Ameri- can support it was unlikely that the French or Vietnamese would be able to establish a strong government. And the National Intelligence Board predict- ed that the situation would probably continue to deteriorate. The. Joint- Chieis of Staff had also objected to proposals that.the United States train and equip the South Viet- namese Army. In a memorandum to the Secretary of Defense ors Aug. 4, the Joint Chiefs listed their preconditions for U.S. mili- tary aid to the Diem regime: "It is absolutely essential that there be a reasonably strong, stable civil government in control. It is hopeless to expect a U. S. military training mis- sion to achieve success unless the na- tion concerned is able effectively to per- form those governmental functions es- sential to the successful raising and maintenance of armed, forces." The Joint Chiefs also called for the complete "withdrawal of French forces, French officials and French advisers f n Indochina in order to provide mo- eon tivation and a sound basis for the es- tablishrncrnt of national armed forces." Filially the Joint Chiefs expressed con- cern about the limits placed on Ameri- can forces in Vietnam by the Genev^. accords---they were restricted to 342 men, the number of American mili- tary personnel present in Vietnam when the armistice was signed. Despite these arguments, the study says, Secretary of State Dulles felt that the need to stop Communism in Viet- nam made action imperative. . Dulle's Views Persuasive In a letter to Secretary of Defense Wilson, he said that while the Dien regime "is, far from strong or stable," a military training program would be "one of the most efficient means of enabling the Vietnamese Government to become strong." In the end, the study recounts, Sec- retary Dulles's views were persuasive. On Aug. 20 the President approved a National Security Council paper titled . "Review of U.S. Policy in the Far East." It outlined a threefold program: cMilitarily, the United States would "work with France only. so far as neces- sary to build up indigenous forces able to provide internal security." cEconomically, the United States would begin giving aid directly to the Vietnamese, not as before through the French. The French were to be dis- sociated from the levers of command." ;Politically, the United States would work with Premier Diem, but would encourage him to broaden his Govern- ment. and establish more democratic institutions. With these decisions, the account says "American policy toward post-Geneva Vietnam was drawn." The commitment for the United States to assume the burden of defending South Vietnam had been made. "The available record does not indi- cate any rebuttal" to the warnings of the National Intelligence Board or the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the account re- ports. "What it does indicate is that the U.S. decided to gamble with very limited resources because the potential gains seemed well worth a limited risk." A Team Already Sent Although this major decision for direct American involvement in Vietnam was made in August, the Pentagon ac- count shows that the Eisenhower Ad- ministration had already sent a team of Americans to begin secret operations against the Vietminh in June, while the Geneva conference was still in session. The team was Beaded by'Colonel Lans- dale, the C.I.A. agent who had estab- lished a reputation as America's leading expert in counterguerrilla warfare in the Philippines, where he had helped President Ramon Iviagsaysay suppress the Communist-led Ilukbalahap insur- gents. So extensive were his sub: ?ocluent ex- ploits in Vietnam in the nineteen-fifties that Colonel Lansdale was widely known as the model for the leading characters in two novels of Asian intrigue-"The Quiet American," by Graham Greene, and, "Tbe Ugly American," by William J. Lederer and Eugene Burdick. A carefully detailed 21,000-word re- port by member ; of Colonel La_nsclale's team, the Saigon Military Mission, is appended to the Pentagon chronicle. According to that report, fit the form of a diary from June, 1954, {:o August, 1955, the team was originally instructed "to undertake paramilitary operations against the enemy and to Svago polit- ical-psychological warfare." "Later," it adds, "after Geneva, the mission was modified to prepare the means for undertaking paramilitary op- erations in. Communist areas rather than to wage unconventional warfare." , One. of Colonel Lansdale's first year-. m-les was to get his team members into Vietnam before the Aug. 11 deadline ,set by the Genova agreements for a freeze on the number of foreign mili- tary personnel. As the deadline ap- proached, the report: says, it appeared that the Saigon Military Mission "might have only two members present unless action was taken." It adds that Lieut. Gen. John