THE UNDECLARED WAR IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 27, 2003
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: May 27, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ='SEN`ATE 11x;,05
There being no objection, the address
Was ordered to be printed in the 9ECORD,
as follows
REMAaKQ oH' SFN4TOga 'T'HOMAS . DODD AT THE
MASS,}1.CH J/'S,E'rT OCATIONAL ASSOCIATION
ANNUAL CONVENTION, NORTH t)ARTMO'OTH,
MASS., SATURDAY, MAY 15,1065
I am pleased and privileged to be here
today with those who have made a national
and even an international reputation in the
vital field of vocational education-the mem-
bers of the Massachusetts Vocational Asso-
ciation.
- You and I are really in the same field, that
of helping our young `people to build con-
structive, decent, fruitful lives.
Your primary task is to prepare them for
a productive place in society, and your suc-
cess in that is widely known and heralded.
My field, as chairman of the Senate Sub-
committee on Juvenile Delinquency, is to try
to find ways of preventing boys and girls 11 from being already warped and destroyed by
the time they come to your classroom-and I
wish that f could claim the stiocess that you
have enjoyed.
But we are making progress in many
directions.
A variety of youth programs centered
wound the school dropout is now underway.
Todayl wish to speak about a vitally crit-
ical area that has u~ to now received far less
attention-the very young, the preschool
and primary school child.
~., ,
Ten years ago; ac group of social Scientists
made a study and ventured some predictions
that should have a stunning impact on con-
temporary society.
The subject of this inquiry was a large
number of 6--year olds who were starting
school in a Bronx slum.
Its object was to predict the future for
the youngsters. What_kinl of people would they have be-
come 10 ;years henoe4
Would they be" climbing toward -produc-
tive lives or on their way to prison?
'l he factors in this study were the child's
family and"Iieighborhood; and for.. most of
the slum first-graders these factors were uni-
formly bleak-an "unknown or "absentee
father; a delinquent or overly permissive
mother; a vice infested neighborhood; grind-
ing poverty on the outskirts of plenty; and
the total absence of authority, discipline, and
good example, lacking even the elemental
germs of culture or worthy endeavor.
On the basis,of all measurable influences
the socio osts Made individual forecasts on
the fate of each child and foretold for most
a useless and futile life of degeneracy and
crime-up less something in the picture
changed.
Ten years passed.
The sociologists checked out their tragic
prognoses and sadly pronounced them to be
incredibly accurate:
By the, age of, 16 almost every one of the
designatd innoents of a decade before was
well advanced from promiscuity into hard-
ened criminality.
There were 0 deviations; 3 out of 200 were
.spared.
And when the sociologists inquired as to
why, they found that in each case their pre-
dictions were upset by the unexpected inter-
vention of an outside influence--a con-
cerned and dedicated grandmother who took
over the child's upbringing just in time to
dogma of free will, or upon the political con=
cept of free choice, or upon the judicial doc-
trine of due process of law, in its broadest
sense?
To say the least, they seem largely in-
operative when environmental circumstances
sink below certain levels of decency.
And if we are to proceed with our war on
crime, against what or whom is it to be
mounted?
Against conditions which breed criminals
with almost infallible mathematical preci-
sion?
Or against the youths whose essential
crime is that they are the faithful products
of their environment, just as much as is the
Irish girl in the convent or the Oxford don
who wears tweeds, speaks the King's English
and conducts learned inquiries?
The questions answer themselves.
Against this sombre background, the fa-
miliar remedies-more dogs, longer night-
sticks, stiffer sentences, more foot patrolmen,
are revealed as non sequiturs.
They are necessary, to be sure.
But necessary for what?
Not to win a war against what we like to
think of as an alien condition called crime,
but rather to defend society from the retribu-
tion of its own undisownable product.
We can go on multiplying canine corps
and radio patrols until the squad cars out-
number the 6 years olds, and still the streets
will not be safe nor the prisons sufficient.
Or we can do something else, we can stop
reproducing this monstrous byproduct of our
civilization with which the police are
desperately grappling.
The only practical answer, the only in-
telligible answer-even leaving aside such
considerations as idealism and charity-is
for society to perform the role of the inter-
vening grandmother for all those 6-year olds
who have no interested grandmother, or any-
one else who cares enough about them to
introduce love, direction and discipline into
their lives.
Social science is able to do far more than
to accurately predict the degeneration and
imprisonment of infants who have not even
reached the age of reason.
If society can diagnose a towheaded boy
as an inevitable criminal on the day he en-
rolls in the first grade, then it can also meet
him at the school door with the means of
deliverance-whether it be a social worker,
or a psychologist, or a "big brother," or a
grandmother.
One of the gravest weaknesses of our so-
ciety is that its redemptive organs, Its saving
-forces, do not begin to function in most
places until too late, until the child has al-
ready been warped into a chronic rebel or
an incipient lawbreaker. _
This need not be so;_ it. is preposterous
that it is so.
If free will, free choice, and equal justice
are to have full meaning the community
must take on some overseeing role in the life
of every child likely to have been abandoned
at birth, so far as life's essentials are con-
cerned.
The Commissioner of the District of Co-
.lumbia, Mr. Walter Tobriner, recently re-
quested that the law for Washington be
Changed to require doctors to report to au-
thorities on gunshot wounds and the physi-
cal abuse of children.
That this should have to be proposed in
our Nation's Capital in the year 1966 is of
itself a dismal commentary on the heedless-
---- ..
i........?
ibilit
f ..Ault society.
n
ons
y o
Surely this episode confronts our people
with some jarring questions that do not yield
to the com ortable,formulations of old.
If these .children could. be scientifically
consigned to prison as infants because of the
Inheritance they received from society, what
light is thus thrown on the theological
No. 96-6
But, things being as they are, can we not
go further than the good Commissioner?
Why cannot we set uEmachinery for pe-
riodic physical and -emotional -"checkups
from `birth` on for children enduring those
conditions so neatly categorized by the un-
erring crime forecasters?
The skilled eye can usually perceive
whether there is something physically or
mentally wrong.
We are told that a child experiences about
half of his mental and emotional growth dur-
ing his first 5 years of life.
Yet this is the very period when the child
is beyond the scope of our civilized institu-
tions and is at the mercy of chance-the
chance that he will be granted the blessing
of good and enlightened parents.
For many an infant, this supreme gamble
of life is lost; far better for them to have
been born orphans and to have had their
parents selected and their environment
watched over by an adoption agency.
We must lift the veil that shrouds those
early years.
Many communities require an annual in-
spection of automobiles to protect the pub-
lic safety.
How about children?
Public policy has begun to move in this
direction.
This summer the Federal war-on-poverty
program, working in cooperation with hun-
dreds of communities, will conduct pre-
school clinics for 500,000 youngsters, aged 4
and 5.
The children involved will be primarily
slum children who are already so far behind
their contemporaries in the rudiments of
civilization as to be virtually counted out in
the race of life at its outset and unable to
meet the meager demands of the first grade.
This effort seeks to bridge the cultural gap
and the health gap that yawns so Incredibly
between the undeprivileged and the average.
Its directors are prepared to find that a
high percentage of these preschool young-
sters are suffering from malnutrition and
hearing and eyesight failures which can be
corrected.
Others will be unable to use or to under-
stand the language sufficiently to know what
is going on in a primary school classroom.
Still other tortured little souls will be
emotionally unable, for a hundred dark and
unknown reasons, to adapt to the classroom
atmosphere without extensive remedial
training.
I regard this program as one of the most
intelligent and promising enterprises of our
time, and I hope that every community will
give the fullest cooperation.
But it faces great odds.
How much of the crimes against childhood
can be undone in a few weeks of summer
school?
How many of the children who most need
this training will not attend, through pa-
rental neglect?
But it is an important step forward toward
the assumption by society of its rightful re-
sponsibility toward the child and I hope and
expect that it will lead toward the more
comprehensive approach I have suggested
today.
And I suggest further that every school,
beginning with primary schools, have a unit
concerned solely with the total health of
each child in its care, with ready access to
whatever mental and medical assistance that
is needed.
Would that such concern and care had
been available to Lee Harvey Oswald and a
million like him who today roam the streets
in bitterness and hatred.
What better investment can we make than
that which heals the sick and the disturbed
child-and prevents the adult invalid or
psychopath?
Thankfully, under legislation begun by
President Kennedy and carried forward by
President Johnson, we have begun to build
and to staff mental health clinics in hun-
dreds of cities for the public at large.
But how much more thorough we should
be when it comes to children, in their pre-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE May 27, 1965
cious, formative years, who do not know
enough to go to a clinic, who do not know
yet that they are sick, or that they have been
robbed in infancy of that which we rightly
declare to be the birthright of everyone.
The new clinics could serve hand in hand
with the school facilities I have recom-
mended, facilities financed in part through
Federal aid, which has at last come to the
assistance of our school systems.
There are two predictable objections to
reforms of this kind:
One, we don't have the money.
Two, we don't have the right to meddle
with a child's upbringing until a total
catastrophe has occured.
To the first objection I say that we must
find the money. And if self-preservation
remains man's primal instinct, we will find
it, either for more and more prisons and
police and perhaps even neighborhood pill-
boxes, or for remedial programs which fight
the variable conditions instead of the con-
stant effects.
And if we are really economy minded, we
shall choose the latter, for the cost of curing
a child is far less than that of caging a
criminal.
We have already found the money for
many other worthy programs.
We have already decided as a nation, for
instance, that we will finance the medical
and mental care of our aged.
Now, in the venerable tradition of first
things last, I say again, how about the
children?
The second objection, that society has no
supervisory role over children until the time
they enter reform school, is a foolish senti-
ment that the people of this country enter-
tained and discarded long ago.
We faced this issue when we were trying
to outlaw child labor and establish a mini-
mum age for leaving school.
The self-styled moralists of those days,
and the strange spokesmen for the dignity
of the family, argued that only the father
had the right, a divine and inherent right, to
decide the fate of the child and to determine
whether his 8-year-old should be schooled, or
put to work in mine or factory, or regularly
horsewhipped, for that matter.
In time, the American people decided that
this was Old World nonsense, that society
had a stake in and a responsibility to each
child, that freedom was safe only in en-
lightened hands, and that children had some
rights, too.
And besides that, our forefathers had
broken with the concept of divine rights as
far back as 1776, when they came out for
human rights.
That view holds true today-and it must
be extended to protect the abused and ex-
ploited youngsters of our day.
There must be a way for society to judge
whether parents are fulfilling, by any civil-
ized standard, their minimal trust, and a
way of intervening, as did the grandmothers,
in time to salvage the future of the child.
We all recognize this, of course.
The principle is firmly established in the
law.
It is the application of the principle that is
wanting.
We must stop waiting until flagrant abuse
knocks us over the head, until the child
stands in the prisoners dock, or lies in the
hospital emergency room, before we assert
our interest.
We must perfect our ways of uncovering
these tragic miscarriages of trust, so easy to
perceive.
I have described one approach, which I
hope will receive consideration.
The concept that society must find ef-
fective methods of intervening to reverse
the tide of disintegration that is engulfing
large segments of our people is really at the
heart of the practical and unpretentious so-
cial revolution of our time. This revolution
finds its most ambitious and hopeful ex-
pression in the great programs of reform,
rehabilitation and education proposed by
President Lyndon Johnson.
But its guiding thought has for many years
been the motivation of groups such as the
Massachusetts Vocational Association-help-
ing young people to help themselves through
education.
Vocational education, in particular, is one
of the keystones of our national effort to
fight poverty, unemployment and crime.
Few satisfactions can equal that of teach-
ing boys and girls the skills that will sustain
them throughout life and enable them to
be productive citizens, contributing greatly
to the life of their communities.
And few endeavors reap such a harvest of
public good.
So many things go hand in hand in our
attempt to redeem our American civiliza-
tion from the demoralization that threatens
it.
Building up our schools.
Cleaning up our slums.
Curing our emotionally disturbed.
Ending discrimination..
Opening up opportunity.
Curbing the filth in our movie theaters
and on our newsstands.
Controlling the insane traffic in guns and
drugs.
Elevating the level of our popular art-
television.
Improving the administration of justice.
Caring for neglected children-so many
good things to be done.
And we are doing them.
And none is more important than the
calling to which you have dedicated your
lives.
Teach a boy a trade and you have given
him something upon which he can fashion
the building of his life.
And so it has been an honor for me to be
with you today and to discuss these good
causes with pioneers who have for many
years been blazing the trail to that greater
America for which we all hope and work and
pray.
Thank you.
HE IINDECI RED WAR
IN VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, my col-
league in the House, Mrs. EDITH GREEN,
has made a penetrating and eloquent
statement in a discussion in explanation
of a recent vote, on which she voted
against the-President's bill providing for
a $700 million military appropriation to
conduct his undeclared war in South
Vietnam.
