LETTER TO HONORABLE WALTER M. JUDD FROM C. P.CABELL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R003800100018-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 15, 2002
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: May 13, 1958
• Content Type: LETTER

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Honorable Walter it. Judd
Iice-Chairman
Aa ericaa-Asian Educational
exchange,. Inc.
Now York 16, Now York
Park Avenue
Door Hr. Judd:
13 MAY i z s
Thank you for your letter of 7 May
r the article "Communism At Work I*
by Or. Stanley E. Hornbeck.
I appreciate your thoughtfulness in
sending this to me and I have made it avail-
able to interested people in our organisation.
Sincerely.
C. P. Cabeli
Lieutenant General, USAF
Deputy Director
DDC I
-C/FE (w/basic)
- ER via Reading
O/DcI/ :kp
9 May 1958
Distribution:
brig Addressee
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/0- 36i~a,
 VICE-CHAIRMEN
REP, WALTER H. JUDD
MR. FREDERICK C. MCKEE
BISHOP HERBERT WELCH
ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS
MR. CONRAD AIKEN
MR. L. BRENT BOZELL
PROF. WILLIAM C. BRADBURY
MR. WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY, JR.
MR. JAMES BURNHAM
MR. JOHN C. CALDWELL
MR, W. H. CHAMBERLIN
PROF. KENNETH COLEGROVE
ADM. CHARLES M. COOKE
MR. C. SUYDAM CUTTING
MR. RICHARD L. G. DEVERALL
MR. JOHN DOS PASSOS
DR. PAUL F. DOUGLASS
MR. MAX EASTMAN
MR. CHRISTOPHER EMMET
MRS. GERALDINE FITCH
MR. HOLLIS P. GALE
HON. JOSEPH C. GREW
HON. STANLEY K. HORNBECK
MR. EDWARD HUNTER
DR. HORACE M. KALLEN
MR. WILLMOORE KENDALL
PROF. EMIL LENGYEL
MR. S. M. LEVITAS
MR. WILLIAM LOEB
DR. WILLIAM M. MCGOVERN
MR. F. R. MARLIER
ARCHBISHOP MICHAEL
MR. DUDLEY F. PHELPS
ON, DANIEL A, POLING
J PROF. DAVID N. ROWE
PROF. OLIN GLENN SAXON
MR. GEORGE S. SCHUYLER
HON. J. LEIGHTON STUART
PROF. GEORGE E. TAYLOR
MR. RALPH DE TOLEDANO
DR. GORDON TULLOCK
PROF. RICHARD L. WALKER
PROF. HEROLD J. WIENS
DR. MAURICE WILLIAM
DR. KARL A. WITTFOGEL
MR. MAX YERGAN
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AMERICAN-ASIAN EDUCATIONAL EXCHANGE, INCORPORATED
17 PARK AVENUE ? NEW YORK 16. N. Y.
May 7, 1958
Dr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, former U.S. Special Assistant
Secretary of State and outstanding American authority on China,
has written a brief but definitive article on "Communism At Work
In'China." The American-Asian Educational Exchange, Inc. is proud
to begin its work with the publication of this article in pamphlet
form and is happy to enclose a copy for your information. We hope
that the pamphlet will be translated into Japanese, Korean, Viet-
namese, Chinese, Burmese and the other languages of Asia.
My associates and myself have undertaken the difficult
task of creating an organization to promote and foster the ex-
change and circulation of educational and informational material
between our country and Asia as it relates to our common struggle
for freedom against totalitarian oppression. The American-Asian
Educational Exchange was organized to accomplish this purpose and
to foster mutual understanding between the American and Asian
peoples based on knowledge of approaches toward achieving our
common aspiration - individual freedom and dignity which is
threatened by communist tyranny in Asia and throughout the world.
The communists have made effective use of the circulation
of scholarly material in Asia on questions concerning the polit-
ical and economic future of the independent nations of that
continent. The Free World has not begun to match this output,
either in quantity or quality. We hope that it will be possible
for the American-Asian Educational Exchange to help fill this
vacuum, not only in terms of circulating material in Asia but
also in bringing the point of view of Asians to our people.