W. O'Daniel, chief of the United States Military Assistance Advisory Group, "agi'eed to the addition of 10 S.M.M. members under TdIAAG cover, plus any others in the Defense pipeline who ar- rived before the deadline. A call for help went out. Ten officers in Korea, Japan and Okinawa were selected and rushed to Vietnam." While It says that the team members were given cover by being listed as members of MAAG; the repoiE also points out that they communicated with Washington through the C.I.A. station in Saigon. A Member of the C.I-A. Colonel Lansdale himself is identi- fied as a member of the C.I.A. in a memorandum on the actions of the Presi- dent's Special -Committee on Indochina, written Jan. 30, 1954, by Maj. Gen. Charles H. Bonesteel 3d. [See text, Eisenhower committee's memo,] The memorandum, which is appended to the Pentagon study, lists Colonel Lansdale as one of the C.I.A. repre sentatives present at the meeting. Allen W. Dulles, Director of Central Intelli- gence, also attended the meeting. In the fall of 1954, after all the mem- bers had arrived in Vietnam, the re- port says, the team's activities in- creased. Under Colonel Lansdale, "a small English-language class [was] conducted for mistresses of important personages at. their request." Approved For Release 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80R01720R00120003005 tatnuo In x t/ r~ r` ;'a t . 'f rt t yF,e,? ,pp,,t~l~l-ove F I -,0179 03(05.3 This class provided vaL~a~{-e con~acts~e K'~ C Trii~s~ae eam s report does not for. Colonel Lansdale, enabling him to tive contract for flying the thousands .tell what kinds of intelligence or sabo- get to know such people as the "favorite of refugees out of North. Vietnam. tage activities the Binh and Hao groups mistress" of the army Chief of Staff, As the report describes the team's carried out in North Vietnam. But it Gen. Nguyen Van Hinh, the report actions, "Ilaiph-ong was reminiscent of does recount that one Binh agent was recounts. our own pioneer days as it was swamped mistakenly picked up by Premier. When the Oct. 9 deadline for the with people whom it couldn'.t shelter. Diem's troops on his return to South French evacuation of Hanoi approached, Living space and food were at a pre- Vietnam. the team sought to sabotage some of mium, nervous tension grew. It was a "He was interrogated by being hand- Hanoi's key facilities. wild time for our northern team. cuffed to a leper, both beaten with the "it was learned that the largest print- Another team of 21 agents, code- same stick to draw blood, told he would ing establishment in the north intended named the Hao group, were recruited now have leprosy, and both locked up to remain in Hanoi and do business with in Saigon, smuggled out on a. U.S. Navy in 'a tiny cell together," it says "S.M.M. the Vietminh," the report relates. "An ship while disguised as coolies, and, was able to have him released." attempt was made by S.M.M. to destroy taken to a "secret site" for training, For fiscal year 1955, the report shows, the modern presses, but Vietminh the report goes on. expenses for the Saigon Military Mis- security agents already had moved into Arms for the Haos were smuggled sion ran to $228,000. This did not in- the plant and frustrated the attempt." into Saigon by the United States Air elude salary for the American officers It was tiro mission's team in Hanoi Force, the report says, adding that or costs of weapons drawn from Arneri- that spent several nights pouring con- S.M.M. brought in eight and a half tons can stocks. tariunant in the engines of the Hanoi of equipme.'nt. This included 14 'radios, The largest item, $123,980, was listed bus company so the buses would gradu- 300 carbines, 50 pistols, 300 pounds of as payment for operations, including ally be wrecked after the Vietminh took explosives and 100,000 rounds of pay and expenses for agents, safe- over the city. ammunition. houses and transportation. At the same time, the mission's team ~ f carried out what the report calls "black i ghli io C), Its psywar strikes"---that is, psychological warfare with materials falsely attributed South Vietnam, the secret Pentagon ment" is "absolutely essential" basis to the other side. The team printed account contends, is essentially the cre- for U.S. military-training aid, But Mr. what appeared to he "leaflets signed,by ation of the United States, and the Dulles feels military-training program the Vietminh instructing Tonkinese on formative years were those of the Tru- is "one of the most efficient means" of man and-in particular-tire Eisenhower stabilizing regime. With President's at)- :how tb behave for the Vietminh take- Administrations, proval of Council recommendations for over 'of the Hanoi region in early Here, in chronological order, are key direct economic, military