CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000500030005-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 9, 2001
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: January 1, 1962
• Content Type: OPEN

1962
Approved For R CrR2WWN lLC ftID44806pff 500030005-3?
mainland China, North Vietnam, and Cuba
have fallen under the yoke of Communist
domination. All throughout Africa, Asia
and Latin America we have daily evidence
that mere economic assistance, our one-
pronged response to communism is not
enough. While it is true that military ac-
tion has played a part in bringing some of
these areas into the Communist realm, the
fact cannot be ignored that the military
aspects of these conquests were no more-
and often far less-instrumental in bringing
about the final result than were the non-
military aspects.
By nonmilitary aspects I mean that well,
defined and highly systematized warfare
concept developed by the Communists,
which utilizes a multiple arsenal of manip-
ulatory skills, including subversion, infiltra-
tion, ideological persuasion, di lomatic
g
16233
methods available to' a free people to resist
Communist infiltration, subversion, and ag-
gression, thus, nurturing the soil for the
growth fo democratic societies.
Lest there be any misconceptions as to
my assessment of the role which the Freedom
Academy can play in the`?conflict between
freedom and communism le me hasten to
emphasize that I most certai ly do not look
upon this proposed agency anci?the functions
it will execute as an easy panacea to our
problems or a cure-all patent n),edicine for
ridding the world of Communist tyy}}''anny. It
is only one of a series of steps whiclir: must be
taken so that this Nation and our free world
allies can seize the initiative in the cold war
conflict. I do, however, sincerely feet, that
the establishment of this training, research
and development institution is of paramount
ful improvement of this Nation's cold war`, blackmail, and coup d'etat. With the
capabilities. ",integration of political, ideological, psy-
I am not alone in the conviction that this blaological, economic, organizational, and
institution can be the foundation for im- phramilitary skills into a single artistically
provement of our cold war capabilities. I coordinated warfare concept, the Commu-
am joined by the members of the Senate nista_have conceived an entirely new dimen-
Judiciary Committee, who in reporting the sion '-of ' conflict which, operating on a
Freedom Academy bill to the Senate in 1960 foundation of military strength, cows and
said: paralyzes its prey with the threat of armed
"The committee considers this bill to be combat-then conquers him through polit-
one of the most important ever introduced ical collapse without the use of. military
in the Congress. This is the first measure action.
to recognize that a concentrated development The Communists have imparted this new
and training program must precede a signifi- dimension of warfare to their cadres through
cant improvement in our cold war capa- an extensive network of training institutions.
bilities. The various agencies and bureaus Political-warfare training in the Communist
can be shuffled and reshuffled. Advisory com- sphere predates the Bolshevik revolution,
mittees, interdepartmental committees, and and, indeed, It was the training institutions
coordinating agencies can be created and re- established ? by Lenin" which produced the
created, but until they are staffed by highly revolutionists responsi'kale for undermining
motivated personnel who have been Sys- the Kerensky government. Today, the Com-
tematically and intensively trained in the munists .are operating an'-glaborate chain of
vast and complex field of total political war- schools, providing training in political and
fare, we can expect little improvement in our psychological warfare at all levels. The pres-
situation." ent leaders in Red China were trained in
Viewed in this light, I think the Freedom such schools.
Academy becomes a far more appealing and We have evidence that in the last 10 years
plausible idea to those who might instinc. there has been a substantial incregse in the
tively react against it, either because they training of African, Asian and Latin Ameri-
oppose the creation of new Government can students at the Communist liolitical-
agencies or because they see this new agency warfare schools behind the Iron Cr rtain.
infringing on the activities of the existing The training in these centers is both illten-
agencies in the national security complex. sive and comprehensive; it is carefully\de-
Let me assure you that this is not a make- signed to produce a knowledgeable and hatd.-
work proposal or a school for dilettantes in ened political-warfare combatant, who calf
the field of international affairs. Neither is effectively execute the marching orders of the?,
it our intention that this proposed agency
should infringe or encroach upon the func-
tions or operational activities of any existing
agencies in either the public or the private
sector.