The future extent of our program will be completely
dependent on the financing we are able to secure and on the
cooperation of such individuals as yourself. We will keep you
informed of our progress and look forward to receiving any sug-
gestions or advice you may have. With all best wishes,
Walter H. Ju
Vice-Chairman
P S. We have a limited quantity of "Communism At Work In China"
which we will be happy to make available at your request.
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COMMUNISM AT WORK
IN CHINA
by
HON. STANLEY K. HORNBECK
Published by:
American-Asian Educational Exchange, Incorporated
17 Park Avenue, New York 16, New York
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 C03 MUNISM AT WORK IN CHINA
INTRODUCTION
by
STANLEY K. HORNBECK
The American-Asian Educational Exchange, Incorporated is proud
to formally begin its work with the publication of "Communism At
Work In China" by Hon. Stanley K. Hornbeck, outstanding American
diplomat and scholar.
The American-Asian Educational Exchange was organized to fill
the serious vacuum which exists in the exchange of information and
literature between the United States and the independent nations of
Asia insofar as they refer to our common struggle for freedom against
totalitarian oppression. To be sure, there are other distinguished and
worthy organizations in the United States and in Asia who work to-
gether to achieve mutual understanding and friendship. Most of this
work, however, is concerned with either philanthropic endeavors or
cultural exchanges. There is little being done in the area which directly
affects us all - the advances made by communist aggression and totali.
tarianism and the efforts made to counter these advances.
The specter of communism is ever present in Asia and to ignore
this is to defeat any possibility of promoting general understanding
between the peoples of the United States and Asia. The American-
Asian Educational Exchange, Inc. hopes to bring our peoples closer
together through the publication, translation and exchange of material
in this country and in Asia so as to forge a bond which will have the
strength to block and defeat the forces of tyranny which threaten our
very existence.
The officers and Advisory Board Members of the American-Asian
Educational Exchange, Inc. consist of distinguished Americans with a
knowledge of Asia who respect and sympathize with the aspirations
of the peoples of that continent. An example of this type of representa-
tion is Dr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, the author of this pamphlet. Dr.
Hornbeck spent years in the Far East as a teacher. In addition to lec-
turing and writing, he served as Chief of the Division of Far Eastern
Affairs of the United States State Department from 1928-37 and as
Special Assistant Secretary of State in 1944.
Too many people believe, and many too many are told, that what
has happened to and in China since VJ Day has been and is acceptable
to the Chinese people because it is in keeping with their history and
their traditions.
As a matter of simple fact, the Chinese are a people who, when
"Communism" descended upon them, had no history, no tradition
and no living experience of anything comparable to or resembling the
totalitarian system which the Communist Party in China and the
government which that Party created have imposed upon them.
The Communist Party in China had grown from seeds imported
from Moscow in 1920. It had attempted in 1927 to seize control of
the Nationalist movement. Thwarted in that effort, it thereafter had
operated for twenty years as an armed and militant opposition. Finally,
after VJ Day, with-Soviet moral and physical support, it defeated the
National Government in battle after battle. In 1949 it set up in Peking
(Peiping) a new government, the "Central People's Government of
the People's Republic of China."
The Promise Of Utopia
China was at that moment a land that had been ravaged by war-
fare during most of more than 20 years. Its economy was in ruins.
Its government was overburdened and weary. Most of its people and
most of its foreign residents and their affiliates were ready to welcome
anything in the guise or the form of a "new deal." And that was what
the Communists-blaming for the ills that prevailed, first the Nation.
alists, second the Japanese, and finally all of the foreign powers except
the Soviet Union and its satellites-promised: a new deal, a great new
deal, a Utopia.
What then was Communism? Well, whatever may have been the
concepts and intentions of the founders, Communism had become by
1949 a device for despotism, a system powered by and radiating an
ideology, an instrument employed and adapted, in each of many
countries, by a few leaders and a small percentage of the local popu-
lation-for acquisition and exercise of political control. Incidentally,
Yalta had contributed to its having become that.
The first conspicuous and unmistakable result of the Communist
victory in China was the retreat of the National Government to the
island province, Taiwan (Formosa), and the beginning of the new
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phase in which, although China, the country, remains China there are
in China two governments each exercizing authority over a part of.
the country and each claiming to be the government of the whole.