Of course, the bill was but a vehicle
that the President used, by his own ad-
mission, to obtain a vote of confidence
from the Congress of the United States
in support of his unconstitutional war.
Representative GREEN has made a state-
ment as to why she voted against the ap-
propriation. I ask unanimous consent
that the statement be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT OF HON. EDITH GREEN REGARDING
ADDITIONAL $700 MILLION MILITARY APPRO-
PRIATION REQUEST MAY 1965
Cloaked in the disguise of a military ap-
propriation bill-this House was asked to
approve-and did approve-this Govern-
ment's policy of escalating the war in south-
east Asia. Six of my colleagues and I dis-
sented.
Since it is conceded by everyone, including
the President, that the $700 million was not
the issue at hand, then at a minimum, surely,
in this body which the Speaker refers to as
the greatest deliberative body In the world,
there should be full discussion of what this
resolution does mean while there is still time,
hopefully, to resolve these tragic affairs be-
fore we bring down upon our heads the wrath
of the world and shatter the frail edifice of
world peace.
To my colleagues and my constituents I
want to say that for many, many months
now I have searched for every possible excuse
to support my Government in the policies it
is pursuing in Vietnam-and I have sup-
ported it. In spite of the shaky logic of the
domino theory, I have done my very best to
believe in it; in spite of the fact that the
people of South Vietnam have been subjected
to one unpopular and unstable dictatorship
after another, I have done my best to be-
lieve we are defending their freedom; in spite
of the fact that we have violated the Geneva
accords, I have done my best to believe this
was justified because the North Vietnamese
did also; even though I know that two wrongs
do not make a right; in spite of one humiliat-
ing military defeat after another, I have done
my best to believe all the optimistic reports
about our really winning the war over there;
in spite of all the evidence of internal dis-
cord and revolt against the governments we
maintain in power, I have done my best to
believe this is what the Vietnamese people
really want us to do-but my fellow Ameri-
cans, there is a point beyond which credi-
bility simply will not stretch-wand it is that
somehow by waging a wider war-we pursue
a policy of peace.
This vote represented-in my opinion-.-a
vote for that delusion. It could not have
been a vote for $700 million, for the Presi-
dent himself said this was available in any
case. It could not have been a vote to show
our united determination to halt Commu-
nist aggression, for if more than a decade of
effort, more than 400 American lives, more
than $3 billion expended does not show this,
then how can $700 million demonstrate it?
One of the things the vote could mean,
though, is what in fact everyone knows it
will be interpreted to mean and that is con-
gressional approval for the continued bomb-
ings of North Vietnam and commitment of
thousands and thousands of American troops
to a war the justice and wisdom of which has
been questioned Inside and outside this Na-
tion by citizens and friends of unimpeach-
able loyalty. I think it also clearly means
the relinquishment by Congress of its con-
stitutional authority to declare war, for if
the President can direct bombing raids on
North Vietnam by simple Executive flat, why
can he not direct similar action against any
other nation at any other time?
Why bother to ask? Once the bomb is
dropped, it can always be pointed out that
rightly or wrongly-legally or illegally-we
are in a war and that American lives are at
stake and that it would be disloyal to not
approve funds for the war.
I canont in good conscience lend myself to
that kind of devious usurpation of congres-
sional power-and for the purpose of con-
tinuing a course of action which I believe will
only reap at best, decades of hostility, enmity
and distrust of my countrymen by the peo-
ples of Asia or, at worst, utter catastrophe for
my Nation and the world.
Yet but an hour and a half debate was
allotted for discussion of a measure which
profoundly affects the future of our country-
and the world, and less than 15 minutes of
that time was given to those who might have
reservations-who might have questions-
who might disagree. I find it impossible to
understand why an admittedly unnecessary
appropriation request need be mantled in
a cloak of urgency and secret meaning with
full, free and frank discussion of its merits
denied.
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May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The high point of these whole implausible
proceedings was the speech of one of my col-
leagues who, in one breath, demanded with-
drawal of Government funds to _&A educa-
tional project, because some of the partici-
pants criticized administration policy in
Vietnam and then-in the next breath lie,
admiringly quotes Senator Vandenberg's
statement that "every foreign policy must
be totally debated, and the loyal opopsition
is under special obligation to see that this
occurs," and this in the context of,.demand-
ing for himself and others of the minority
party a voice in foreign policy decisions. His
exact quote is: "These teach-ins are a protest
against the national policy of our country.
It seems to me that when we have individuals
conducting these teach-ins and acting as
leaders in these groups, that it is not in the
best interests of the, national security of our
country for our Government to subsidize this
kind of operation by financing projects in
which these same people play a prominent
role." I can see we are all going to have an
absorbing year if we follow the advice of the
gentleman from Wisconsin-making certain
we don't subsidize free inquiry, but only
subsidize thought control.
And yet, I wonder if any policy, domestic
or foreign, which its supporters here in this
House are uowtlling to risk to the judgment
of free and inquiring minds can prove any-
thing except on the part of its advocates, an
abysmal lack of confidence in its strength.
Surely a policy in which one believes deeply
can stand examination and discussion, .
Mr. MORSE. I congratulate the Rep
resentative from my State. I agree with
every observation thai she has made. In
my judgment, in due course of time, his-
tory will sustain her. In due course of
time, American historians will write
about this major mistake that the Presi-
dent of the United States made when
he asked for support of the bill and
sought this vehicle, for obtaining a vote
of confidence of the Congress that should
never have been extended to him. I am
proud to be associated in the Congress
with the Representative from Oregon
[Mrs. GREEN],
I ask unanimous consent that there be
printed at this point in the RECORD a
telegram which I have received from a
committee group of Wayne University in
Michigan signed by David Wineman,
chairman, professor of political science,
Wayne University, in support of the po-
sition which the senior Senator from
Oregon has taken ii opposition to Amer-
ica's undeclared war in Asia.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered?to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DETRorr, MIcH?
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office, Building,
Washington, D.C.:
The following declaration was adopted by
the Detroit teaol~-iu of May 15 attended by
approximately 300 persons:
1. Power should not be. America's way of
dealing with small nations.
2. Our Government, must adopt a policy
of self-determination of nations without
qualification.
9. We demand the $50 billion now spent
by the Vnited States on armaments be used
to eradicate poverty at home and abroad
with no strings attached.
4. We specifically recommended that the
suspension o bombings of North Vietnam be
permanent and that the United States im-
mediately seek negotiations to end the war in
Vietnam witnout qualifications as to time,
place, or participants, including the national
liberation front and withdraw all foreign
troops from that nation in, accord with the
Geneva agreement.
5. We deplore the administration's failure
to send a representative to the national
teach-in.
DAVID WINEMAN, ..,_.,
Chairman, Detroit Teach-in, Cosponsored
by the Wayne Chapter, University's
Committee on Problems of War and
,Peace, and Wayne Student Committee
To End the War in Vietnam,
Mr. MORSE. While I am comment-
Ing on this subject, I wish to say that it
still is not -too late for tlie.President to
recommend a declaration of war. It is
not too late for the President to get back
within the framework of the Constitu-
tion of the United States. It is not too
late for the President of the United
States to suggest that we keep our com-
mitments under the United Nations
Charter and lay this whole threat to the
peace of the world before the United Na-
tions for his jurisdiction.
I ask unanimous consent that an edi-
torial appearing in the Dallas Morning
News, a Texas newspaper, entitled
"Brinkmanship"" be printed, at this point
in my remarks.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows : -
[From the Dallas (Tex.) Morning News,
Apr. 29, 1965]
BRINKMANSHIP
President Johnson is,'Wderstandably an-
noyed with the critics of his Vietnam pol-
icy-primarily because he is right and they
are wrong. Liberal isolationists at home and
myopic defeatists abroad-from Walter Lipp-
mann to Charles de Gaulle-have been urg-
ing the President to back down, to negotiate
with the enemy at almost any price. On
Monday Senator WAYNE Moms, Democrat of
Oregon, called the President's policy "im-
moral and godless."
What these people object to is the policy
of brinkmanship, honed to a fine art by
Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster
Dulles, but practiced to some extent by four
presidents, both Republican and Democrat,
since World War II. Dulles, defining brink-
manship, once said: "You have to take
chances for peace just as you must take
chances in war."
The President's statement, "From Munich
until today we have learned that to yield to
aggression brings only greater threats and
brings more destructive war," is a variation
on the same theme.
Former President Truman followed this
advice by going to the brink with success
to stop Stalin in Libya, Turkey, the Darda-
nelles and Greece, to break the Berlin block-
ade, to save at least half of Korea. The ma-
jor foreign-policy disaster during his term
of office was the loss of China, which might
have been prevented if Truman had not
avoided brinkmanship. In fact, if we had
been willing to take the risk then, there
might have been no Korean war and no
problem today in Vietnam.
Ike obtained an armistice in Korea by go-
ing to the brink, by threatening to bomb
A p4 China beyond the Yalu. He saved half
of Indochina by coming to the aid of the
beleaguered French with an airstrike, risking
7th Fleet brinkmanship in the defense of
Quemoy and Matsu and saved, Lebanon, by
sending in the Marines.
There were foreign-policy losses, too, under
Eisenhower. But they resulted from a re-
fusal to go to the brink, a decision to re-
main passive during the East German revolt
11507
in 1953, the Hungarian uprising of 1956,
Red China's seizure of Tibet in 1959 and
Castro's take-over of Cuba the same year.
Perhaps the best example of brinkman-
ship and the resulting coldwar victory for
the United States was the show of force by
the late President Kennedy during the
Cuban missile crisis of October, 1962-a
risky eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation which
might have led to World War in, but
Instead sent the Russians home with their
tails (and missiles) between their legs.
.Surely these numerous tests of the brink-
manship policy should have taught us a few
lessons. Among them are these: (1) The
Communists have been successful in ex-
panding their empire only by the use or
threat of force, when we have been passive;
(2) they have been repelled only by our
use or threat of force; (3) protest without
action has got us nowhere, and (4) the
alternative to brinkmanship is slow sur-
render.
The liberal Isolationists and defeatists
were wrong when they attacked brinkman-
ship under Truman, Eisenhower and Ken-
nedy, and they are wrong today. They have
failed to learn the lessons of history which
teach, as the President put it so well Tues-
day: "To stand firm is the only guarantee
of lasting peace." What they cant seem
to realize is that defeat in South Vietnam or
anywhere else, as the President warned,
"would deliver a friendly nation to terror
and repression. It would encourage and
spur on those who seek to conquer all free
nations that are within their reach
Mr. MORSE. That editorial from Tex-
as raises a serious question as to the
wisdom of our course of action in South
Vietnam.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that there be printed in the REc-
ORD an editorial entitled "Let's Talk,"
from my hometown newspaper in Eu-
gene, Oreg., the Eugene Register-Guard,
which I assure the Senate is not con-
sidered a Morse newspaper.
There being no objection, the edi-
torial was ordered to be printed In the
RECORD, as follows:
LET's TALK
Apparently the United States will join
other nations in a conference, probably at
Geneva, to talk about the integrity of the
borders of Cambodia. Cambodia is worried
about this matter and wants the conference.
But since Cambodia has kicked the United
States out of its country, and since the
United States left without protest, it's a
little hard to see what this Nation can
contribute to any discussion of a place where
it isn't wanted.
Nonetheless, the United States definitely
should take part. For Cambodia is far from
the burning issue in southeast Asia. A con-
ference of the nations that met at Geneva
in 1954 to reorganize the former French ter-
ritories in southeast Asia would not talk long
about Cambodia. Sooner or later, and prob-
ably sooner, the talk would shift to Vietnam.
Thus, a meeting called ostensibly to talk
about a minor problem could be a device for
backing into discussions of Vietnam, where
the controversy carries the seeds of world
war.
Since April 7, President Johnson has had
the country on the record as willing to
talk-anyplace, anytime, with anybody-
about ways to end the killing. And talk we
must. It is no sign of weakness to seek an
honorable peace.
The alternative to talk is total war, not
just against North Vietnam but against the
real power, Red China. That we do not want.
But neither do we want all southeast Asia
to be swallowed up by a nation that boasts
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE Mai 27, 1965
actually avoid trying to understand the com-
plicated matter, "the man on the street is
changing his views," another stated.
"If we are trying to impress Asiatics, we
aren't doing it . * * they will resent a police
state administered by the United States as
much as if it were administered by one of
the Red countries. (Asiatics) are just in-
terested in putting rice in their bellies and
don't care who runs the shoe store down the
street," was the opinion of another member
of the committee.
It was felt that public opinion is going
toward the Senator's views, though few of
the news media had given their support.