The Federal Government is today spend-
ing over 60 percent of its annual budget or
in excess of $55 billion for equipment and
activities directly related to national se-
curity. It seems fair to assess this gigantic
annual expenditure as probative evidence
that our governmental leaders are acutely
aware that Sino-Soviet communism poses a
formidable threat to the survival of our Na-
tion. Of this total expenditure over $50
billion are being spent for military require-
ments and other defense needs. We must, of
course, maintain strong and modern arma-
ments, and although I wish it were other-
wise, I do not begrudge the expenditure of
one defense dollar for I recognize the es-
sentiality of this disbursement. But let us
not fail to recognize that while these ex-
penditures are preparing us for the hot
war-which, thank God, we are not fight-
ing-they are contributing precious little to
our preparations for the cold war, which we
are fighting at this very moment in every
corner of the world.
We are not only fighting a cold war: we
are, in my opinion, losing it. If anyone
doubts the truth of this commentary, they
have only to look to the history of the past
two decades, when all of Eastern Europe,
great detail the buildup of revolutionary
training schools and the training of Com-
munist cadres in that country.
According to this article, the first cadre
training institutions were established by the
Marxist-Leninist Party of Cuba in 1925-37
years ago. - This article reports that in De-
cember of 11960 a system of schools of revolu-
tionary, education was launched. Starting
with lase schools of revolution this system
is built on up to the national cadre school,
We highest rung on the ladder. To give
.you some idea of the extent of this cadre
training program, the author of the article
predicted that by December 1961, there
would be 330 base schools in the provinces,
educating approximately 12,600 students.
This is the training program for just one
small Latin American country-duplicate
this system some 20 or more times and you
begin to get a picture of the magnitude of
Communist revolutionary training.
What are we doing to offset this near
assembly line production of conspirators and
revolutionaries by the Communist? My
friends, the kindest commentary which I
can make on our own political warfare train-
ing efforts is to describe them as minimal.
Exemplary of how little we are doing in this
area was an announcement yesterday by the
Department of State that it is initiating a
training program to educate its employees
on the nature of Communist subversion and
indirect warfare techniques. The an-
nouncement stated that the Department of
State hoped to run some 4,000 employees
through this training program in the next
few months-a training program that will
consist of 5-I repeat 5-lectures on Commu-
nist political and psychological warfare
techniques.
This announcement is revealing on two
counts. First, it shows that our present
training program is so abysmally poor that it
can be upgraded by the addition of five lec-
tures on Communist tactics and strategy.
Second, it point up our continuing unwill-
ingness to come to grips with the import
and complexity of Communist conflict tech-
niques. The absurdity of an announcement
by our Department of State that this agency
is going to enlighten its employees on Com-
munist subversive and political warfare
techniques with a series of five lectures
could only be equaled by an Atomic Energy
Commission announcement that it i
t
d
d
n
en
e
managers of protracted conflict in Moscow `'?,tu initiate a 2-week course in the rudiments
and Peiping. It is these individuals-these ?pf nuclear physics. The base political war-
practitioners of conflict doctrine-these fare schools in Cuba are providing the
cadres of tyranny-who have brought the peasants in the provinces with infinitely
Communists victory after victory in the last more, training than is scheduled for our
two decades-each one narrowing the perim- employees at the Department of State. Ac-
eters of freedom. Speaking to this very cording to authoritative reports from Cuba,
point, the Senate Judiciary Committee report these base schools, which are the lowest
of 1960 on the Freedom Academy bill ob- rung in the Communist political warfare
served with frightening accuracy that "the training system, provide their students with
Communists have conquered nearly a billion 60 days of full-time training. The training
people during a period when their sphere proposed by the Department of State is
was markedly inferior in industry, technol- akin to preparing a group of prep school
ogy, science, and military capabilities-in students at a Ping-pong table for a football
fact, inferior in almost everything except game with the Green Bay Packers.