The Imposition Of Totalitarianism
The government on the mainland, i.e. the Communist regime, has
since 1949 made effective its jurisdiction over all parts-except only
Outer Mongolia and Formosa-of what had been in the days of the
Manchus the Chinese Empire; and it has given this domain the first
truly totalitarian organization and administration that the peoples
within its boundaries ever have known.
In the course of eight years plus, it has made of its domain a Land
wherein the central authorities make decisions which, implemented
by a huge bureaucracy, directly affect almost every aspect of the life
and livelihood of the people-men, women and children, individually
and collectively. With an elaborate system of physical and psycho-
logical controls, the Party and the Government exalt the "state",
preach "Communism", tolerate no opposition or dissent, and prepare
the nation for what they call a "Socialist" order.
At the outset-while establishing order, the new rulers for some
time showed respect for principles and procedures of justice. But once
they were well in control they caused all agencies, including the courts,
to function as instruments of state policy.
Peiping Wars On Chinese People
To cause the nation to accept an authoritarian and totalitarian
regime, the Party and the Government set out to impose their own
version of the Soviet version of "Communism." So they have made
war-hot and cold-upon the old culture and its manifestations. In
that process, they have done their utmost to extirpate all religions and
all creeds-except the creed which they themselves preach. They have
persecuted priests and teachers. They have expelled or imprisoned
missionaries and foreign business men. They have forced the closing
of foreign diplomatic and related establishments. They have burned
and censored books. They have liquidated millions of their own
people. They have enslaved many other millions. And, right and left
and up and down, they have confiscated the properties of their victims.
Early and conspicuous was their carrying out of "agrarian reform."
First, landlords were denounced. Next they were turned over to the
populace for trial and execution. Then their lands were divided among
the peasants. Next the peasants were taxed, and they soon found the
taxes more of a burden than had been the rentals which they had paid
before-whereas from the paying of the taxes there was and is no way
of escape. In that context, and in others, the regime has demonstrated
-strikingly that power to tax can indeed be power to destroy.
While destroying, the new rulers have also created. One of their
first constructive achievements was that of establishing a stable cur-
rency. Early, too, was their enactment of a new Marriage Law-which
greatly improved the legal status of women but was very damaging,
as it was intended to be, to the old social order.
Emphasis On Communist "Education"
They have emphasized education-Communist education. Schools,
faculties, students, text books and their authors and their publishers-
all-they have brought under government control. They have made
Russian a second language. They employ Russians-some-as instruc-
tors in many of the universities. They feature, as do the Russians,
technical studies.
In place of the old books, they have published and distributed
more newly printed matter-officially approved, of course-than had
ever before been circulated in China. Toward teaching, informing
and propagandizing all, and for the illiterate in particular, official
agencies turn out radio material, place loudspeakers on the streets,
and distribute vast quantities of pictorial material-extending those
services even to the villages. They have studied-as had their predeces-
sors-various plans and proposals for either simplifying the Chinese
language or romanizing it or both; but they have not thus far put
into effect any of these.
Of "Art", Chairman Mao Tse-tung has declared: "There is no such
thing as art for art's sake; all work should serve the interests of the
workers, peasants and soldiers." So-Art, in all its forms, is made to
conform to official concepts and to serve the purposes of the State.
In that framework, authors and artists glorify the laboring man, feature
the Communist struggle for peace, and with one accord anathematize
the United States.
The Abasement Of The Intellectuals
In all the fields they have endeavored to eliminate Western in-
fluence, except that of the Soviet Union. They have made the experi-
ence, the practices, the theories and the products of the Soviet Union
their patterns and guides. They have emphasized conformity. They
have engineered "anti" campaigns and "remodelling" movements, with
processes of mob trial, of self criticism and of confession. They have
used everywhere the procedures of spying, informing, accusing, con-
demning and penalizing. They have compelled the people-especially
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the intellectuals-to abase themselves and to denounce one another.
And these things they continue to do.
They staged in 1957 a "Rectification Campaign", directed toward
liquidation or suppression of critics of the regime. Mao Tse-tung had
in February expressed himself in terms of a classic: "Let the hundred
flowers bloom." The government had later invited criticism. There
had ensued a month in which many intellectuals and many student
groups indulged fervently in freedom of speech. And then the regime
clamped down, in terms of "weeding the garden" or "suppression of
rightists." Sad has been the fate, the brainwashing and orthodoxing,
of many of the men-and some women-who in this context had ex-
pressed themselves in words disagreeable to the regime.