One of those mentioned as having come out
in favor of MORSE's opinions was the World,
which has supported him editorially.
Though, in the opinion of one, Democrats
taking an open stand "might split the party,"
it was felt that after such action, others who
share the same sentiments would soon make
themselves heard, and regardless of any re-
percussions, the seriousness of the issue war-
ranted the action.
Though the cry of "communism" might
soon be raised in speaking out, "let them
cry," declared one member. "If there is one
thing I abhor, it is communism. I stand
for this country and freedom, and it is my
duty and privilege to speak out * * * we
are not containing communism, we are help-
ing it (by loss of friendship among the na-
tions of the world due to the Viet Situation),'!
he concluded.
Senator MORSE is to be notified of the
committee action.
Negotiation is not the same as surrender.
This is a point that was overlooked last
weekend at the all-night rally at the Uni-
versity of Oregon. One group there ap-?
peared to advocate turning all Vietnam over
to the Red Chinese. Period. Another, more
realistic, urged that we explore ways to stop
the killing.
Also, it is perfectly reasonable, as Sen-
ator MORSE said at the rally, that we try
to interest other nations, also, in this major
threat to world peace. The trouble has been
thus far that other nations have been dis-
inclined to help in stemming Communist
aggression while Uncle Sam was willing to
do it alone.
The meeting at Genevamight be this Na-
tion's chance to throw some of the respon-
sibility to its critics.
Mr. MORSE. The editorial went so
far as to say:
Also, it is perfectly reasonable, as Senator
MORSE said at the rally, that we try to inter-
est other nations, also, in this major threat
to world peace. The trouble has been thus
far that other nations have been disinclined
to help in stemming Communist aggression
while Uncle Sam was willing to do it alone.
The meeting at Geneva might be this Na-
tion's chance to throw some of the respon-
sibility to its critics.
I highly commend the Eugene Reg-
ister-Guard for at least lifting its jour-
nalistic blinders slightly and letting a
few rays of light and truth creep into its
journalistic policy. It is very encourag-
ing, indeed.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD an article entitled "Curry Demo-
cratic Central Committee Backs MORSE'S
Views on Viet," written by Ruth Brewer,
and published in the Coos Bay, Oreg.,
World of April 28, 1965.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CURRY DEMOCRATIC CENTRAL COMMITTEE
BACKS MORSE'S VIEWS ON VIET
(By Ruth Brewer)
GOLD BEAcH.-An apparent grass-roots
movement supporting Senator WAYNE MORSE
on his stand against the war in Vietnam
gained strength this week when the Curry
County Democratic Central Committee unan-
imously agreed to go on record as approving
the Senator's views.
To his knowledge, this is the first such
action taken by a county central committee,
according to Charles Brooks, MoasE's admin-
istrative assistant in Oregon, who was
reached by telephone this week.
Prior to agreeing to notify MORSE of the
committee's stand, members held a lengthy
discussion on the Vietnam war, the dangers
involved and damage to prestige of the
United States as the results of actions in
Asia.
The full text of a speech delivered last
Friday, April 23, in Eugene by MoasE was
read to the committee by chairman Bruce
Manley.
On the basis of past knowledge, MoasE's
fight to get the United States out of the
situation, helped by such Senators as GROEN-
ING, of Alaska; FULRRIGHT, of Arkansas;
CHVRcH of Idaho, and others, and contents
of the Eugene talk, the committee appeared
unanimously in agreement from the begin-
ning of the discussion.
"Senator MORSE has been carrying this al-
most alone * * * he needs all the support
he can get, and It's time he realizes that
he has it," was one comment.
While it was generally thought that many
persons in the country do not keep up with
the situation in Asia through the news, and
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have
received from one Karl S. Landstrom a
letter dated May 10, 1965, expressing his
disagreement with my position on the
undeclared war in Asia, and also com-
menting, by way of criticism, that he did
not think I had called enough attention
to communications of criticism that I
have received. Perhaps Mr. Landstrom
has not been diligent in reading the re-
marks of the senior Senator from Ore-
gon; but I would not want him to feel
slighted. Therefore, I ask unanimous
consent that Mr. Landstrom's letter of
criticism of the senior Senator from
Oregon be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, Mr.
Landstrom says, in part:
It is disturbing to me, as a graduate of
the University of Oregon, and at one time
a student in commercial law under your own
tutelage, and as one who remembers your
service at the University as dean of the
law school, to note that in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD ofMay 7 you inserted, with apparent
approbation, a letter from the University of
Oregon professor who threatens nonpayment
of her Federal income tax as a means of
producing a change in the administration's
policy in Vietnam. Surely you do not en-
dorse so-called peaceful civil resistance to the
point of violation of the law.
I am surprised that Mr. Landstrom
should think that because I respect the
right of citizens to petition their Gov-
ernment, I agree with all phases of their
petition. So I replied to him, saying:
Inserting letters in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, contrary to your false implication,
does not carry any approbation on my part
of any point of view expressed by the writer.
The letters do show the great concern of a
cross section of the American people in re-
gard to the warmaking aspects of American
policy. I insert the letters because I think
people who are opposed to the administra-
tion's policy are entitled to petition their
Government and make known their disagree-
ment with our foreign policy in Vietnam.
I Intend to continue to insert letters of pro-
test in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
If you will check my insertions in the
RECORD, you will find some of them do not
disapprove Of the United States conducting
an undeclared war in South Vietnam. My
mail for months has run around 200 to 1 In
support of my opposition to our undeclared
war in Asia.
I am inserting in the RECORD, your letter
and my reply so that you will not feel
slighted.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that my complete reply to Mr. Land-
strom be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Mr. KARL S. LANDSTROM,
Arlington, Va.
DEAR MR. LANDSTROM: You certainly are
welcome to disagree with my viewpoint on
the undeclared war and thereby the uncon-
stitutional war which the Johnson adminis-
tration is figthing in South Vietnam.
I am enclosing tearsheets from the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD covering my two speeches
in opposition to the President's recent re-
quest for a vote of confidence on his course
of action in South Vietnam.
Inserting letters in the CONGRESSIONA,.
RECORD, contrary to your false implication.,
does not carry any approbation on my part
of any point of view expressed by the writer.
The letters do show the great concern of a
cross section of the American people in
regard to the warmaking aspects of Amer-
ican policy. I insert the letters because I
think people who are opposed to the adminis-
tration's policy are entitled to petition their
government and make known their dis-
agreement with our foreign policy in Viet-
nam. I intend to continue to insert letters
Of protest in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
if you will check my insertions in the
RECORD, you will find some of them do not
disapprove of the United States conducting
an undeclared war in South Vietnam. My
mail for months has run around 200 to 1 in
support of my opposition to our undeclared
war in Asia.
ARLINGTON, VA.,
May 10, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Want you to know
that I believe your position in regard to the
South Vietnam problem is entirely wrong.
It is disturbing to me, as a graduate of
the University of Oregon, and at one time a
student in commercial law under your own
tutelage, and as one who remembers your
service at the university as dean of the law
school, to note that in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD of May 7 you inserted, with ap-
parent approbation, a letter from a Univer-
sity of Oregon professor who threatens non-
payment of her Federal income tax as a
means of producing a change in the admin-
istration's policy in Vietnam. Surely you do
not endorse so-called peaceful civil resist-
ance to the point of violation of the law.
It would be interesting, I think, if you
would insert in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
some of the communications that you must
be receiving which disagree with your views
and support the views of the administration
and the vast majority of Members of Congress
in the handling of the matters in South
Vietnam.
With best regards.
Sincerely yours,
KARL S. LANDSTROM.
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May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I am inserting in the RECORD your letter
and my reply so that you will not feel
slighted.
Very truly yours,.
WAYNE MORSE.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that certain other
letters, articles, and editorials, which I
have received, dealing with Vietnam, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Apr. 26-May 2, 1965]
A SOUND INSTINCT AGAINST ASIAN WAR
A massive public discontent with American
.policy in Vietnam, uncrystallized but none-
theless real and persistent, has made it neces-
sary for President Johnson, Secretary of State
Rusk, and Secretary of Defense McNamara
to explain themselves once again.
The President at his news conference Tues-
day was aware that millions of Americans are
haunted by an instinctive if often inarticu-
late sentiment that our country has taken
the wrong course in Asia. Their instinct,
we think, is far sounder than his rationali-
zations. We hope it will continue to make
itself felt until the course is changed. The
President wisely refused to join some of his
subordinates in smearing his critics as ap-
peasers. He appears to invite honest debate,
and should be taken at his word.
The rationalization of his policy rests upon
a distortion of history and an obscurity of
purpose. It demonstrates confusion as to
where we have been, and a hazy ambiguity
as to where we are.going.
Like the Secretaries of State and Defense,
President Johnson describes the situation in
Vietnam as a simple one of armed aggres-
sion by one nation against another, which we
have a duty to resist. It is in fact an in-
finitely complicated case of civil war, growing
out of the determination of Asians to throw
off the chains of white colonialism, a civil
war in which we are involved on one side
and the Communist powers on another.
The indigenous Communist-led nationalist
movement which now governs North Viet-
nam,began its revolution over 20 years ago,
while Indochina was under Japanese rule
during World War II, and continued it
against the returned forces of France, finally
defeating the French decisively in 1954. It
called off the war under the terms of an
international agreement which provided for
military neutralization, independence, and
self-determination.
Under the Geneva accords, North and
South Vietnam were set up as temporary
political zones, each to be cleared of foreign
military forces and then to decide its own
future in 'supervised free elections. The
elections were never held because the United
Stated promptly established an anti-Commu-
nist government in Saigon and started build-
ing it up with military and economic aid as
an outpost of American influence. There-
after, the Hanoi regime began organizing
and helping to supply Communist-led insur-
gents in the South.
Despite 10 years of massive American aid,
successive governments in Saigon were un-
able to gain the loyalty of their people;
today the Communists control more than
half, perhaps 70 percent, of South Vietnam.
They collect taxes, they export rice, they
govern, they wage guerrilla war. The United
States, having done everything possible to
help South Vietnam win its own war, is now
in process of taking over and fighting the war
itself, at the risk of world war with China
and Russia. _
To say that all this is identical with the
situation ip Hitler's Europe, and that any
reluctance to deepen our military involve-
ment amounts to appeasement, is to mis-
understand both history and the nature of
revolutionary forces in ex-colonial lands.
The United States has no strategic interest
that requires it to hold a land base in Asia;
the President has repeatedly disavowed any
territorial ambitions in Vietnam. Neither
have we any responsibility to act as a global
policeman, putting down revolution wher-
ever it occurs, getting into every wax that
comes along. We can help free nations
build the economic and social conditions
which immunize them against Communist
revolution, but if they do not do the job
themselves we cannot do it for them by
waging war.
Admittedly changing our course in Viet-
nam presents enormous difficulties at this
late date, but it must be done if sanity is to
prevail. We cannot get out tomorrow,. we
cannot cut and run In precipitate retreat.
We can and should, however, make peace and
disengagement our long-range objective in-
stead of simply accepting the drift to ever-
widening wax.
The President's reaffirmation of willing-
ness to enter unconditional discussions is
welcome, along with his assurance that ac-
tive diplomatic efforts are being made "every
day" to get talks going. Regrettably miss-
ing is any hint of ultimate objectives or
terms of a peaceful settlement that would
show we are ready to accept something else
than total surrender of the other side. Talks
about what? They are not likely to occur
if, in addition to rejecting even a pause in
the air bombardment, we give reason to be-
lieve that all we want to talk about is the
end of North Vietnamese intervention but
not an end of our own intervention.
The essential principles of the 1954 Ge-
neva accords, adapted with due recognition
of what has happened in the interval, offer
a basis for a fair and reasonable settle-
ment. If the President made them the clear
objective of his policy, instead of inventing
twisted rationalizations for a war policy, he
would have the American people overwhelm.
ingly on his side.
[From the Seattle (Wash.) Times, May 9,
1965]
ADVERTISEMENT SPONSORING END OF WAR IN
VIETNAM
The sponsors of this advertisement: Rev.
Milton Andrews, Rev. Charles Asplin, Rev.
Harold Bass, Rev. Herbert Dimock, Rev. John
Gill, Rev. Blaine Hammond, Rev. Herbert
Lazenby, Rev. George McCleave, Rev. Chad-
bourne Spring, Rev. Bernard Turner, Rev.
Peter Weller, the American Friends Service
Committee, Pacific Northwest Region, and
the concerned citizens whose names are listed
below join 16,916 Protestant clergymen (New
York Times ad, Apr. 18) ; 2,700 clergymen of
all faiths (New York Times ad, Apr. 4) ; 800
faculty members of colleges and universities
in the New York City area (New York Times
ad, Feb. 28) ; U.S. Senators MoRsE, GRUENING,
CHURCH, MCGOVERN, AIKEN, CLARK, and
others; U.N. Secretary General U Thant; the
leaders of 17 nonalined nations; and the
many thousands of individuals and leaders
around the world who have already spoken
out in calling on President Johnson to end
the war in Vietnam by peaceful negotiations
now.