power-seeking know-how." My friends, can you envision the. immense
It is this power-seeking know-how of the public furor which would erupt if someone
Communists and its tactical, ideological, reported that we had not yet established
strategic, and organizational elements, which our first research and production facilities
we in the free world must understand in for a nuclear weapons system, with which
its most minute detail. Not so- we can mimic to defend ourselves in the event of a hot
it, but rather so we can develop the opera- war. I dare say that the public indignation
tional skills and frame our positive programs generated by such a report would manifest
to effectively counter and defeat commu- itself in a demonstration, which by com-
nism's carnivorous thrusts inside the boun- parison would make Coxey's army look like
daries of freedom. In a nutshell this will a gathering of the local Dickens Club. Yet
be the mission of the Freedom Academny. there is no room for conjecture or specula-
I know of the intense concern of this au- tion about our involvement in a cold war--
dience with the Communist takeover in we are in a cold war of the most deadly
Cuba. Here again we can find Communist nature with the Communists and we have
political, warfare and revolutionary training been in it for nearly two decades-yet we
in the background. An article carried in still have not created the basic facilities for
the November 1961 issue of Cuba Socialista, producing the weapons system required to
a Communist journal in Cuba, describes in fight this nonmilitary contest. For in this
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cold `w r-this ideological conflict-our ina-
jor striking power is ideas with highly
skilled and well-trained individuals to lin-
plement them. When, I ask, are we going to
bring to a close the ever-widening gap In
the training of cold war combatants?
Our urgent need is not only for individuals
trained and skilled in the manifold and de-
manding disciplines of psychopolitical war-
fare; we also need ideas--a grand battle
plan if you will-for these soldiers of peace
and freedom to execute. Some will say, I
am certain, that what I am, proposing. is
that we emulate the tactics of the Com-
munists-that we master the arts of coups
d'etat, blackmail, insurrection, and diplo-
matic deceit. I am suggesting no such thing,
for to do that would be to make a mockery
of the free institutions which we are seeking
to preserve. What I am suggesting is that
we act upon our recognition that we are
engaged in a war of new dimensions and that
we develop the forms, the techniques, the
skills-all consistent with our national tra-
ditions-which are required to wage and
win this nonmilitary contest.
Today it seems to me that we have a fetish
about economic aid. Indeed, those resporisi-
ble for out foreign affairs seem to look upon
economic aid as the pat answer to inter-
national communism. Certainly, economic
and technical assistance are important ele-
ments in any program directed at the de-
struction of Communist totalitarian'domina-
tion; but we cannot afford to place our total
reliance on economic, assistance to. win the
war.
Economic development is a process, which
even in the most favorable climate requires
years-often generations-to accomplish its
objectives. We have only to look to our own
history to know that this is true. But po-
litical revolutions can be planned, executed,
and achieved in a matter of months. This
is the forte of the Communists, and once they
have achieved success in a political revolu-
tion there is no longer in being a nation, in
which we can conduct our high-minded pro-
grams of modernization and nation building.
I say if we do not start fighting and win-
ning some of these political and psychological
contests, we will soon be evicted from the
real estate on which to conduct our lofty
enterprises for the material and spiritual
upliftment of our fellow man.
I shall conclude with these final obser-
vations, and I leave it to you to decide
whether or not the proponents of the Free-
dom Academy know what they are talking
about.
For many years, we have recognized the
necessity for using well-trained specialists
in our military ventures. We would today
consider it unthinkable to send untrained,
enthusiastic, patriotic amateurs into mili-
tary combat against hardened professionals.
Consequently, we have our military acad-
emies to prepare junior officers, our basic
training for the rank and file, and our war
and general staff colleges for the expert and
elevated leadership. But in the theater of
the cold war, we still operate with far too
many amateurs who have the desire to win
but who completely lack the needed train-
Ing and background with which to succeed.
Thus, today we train and prepare our mili-
tary people for the war we are not fighting
and which we hope will not eventuate, but
we fail to train our citizens and our repre-
sentatives abroad to operate in the cold
war-the ,only war which we are presently
fighting.
Because of this amateurism on our side,
we find ourselves in the ridiculous and tragic
role of aiding and abetting the armed sup-
pression of the single bona fide anti-Com-
munist element in the Congo. Through
lack of know-how and a failure to effectively
resist Communist conflict methods, we have
now been pressed into the position of try-
ing to convince ourselves as well as the rest
of the world that freedom has been saved
by the establishment of a coalition govern-
ment in Laos strongly weighted in favor of
the Communists.
We can no longer fight with amateurs.