aid to South October, including items about property, events-actions, decisions, policy for- Vietnam, "American policy toward post- money reform and a three-day holiday, mulations-of this period. Geneva Vietnam was drawn," account of workers upon take-over." The attempt 1945.6 says. to scare the people worked. -October-Lansdale team in "delayed . "The day following the distribution of Ho Chi Minh writes series of appeals sabotage" of Hanoi railroad; contami- these leaflets," the report adds, "refugee for U.S. support to President Truman, nates oil supply for city's buses for registration [of those wishing to flee Secretary of State; no indication, ac- "gradual wreckage" of motors, distri North Vietnam) tripled. Two days later count says, of any reply., butes fake Vietminh leaflets; recruits, .Vietminh currency was worth half the 1350 trains, equips two teams Vietnamese value prior to the leaflets. U.S. recognizes Bao . Dai regime, nut agents. "The Vietminh took to the radio to Ho; French ask military aid; Secretary December-Gen. J. Lawton Collins, denounce the leaflets; the leaflets were of State Dean Acheson says alternative U.S. special representative, urges re- so authentic in appearance that even is "extension of Communism" through- moval and replacement. of Ngo Dinh most of the rank-and-file Vietminh were out Southeast Asia "and possibly west- - Diem as leader or "re-evaluation of our sure that the radio denunciations were ward." Aid decision, account says, plans" for area aid. Mr. Dulles replies he a French trick." meant U.S. was "thereafter" directly has "no other choice but to continue some Help From the. Stars involved "in the developing. tragedy in . our aid to Vietnam and support of Vietnam.' Diem." In the South, the team hired Viet- 1954 1::.55 namese astrologers-in whose art many National Security Council urges Presi- April--Mr. Dulles, after meeting with Asians place great trust-to compile dent Eisenhower to war the Vi n that "French General Collins, cables embassy in Sai- almanacs burring dire predictions for acquiescence" in negotiated settlement gon to seek Diem alternative. the Vietminh and good omens for the would end U.S. aid to France. Suggests May-Mr. Diem, with Lansdale aid, new Government of Premier Diem. U.S. might continue war to "military qua,hes sect uprising,.Sa.igon. Mr. Dulles To carry out clandestine operations victory." cancels cable. National Security Council in North Vietnam after the' team French ask U.S. air strike with dis- draft statemeiit - its "main features" evacuated Hanoi, the report adds, Maj. conveyed to Mr. Dienr-suggests he in- Lucien. Conein,, an officer of S.M.M., tion planes. President's ecreon decision still ill S Secretary ry sist on free elections by secret ballot recruited a group of Vietnamese agents of State John Foster Dulles says he twill with strict supervision. Communists in under the code name of Binh. give "broad hint" to French that U.S. Germany had rejected those conditions; "The group was to be trained and intervention is possible with precondi- "hopefully the Vietminh would follow supported by the U.S. as patriotic Viet- bons. Eisenhower orders' draft Congrcs suit, account says. namese," the report says, to come sional resolution Defense Department December-Mr. Dulles, in cable to eventually under Government control prepares memo on. required U.S. forces. embassy, says U.S. should not act "to when the Government was ready for Joint Chiefs of Staff memo says In. speed up present process of decay of such activities. Thirteen Binhs were dochina is "devoid of decisive military Geneva accords" but not make "slight quietly exfiltrated through the port of " est effort to infuse life into them." -Hai hog . and taken on the first Objectives-" 4 stage of the journey to their training June---Col. Edward G. Landsale of 1956 area by a U.S. Navy ship." C.I.A. arrives Saigon to head team of U.S. sends 350 additional military Until Haiphong was finally evacuated agents for "paramilitary operations" men to Saigon; account says this "ex- in May, 1955, Civil Air Transport, the and "political-psychological warfare" ample of the U.S. ignoring" Geneva ' Taiwan-based airline run by Gen. against North. accords. August-?--National intelligence esti- 1960 Claire Chennauit, smuggled arms for the Binh team from Saigon to Haiphong. mate terms chances for strong; regime National intelligence estimate predicts WW~~,,cc;~t 1.S . r ?i Aij, Approved. For P, 4 to pleting "major forward stride of Corn rise" and these "adverse trends," tin- munism," study says. Joint Chiefs,' checked, "trill almost certainly in time flontrIJUC 1 ___~_._-- ___.