Deportation Called "Relocation"
The very latest manifestation of the regime's will to dictate is
being afforded in the so-called "relocation movement." Announce-
ment was made last November that several hundred thousand students
and likewise large numbers of government employees, urban workers,
professional men and intellectuals were "volunteering" to go forth,
settle in rural areas, and serve the cause of agriculture. "Volunteer-
ing" was, of course, a euphonious rendering of "being sent"-just as
it had been in relation to the soldiers sent by Peking into Korea in
and after 1950.
Thus has Communism, authoritarian totalitarianism, dealt with
the people in mainland China. A few Communist leaders and some
millions of Communist Party members, a "People's Government",
dispose as they see fit of the lives and property of 500,000,000 people,
their subjects.
Among their purposes, the Communist leaders have of course had
that of making China prosperous and powerful.
In the economic field, on the constructive side, they have pro-
ceeded with a program modeled upon that devised and already far
advanced in the Soviet Union. The objectives and methods have been:
agricultural reorganization and improvement; industrial rehabilita-
tion and expansion; enlargement and improvement of communica-
tions; exploitation of mineral resources; and collectivization.
Soviet Five Year Plan For China
Toward implementing its program the regime launched in 1953
a Five Year Plan. That Plan is understood to have been prepared by
Soviet experts. It called among other things for doubling the gross
industrial output. Its techniques have been Soviet in concept and in
form. T.he means for proceeding with it-including financing, equip-
ment and instruction-have come largely from the Soviet Union.
Remainders from it are now being carried forward in a second Five
Year Plan.
In what it has done with the programs thus far, the regime has
greatly improved the physical face of the country. It has emphasized the
interests of the state rather than the betterment of the lot of its people.
Incidentally, yet pertinently, it has employed on projects directed
toward agricultural improvement millions of men, women and children
recruited in large part from the peasantry, and more millions from
the slave labor concentrations. In the realms of industrial expansion,
of improvement of communications, and of exploitation of mineral
wealth, it has added substantially to the state's capabilities.
The most venturesome of the politico-economic undertakings has
been and is that of the agricultural collectivization. This has called
for organizing of cooperatives within the Chinese farming pattern and
for creation of large mechanized farms in areas where that is practic-
able. It has been implemented widely and at a fast pace. It gives rise
to, and it still leaves open a question: whether the regime can deal
successfully with the human factor, can cause several hundred million
peasants to cooperate in an undertaking which calls for abandonment
of their traditional aspiration to land ownership and of their accus-
tomed manner of tilling each his little plot of ground. To reconcile the
peasants to this it will have to be shown them as individuals that they
profit by it. Otherwise, each can offer resistance-at least in its pas-
sive form.
Chinese Resistance To Communism
There has been from the outset some forceful resistance, in some
places, to some of the regime's efforts. There is disagreement as to its
character and extent. The Communists themselves have reported from
time to time on "liquidation of subversive armed forces," in terms
invariably of not less than "tens of thousands." Those reports signify
only that there is some overt resistance and that where it occurs it is
stamped out. That there can be much-in the absence of leaders, of
organization and of weapons-is not likely. Mass suffering and popular
resentment do not of themselves produce formidable revolt.
There could develop a conflict within the Party. There could come
disaffection within the armed forces. There might occur the long
planned assault from Formosa. In the event of any one or more of such
conceivable developments there might ensue a widespread popular
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rebellion. There is, however, no indication that any of these; is im-
minently likely.
The Problem Of Food
Probably greatest among Communist China's internal problems is
that of food for its already huge and fast increasing population. China
has more land than is now under cultivation, but it also has too many
people in and clinging to the most favorable areas, and the trend of
population movement recently has been from the land to the cities
rather than the reverse. The regime is working on that problem. It is,
with engineering, selection of crops, etc., bringing hitherto unculti-
vated or long neglected areas into production. It has destroyed many
grave sites and cemeteries. The population, though, is increasing at
a rate which outruns that of the processes of reclamation. The answer
would be: slow down the birth rate and speed up the agriculture. Birth
control, though, while much talked about, is not sweeping the country.