Unfortunately, in a contest with the Com-
munists, virtue is not its own reward. Win-
ning the cold war is the only possible way we
can avert 'a shooting, nuclear conflict, and
by arraying amateurs against professionals
in the cold war of today, we only compound
the failures which must eventually lead to a
nuclear holocaust. Let us delay no longer-
let us establish the necessary training and
development facilities as an essential first
step in equipping ourselves to meet today's
challenges with today's techniques. In my
opinion, such an agency as the Freedom
Academy offers the best hope for providing
high-level training to the greatest number
in the shortest time-and time, my friends,
has never in kind's history been more of
the essenc ~,,,
"FREE WORLD AMATEURS VERSUS
COMMUNIST PROFESSIONALS
ADDRESS BY SENATOR DODD
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr.. President, I
ask unanimous consent that an address
delivered by the very able and distin-
guished Senator from Connecticut [Mr.
Donn] at Orlando, Fla., on August 11
be printed in the body of the RECORD.
The remarks related to an effort being
made to inform the public of the Free-
dom Academy bill presently pending be-
fore the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, a measure designed to provide
an effective weapon to combat the
atheistic philosophy of communism.
I commend the reading of this speech
highly to the Members of Congress.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FREE WORLD AMATEURS VERSUS COMMUNIST
PROFESSIONALS
(By Senator THOMAS J. DODD)
Gentlemen, there is a strange argument
now current in bur land. The question at
issue is whether we are winning or losing
the cold war. It is important that we decide
this question, because the future conduct of
our foreign policy really hinges on it.
If we are winning, then obviously the
course we are now pursuing is correct, and
no alteration of course is called for. If, on
the other hand, we think we are moving for-
ward when in reality we are moving back-
ward, we may soon find ourselves back-
stepping over a precipice.
For my own part, I think that the record
is clear that, despite certain defensive vic-
tories, we have been losing round after round
in the cold war since the close of World
War II. Let us look at the record of recent
years alone:
Cuba has gone Communist.
A government under Communist leader-
ship has been established in British Guiana.
The existence of Castroism has created a
climate of fear and - political instability
throughout Latin America which has, in
turn, produced a massive flight of capital,
both domestic and foreign, for which no
foreign aid program can compensate. The
whole' of Latin America now is seething with
discontent. There are riots, guerilla move-
ments, open insurrections against govern.
ment authority. Only at a few points in
years, the Communists have taken over the country and train them in administration
better part of Laos and are seriously threat- and the professions. This is all well and
ening the Vietnamese Government with the
most massive guerilla movement they have
ever mounted in any country. The future
of SEATO has now become a. big question
mark.
In the Near East, the stable pro-Western
government of Nuri as-Said in Iraq has given
place to the instable, militantly anti-West-
ern government of General Kassim. With-
out Baghdad the Baghdad Pact has become
a seriously truncated organism. From Tur-
key to Algeria, instability has become the
chief. characteristic of this entire area.
And in Europe the Kremlin has, with im-
punity and in violation of all its agreements,
erected a wall which effectively severs West
Berlin from East Berlin and free Germany
from Communist Germany.
It is true that the Communist world is
having grave economic and agricultural dif-
ficulties. It is all the more distressing, in
my opinion, that despite these difficulties
the political initiative belongs to the Sino-
Soviet bloc at virtually every point.
If we have been losing the.cold war, if we
ave thus far found it impossible to seize the
'initiative at any point, this is because of
three basic failures.
First of all, we have failed to face up to
the unpleasant fact that we are locked in a
life-and-death struggle with an implacable
enemy.
Second, we have failed to face up to the
fact that this enemy wages war in an in-
finitely subtle and indefinitely complex man-
ner; that the so-called cold war is not a
simple condition of hostile confrontation,
but a mortal conflict waged by a thousand
different means-a war in which the enemy
offensive is integrated on every plane of hu-
man activity-the economic; the political,
the diplomatic, the psychological, the social,
the cultural-a war conducted by stealth
and subversion and Pavlovian techniques.
Our third basic failure is that we have
been amateurs fighting against professionals.
We have failed to draw the necessary les-
son from the fact that the Communists have
been able to best us in situation after situa-
tion in the cold war. We have failed to
recognize that, to a very large degree, the
Communists have been able to achieve their
victories because, since the days of Lenin,
they have placed primary emphasis on the
training of professional revolutionaries. We
have failed to face up to the fact that the
free world will never be able to meet this
type of attack unless it trains its own pro-
fessional practitioners in the art of total
warfare. .