- t training duties from them. shocked to discover when he visited October he organized a referendum to The agreement was put into effect Mr. Dien,, at the palace during a coup choose between hiruself and Tao Dai. in February, 1955, the account says, and attempt that the Official body wards had After winning what the Pentagon nar- the French, under American pressure, ll dcserted.~~`.hlot a guard was left on native describes as a "too resounding" began their unexpected withdrawal the grounds, the report says. "Presi- 98.2 per cent of the vote, Premier Diern from South Vietnam. dent Diem was alone upstairs calmly proclaimed himself President. Despite the decision in August, 1954, gett't ng his work done " ' . to back Premier Diem, there was still With permission from the embass widespread uneasiness in the American t.l?c Saigon: Military Mission then began over his lack of support secretly. paying funds to a Co Dal and the fragile political situation in leader, Gen. Trinh Minh The, who Saigon, the Pentagon account goes on. offered his services to Premier Diem. General Collins, who had been given Colonel Lansdale also brought from the rank of Aml;assador, felt that the Philippines President Magsaysay's Premier Diem was unequal to the task senior military aide and three assistants and urged that lie be removed. to train a battalion of Vietnamese ? In July, 1955, under the provisions If the United States was unwilling to palace guards. of the Geneva agreements, the two replace Mr. Diem, General Collins wrote to Washington in December, 1954, them "I recommend re-evaluation of our plans for assisting Southeast Asia." This is the "least desirable but in all honesty and in view of what I have observed here to date this may be the only sound volution," he said. Still Secretary Dulles remained con- vinced, as he cabled in reply to General Collins's message, that "we have no other choice but continua our aid to Vietnam and support of Diem." And he told Assistant Secretary of State Walter Robertson several clays later that the United States must "take the plunge" with Mr. Diem, the narrative adds. In the spring of 1955 the crisis in Saigon worsened. The Hoa Hao and Cao Dal armed sects formed a united front with the Binh Xuyen, a group of gangsters who controlled Saigon's police against Premier Diem, and spo- spring b of 1955, Colonel Lansdale visited Mr. Diem nearly every day, the S.M.M. report says. "At President Diem's re- quest, we had been seeing hirn almost nightly as tensions increased, our ses- sions with him lasting for hours at a time." During the sect armies' uprising, the Saigon Military Mission helped Premier Diem plan measures against the Binh Xuyen, and Colonel Lansdale repeatedly pressed the embassy to support the Premier. With the acting C.I.A. station chief, Colonel Lciisdale formed a team to help take action against the Binh Xuyen. The .S.M.M. report recounts that "all measures possible under the narrow limits permitted by U.S. policy were taken." `Number of Successful Actions' radic fighting broke out in the city. The Uncharacteristically, the report adds, French told Washington they thought "These will not be described here, but Premier Diem was "hopeless" and there were a number of successful "mad." actions." General Collins, now adamant that On what proved to be the crucial STr. Diem must go, flew back to Wash- day, April 28, the Pentagon study inuton in late April to press his case reports, Premier Diem surnrnaned Colonel personally with the Secretary of State. Lart'clale to the palace and outlined his On April 27, after a meeting with trhis had just "received word from his embassy in Washington that General Collins, Secretary Dulles re- the U.S. appeared to be about to stop luctantly agreed to the replacing of supporting him." Premier Diem. He cabled the embassy This was probably a reference to in Saigon to find an alternative. Secretary Dulles's decision of the pre. But Colonel Lansdale was working dious day. hard to support his friend Mr. Diem. In Premier Diem also reported that Binh October the colonel had foiled a coup Xuy,cn units had begun firing on his against Mr. Diem by Gen. Nguyen Van troops. Hirsh, the army Chief of Staff, by invit- Colonel Lansdale sought to reassure ing General Hinh's two key aides to him. "We told him that it looked as visit the Philippines for a tour of secret projects though Vietnam still needed a leader," . _ '. zones of Vietnam were to begin con- sultations on the elections scheduled for the next year. But Premier Diem refused to talk with the Communists. And in July, 1956, he refused to hold elections for re- unification. lie asserted that the South. Vietnamese Government had. not signed the Geneva accords and therefore was not bound by them.. American scholars and government officials have long argued over whether the United States was responsible for Mr. Diem's refusal to hold the elec- tions and therefore, in a sense, whether Americans had a role in turning