We believe the only conditions under which
such negotiations are possible are (1) cessa-
tion of bombing raids on North Vietnam, and
(2) a cease-fire with the Vietcong in South
Vietnam.
We believe the people of Vietnam are as
entitled to peace and the opportunity to se-
cure and better their lives economically and
socially as are people everywhere, so that the
United States must take the lead in, bring-
ing peace as quickly as possible to that land,
which has known no rest from war 'for over
25 years.
. We, therefore, call on the President to seek
an end to the fighting through immediate
peaceful action rather than through rhetoric
or show of force.
(If you agree with the views stated above,
one direct action you can take is to add your
name to this advertisement and mail the page
to: President Lyndon Johnson, the White
House, Washington, D.C.)
Mr. and Mrs. Lester Achenbach, Norm
Ackley, Jeff Acorn, Joseph Airo-
Farulla, Jeff Acorn, Mr. and Mrs. John
Affolter, Holly Adiele, Selma Waldman
Adkins, Joeylyn Airo-Farulla, Blair
Allen, Gerald Allen, M. J. Allen, Ray
Allen, Mrs. W. B. Allen, Bill Allison,
Mark. H. Anderson, Ruth Anderson,
Chuck Angell, Alfred S. Arkley, Mr.
and Mrs. Stanley Arkley, Mr. and Mrs.
T. R. Astley, P. J. Ater, Gilbert Allen
Atkinson.
Eliot Backup, Elizabeth Bagshaw, Mr.
and Mrs. Charles M. Bailey, Jackie
Barish, Arthur Barnett, Virginia Bar-
nett, Harvie Barnard, Hermine Bas-
night, William Basnight, Ethel Bass,
B. C. Baxter, Rozette Baxter, D. H.
Beach, Margie Bell, James R. Bennett,
Mrs. Jean Bennett, Mable Bennett,
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Bennett, Fred
Berg, J. Lennart Berggren, Mr. and
Mrs. Louis Bernstein, Richard Beyer,
Audrey Bickford, Mr. and Mrs. Charles
M. Bierley Jr., Marilyn Bierman, Mrs.
L. D. Bishop, Jacqueline Blanchard, B.
Blasko, Lorne Blucher, Walter Bog-
gess, Ruth Bonnevie, S. V. Bonnevie,
Edward Bostetter, David C. Botting,
Diana Bower, Ted Bower, David Box,
David Boxer, Julie Boxer, Helen Brad-
ley, Charles F. Brady, Franz A. Bro-
dine, Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Brotman,
John Broussard, Emmy Buck, Mrs.
Stimson Bullitt, John Bundy, Mr. and
Mrs. John Burdick, Pat Burks,
Stephanie Born, Lillian W. Burns,
Joost A. Businger.
David H. Campbell, Caroline Canafax,
Leo Canafax, V. E. Carol, Harold Car-
son, Beth F. Carter, Victor Case, Del-
bert E. Castle, Pearl Castle, Jeremy
Caughlin, Pat Cawthon, William C.
Chambers, Carla Chotzen, Walter
Chotzen, Mrs. W. G. Christen, William
B. Christie, Mrs. Annabelle B. Christie,
Mrs. W. T. Clark, Henry Leland Clarke,
Julia Newbold Clarke, Charles Coe,
John Collins, Victor Cook, Cecelia Corr,
William Corr, Lida Coryell, Prof. Gio-
vanni Costigan, Andrew J. Crane,
James Carlisle Crane, Mr. and Mrs.
Kenneth 0. Crane, Mr. and Mrs.
Michael B. Crane, Beatrice S. Crouse,
Paton B. Crouse, John Crow, Ruth
Crow, Virginia Crow, William Crow,
Mrs. C. E. Cunningham, Juliet Cun-
ningham.
Michael Dailey, Robert Dale, Mrs. A. R.
Dannhauer, J. Robert von Darrow,
Elaine Davenport, John Davies, Mary
Davies, W. J. Davis, Anne Dawson,
Jeffrey Dawson, B. W. De Vault, W. A.
Dickinson, Altura A. Dodd, Donald A.
Dodd, Lorraine Donegian, Ann A.
Drury, Roy Dubisch, David Dunham,
Jackie Dunham.
Steven Easterson, Al Edelman, Carol
Edelman, Roger Cushman Edwards,
Mr. and Mrs. N. Ekroth, Lois B. Elkin-
ton, Richard J. Elkiton, Dr. Frederick
E. Ellis, Robert J. Ellrich, Ruth Emer-
son, Jo Erickson, Ray Erickson.
J.. Kaye Faulkner, Mrs. John E. Fawcett,
Mr. and Mrs. John Fiedler, Mel Field-
ing, Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Fiege, Lillian
Fiest, Laurie Fish, Mr. and Mrs. A. A.
Fisher, Edison S. Fisk, Evelyn M. Fiske,
Robert G. Fleagle, A. C. Fleishman,
'Denis Flood, M. Fogelstedt, Mr. and
Mrs. David Fogerty, Jane, Forste
Robert Forste, David C. Fowler, Sol
Frankel, Richard Frazer, Barbara
Frazier, John Frazier, Hazel Fritz.
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Vivian F. Gaboury, Barbara Gamble, Rob-
ert Garfias, Francis M. Garton, Sidney
Gerber, Mary T. Gibson, Evelyn P. Gill,
Louise Blue Givens, James Gladfelter,
Harry Glickman, Josephine Godley,
Dr. and Mrs. Morris Gold, Dr. Samuel
Goldenberg, Henry Goodman, Ruth
Goodman, Mrs. Carol Goodrich, J.
Goodrich, Diana Gordon, Louise
Gosho, Alex Gottfried, Sue Gottfried,
Mr. and Mrs. W. J. Granby, Norman
Grant, Genevieve Grant, Gordon
Griffiths, Mary Griffiths, Eva Gruber,
Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Gwinn.
Claus Halberstaedter, Oliva Halonen,
Taimi Halonen, Roberta Hammer, El-
len Hanly, John Hanly, Orvel Hansen,
Mr. and Mrs. Wesley M. Hansen, Isabel
Harlock, Ray Harlock, Marita Harris,
John Hart, Ben Harwood, Sylvia Ilav-
lisch, Mary O'Neill Hayes, John Healy,
Lonnie Healy, Ralph Heino, Mrs. E. W.
Helander, Martha Hennen, Marjorie
Herford, Ernstine Herr, Dr. George B.
Hill, Theodore M. Hiltner, Mrs. Francis
Hoague, Irwin Hogenauer, Mary Hop-
kinson, Hazel Horder, Florence Hornig,
Grace Howard, Eric W. Hoyte, Virginia
B. Hoyte, Wanda Hubbard, Hildur Jo-
sephine Hughes, Mr. and Mrs. William
R. Hughes, Irene Hull, Walter Hundley,
Katherine Hunter, Mr. and Mrs. George
Burley, Raymond Immerwahr.
Dorothy Jackins, Robert L. Jackson, Rog-
er Jackson, Sue Jackson, Mr. and Mrs.
Vernon Jackson, Ann Jacobson, Charles
James, Etta Marie James, Larry James,
Dr. and Mrs. Charles M. Janeway, David
Javorsky, Karen Johansen, Alice John-
son, Leif Johnson, Michael R. Johnson,
Sharon M. Johnson, Robert S. Johnson,
Robert S. Johnson, Ruth Johnson, Mrs.
Robert B. Jones, Shelia Jones, Mildred
Joyce.
Howard Kaminsky, Annette Kaplan,
Helen Karr, Milton Karr, Prof. and
Mrs. Max Katz, Mr. and Mrs. Robert
Kauffman, Dr. Abraham Keller, Mig-
nonne Feller, Dr. and Mrs. Ward Ken-
nedy, Martha Kennen, Harold Kerney,
Robert H. Kerr, Robert W. Kessel, Rev.
Eugene Kidder, Dorthy M. Kistler,
Elmer C. Kistler, Joan Klyn, Mark S.
Klyn, Camille Knatvold, Arthur Koh-
ler, Virginia Kohler, Rev. J. C. Kone,
Anci Koppel, Carol Ann Koppel, Jane
Krahl, Robert Krahl, Frank Krasmow-
sky, AM Kurose.
Kathy Ladd, Dr. Arthur Lagawier, Lee
Landrud, Margery D. Lang, Guy Lares,
Lillie Larsen, Mrs. Harold Laughlin,
Mr. and Mrs. Harry Levine, Helen
Levin, Arthur N. Lewis, Charline
Lewis, Paul Lichter, Don Little, Marian
Lobasc, Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Lobl, Mr.
and Mrs. Ronald Lockwood, Dr. and
Mrs. Ernest Loeb, Patricia Loken, Eu-
gene V. Lux, Lillian C. Lux, Timothy
Lynch.
Dr. Sylvia Maccoil, Dr. W. A. Maccoil,
Dr. Donald F. Magee, Mrs. S. Mana-
rolia, Mr. and Mrs. David A. Manning,
Betty Jean Martinson, Mr. and Mrs.
Christ Martinson, Judith W. Matchett,
Robert S. Maynard, Data McEvoy, Mr.
and Mrs. E. C, McIntosh, Marguerite
McIntosh, Irene McMahill, David C.
Meekhof, Mrs. Sophie K. Meld, Ramona
Memmer, Barbara Mercer, Lyle Mercer,
Flora Merrill, Mr. and Mrs. Charles A.
Metcalf, Stephen L. Michael, Mrs. Alida
J. Michael, Dr. and Mrs. Ward C. Miles,
Ronald Moe, Mrs. J. B. Mohler, Sally
Moore, Wallace Moore, Mr. and Mrs.
James Morland, Arval Morris, Rose-
marie Morris, Mr. and Mrs. Edgar A.
Morrison, Mrs. James B. Morrison, Mr.
and Mrs. Michael Mottelson, Mrs. Grace
B. Moulton, Bill Murphy.
John Neal, Mr. and Mrs. David Nicholson,
Mr. and Mrs. Ray C. Nicholson, Anna
E. Nilsen, John R. Norton, Sae Norton,
Ted Norton, L. K. Northwood, Olga
Northwood, Elizabeth P. Nunn.
Eugene Oliver, Jo Ann Oliver, Marian C.
Olson, Robert S. Olsen, Gerald Oppen-
heimer, Mildred Oppenheimer, Eliza-
beth Orians, Gordon Orians, Simon
Ottenberg, Eleanor Owen, Charles
Ozure.
Douglas Palmer, Ida Palmer, Jo Patrick,
Mrs. Edith Patten, Fred Van Patten,
Dorothy Patterson, Rev. John Paulson,
Mr. and Mrs. Clayton A. Paulson, H.
Pedersen, Mrs. Ruth Peoples, Rodney
J. Peterson, Ruth Peterson, Mrs. A. H.
Phillips, Sanford Pinsker, Mr. and Mrs.
Carl O. Pisk, Bernard Poll, Orobelle
Poll, Ruth Pool, Mr. and Mrs. Viggo
Povlsen, Mrs. J. C. Price, V. Price,
Garth Putnam, Kay Quinn.
Marjorie Rabbit, Miriam Rader, Sylvia
Ragan, Dee Wardall Raible, Jarold W.
Ramsey, Constance Raphael, Dan
Raphael, Conner Reed, Mary T. Reed,
Richard J. Reed, Robert Reed, D. E.
Reinhardt, Margo Reinsch, Robert E.
Renk, Clint Reynolds, Isabelle Reyn-
olds, Mr. and Mrs. Paul M. Rice,
James G. Richard, Lorna Richards,
Edith Rigg, Ron Ringdahl, Eugene F.
Robel, Thorun Robel, Mr. and Mrs.
R. A. Rocz, Kathleen Bollefson, Violet
Roraback, Mike Rubies, Steve Rublez,
Mrs. Rose Rudnick, Mr. and Mrs. John
J. Runnings.
Selma Sachs, Roger Sale, Richard Saling,
Brian M. Scheffer, Linda Scheffer, Vic-
tor B. Scheffer, Beth Scheffer, Agnus
Schmoe, Ken Schmoe, Dorothy Schroe-
ter,, Mrs. Alice E. Schwartz, Dr. and
Mrs. Lawrence Schwartz, Mr. and Mrs.