In the realm of mineral resources, China is in terms of absolute
amounts reasonably well endowed, but in terms of relative amounts
and of advantageous juxtapositions is less well off than are several
other countries. What she is known to have is enough to support an
extensive but a not a "super" industrialization.
The Fallacy Of China Trade
In the realm of foreign trade, there has been and is in some quarters
much wishful talking about the possibilities of China as a market.
If one looks at figures of world trade, historical and actual, one finds
that the China market never has amounted to really much. Nor is it
likely to in the near future. China has not much to export, and, there-
fore, not much with which to pay for imports. There may come a time
when she will have the wherewithal-but that time is probably a long
way off. Currently, what the Communist regime most wants from
abroad is strategic goods; what it gives most of in return is raw
materials and food stuffs; and most of what trading it does is with
the Soviet Union and other Communist countries.
Communist China's armed forces-ground and air-are the founda-
tion and guarantors of the regime's authority. They add up to a large
establishment. Organized on the Soviet model and with Soviet assis-
tance, they draw heavily upon Russian sources for equipment.
Outstanding is the abiding fact that the Communist regime in the
Soviet Union has supplied the inspiration, the pattern, the guidance
and much of the equipment and funds that have made possible first
? the existence, second the victory, and third the thus-far-successful post-
victory functioning of (a) the Communist Party in China and (b) the
regime which now is implementing that Party's purposes and plans.
Sino-Russian Solidarity
Whether Communist China now is a satellite or is a partner of the
Soviet Union is a question of no very great importance. The two are
allies. Communist China is in many respects dependent on the Soviet
Union; the Soviet Union has in turn need of and uses for Communist
China's assets; and the leaders in the two countries have in common
several portentous objectives. For the present, those leaders cause the
Bear and the Dragon to lie down together, lie abroad together, stand
together, forage together, and profit together, in a climate of-for
me
ld
"
"
-so
They cou
coexistence.
them-convenient and advantageous
day-quarrel and go apart; but not now.
Together, they are encouraging the Peking Government to essay
a role in world affairs utterly unfamiliar in modern times to the Chi-
nese state, that of an affirmative heavy-weight contender. In this, some
features of the foreign policy, the strategy and the tactics of China's
Communist leaders are obvious: Among these are: acceptance of
Soviet leadership; support of positions taken internationally by the
Soviet Government; effort to make secure the newly re-established
Chinese imperial domain; effort to achieve for that domain a great
power status, with universal diplomatic recognition of its Government
and occupation by that government of China's seats in the United
Nations; and, in general, effort to enlarge the influence of the Com-
munist bloc.
What plans the Peking authorities may have, if any, for forceful
external adventuring they alone know. They are emphasing prepared-
ness. They are expressing opinions and giving advice abroad-in sup-
port of Soviet opinions, advice or action. They presumably will be
guided by their and Moscow's reading of developments and opportuni-
ties in the "cold" war. Meanwhile, they propagate at home and abroad
the thought that China is again a great power, that it must "liberate"
Formosa, and that it must and will defy the United States.
Peiping Beset By Internal Problems
However, it seems reasonable to believe that for the present the
regime is fully preoccupied with its program and its problems at home.
It is not true that "all is well along the Yangtze." It is not true that
in mainland China's cities "there no longer are flies." It is not true that
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the people have enough to eat and enough to wear and are happy.
Qualified observers note with one accord that the programmers and
implementers are now encountering grim realities in terms of short-
ages. One such who, having known the old China, has travelled ex-
tensively in the new, remarks nostalgically that in the new-he hears
no laughter and he seldom glimpses a smile. Reports currently (in
February 1958) being made in Peking by officials of the regime show
clearly that there has been and is widespread discontent.
The regime is certainly in no position now to continue the pace at
which it thus far has exploited the people and the land in the interests
of the Party, the Government and the State. Nor are the mood of the
people, the capabilities of the Land, and the relations between those
who govern and those who are governed such as would warrant pursuit
by Communist China of a foreign policy involving a risk of war with
a power capable of bombing its industrial and military concentrations
and blockading its ports. The regime can, however, and does make
trouble for and among its neighbors and in the forum of world affairs.