the Cornmunistt from politics back to warfare. Connivance by U.S. Denied The Pentagon study contends that the "United States did not---as it is often alleged-connive with Diem to ignore the elections. U.S. State Depart- ment records indicate that Diem's re- fusal to be bound by the Geneva ac- cords and his opposition to pre-election consultations were at his own initiative." But the Pentagon account also 'cites State Department cables and National Security Council memorandums indicat- ing that the Eisenhower Administration wished to postpone the elections as long as possible and communicated its feelings to Mr. Diem. As early as July 7, 1954, during the Geneva conference, Secretary Dulles ,suggested that the United States ought to seek to delay the elections and to require guarantees that the Communists could he expected to reject. In a secret cablegram to Under Secretary of State Walter Bedell Smith, report do not s ecificall Pr sc n a . IFOP who filled in for him after he withdrew p Y ~ t f' 8?~tQ1t7 Ot @~k 20t4lilts3t~ -Acretary team's instructions incluc e upporLing 0 Dulles wrote: c 4 25 v F le s 210P 09103 : cIA-RDP80RO17 0120003005.4.-3 "Since undoubtedl~p i~ t~t mar(e ly efter armed ace trained rk toward the weakening of the tions might eventually mean unification than they were when the U.S effort Communists in North and South Viet- Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh, this makes began' and President Diem showed a nam in order to bring about the eventual it all more important they should be remarkable ability to put down factions peaceful reunification of a free and only held as long after cease-fire agree- threatening the GVN [Government of Independent Vietnam under anti-Corn- ment as possible and in conditions free monist leadership.". from intimidation to give democratic Vietnam] and to maintain -himself in 9"Support the position of the Govern: elements best chance." office. rnent of Free Vietnam that all-Vietnam Following similar reasoning the Na- The American aid effort, the study elections may take place only after it is tional Security Council in May, 1955, reports, was focused almost entirely on satisfied that genuinely free elections shortly before consultations on the elec- security. Eight out of every 10 dollars can be held throughout both zones of tions were supposed to begin, produced went to security, a draft statement, "U.S. Policy on All- y' and much of what During the late nineteen-fifties, the Vietnam Elections.'. i . was intended for agriculture, education, -or transportation actually went to study relates, United States officials in According to the Pentagon study, it security-directed programs, Saigon were also optimistic in their held that to give no impression of blocking elections while avoiding the For example, the account says, a 20- public comments about the situation, possibility of losing them, Diem should mile stretch of highway, built between despite the pessimistic secret reports insist on free elections by secret ballot Saigon and Bienhoa at the insistence they forwarded to Washington, with strict supervision. Communists in of the MAAG commander, Gen. Samuel "While classified policy paper thus Korea and Germany had rejected these T. Williams, received more aid money dealt with risks," the account says, conditions; hopefully the Vietminh than all the. funds provided for labor, "public statements of U.S. officials (lid would follow suit." community development, social welfare, not refer to the jeopardy. To the con- But on June 9, the account says, the health and education from 1954 to 1961; trary, the picture presented the public Council "decided to shelve the draft But despite American hopes and the and Congress by Ambassador Durbrow, statement. Its main features had already aid effort, the insurgency in the country- General Williams and other Administra- been conveyed to Diem." side began to pick up again in 1957 Lion. spokesmen was of continuing Secretary Dulles's ambivalent attitude and particularly in 1959. The number progress, virtually miraculous improve- toward the Geneva accords is also re- of terrorist murders and kidnappings of ment, year in and year out." flected in a cablegram he sent to the local officials rose dramatically, and Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow and United States Embassy in Saigon on enemy units began to attack in ever- 3eneral Williams for example, told the, Dec. 11, 1955, outlining Washington's increasing size, Senate Foreign Relations Committee in position toward the International Con- As the insurgency grew, the small the summer of 1959 that. serious trol Commission. internal security was "in no o serious American intelligence network "cor- danger" and that South Vietnam was in Neither Help Nor hindrance rectly and consistently