The free world has unchallenged superior-
ity over the Communist world in economic
resources, in military strength, in moral
values. I do not think, moreover, that any-
one will contest our superiority over a sys-
tem of government that maintains itself in
power only by totalitarian terror. But, de-
spite our incontestable advantages, despite
our massive and generous foreign aid pro-
grams, and despite the incredible difficulties
which the Communist regimes are having in
feeding their peoples-despite all of these
things, world communism continues to make
giant strides.
The reason for this, I believe, should be
obvious to all in this, the 17th year of the so-
called cold war. It boils down to the fact
that the Communists, by a relatively tiny
investment of funds, have trained some
scores of thousands of professional revolu-
tionaries, who are now active in every coun-
try in the world. In doing so, they have
given themselves an advantage which by it-
self more than offsets our vast economic,
agricultural, military, and moral advantages.
Let me illustrate this point with a simple
question: It has ha n -1...~+e.a +s...+ ...-
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good. I believe it should be done and I will
wholeheartedly support such a program.
However, if we train 1,000 Congolese as
technicians and administrators, out of a
humanitarian desire to help the Congolese
people improve their lot, and if the Soviets
train 100 Congolese in political warfare--
which group will win control of the Congo?
Long before he achieved power in Russia,
Nicolas Lenin, the father of modern com-
munism, told his associates that if he had
a handful of professional revolutionaries, he
could conquer the world. Lenin's prediction
has already proved itself true in country
after country. Today the flag of interna-
tional communism waves triumphantly over
more than a quarter of the earth's surface
and over the prostrate bodies of more than
one-third of the world's peoples. It flies
over most of the land mass of Europe and
Asia; it flies "openly over the island of Cuba,
only 90 miles from our own shores; and
there are many other countries where this
flag of tyranny and godlessness may at any
moment be unfurled from the seat of power.
The first Communist training schools were
set up by Lenin in the period preceding the
Bolshevik revolution of 1917. The granduates
of these schools played a major role in assur-
ing the success of the revolution.
The graduates of the so-called Sun Yet
Ben University, set up in Moscow after the
revolution, are today in power on the Chi-
nese mainland, in North Korea and in North
Vietnam, and are guiding the further ex-
pansion of Communist imperialism in Asia.
The graduates of the famed Lenin School
in Moscow, are today serving as the Soviet
gauleiters in Poland and Hungary and
Czechoslovakia and the other countries of
central and eastern Europe.
The graduates of the special schools for
Latin American students in Prague today
hold key positions in Communist Cuba, and
are spearheading the Communist drive which
today has come so ominously close to suc-
cess in so many Latin American countries.
It is not the power of the Communist ide-
ology that gives it its strength. It is the skill
and cunning of its professional conspirators.
No people in the world has opted for a Com-
munist regime or the Communist ideology.
On the contrary, wherever communism has
succeeded In imposing itself, it has done so
only by force or by deception or by a com-
bination of the two.
The movement which Fidel Castro com-
manded in Cuba never consisted of more
than several thousand men, of whom several
hundred, at the most, were Communists.
But they were able to take over a country of
7 million people, the overwhelming majority
of them devout Catholics who abhorred
communism. They were able to do so be-
cause they were professional revolutionaries.
As we proved helpless to deal with Castro
at the time, so we have been helpless to deal
with other aspects of the Communist cold
war offensive.
When, for example, repeated riots by Jap-
anese students threatened to prevent a state
visit by President Eisenhower to Japan,
there was apparently nothing we could do
and nothing we could think of doing. The
result was that the scheduled visit was called
off and without firing a bullet, Moscow had
scored a sensational victory in the cold war.
The ability of the relatively small Com-
munist'Party in Japan to manipulate scores
of thousands of students stems from their
control over the Japanese Teachers' Union,
whose 500,000 members staff Japan's public
schools. While the overwhelming majority
of the union's members are non-Communist,
the machinery of the union has, for many
years now, been in the hands of a small
Communist faction.
In its pamphlet called the Teacher's Code
of Ethics, the Japanese Teachers' Union
states that "the realization of socialism is
the historic task imposed on the teacher.
It is the duty of the teacher to foster young
people who would help realize such a
society." In line with this directive, chil-
dren in Japanese schools are being taught
by their teachers that the U.S.S.R. stands
for everything progressive, while the United
States is identified with Imperialism and
everything evil.