William Schwartz, Rose Scott, Alan
Selker, Lisa Selker, Lule D. Sellards,
Mrs. Louise Shaifrath, Mrs. Joanne
Shaw, Stanley T. Shaw, Clara Shaw,
Eleanor Siegl, Henry Siegl, Edward
Singler, Joan Singler, Edith R. Smith,
Edward Smith, Edward A. Smith, Ellen
McComb Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Norman
C. Smith, Mrs. Watson Smith, Martha
M. Smyser, Howard B. Snyder, Mar-
garet Snyder, Edith Soden, Joseph
Sommers, Soren Sorenson, Thaddeus
IT. Spratten, Eleanor Springer, Claire
Stafford, Marietta Stark, Roger B.
Stein, Edward H. Steinberg, Elva Stein-
born, Elaine Steinbrueck, Mr. and Mrs.
John Stenhouse, Robert G. Stephens,
Joseph Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. John
Stanhouse, Robert G. Stephens, Jo-
sephine Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. John
It. Strickland, Mr. and Mrs. J. D. Stritt-
matter, Lucy M. Stoy, Lucy N. Stoy,
Robert F. Stoy, Mr. & Mrs. Jack I.
Sussman, Grace Suzuki, Mrs. Ruth
Swanson, Tom Sykes.
Ronald Tierandsen, Tacoma Friends
Meeting, Calvin Y. Takagi, Ken
Takashima, Helen Talbott, Mary G.
Tally, Dr. Souren Tashian, Margaret
Terrell, Donald W. Thayer, Sarah Thiel,
Mr. & Mrs. Robert Thode, Jack P. Ting-
stad, Dr. Richard Tinker, A. W. Tins-
ley, Hazel Tinsley, Barbara Tomlinson,
Ralph Toporoff, Imogene Truman,
George T. Tsutakawa, Dean M. Tuell,
Jane Turner, Maurine Tuttle.
Betty Lou Valentine, Mr. and Mrs. T. J.
Van Ermen, Mr. and Mrs. John Van
Horne, J. M. Van Houten, Jr., Mr. and
Mrs. Viggo.
Jean Wilson Wagner, Ella Wald, Fern
Wales, Mary Frances Wallace, Rev.
Robert Waller, Vera Wailer, Mr. and
Mrs. John Ware, Colleen M. Water-
house, Leslie Warner, Tom Warner,
Lars Watson, Lucille Watson, Carol R.
ti
Weller, Leonard Wessels, Carl West,
Helen West, Frances Wester, Mr. and
Mrs. A. G. Westman, Doris G. West,
man, Winifred E. Weter, John H. Whit-
tenbaugh, Dorothy Wittington, Mi-
chael Waater, Karen Wilkie, Dorothy
R. Willard, John W. Willard, Ford Wil-
liams, Ida Williams, Mrs. Margaret
Williams, Philip Williams, Vivian Wil-
liams, Mr. and Mrs. Russell L. Willman,
Marjorie M. Wilson, Patricia Wilson,
Dr. William S. Wilson, Mrs. Lawrence
Windoffer, Alice Woodmansie, Edward
Woodmansie, William Wooten.
Dr. and Mrs. S. R. Yarnell, Marion Yur-
man, Richard Yurman, Barbara Ze-
peda, Julian Zepeda, Dean F. Zuck,
Joyce Bennett, Dr. Thomas A. Billings,
Clara Fraser, Ruth Fawcett, Margaret
Kelly, Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth A. Kirk-
patrick, Walter B. Laffer II, Ruth
Little, Dorothy W. Melland, Marie
Severtson, Charles Valentine, Richard
W. Wilkie, Patricia L. Woll, Mr. and
Mrs. Edward Yellin, William C. Berle-
man, Bud Havlisch, Donald A. Fox,
David McClary.
(This ad paid for by the above signers.)
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, May 9,
1965]
A REPLY TO SECRETARY RUSK ON VIETNAM
In his address on April 23 before the Amer-
ican Society of International Law, Secretary
of State Dean Rusk attacked academic critics
of the administration for talking "nonsense
about the nature of the struggle" in Vietnam.
He continued: "I sometimes wonder at the
gullibility of educated men and the stub-
born disregard of plain facts by men who
are supposed to be helping our young to
learn-especially to learn how to think."
This abusive language suggests that the ad-
ministration wants to silence its critics.
This suggestion is confirmed by insinua-
tions from other administration spokesmen
about the loyalty of such critics. Precisely
in this time of crisis, however, the academic
community has both a right and an obliga-
tion to point out hazards and inconsistencies
in our military and diplomatic policy.
It is easy to see why the Secretary of State
is angry, The reasons have nothing to do
with "gullibility" in the academic commu-
nity. He is angry because the facts and wider
considerations brought up by these critics
have contradicted so many official pronounce-
ments. It is not the scholars but the leaders
of the administration who have shown a
"stubborn disregard of plain facts."
"PLAIN FACrS2"
For example, on March 25, 1965, President
Johnson said, "We seek no more than a re-
turn to the essentials of the agreements of
1954-a reliable agreement to guarantee the
independence and security of all in south-
east Asia." But the "plain fact" is that the
Geneva agreement did not provide for a di-
vision of Vietnam into two nations. On the
contrary, the agreement spoke of the two
parts of Vietnam as "regrouping zones" and
said that "the military demarcation line is
provisional and should not in any way be in-
terpreted as constituting a political or ter-
ritorial boundary." It provided that "gen-
eral elections shall be held in July 1956, un-
der the supervision of an international com-
mission." No such unifying elections have
been held. The Saigon regime, with U.S. ap-
proval, refused. Ever since, the United States
has insisted that Vietnam remain divided.
On April 7, 1965, the President gave an-
other description of the administration's
goals. He said, "Tonight Americans and
Asians are dying for a world where each peo-
ple may choose its own path to change." and
further on: "Our objective is the independ-
ence of South Vietnam, and its freedom from
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 Mai 27, 196 proved For R P 2003/1 /04 RIF R DP~67B004~46R000300190015-3
attack. We want nothing for ourselves- ANDOVER NEWTON THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL
only that the people of South Vietnam be Walter H. Clark, psychology of religion.
allowed to guide their own country in their Harvey G. Cox, theology and culture.
own way." The "plain fact" Is that the scale Vincent deGregoris, religious drama.
of American intervention is incompatible J. Leslie Dunstan, missions.
with the goal of self-determination. North Frances W. Eastman, religious education.
Vietnam has, to be sure, intervened by help- Wesner Fallaw, religious education.
ing the Vietcong. But at every stage of the Nels F. S. Ferre, theology.
war the scale of American intervention has S. Maclean Gilmour, New Testament,
been far .greater. The manner of combat Norman K. Gottwald, Old Testament.
shows that we have saturated South Vietnam John H. Scammon, Old Testament and
with every kind of military equipment the Hebrew.
terrain allows. We airlift troops and sup- Earl J. Thompson, Jr., church history.
plies continually. We drop napalm on Joseph C. Williamson, theology.
civilian populations intermin
led with
uer
g
g
-
rillas. We burn and defoliate crops and
forests. We have resorted to incapacitating
gas. An intervention as massive as this does
not furnish a choice to the people. It de-
prives them of one.
"STUBBORN DISREGARD OF PLAIN FACTS?"
If American actions in Vietnam are defens-
ible, administration attempts to defend them
should square with the "plain facts." Self-
deception about American intervention can
be a greater peril than discriminating pro-
test. Only by recognizing the ambiguities
of the situation can we reach accord with the
deepest levels of the American conscience and
with the common conscience of mankind.
The administration may have contrived the
discreet silence or the grudging lipservice of
some foreign governments and of some U.S.
Senators, but the hazards and inconsistencies
of the present policy are widely recognized
both at home and abroad,
The situation in Vietnam raises serious
moral questions, not merely diplomatic and
tactical ones. As a nation we hold immense
power. To permit it to be used in reckless
and barbarous ways is to imperil the entire
basis of American leadership.
'Let us make known to the Government and
to our compatriots that we oppose the disas-
trous policy of continued bombardment of
North Vietnam, Continuation of the present
policy makes it impossible for Americans and
Russians to talk further about peaceful co-
existence and encourages all Communist na-
tions to close ranks in opposition to the
United States.
World opinion does not support U.S. mili-
tary operations in Vietnam. Throughout the
world these operations appear increasingly
to be a campaign in the self-interest of a
BOSTON COLLEGE
Eugene Bushala, classics.
Edward J. Collins, history.
Sister Terese Anne Donovan, history.
John M. Von Felsinger, psychology.
John L. Heineman, history.
Edgar Litt, political science.
Raymond T. McNally, history.
Allen Wakstein, history.
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
William J. Alston III, physics.
Saul Bernstein, social work.
William P. Bryan, chemistry.
Amiya Chakravarty, physics.
Bernard Chasan, physics.
Robert S. Cohen, physics.
Paul Deats, Jr., theology.
Alvin L. Denman, human relations center.
Anthony J. DeVito, modern languages.
L. Harold DeWolf, theology.
John Endicott, chemistry.
Frank Giese, modern languages.
Sonja K. Gross, chemistry.
Robert H. Hamill, chaplain.
Kenneth Haygood, education.
George E. Hein, chemistry.
Walter L. Holcomb, theology.
Wayne B. Jones, theology (registrar).
Frederick Koss, social science.
John H. Lavely, philosophy.
Jean Lennox, biochemistry.
Paul Liacos, law.
Robert E. Luccock, theology,
John L. Maes, theology.
Dorothy Meckel, modern languages.
Banks McDowell, law.
Ronald M. Milburn, chemistry.
William Clifton Moore, theology.
Walter G. Muelder, theology.
Paul Nash, education.
Western power rather than in the,. interest Freda G. Rebelsky, psychology.
of that stricken Asian nation, . Indochina Miriam M. Ritvo, human relations center.
has been macerated by 20 years of anti- Eugene C. Roemele, law.
colonial, nationalist and Communist war- Julius A. Roth, sociology and anthropol-
fare, The United States has the military ogy
might to defeat the Vietcong. But unless Donald T. Rowlingson, theology,
we show immediate restraint, and show hu- S. Paul Schilling, theology.
mane imagination in bringing interested par-
ties to the peace table, we risk the loss of the
respect and sympathy of men and nations
far beyond the present theater of war.
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
Armand Siegel, physics.
Peter E. Siegle, education.
John F. Smith, chaplain.
Robert H. Sproat, English.
John Stachel, physics.
Robert
es
e, Y.
Citizens must speak out on issues of na- Marx
ofsky, philosophy.
W. Wart
tional
policy. We will not be intimidated by James B. Whipple, education,
charges of gullibility or disloyalty. Charles R. Willis, physics.
We demand that the administration re- Alvin D. Zalinger, sociology.
turn to the "plain facts" and make an ear-
BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY
nest attempt to obtain a ne
otiated
g
peace.
Reiteration of the phrase "unconditional dis-
cussions" is not enough, especially because
the condition is attached to it that the rebel
forces in the civil war are not to appear at
the conference table. Peaceful intentions
can be made plainer than this. We must ar-
range for an immediate cease-fire and offer
to negotiate with the principal combatants,
including the Vietcong; we must cease our
air raids 04, North Vietnam; we should use
the good ofices of the United Nations in
bringing about these ends and; we must Betty Davidson, biochemistry,
assure the world that we will not use nuclear Samuel James Davidson, biochemistry.
weapons in the pursuit of victory or in the P. Diamandopoulos, philosophy.
Herbert H. Aptekar, social work.
Joseph S. Berliner, economics.
Leo Bronstein, fine arts.
David Buchsbaum, mathematics.
Oscar P. Chilson, biochemistry.
J. Cobb, psychology.
Helen Codere, anthropology.
Joseph L. Cohen, biochemistry,
Lewis A. Coser, sociology.
George Cowgill, anthropology.
11511
James Duffey, European languages.
Kenneth Feigenbaum, psychology.
Gordon Fellman, sociology.
Joachim Gaehde, fine arts.
David S. Gil, social work.
Ray Ginger, history.
Eugene P. Gross, physics.
Allen Grossman, English.
Thomas C. Hollocher, biochemistry.
Joseph W. Infelburg, biology.
David Kaplan, anthropology.
Nathan O. Kaplan, biochemistry.
Jacob Lauren, fine arts.
Harris I. Lehrer] biochemistry.
S. S. Lehrer, biochemistry.
Lawrence Levine, biochemistry.
Denah Lida, European languages.,
Farnsworth Loomis, biochemistry.
Heinz Lubasz, history.
Robert A. Manners, anthropology.
Stephen Miller, social work.
Robert Morris, social work.
William T. Murakami, biochemistry.
Joseph S. Murphy, political science.
Richard Onorato, English.
Robert Perlman, social work.
Arthur Polansky, fine arts.
Thomas E. Ragland, biochemistry.
Jessica E. Reimann, biochemistry.