The victory of the Communist Party in China in 1949 and the juris-
dictional dichotomy which ensued gave rise to many problems in the
relations of other countries with China. All other Communist states
and several non-Communist states promptly transferred their diplo-
matic recognition from the National Government to the newly created
Communist Government in Peking. As of today, the United States,
and with it a majority of other countries, still abide by the recognition
accorded over the years since - 1928 to the National Government.
U. S. China Policy Unwavering
On several occasions, once very recently (in January 1958), this
country's Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, has' declared that it is the
policy of the United States in this context: to continue our recognition
and support of the National Government; to continue our withholding
of diplomatic recognition of the Communist "People's Government";
and to continue our opposing of admission of the latter to the United
Nations. (Mr. Dulles also has explained why, has shown that we do
not ignore Communist China, and has added to the effect that "no"
does not necessarily mean "never.")
That policy takes appropriate account of the record and the atti-
tude of the National Government and it shows respect for our obliga-
tion and our commitment to that Government. It takes account like-
wise of the record and the attitude of the Communist regime on the
mainland. It is in line with the over-all purposes and efforts of Ameri-
can foreign policy in defense and promotion of freedom, peace, security
and justice.
Communists United In Spreading System
The Communist Government in Peking follows the lead of the
Soviet Government in Moscow in the war which the Communist world
is making upon the free world. They too work hand in hand toward
victory for "Communism"' throughout the world. They make use of a
great variety of weapons and, with many methods, press their attack
on many fronts. They demand concessions but they make no conces-
sions. They talk of "peaceful co-existence"-but those words do not
mean to them what they mean to us. Nor does "Communism" mean
"communism": it is simply a name, the name of a system devised and
employed toward enslavement and exploitation of the many by a few.
The United States is the world's most powerful and most
committed champion of freedom. In defense of freedom-our
own and that of other peoples-it is simple common sense that
we be prepared and be determined to use many weapons and many
methods, both positive and negative. Surely we should not give
militant Communism aid and comfort. Surely we should refrain
from any action implying that we assent to its purposes and efforts
to consolidate and extend its gains. Surely we should not accom-
modate it at the expense of any of our allies. Surely we should
make difficulties for it. Surely we must be prepared to counter
with effective force if, when and wherever it resorts to use of force
against any free people. And we must make clear to it and to all
concerned that we can be relied upon.
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American-Asian Educational Exchange, Incorporlited
17 Park Avenue, New York 16, New York
MUrray Hill 9-6836
Chairman
HON CIIARLES E
D
ISON MR. MARVIN LIEBMAN
Vice-Chairmen
REP. WALTER H. JUDD MR. FREDERICK C. McKEE
BISHOP HERBERT WELCH
Treasurer
DR. B. A. GARSIDE
ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS
MR. CONRAD AIKEN MR. WILLMOORE KENDALL
MR. L. BRENT BOZELL PROF. EMIL LENGYEL
PROF. WILLIAM C. BRADBURY MR. S. M. LEVITAS
MR. WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY, JR. MR. WILLIAM LOEB
MR. JAMES BURNHAM DR. WILLIAM M. McGOVERN
MR. JOHN C. CALDWELL MR. F. R. MARLIER
MR. W. H. CHAMBERLIN ARCHBISHOP MICHAEL
PROF. KENNETH COLEGROVE MR. DUDLEY F. PHELPS
ADM. CHARLES M. COOKE DR. DANIEL A. POLING
MR. C. SUYDAM CUTTING PROF. DAVID N. ROWE
MR. RICHARD L. G. DEVERALL PROF. OLIN GLENN SAXON
MR. JOHN DOS PASSOS MR. GEORGE S. SCHUYLER
DR. PAUL F. DOUGLASS HON. J. LEIGHTON STUART
MR. MAX EASTMAN PROF. GEORGE E. TAYLOR
MR. CHRISTOPHER EMMETT MR. RALPH DE TOLEDANO
MRS. GERALDINE FITCH DR. GORDON TULLOCK
MR. HOLLIS P. GALE PROF. RICHARD L. WALKER
IION. JOSEPH C. GREW PROF. HEROLD J. WIENS
IION. STANLEY K. HORNBECK DR. MAURICE WILLIAM
MR. EDWARD HUNTER DR. KARL A. WITTFOGEL
DR. HORACE M. KALLEN MR. MAX YERGAN
(Application for tax exemption pending before Internal Revenue Service)
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