All of this goes to prove once again that
humanitarianism, superior ideals, and mas-
sive foreign aid are not enough to defeat the
Communist onslaught. For nearly a decade
we occupied Japan and directed Its reorgani-
zation along democratic lines. We . spent
hundreds of millions of dollars and devoted
the energies of many of our best minds to
the problem of reorienting its government.
Yet we may have failed because, in our
political innocence, we thought that the only
enemy was Japanese militarism, which was
crushed and discredited, and we neglected
to prepare the Japanese to defend them-
selves against the real enemy.
We have proved helpless, too, to prevent
the inroads of Communist agitation even
in a prosperous Latin American country like
Venezuela, which is governed by a tolerant
and socially minded regime. In Venezuela
there exists today a serious Communist-
Castroite infiltration among the university
professors and the students, and even among
the younger officers of the army. This in-
filtration has already resulted in a continu-
ing epidemic of bomb explosions and ter-
rorism and in two bloody uprisings by mili-
tary units stationed in the two principal
ports of the country.
These are some of the more -tangible suc-
cesses the Communists have had in the cold
war: But they have had other successes of
a far more subtle and far more dangerous
nature in the realm of conditioning interna-
tional public opinion.
The Communists were able to seise power
in China largely because they succeeded in
persuading an important segment of our
public opinion molders and policymakers
that they were not really Communists but
agrarian reformers.
The Communists scored a similar victory
In the closing years of World War II, when
they succeeded in persuading Britain and
America that the resistance forces of General
Mihailovitch in Yugoslavia were actually
collaborating with the Germans, and, having
persuaded us of this, they then induced us
to support the Communist forces of Marshal
Tij;o in a war of extermination against the
anti-Communist forces of Mihailovitch.
And a scant 8 years after we had fallen
for the agrarian reformer shell game in
China, the Communists again succeeded In
deceiving the free world with much of the
same sort of shell game in Cuba. Respon-
sible newspapers and radio networks joined
in telling the American people that Castro
was not a Communist, but a nationalist re-
former, something of a cross between Thomas
Jefferson and Robin Hood. With this
propaganda, they inactivated us just as ef-
fectively as they might have done with the
most modern nerve gases. By the time we
had recovered our judgment and our capac-
ity for action, it was already too late to do
anything.
Communist propaganda, when it is clearly
identified as Communist propaganda, the
free world can cope with: The trouble Is
that 99 percent of the articles and publica-
tions and radio and TV programs that serve
.the Communist cause cannot be clearly iden-
tified as Communist propaganda.
It is, in fact, through their hidden ap-
paratus, which is infinitely complex and
infinitely subtle, that the Communists
achieve their greatest successes in the manip-
ulation of public opinion.
Because of these things, and many other
things, I do not accept the thesis that all
is going well for the free world, and that
there is no need for improvement in our
cold war posture or capability.
I do not accept the thesis that there is
nothing we can do, beyond what we have
already been doing, to cope with the many-
pronged offensives of international com-
munism.
I believe that freemen, with proper under-
standing, and proper training, can con-
stitute more than a match for the Com-
munist professionals.
We are now in the process of developing
more effective methods of dealing with Com-
munist guerrilla warfare. I believe we can
also develop more effective methods of ex-
posing and countering Communist propa-
ganda; of keeping our unions, and our
schools and our public organizations free of
Communist control; of exposing and coun-
tering the crypto-Communist movements
that are now active throughout Latin
America and many other countries.
Finally, I believe that we can devise
methods that will enable the free world to
place the Communist world on the defensive
in the cold war. I believe that if it is pos-
sible for the Communists to peacefully sub-
jugate other peoples, it is possible for the
free world to peacefully liberate countries
that have already been subjugated.
But to do all these things we shall have to
have professional cold war practitioners of
our own, who have made an intensive study
of the tactics and strategy of international
communism in the cold war, who understand
this strategy and these tactics; and who have
been taught the art of parrying and counter-
ing Soviet thrusts, on whatever plane they
may occur.
It is because I believe in the need for such
a core of cold war specialists, that I have
from the first supported the proposal to
establish a Freedom Academy, where Govern-
ment employees and university professors
and business representatives about to leave
for abroad could be given a rounded cold
war education. Such an academy would be
the free world's answer to the Lenin Acade-
my. It would be the one way of putting an
end to the situation in which we pit free
world amateurs against Communist world
professionals.