Karl Reisman, anthropology.
Benson Saler, anthropology.
Stanley N. Salthe, biochemistry.
Gordon Sato, biochemistry.
Morris S. Schwartz, sociology.
John Scott, social work.
Violet M. Sieder, social work.
Richard Silverstein, biochemistry.
Mitchell Siporin, fine arts.
Philip E. Slater, sociology.
Morris Soodak, biochemistry.
Mark Spivak, sociology.
Maurice R. Stein, sociology.
Arnold Strickon, anthropology.
Sahl Swarz, fine arts.
Norbert I. Swislocki, biochemistry.
Marie Syrkin, English.
Jerome H. Targovnik, biochemistry.
Helen Van Vunakis, biochemistry.
Eugene Walter, sociology.
Rolad C. Warren, social work.
Alex Weingrod, anthropology.
Robert S. Weiss, sociology.
Kurt H. Wolff, sociology.
Irving Kenneth Zola.
BROWN UNIVERTITY
Allan Clark, mathematics.
William Crossgrove, German.
Alan Howard, mathematics.
Michael Rosen, mathematics.
CLARK UNIVERSITY
Charles Blinderman, English.
Abraham Blum, psychology.
Walker Crockett, psychology.
Gerald N. Grob, American history.
J. Fannin King, romance languages,
J. Richard Reid, romance languages.
Mordecai S. Rubin, romance languages.
Morton Weiner, psychology.
COLLEGE OF THE HOLY CROSS
Charles A. Baker, French.
William Van Etten Casey, S.J., theology.
Thomas M. Coffee, sociology.
Joseph F. Donahue, S.J., theology.
John H. Dorenkamp, English.
Joseph M. Fallon, S.J., sociology.
Aldo Fortuna, English.
James A. Gross, economics.
Leon E. Lewis, English.
Frank Petrella, Jr., economics.
Paul Rosenkrantz, psychology.
Donald F. Traub, philosophy.
John H. Wilson, English.
DARTMOUTH COLLEGE
L. H. Noda, biochemistry.
Donald E. Olins, biochemistry.
Milton J. Rosenberg, psychology.
Melvin V. Simpson, biochemistry.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May" 27, 1965
10.
Andrew Szent-Gyorgyi, cytology.
Arnold Wishnia, biochemistry.
EPISCOPAL THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL
Carl Edwards.
Hubert L. Flesher.
Joseph Fletcher.
L. G. Patterson.
Charles Smith.
Owen Thomas.
William Wolf.
GODDARD COLLEGE
Frank T. Adams, Jr.
Donald M., Barnes, history.
George Beecher, education.
Corinne Elliot.
Vincent Erikson, anthropology.
Francis Fay.
Wilfred G. Hamlin.
Jerome Himeloch, sociology.
Erland Jacobsen, literature.
W. Allen Last, chemistry.
Laurent LaVallee, economics.
Corinne W. Mattuck.
Robert Mattuck, literature.
Arthur Mitzman, history.
Steven J. Noren, philosophy.
William E. Osgood, librarian.
Buryl Payne, psychology.
Thomas R. Whittaker, literature.
Thomas Yamamoto, art.
David York.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
James Luther Adams, divinity.
Stephen L. Adler, physics.
Henry D. Aiken, philosophy.
Charles M. Allen, Jr., chemistry.
William L. Alworth, chemistry.
Harold Amos, bacteriology.
W. French Anderson, bacteriology.
John S. Ansow, English.
Joan Argetsinger, biology.
Ralph Baierlein, physics.
Gerald Barnes, philosophy.
G. Octo Barnett, medicine.
Jonathan Beecher, history.
Ursula Beliugi, social relations.
Marshall Berman, government.
A. Bienenstock, engineering.
Richard Bienvenn, history.
A. Blumenthal, cognitive studies.
Dwight Bolinger, romance languages.
Raoul Bott, mathematics.
Boyce W. Burge, medicine.
Mary E. Burge, American civilization.
Frank P. Casa, romance languages.
David F. Cavers, law.
David Wade Chambers, history of science.
Jon Clardy, chemistry.
Richard A. Cone, biology.
Ian Cooke, biology.
Stephen Coutts, chemistry.
Frank Cross, Near Eastern languages.
Richard D'Ari, biology.
P. J. Dart, biology.
Bernard D. Davis, bacteriology.
Julian Davies, bacteriology.
David Denhardt, biology.
Howard Doldfine, bacteriology.
Donald Dubin, bacteriology.
Leonard M. Faltz, bacteriology.
Ann E. Farnham, bacteriology.
Ned Feder, biology.
Robert R. Fenichel, applied physics..
Sam Fillenbaum, cognitive studies.
Gordon Finley, social relations.
Stephen J. Fischer, education.
Michael Fried, fine arts.
W. H. Furry, physics.
E. Furshpan, medical school.
George Gaylord Simpson, archeology.
F. W. Gehring, mathematics.
Barry Gewen, American civilization.
Stephen J. Gewirtz, mathematics.
Walter Gilbert, physics.
Stephen Gilman, romance languages.
Owen Gingerich, astronomy.
David M. Gitlitz, romance languages.
Harvey R. Glasser, Russian research center.
Eugene Godfredsen, astronomy.
Rabbi Ben-Zion Gold, Hillel adviser.
Howard Goldfine, bacteriology.
James Gordon, general education.
Luigi GorinL bacteriology.
Martin Gouterman, chemistry.
Joseph C. Grannie, education.
Ann Graybiel, biology
Walter Grossman, history.
Jean Harrison, biology.
Cheater W. Hartman, psychiatry
Jay Hauben, physics.
Nicholas L. Heer,,Middle Eastern studies.
Stephen Heinemann, biology.
D. Heller, medical school.
Kenneth J. Hertz, mathematics.
Steven Hess, romance languages.
Mahlon B. Hoagland, bacteriology.
K. Hoffman, mathematics.
Charlotte Hogsett, romance languages.
Richard A. Holt, physics.
Mathilda Holzman, psychiatry.
Donald Hubbard, education.
H. Stuart Hughes, history.
Garrett M. Ihler, biology.
William Irvine, astronomy.
Kurt Isselbacher, gastroenterology.
Robert M. Jackson, romance languages.
R. V. James, engineering.
R. V. Jones, engineering.
Wolfgang-Kalhofen, astronomy.
Leon R. Kass, chemistry.
Stanley N. Katz, history.
Gordon D. Kaufman, divinity.
Myron Kaufman, chemistry.
Jerry L. Kazdan, mathematics.
Roger Kelleher, medical school.
Steven L: Kleiman, mathematics.
Jerome H. Klotz, statistics.
Mike Konrad, biology.
E. Kravitz, medical school.
Lawrence B. Lapson, astronomy.
John H. Law, chemistry.
David Layzer, astronomy.
Deana D. Leventhal, bacteriology.
David H. Levey, economics.
Pavel Machotka, social relations.
Martin Lubin, pharmacology.
Michael Manove, mathematics.
Gerald Marsden, education.
Paul Martin, physics.
Ann Matthysse, biology.
Jo Ann D.`Medalie, psychiatry.
Jacques Mehler, cognitive studies
Everett Mendelsohn, history of science.
Martin Micheren, biology.
Stanley Milgram, social relations.
Henri E. Mitler, astronomy
Edwin E. Moise, education.
Clarence L. Morgan, medical school.
Barrington Moore Jr., Russian research
center.
David Morrison, astronomy.
W. H. Morse, medical school.
David Mumford, mathematics.
Leonard Nash, chemistry.
Franz Nauen, history.
Peter Neumeyer, school of education.
Pearn P. Niiler, applied physics.
Frederick A. Olafson, education
William E. Palke, chemistry and physics.
Philip Pearls, physics.
Martin Peretz, government.
Edward Pincus, visual arts center.
Gerald Platt, social relations.
Mordea Jane Pollock, romance languages.
Mary C. Potter, cognitive studies.
W. M_ Preston, physics.
Charles Price, university preacher
Mark Ptashne, biology.
L. F. Quigley Jr., school of public health.
David L. Ragozin, mathematics.
Benito Rakower, school of education.
Lillian Randall, rad. grad. ctr.
Jonathan F. Reichart, physics.
Edward Rendall, medicine.
James L. Rice, Slavic languages.
Herbert. Richardson, divinity.
Anne Roe, education.
Constance H. Rose, romance languages.
Larry Rosenberg, psychiatry.
Judy F. Rosenblith, psychiatry.
Robert A. Rosenthal, cent. res. & devel.
Robert A. Rothstein, Slavic languages.
Susan Rubin, romance languages.
Jon Rubinstein, history.
Rose Sabaroff, education.
Carl Sagan, astronomy.
Israel Scheffler, education.
Bartholomew P. Schiavo, history.
L. H. Scott, history and literature.
Richard Sennett, American studies.
Victor W. Siedel, medicine.
Raymond Stever, geology.
David S. Sigman, chemistry.
B. F. Skinner, psychology.
Rev. Reginald Smart, chaplain.
Frank Smith, cognitive studies.
H. Warren Smith, chemistry.
Joseph L. Snider, physics.
Sergei P. Sorokin, anatomy.
P. A. Sorokin, sociology.
Bessie Sperry, education.
John Spiegel, social relations.
Max L. Stackhouse, divinity.
Peter Stansky, history.
.Jeffrey Steinfeld, chemistry.
W. Stolz, mathematics.
Stephen Strom, astronomy.
Marsha H. Swislocki, romance languages.
Kenneth Taylor, history of science.
Karl Teeter, linguistics.
Ruth D. Terzaghi, applied physics.
Abigail Thernstrom, government.
Stephen Thernstrom, history.
Allan Tobin, biology.
Stephen V. Ullman, mathematics.
Dorothy V. Vivian, romance languages.
Lise Vogel, fine arts,
Thomas von Foerster, physics.
Ruth Wald, biology.
George Wald, biology.
Donald Wallach, biological chemistry.
William P. Weber, chemistry.
Charles A. Whitney, astronomy.
D. V. Widder, mathematics.
George Williams, divinity.
Thomas H. Wilson, physiology.
David E. Wolfe, anatomy.
Peter N. Wolff, medicine.
James P. Wright, astronomy.
Danny Wulff, biology.
Lawrence Wylie, social relations.
Linda Zak, romance languages.
Robert Zevin, economics.
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
Marcia K. Allen, biology.
Joseph Altman, psychology.
Warren Ambrose, mathematics.
Donald Appleyard, city planning.
Michael Artin, mathematics.
Elliot Auerbauch, laboratory nuclear
science.
Maria L. Bade, biology.
Alan H. Barrett, electrical engineering.
Eugene Bell, biology.
Aron Bernstein, physics.
T. Bever, modern languages.
Carl J. Black, humanities.
Stephen L. Bloom, mathematics.
Rev. Myron Bloy, chaplain.
Frank Bonilla, economics.
George S. Boolos, philosophy.
David Botstein, biology.
Richard N. Boyd, philosophy.
Joseph Brenner, medical department.
Gene M. Brown, biology.
Manuel Blum, electrical engineering.
Harold H. Carter, chemical engineering.
Jule G. Charney, meteorology.
M. Chessman, meteorology.
Noam Chomsky, modern languages.
Stephan L. Chorover, psychology.
Jared L. Darlington, res. lab. electronics.
John M. Dolan, res. lab. electronics.
J. R. Dennett, mathematics.
Robert M. Dowben, biology.
Murray Eden, electrical engineering.
Robert Fabry, res. lab. electronics.
Franklin M. Fisher, economics.
Maurice S. Fox, biology.
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May 27, 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SFNATF
Harold Freeman, economics. . . Huston Smith, humanities.
Bernard,Frieden, city planning. Norton Starr, mathematics.
Theodore W. Gamelin, mathematics. Arthur Steinberg, humanities.
Vince It Giambalvo, mathematics. Marvin Stodoisky, biology,
Steven N. Gilborn, humanities, Benjamin K. T'sou, research laboratory
Marcus C. GoQdall, res, lab. electronics, electronics.
Roe Goodman, mathematics, John James Ucci, mathematics.
Glen E. Gordon, chemistry. John Vierter, research laboratory elec-
David Gordon,, physics. tronics.
Annamaria,. . Gprini,,bioiogy Patrick D. Wall, biology.
Bernard.S, Cxoald, biology. William B. Watson, humanities.
H. Grahamrmathematics, Burton White, psychology,
John C. Graves, humanities. George W. Whitehead, mathematics.
Richard Greene,, biology. Hurd C. Willett, meteorology.
Charles G. Gross, psychology. John W. Winchester, geology and geo-
Leon Gunther, physics, physics.
A. R. Gurney, Jr., humanities. George Wolf, nutrition.
Theodore Gurney, Jr., biology. Victor Yngve, electrical engineering.