estimated" the a better position than ever before to "While we should certainly Diem and his own weaknesses, the positive step- to speed up present Pentagon study says, The American - - A Progress Report process of decay of Geneva accords," it said, "neither should we make the Sound" it addstimates "were remarkably The next spring General Williams slightest effort to infuse life into them." A special national intelligence esti- wrote to Senator Mike Mansfield that, In May, 1956, in what the Pentagon mate in August, 1960, for example, said the Unite Die an seco doing so v: p that account says is an "example of the U.S. that: the a States could begin begin a rn withdrawal" of American advisers, in ignoring" the Geneva accords, 350 addi- "In the absence of more effective 19,1, tional military men were sent to Saigon Government measures to protect the That was the situation that con- under the pretext of helping the Viet- peasants and to win their positive co- fronted President Kennedy when he .uamese. recover and redistribute equip- operation, the prospect is for expansion. took office early in 1961. meat abandoned by the French. of the areas of Vietcong control in the "The U.S. had gradually developed a This was "a thinly veiled device to countryside, particularly in the south- special commitment in South Vietnam," increase the-number of Americans in western provinces. writes the Pentagon analyst charged Vietnam," the Pentagon account says. "Dissatisfaction and discontent with with explaining the problems facing These oxen, who were officially desig- the Government will probably continue President Kennedy. "It was certainly nated the Temporary Equipment Re- to rise. - - not absolutely binding-but the commit- covery Mission or TERM, stayed on as "These adverse trends are not irre- ment was there a permanent part of the Military As- versible, but if they remain unchecked, "Without U.S. support," the analyst. sistance Advisory Group, the narrative they will almost certainly in time cause says, "Diem almost certainly could not says, to help in intelligence and ad- the collapse of Diem's regime." - have consolidated his hold on the South ministrative work. However, the study relates, "the during 1955 and 1956. Washington dispatched the TERM national intelligence estimates re Diem "Without the threat of U.S. inter- group, the Pentagon study discloses, do not appear to have restrained the vention, South Vietnam could not have "when it was learned informally that N.S.C. in its major reviews of U.S. refused to even discuss the elections policy" toward Vietnam. the Indian Government would instruct called for in 1956 under the Geneva its representative on the I.C.C. to Inter- The basic Eisenhower Administration settlement without being immediately pose no objection:', policy papers on Southeast Asia in 1956, overrun by the Vietminh armies. The I.C.C. is oom osed of re ~resenta 1958 and 1960 repeated American ob- "Without U.S. aid in the years follow- .C. 1 jectives in virtually identical" language, Lrg, the Diem regime certainly, and an tives from Poland, India and Canada, the Pentagon account reports, with the Indian usually considered the independent South Vietnam almost es neutral representative. Among the Goals of Policy certainly, could not have survived ..." , pass- National Security Council, these were Vietnam was essentially the creation spring s the ~ datenfor lrelectiions uneventful 956, among the goals of American policy,- of the United States." American officials were hopeful that toward Vietnam: - President Diem had succeeded. strong, stable sttable Free and Vietnam to develop a An analysis of the Pentagon study, "It seemed for a while that the constitutional gov- by Max analysis el, the Washington cor- gamble against long odds had sue- ernertnt toncrnable tFree. Vietnam to ' an is g y attractive con- respondent of The New York Times, ceeded," the Pentagon account says, trast to conditions in the present Com- will appear tomorrow. "The Vietminh were quiescent; the Re- monist zone?" public of Viettta d f at m t According to the 1956 paper by the In brief, the analyst concludes "South it e orces were Approved-For Release 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO1720 R0012000300549 t mood Approved For lease 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80R0172001200030054-3 7 n-C' ", b vj 1 ? ti n} ' Ctt nova no -.. sing' se of , Following are t.'ac texts of the "final 5. The Conference takes note of the 9. The cornpetent: representative au- declaration" endorsed orally by Freese, clauses in the agreement on the cessa- thorities of the Northern and Southern the Vietnzini, Britain, China, the So- tion of trostilities in Viet-Nram to the of- zones of Viet-Nam, as well as the au- viet Union, Loos arrd Cambodia at the