We have been pushed around, insulted,
outmaneuvered, outfought long enough.
The Freedom Academy would be a declara-
tion, to both our friends and our enemies,
that we have at last understood the nature
of the struggle and that we are getting down
to the practical work of devising the- tools
and training the manpower for victory.
Unfortunately, the Freedom Academy bill
seems to have bogged down in the American
legislative process. The Senate Judiciary
Committee, to which the bill was first re-
ferred, reported on the measure favorably,
describing it as one of the most important
measures that had ever come before it for
consideration. Two years ago this Septem-
ber, in the closing days of the session, the
Senate passed the bill by voice vote, with-
out any recorded opposition. But the House
committee to which it had been referred
failed to take any action on it, and the
measure died.
The Freedom Academy bill was reintro-
duced in February of 1961, sponsored by a
remarkable broad bipartisan group of Sen-
ators. On the Senate side, it was referred
to the Foreign Relations Committee; and it
has languished In the committee's pigeon-
hole ever since, that time, I regret to say,
without a report and without any hear-
ings.
I believe that the Freedom Academy bill
must be unfrozen. I believe that public
opinion can play a decisive role in bringing
It out of committee and getting it passed.
I believe that an organization like the junior
chamber of commerce, which speaks fpr the
America of today and tomorrow, could make
a significant contribution to the establish-
ment of a Freedom Academy by taking an ac-
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 16236
Approved For FZ >R A,: -eRfj64BQD ILZ.200500030005-3 August 22
spectrum drugs remained the same while
the price of penicillin dropped 96 per-
cent. During the hearings it was em-
phasized that any increase in costs af-
fecting production of the broad spec-
trum drug should also have affected pen-
icillin,
Mr. President, statistics compiled by
the Federal Trade Commission show that
the drug industry has by far the highest
markup rate of any industry in the coun-
try. In 1957 this industry showed a rate
of return after taxes of 21.4 percent.
Compare this with the figure for the next
highest industry, 16.2 percent, and with
the figure for all manufacturing, 11 per-
cent, and one cannot help but con-
clude that in certain instances some of
the larger drug companies have abused
their ability to operate by means of
administered prices.
The amendments of the Senator from
Tennessee [Mr. KEFAUVER] would require
compulsory licensing of prescription
drugs where the price to the druggist
represents a markup of more than 500
percent of the factory cost, including re-
search, and to require that patent and
license agreements on drugs be filed with
the Commissioner of Patents to be avail-
able to the antitrust agencies.
Mr. President, I commend the great
senior Senator from Tennessee [Mr.
KEFAUVER] on the consistently outstand-
ing service that he has rendered the Na-
tion as chairman of the Subcommittee on
Antitrust and Monopoly. He has been
and continues to be a dedicated foe of
the abuse of power and a diligent cham-
pion of the rights and interests of the
people.
Mr. President, the time for drug law
reform is now. Chemistry and drug com-
pounds have advanced. New compounds
can ease the pains of the human race,
but they can cause terrible malforma-
tions in babies, too. We need new laws
to assure safe use of the new drugs. The
old laws are inadequate for the. mid-
,,20th century; the old laws do not match
tpe new chemistry. We must move the
sibw-moving laws in an effort to keep
the abreast of our fast-moving re-
search. Only by law can the people be
protedt?ed. Our sense of individual re-
sponsib'flity, unsupported by law, has not
proven alequate to protect the people.
The new l ws must come now.
j tive interest in the measure now pending be- r The proposed committee amendment
fore Congress.
I earnestly recommend it for your study.
TIME FOR SAFETY IN DRUGS IS
NOW
Mr. YARROROUGH. Mr. President,
21/2 years ago; under the chairmanship
of the distinguished senior Senator from
Tennessee [Mr. KEFAUVER], the Senate
Subcommittee on Antitrust and M[o-
nopoly opened an investigation of abuses
in the marketing of drugs.
As the investigation progressed, shock-
ing abuses in the drug manufacturing
industry were discovered, forcefully in-
dicating the need for corrective legisla-
tion. - -
The drug bill before the Senatb,rep,ce-
sents the first fruits of this thorough and
enlightening investigation of marketing
practices of the drug industry.
i
The recent history of the drug Thal
\ more thorough consideration than it can
domide further demonstrates the need ?.zpow give each new drug application.
for more effective regulation. A large-
scale national tragedy was averted in
that instance only by the determined
and brilliant work of Dr. Frances Kelsey
of the Food and Drug Administration.