Morris Halle, modern languages. William H. Youngren, humanities.
Alfred, E. Harper, nutrition. Richard Zatorski, research laboratory elec-
Iiyman Hartman, biology. tronics.
Alan Hein, psychology. NORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITY
Richard Held, psychology.
Rev. Robert C. Holtzapple, chaplain.
Thomas H. Jackson, humanities.
William D..Jackson, electrical engineering.
Elizabeth W. Jones, biology.
J. Katz, philosophy.
S. J. Kayser, modern languages.
Gyorgy Kepes, architecture.
R. Kirk, modern languages.
M, Kudlick, mathematics.
K, Kushner, mathematics,,
0. Lakoff, modern languages.
Elizabeth Landers, modern languages.
Emmet Lprk"W, humanities,
Paul, Lee, humanities,
Thomas A. Lehrer, economics and political
science,
Mark Levensky, humanities,
Cyrus Levinthal, biology.
Klaus Liepmann, humanities.
Francis E. Low,physics.
Salvador E. Luria, biology.
Kevin Lynch, city planning.
Boris Is agasanik, biology.
Kenneth Manly, biology.
Michael B. Marcus, mathematics.
Stephen Marglin, economics.
Paula Menyuk, research laboratory elec-
tronics.
Travis R. Merritt, humanities,
Franco Modigliani, economics and manage-
ment.
Philip Morrison, physics.
Philip M. Morse, physics.
Walle J, H. Nauta, psychology.
A. C. Newell, mathematics.
W. O'Neill, modern languages.
Robert.Pendelton, mathematics,
Norman Pettit, humanities,
Louise Pfeiffer, psychology.
Norman A. Phillips, meteorology.
Rabbi Herman Pollack, chaplain.
P. M. Postal, modern. languages.
Hilary Putnam, humanities.
H. Putz. mathematics.
Richard Arnowitt, physics.
Perry A. Bialor, sociology-anthropology,
Roger Brightbill, psychology.
Wendell R. Brown, education.
Henry H. Crapo, mathematics.
Alan N. Cromer, physics,
Ellen N. Dunlap, mathematics.
Theodore N. Ferdinand, sociology-anthro-
pology.
Mitzi Filson, library.
Walter L. Fogg, philosophy.
Marvin H. Friedman, physics.
Norbert L. Fuilington, history.
Michael J. Glaubman, physics.
Stephen J. Golburgh, education.
Roberta Gordon, modern languages.
Joseph D. Gresser, chemistry.
Edward A. Hacker, philosophy.
Ruth Harmon, education.
Walter Hauser, physics.
Masanori Higa, education.
John Kazantzi, English.
Frank F. Lee, sociology-anthropology.
Lila Leibowitz, sociology-anthropology.
Milton Leitenberg, biology.
William F. Luder, chemistry.
Antonio L. Mezzacappa, modern languages.
Harold Naidus, chemistry.
Irene A. Nichols, education.
John D. Oberholtzer, physics.
Saul Rogolsky, education.
Norman Rosenblatt, history.
James Ryan, modern languages.
Eugene J. Saletan, physics.
Freda Salzman, physics.
George Salzman, physics.
Ina Samuels, psychology.
Bertram Sharf, psychology.
Gilbert A. Schloss, English.
Donald Shelby, economics.
Robert L. Stern, chemistry.
Harold L. Stubbs, mathematics.
H. Ti Tien, chemistry.
Michael T. Vaughn, physics.
Daniel B. Ray, mathematics,
Harold Reiche, humanities.
Helen R, Revel, biology.
Phillip W. Robbins, biology.
J. Robinson, mathematics,
Ronald Rolfe, biology.
Steven Rosencrans, mathematics.
Bruno Rossi, physics.
A. K. Roy, mathematics.
Rev. John Russeil, Jr., chaplain,
.Herbert b, Saltzstein, psychology.
Leo Sartori, physics.
David I,,,Schalk,,,humanities,
R. W. Sqkuler, psychology.
Kar1S"he.11, economics.
Abner.Shimgny, humanities,
Irving Singer, humanities.
I M, Suer mathematics.. _,
Marc T u1man, biology.
ftIalcolm Skolnick, physics.
No. 96-0
Donald S. Dunbar, psychology.
Tilden G. Edelstein, history.
David Emerson, physics.
Richard Freedman, English,
Henry J. Halko, history.
Ruth C. Hawthorne, history.
Manfred Klein, German..
Lawrence L. Langer, English.
Ruth S. Leonard, library science.
Joseph T. Leverich, mathematics,
William M. Manly, English.
Josephine F. Milburn, government.
Carroll F. Miles, government,
Margaret B. Milliken, English.
George W. Mitchie, English.
Mary K. O'Brien, nursing,
Sumner M. Rosen, economics,
Richard C 5ter_i?e -English.
Wylie Syther, English.
Roy M. Tollefson, governmen
Approved-For Release 200/11J04
11513
SMITH COLLEGE
Louis Cohn-Haft, history.
Robert J. Fabian, mathematics.
Philip Green, government.
Bruce Hawkins, physics.
Murray Kiteley, philosophy.
Paul Lauter, English.
Alice Lazerovitz, philosophy.
Bert Mendelson, mathematics.
Michael Rice, physics.
Peter Rowe, government.
Ramon Eduardo Ruiz, history.
J. Diedrick Snoek, psychology.
A. H. Specs, physics.
Melvin Steinberg; physics.
Francis Stienon, astronomy,
Donald Trumpler, mathematics.
TUFTS UNIVERSITY
Reilly Atkinson III, physics.
Marston Balch, drama and speech.
Ernest Cassara, religion.
Carl Cohen, mathematics.
John Cornwall, economics.
Mary Jane Cramer, sociology.
Dorothea J. Crook, psychology.
Morris A. Cynkin, medical school.
William Dameshek, medical school.
Allen E. Everett, physics.
Sanford Freedman, psychology.
Morris Friedkin, pharmacology.
Sol Gittleman, German.
Hilde Hein, philosophy.
Roslyn B. Henning, classics.
Dennis V. Higgins, English.
Franklyn D. Holzman, economics,
David Isles, mathematics.
Leonard Kirsch, economics.
Madeline Kovach, German.
Melvin J. Krant, medical school.
Norman Krinsky, pharmacology,
George F. Leger, mathematics.
Zella Luria, psychology.
Lewis F. Manly, economics.
Bernard McCabe, English.
Nancy Milburn, biology.
Robert L. H. Miller, religion.
Kivie Moldave, medicine.
Thornton B. Ratz, psychology.
Gene Reeves, theology.
Douglas W. Reynolds, art.
H. Ronald Rouse, mathematics.
Gerhard Schmidt, biochemistry,
Edwin Schur, sociology.
Robert Schwartz, medical school,
Newlin R. Smith, economics.
Gary M. Spackey, French.
Manfred Steiner, medical school.
Walter J. K. Tannenberg, medical school.
Jack Tessman, physics.
Robert H. Webb, physics.
John C. Wells, German.
UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT
Max M. Allen, psychology.
Curt F. Beck, political science,
J. David Colfax, sociology.
Douglas P. Crowne, psychology.
Maurice L. Farber, psychology.
Amerigo Farina, psychology.
R. C. Gosselin, mathematics.
Jerrold Heiss, sociology.
David A. Ivry, finance.
Seth Leacock, sociology.
Charles H. McCaghy, sociology.
Dennison Nash, sociology.
Charles A. Owen, Jr., English.
G. N. Raney, mathematics.
H. Reschovsky, mathematics.
Kenneth Ring, psychology.
A. Robert Rollin, psychology.
Joy S. Roth, zoology.
Julian B. Rotter, psychology.
William A. Wilson, Jr., psychology.
Elliott S. Wolk, mathematics.
 11514
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 27, 1965
me Grossman, (even though the Oregonian does not quote
J
t
ero
UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT Kenneth Greenblat
, Horace W. Briggs, political science. H. L. Holcomb, Cambridge Electron Accelera- you with enthusiasm) and I am proud that
for you represent my State.
Robert V. Daniels, history. Sidney Kaplan, University of Massachu- Out of protest more than anything else,
Denez Gulyas, sociology. ,yens and because I do not want to support action
Samuel B. Rand, history. Hedda Korech, Wheaton College, that I am uninformed on, I have not made
history. Rchar L. Hoffman, Leidberg, h plain Allen Kropf, Amherst College. up my mind to one course of action or an-
Richard M talf h chaplain. Carole Labrousse, Wellesley College. other on Vietnam. The reason? Because
iara Metcalfe, history. Joan Levin, Emmanuel College. the American people have not been told the
Anthony Moshe, history. Hilde Geiringer von Mises, Wheaton Col- facts about Vietnam. I cannot believe that
Daniel Rosman, thropol languages. lege. we are being dealt fairly with. There is a
history. oJane Marcus, Thomas O'Donnell, Pine silence between those vast and diverse areas
Thomas J. Spinner, J. Spi,nnerr, Jr., r anthropology.
om Manor Junior College. and the people-people who are being asked
ard Howard, , rd mathematics. IN5TIT[raE Ruth Anna Putnam, Wellesley College. (or should be asked, somewhere along the
Lernard Mark Rich, Trevor Robinson, Frederick L. line) in some measure to determine their
Bruce C. McQuarrie, mathematics: Schuman, Williams College, fate. If the American Government steps into
Romeo L. Moruzzi, electrical engineering. Rebecca H. Shankland, Wheaton College. a country to maintain the status quo, rotten
Philip Shakir, mathematics. Susan Raymond Vogel, Wellesley College. and corrupt as it may be, is it not, or should
David Todd, chemistry. Henry T. Yost, Amherst College. it not be, the American people who are step-
YALE UNIVERSITY (Institutional affiliatioh listed for purposes ping in? And if the responsibility is ours,
of identification only. does not the American Government have
Robert P. Abelson, psychology. If you approve of this statement, reprint a responsibility to us? We are becoming theAllen, Jammes
Jaes E. Appel, psy y law. chology. it in other newspapers and write or wire: servants to a vast government machine
Appel, p President Lyndon B. Johnson, White House, whereas the Government should never be a
Richard J. Andrew, biology. Washington, D.C. machine and should always be the servant
James Bell, phyol ol.y. (The cost ofpresenting this statement is to the people. We are losing sight of our
Wended J. B, ge , o sociology. approximately $6,500. A major portion of own system of freedom, in a grave sense.
Bertoergen, this amount was contributed by the names But is all this ideological banter set aside
Merton n C. B. Bernstein, law. . listed above. Further contributions toward for wartime conditions. Indeed: Whose
Harry J. Benda, history. the cost of this and subsequent advertise- war'? I don't recall it coming up before
John M. Blum, history. ments are needed. Checks, payable to the your august body of Rand
George Braverman, biochemistry. y Senators, do you, Senator Representatives resen
Greater Boston Faculty Committee on Viet- MORSE?
Doro Chipman, psychiatry. nam, may be sent to Post Office Box 543,
Dorot thy D. Clang, psychology. As I have said, I do not know what to ad-
Michael l Cole, psychology. Central Square Station, Cambridge, Mass., vocate in Vietnam merely because I do not
Barry E, Collins, psychology. 02139. Prof. Everett Mendelsohn, secretary: know enough. But I do know this. I feel
Robert M. Cook, sociology Prof. Cyrus Levinthal, treasurer.) that the job you are doing, is a bangup one,
.
Alice Cornelison, psychiatry. PORTLAND, OREG., May 19, 1965. , and I wouldn't trade you for all the hawks
Sheila Counce-Nicklas, biology. Senator WAYNE MORSE, in the country. You are the loyal opposi-
Robert S. Crowder, psychology. Senate Building. tion, you and Senator CHURCH (I was born
Robert A. Dahl, political science. HONORABLE SIR: Congratulations to you in Idaho) and precious few others, and you
David J. D, political science: and Senator GRUENING for your courage. are vital. I know you are there, and I am
Gaylord D. . Ellison, psychiatry. Perhaps one day when another book is writ- proud.
Thomas I. Emerson, law. ten on Profiles in Courage, you will both be Yours truly,
Edmund Fantino, psychology. included. How sad that their aren't more Miss MEGAN TAYLOR.
Harry Fein, psychology. Senators who have the courage to speak out P.S--This was not an assignment for an
Yasuko Filby, psychology. against the policy being pursued by Our Gov- unimaginative social studies teacher. I just
had to say it.
nn psychology.
h P Fl
J
o n
?,.
.
y
ernment
J. G. Gall, biology. We are grateful to you and want you to
Arthur W.
Gardner, , biology. know that you have our support.
Frank T. Gardnepsychiatry. Sincerely yours,
Fred Gault, psychology. ROSE M. SCHULZ.