feet that no military base under the con- thor-ities of Laos and Cambodia, must end of the Geneva conference in July, trol of a foreign State maybe. established not permit any individual or collective 1954, and of the statement of United in the regirouping zones of the two par- reprisals against persons who have col- ties, the latter having the obligation to any States policy delivered at the corzclud- see that the zones allotted to them shallla rtiesedin any way with one of the session by Under Secretory of not constitute part of an , parties during the v.ar, or at a rhst nhernn y military alli- bens of such persons' familie.,. State Walter Bedell Srnith. The "final ancc and shall not bc, utilized for the re- declaration," along with the armistice surnption of hostilities or in the service 10. The Conference takes Hole of the of an aggressive policy. The Conference French declaration of the the effect ninent of the agreement signed by France acrd the also takes note of the declarations of French Republic to the ethat it is Vietininh, constitutes the Geneva ac- the Governments of Cambodia and Laos ready to withdraw its troops from the cord's On Vietnam. to the effect that the territory of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet- 'y will not join in N 41, ^ t The 'Final Declaration' FINAL DECLARATION, dated the 21st July, 1954, of the Geneva Conference on the problem of restoring peace in Indo- China, in which the representatives of Cambodia, the Deiaocratie Republic of Vict-Nam, France, Laos, the People's Re- public of China, the State of Vict-Zdarn, the Union of Soviet; Socialist Republics, the United Xingdcnh, and the United States of America look part. . 1. The Conference takes note of the agreements ending hostilities in Carn- bodia, Lacs and Viet-Nam and organiz- ing international control and the super- vision of the execution of the provisions of these agreement:. 2. The Conference expresses satisfac- tion at the ending of hostilities in Cana bodia, Laos and Viet-Narn; the Confer- ence expresses its conviction than the execution of the p+?u?visions set out in the present declaraton and in the agree- ments an the cessation of hostilities will permit Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-Nam henceforth to play their part, in full in- dependence and sovereignty, in the peaceful community of nations. 3. The Conference takes note' of the declarations made by the Governments of Cambodia and of Laos of their inten- tion to adopt measures permitting all citizens to take their place in the rha- tional community, in particular by par- ticipa%:ing in the next general elections, which, in conformity with. ?the cos, tion of each of th'cse countries, shall take place in the course of the year 1955, by secret ballot and in conditions of re- spect for fundamental freedoms. 4. The Conference takes note of the clauses in the agreement on the cessa- tion of hostilities in Viet-Nam prohibit- ing the introduction into Viet-Nam of e 2;equ-sts o te Governments cny agreement with other States if this am, a a_ reement includes the obligation to concerned and within periods which shall g he fixed by agreement between the par- participate in a military alliance not in ties except in the cases where, by agree- conformity with the principles of the ment between. the two parties, a certain Charter of the United Na.tion. or, in the number of French troops shall remain at case of Laos, with the principles of the specified points and for a specified time. agreement on the cessation of hostilities 11. The Conference takes note of the in Laos or, so long as their security is declaration of the French Government to not threatened, the obligation not to the effect that for the settlement of all establish bases on Cambodia or Laotian the problems connected with the re- territory for the military forces of for- establishment and consolidation of peace in Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam, the sign poc.ers' French Government will proceed from 6. The Conference recognizes that the the principle of respect for the inde- essential purpose of the agreement re- pende_nce and sovereignty, unity, and hating to Viet-Nam: is to settle military territorial integrity of Canhhodia, Laos questions with a view to ending hos- and Viet-Nam. tilities and that the military demarcation 12. In their relations with Cambodia, line is provisional and should not in any Laos and Viet-Nam, each mer,iber of the way be interpreted as constituting a po- litical or territorial boundary. The Con-. fcrence expresses its conviction that the spect the sovereignty, the independence, execution of the provisions set out in the unity and the territorial integrity of the present declaration and in the agree- the above-mentioned states, and to re- rnent on the