Legislation is vitally needed" to make it
easier for bad drugs to be kept off the
market, and for commercial pressures to
be resisted, in the protection of the pub-
lic interest.
I am in favor of the proposed addi-
tional committee amendments to the
drug bill. While in certain instances I
would favor a different approach, the ad-
ditional - amendments represent an ef-
fective answer for the different interests
involved.
METHOD OF ENFORCEMENT
Under present law, the Government
must follow a drawn-out procedure to
prove a suspected drug is unsafe before
the company can be forced to take the
drug off the market.
The proposed committee amendment,
a major step forward, would allow the
against suspected drugs, to take thenx Fourth. Require the Government to
off the market if they create "an imam print and distribute information to doc-
nent hazard" to the public health. tors about the usage, side effects, effec-
The manufacturer would be entitled tiveness, and dosages of a drug.
to a fair hearing, protecting him against Mr. President, I strongly support these
unjust and uncalled-for action by the and the other proposed committee
Government. This procedure protects amendments.
the public health, and the rights of the PRICE REDUCTIONS
manufacturer. The drug bill, as originally introduced
EFFICACY on April 12, 1961, had three objectives:
Under present law, a drugmaker can First, safer drugs; second, providing bet-
market any -compound which can be - ter information to doctors; and third,
shown to be safe. A manufacturer could price reductions. The present bill, with
market plain water if he could find or the addition of the proposed committee
create a market for it. - amendments, will accomplish the first
However, one authoritative witness has two of these aims. -
said in hearings that: The subcommittee's study of the drug
No physician, or one who has ever been re- industry proved that in many instances
sponsible for the welfare of individual pa- where so-called administered, or non-
tients, will accept the idea that safety can competitive pricing policies exist, the
be judged in the absence of a decision about need for price adjustment is clearly in-
efficacy. dicated. The exorbitant prices charged
The theory, I believe, is that no drug through noncompetitive pricing policies
is safe if it fails to cure a disease for can be illustrated by comparing the rec-
which cure is available. Nor is any drug ord of the noncompetitively priced, broad
too "dangerous" if it would cure a fatal spectrum antibiotics with the record of
disease for which no other cure is avail- the competitively - priced penicillin.
able. From 1951 to 1960 the price of the broad
LEGISLATIVI, PROGRAM AND
ORDER FOIE\ADJOURNMENT UN-
TIL 10 A.M. TQMORROW
Mr. ROBERTS6,N obtained the floor.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Ur. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. ROBERTSON. ``I yield to the
Senator from Illinois with the under-
standing that I will not lose my right to
the floor.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I
should like to query the distinguished
majority leader about the schedule for
this afternoon and, if possible, the
schedule for tomorrow also.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, in
response to the question raised, I think
the Senate ought to remain in session
until around 7 or 8 o'clock tonight, and
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istration to pass not only on safety but
also on claims for efficacy, both initially
and at any future date. This is a good
amendment.
Drugmakers marketing drugs with a
reasonable proof of value should not ob-
ject to FDA review of the product.
NEW DRUG APPLICATIONS
Present law requires that the FDA act
on a new drug application within 60 days
or the manufacturer is free to market
the drug. The proposed committee
amendment would require the Govern-
ment to take positive action before the
drug could be marketed commercially.
If the HEW Secretary did not act,'within
180 days, the applicant would have 30
days in which to request a hearing, which
the Secretary would be required to hold
1t'-requently, the amount spent promot-
ing a, drug actually exceeds the cost of
making.. it.
A major aim of certain drug manu-
facturers tg to induce physicians to pre-
scribe a drug, by the trade name rather
than by the `generic name-the name
used in formularies, teaching medicine,
and so forth.
The large number, of trade names pro-
duces great confusion. To correct this,
the committee has accepted amendments
that would:
First. Require that advertisements
show the-generic name in large type and
carry information on the drug's side ef-
fects and effectiveness.
Second. Require a drug label to show
the Contents of the bottle or package,
with the generic name printed in type
at .least half as large as the trade nal'ike.
,"Third. Empower the Secretary oi;
Health, Education, and Welfare to es-
:'tablish generic names which will be