cessation of hostilities ore- frain from any interference in their in- ates the necessary basis for the achieve- ternal affairs, ment in the near future of a political 13. The members -of the Conference settlement: in Viet-Narn. agree to consult one another on any 7. The Conference declares that, so far question which may be referred to them as Viet-Nam is concerned, the settlement of political problems, effected on the by the International Supervisory Com- basis of respect for the principles of in- mission, in order to study such measures dependence, unity and territorial integ- as may prove necessary to ensure that rity, shall permit the Viet-Namese peo- the agreements on the cessation of hos- ple to enjoy the fundamental freedoms, tilities in Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nan'i guaranteed by democratic institutions are respected.- established as a result of free general elections by secret ballot. In order to ensure that sufficient progress in the The American Statement restoration of peace has been made, and that all the necessary conditions obtain for free expression of the national will, general elections shall be held in July 1956, under the supervision of an inter- national commission composed of repre- As I stated on July 18, my Govern- ment is not prepared to join in a declara- tion by the Conference such as is sub- rnitted. However, the United States makes this unilateral declaration of its foreign troops and military personnel as sentativcs of the Member States of the position in these matters: well as of all kinds of arras and inuni- international Supervisory Commission,' "Tire Government of the United States Lions. The Conference also takes note of referred to in the agreement on the ces- being resolved to devote its efforts to the declarations male by the Govern- sation of hostilities. Consultations will, the strengthening of peace in accord- nients of Cambodia and Laos of their be held on this subject between the corn- ance with the principles and purposes resolution not to request foreign aid, potent representative authorities of the of the United Nations takes note of the whether in war material, in personnel two zones from 20 July 1955 onwards. agreements concluded at Geneva on July or in instructors except for the purpose 8. The provisions of the agreements 20 and 21, 1954 between (a) The Franco- of the effective defense of their territory on the cessatiton of hostilities intended Laoti:irt Command and the Command, of and, in the case of Laos, to the extent to ensure t * r e . ' o di the Ie.oplcs Army of Viet-Naar, (b) the defined by the agreement> !'fQ\Md:ford'14&I~ta ~tu e- /l 1 ORP 740 M 03005 and the Lion of hostilities in Laos. applied and must, in particular, allow Command of the Peoples Army of Viet- everyone in Viet-Nam to decide freely in which zone he wishes to live. t:a~l$zati8d 6 Atpro~ed For ~,~lease 2004/09/03 CIA-RDP80RO172 01200030054-3 Nani;' (c) Franco-Vietna se ommand and the Command of the Peoples Army of Viet-Nam and of paragraphs 1 to 12 inclusive of the declaration presented to the Geneva Conference on July 21, 1954 declares with regard to the aforesaid agreements and paragraphs that (i) it will refrain from the threat or the use of force to disturb them, in, accordance with Article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations dealing with the obliga- tion of members to refrain in their inter- national relations from the threat or use of force; and (ii) it would view any renewal of the aggression in violation of the aforesaid agreements with grave concern and as seriously threatening international peace and security. "In connection with the statement in the declaration concerning free elections. in Viet-Nana my Government wishes to n ake clear its position which it has expressed in a declaration made in Washington on June 29, 1954, as fol- ows: "'In the case of nations now divided against their will, we shall continue to seek to achieve unity through free elec- tions supervised by the United Nations to insure that they arc conducted fairly.', "With respect to the statement made by the representative of the State of Viet-Nam, the United States reiterates its traditional position that peoples are entitled to determine their own future and that it will not join in an arrange- ment which would hinder this. Nothing in its declaration just made is intended. to or does indicate any departure from this traditional position. - "We share the hope that the agree- ments will permit Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam to play their part, in full in- dependence and sovereignty, in the peaceful community of nations, and will enable the peoples-of that area to deter- Mine their own future." - 27 . Approved For Release 2004/09/03 : CIA-RDP80RO172OR001200030054-3