Joseph click, psychology.
David Goldberg, psychiatry.
Harry' Gollub, psychology.
Laurence Gould, psychology.
Lergy, C. Gould, sociology.
M. M Haith, psychology.
George A. Huaco, sociology.
Michael Kahn, psychology.
Kenneth Keniston, psychology.
Bill Kessen, psychology.
Charles A. Kiesler, psychology.
Daniel L. Kline, psychology.
E. E. Krieckhaus, psychology.
Theodore Lidz, psychiatry.
Robert J. Liston, psychiatry.
Staughton Lynd, history.
James A. Mau, sociology.
James D. Millikan, philosophy.
Ronald N. Morris, pharmacy.
George D. Mostow, mathematics.
Pauli Murray, law.
Nea M. Norton, psychiatry.
R. C. W. Prescott, psychiatry.
Charles A. Reich, law.
Charles E. Rickart, mathematics.
Julian M. Sturtevant, chemistry.
Josiah Thompson, philosophy.
Roy C. Treadway, sociology.
Cynthia M. Wild, psychiatry.
Mary C. Wright, history.
George Wolf, psychiatry.
OTHERS
Sigmund Abeles, Wellesley College.
S. P. Colowick, Vanderbilt University.
Flora Donham, Philip Donham, Irvin
Doress, Cardinal Cushing College.
Alexandra Eliot, Samuel Friedman, Univer-
sity of Michigan.
H. Gintis, Suffolk University.
PORTLAND,OREG., May 21, 8965.
SENATOR MORSE: There are a lot of words
on radio and in papers about you being
against the U.S. involvement in the "Gold-
water war" in Vietnam, and the mess in the
Dominican Republic.
If you are sincere, and if you are quoted
correctly, it seems to me you should make a
lot of professional politicians mad by propos-
ing a constitutional amendment forbidding
Americans from fighting on foreign soil-
volunteers excepted.
At 65 I don't care what happens to any
government. The cocksure ignorance of poll.
ticians has made a mess of the world, and
proves that the rarest work of God is an hon-
est politician. We Oregonians are also aware
that "Salem and Washington, D.C., are the
only insane asylums on earth run bytheir
own inhabitants."
How about giving the
amendment some thought?
Please don't bother to reply.
constitutional
And words?
PORTLAND, OREG., May 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Much like the boy
in the USO advertisements, I picture you
.
back in Washington wondering "Does any-
body States could do far more for the Vietnamese
schooknowlI'mctudentt, underage, Although and I there- a and for our own prestige by taking the lead fore, do not "count," I am very aware of your in a call for negotiations.
high
opinions on Vietnam (as is nearly everyone Respectfully,
else). I know you are there. I am listening SERENA A. WEAVER.
KLAMATH FALLS, OREG.,
May 17, 1695.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN : I Include myself
among many responsible citizens who are
deeply concerned about our Government's
policy in Vietnam. One serious source of
dissatisfaction is the absence of any detailed
assessment of the feelings and attitudes or.
the South Vietnamese regarding U.S. aid
and also regarding the Vietcong.
President Johnson has assured us that the
South Vietnamese desire our presense and
detest the Vietcong. The only support for
this viewpoint is the President's assertion
that it is so. Unfortunately, we have not
been given sufficient proof of this and there
are, on the contrary, many good reasons for
doubting Its validity. I do not think, for in-
stance, that the continued existence of the
guerrilla movement in South Vietnam is ad-
equately explained by Vietcong terrorism.
It seems to me that we were not helping
either the South Vietnamese or ourselves by
our armed intervention in Vietnam. For
both practical and moral reasons it is un-
wise for us to continue our present policy.
We could support the interests of democracy
far more effectively by ceasing our bombings
and leading in the negotiations to set up a
viable and independent state' in South Viet-
narn. The money we are now using to sup-
port the war could, if used differently, pro-
vide a means for the growth and develop-
ment of South Vietnam.
I urge you to call for an immediate cessa-
I believe the United
tion of the bombings
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May 2'1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 11515
GREATER PORTLANDCOUNCIL
., ... OF CxIIRVHES,
Portland, Oreg., May 20, 1965.
The PRESIDENT,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The Greater Portland
Council of Churches is morally concerned
with the Vietnam situation. We want you
to know of this concern. It Is rooted in our
calling as Christian people to "seek peace
and pursue it." We recognize also our re-
sponsibility to "do justly and love mercy."
Our concern, therefore, is peace with justice.
We will to express our interest in the true
needs, of the people of southeast Asia, our
hope for the most helpful and constructive
American policy toward that region, and our
concern about the,continuing escalation of
What you recently termed "a real war" in
Vietnam.
We. believe that American almi; should be
stated positively in terms of backing "the
revolution of rising expectations" which
eharactgxizes the desires of Asian peoples
along with African and-Latin American peo-
ples. We do not feel that our country has
emphasized sufficiently our basic sympathy
with the development of political, economic,
and social, justice in southeast Asia. In this
connection, we urge that our Government
support the Mekong Delta project now un-
derway, which promises so much for the well-
being of southeast Asia, in amounts com-
parable to our military expenditures in the
area.. Tliis? would.eonflrm U.S. concern for a
constructive alternative to present trends.
It would-be incontrovertible evidence of our
peaceful aims for the region. It would con-
trast with any who seek to exploit or seize
these areas for their own purposes. In con-
nection with our special concern for South
Vietnam, we would note that Its future de-
pends on making it viable in terms of inte-
gral relationships with the entire region.
We hold with all thoughtful and discern-
ing men who prize freedom that communism
is a grave hazard and a most exploitative
form of social Organization.
Hpwever,?,we are forced to accept the fact
that to present the American case as ba-
sically that of fighting and containing com-
munism,-Is too limited and too negative a
rationale for our,, foreign policy, and especially
for our.significant presence in southeast
.Asia. We are further aware of how little
this interests and appeals to many peoples
of southeast ,Asi~.,_ whose attention is fixed
on Ether pressing concerns. Thus, we reco-
gni a the necessity of our Government's pru-
dential use of the working concept of co-
existence with governments in Asia which
are not patterned after our own. We accept
the fact that southeast Asian countries will
evolve tl}eir ,own,,forms of government with
which we must Work, even though they may
bear little resemblance to Western democ-
racies.,
We believe that our country must move
beyond unilateral action in Vietnam before
the esgalation and expansion of war involves
-the overt, intervention of Communist China
and ,increases.., tlae hazards of -nuclear war.
We reject unqualifiedly any and all proposals
for the, preventive or preemptive bombing of
China as an aspect of the present situation.
Since ne otiation is inevitable either during
war or a the close of. war, and protracted
conflict extends the suffering, escalates fear
and hatrgd born,, of war, and deepens the
tragic aftermath of war into.- which com-
muiiisln gan most succe ,fully move, we urge
the ceaseless exploration ? And use of all,
avenues ';of negotiation. We support your
announced intention of 'unponditlonal.dis-
cussions " which we realtze must include the
Vietcong, which is composed of. both North
and South Vietn>imese. We understand the
;,impossibty and inadvisability of our
policing the internal affairs of countries
around the world, We believe that we should
work energetically for the creation of an age to vote against the
Asian International Armed Police Force for nam appropriation.
our forces at the earliest possible moment.
We are painfully aware of the difficult role
the United States Jas been taken, and which
to Asians and other colored peoples of the
world can be so easily misconstrued. To se-
cure the order and security with justice
of that entire region now demands that we,
in concert with other nations, find alternate,
long-range solutions commensurate with the
serious needs and great possibilities of that
area.
We want you to know, Mr. President, that
we keep you continually in our prayers, ask-
ing our God to sustain you in the midst of
your heavy responsibilities, and to do in His
power, mercy, and grace what we are unable
to do in preserving peace in our troubled
world,
Sincerely yours,
Executive Secretary.
HERMISTON, OREG.,
WAYNE L. MORSE.
U.S. Senator,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to commend
you on your stand against President John-
son concerning his interventionist foreign
policy. We believe that if the United States
continues to pursue this policy the results
will be catastrophic. We find that by talking
to people that there is more opposition than
the polls show. We hope that you, Senator
GRIIENING and Representative GREEN Will
keep hitting at Mr. Johnson where it hurts.
Sincerely yours,
CHAS. SNIVELY.
" LOIB _ SNIVELY?,~._
EUGENE, OREG., May 21, 1965.
'DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We profoundly sup-
port your efforts to alter U.S. policy in Viet-
nam. We equally urge you to do anything
in your power to halt our appalling interven-
tion in the Dominican Republic.
Sincerely,
CONRAD D. MILLER.
LAURA J. MILLER.
PORTLAND, OREG., May 21, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR: In response to a letter
which recently appeared in the Journal, I
am writing to let you know my attitude
toward your stands on Vietnam and the
Dominican Republic.
I am wholeheartedly in favor of your posi-
tion.
Please know that I shall continue to urge
my friends and acquaintances to listen to
your excellent points of view. Your insight
and courage is greatly admired.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
DON HAROLD KILLIAN.
NORMAN, OKLA.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to commend
you for continuing to urge a negotiated set-
tlement in Vietnam.
The widening of the war has only made
matters worse by increasing the risk of an-
other world war.
Truly yours,
MARGARET E. SALMON.
EDWARD J. GOODMAN.
MADISON, Was.,
May 11, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to take this op-
portunity to thank you for having the cour-
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
May 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am inexpressibly
grateful for your voice of opposition to
America's disastrous and cruel foreign policy,
particularly regarding Vietnam. I find the
thought extremely frightening, that if not
for you and the Alaskan Senator, there
would be virtually no official questioners of
the lie the American people are being indoc-
trinated with. I pledge to work with you for
the peace and justice the people of this earth
deserve.
Sincerely,
SANTA FE, N. MEX.,
May 14, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SI4: I want to be counted
among those who are desperately against our
action in Vietnam and intervention in other
parts of the world.
The..stand_you have consistently taken is
deeply appreciated by many Americans. The
Congress is really our only hope to stop the
American madness, but according to a Quaker
visitation made in Washington early in April
(259 calls), "the Congressmen are disturbed
about Vietnam but none appeared to be in-
terested in taking any initiative,"-Gretchen
Tuthill, who headed up the visitation for the
American Friends Service Committee.
It is our responsibility, as the represented,
to inform you that many of us feel that the
work done by Senators like you and Messrs.
GRIIENING, CHURCH, MCGovERN, GAYLORD
NELSON, etc., is the only means possible to
retrieve our country from the mess it has
built up for itself under the leadership of the
President and his advisers in the Pentagon
and State Department. When a handful of
men has this much power, our form of Gov-
ernment loses even its resemblance to a
democracy.
If the Congressmen are to represent the
people, as they are sworn to do, they must
restrain the hand of America, or the future
can be only a horrible question mark. No-
bility really means great power in a hand
that withholds its use.
May your leadership continue to be strong
and inspired.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. MONICA KERNBERGER.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: I support wholeheartedly the state-
ments you have made recently with respect
to our stupid, shameful involvement in Viet-
nam and In the Dominican Republic.
Your counsels of sanity, of morality, are
to be vigorously applauded. For the sake of
the worlds future, I know that you will con-
tinue to advise as intelligently, as wisely, as
you have in the past.
Very best regards,
LAWRENCE, KANS., May 16, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please add
my voice to yours in opposition to the pres-
ent Vietnam policy. You are not alone in
speaking against those who now will not even
deign to speak at all. It is no doubt the
nature of "hawks" to fly above the "herd,"
but I hope Mr. Bundy is not so far away
that you can't be heard.
Respectfully,
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 11516
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May f7, 1965
lence in foreign affairs of President Theodore
Roosevelt. The Johnson corollary to the
Monroe Doctrine strikes at the heart of the
inter-American system, flaunts treaties, char-
ters, and the pledged word of the United
States. In Vietnam he has done the same
things, but with the infinitely greater danger
of total war with China and perhaps the
Soviet Union. He has destroyed the detente
painfully and partially inaugurated by Presi-
dent Kennedy and former Premier Khru-
shchev. He has violated his own spoken
word even as he uttered it to the people of
the United States and to the world. What-
ever his intentions his actions have widened
the war, drawn America in deeper to that
tragic situation, and alienated other govern-
ments and peoples throughout the world.
He has acted unilaterally, arbitrarily, and
intransigently; he has defied petitions and
criticisms from the Senate and from many
responsible persons in the academic world.
He has profoundly frightened millions of
people and brought not only the good faith
but even the sanity of the administration
into question. And he has surrounded him-
self with a group of advisers who are obsessed
with fear of communism and the belief that
it can be contained and defeated by the use
of American military power and the threat
of nuclear war.
I honor you for your heroic efforts to cor-
rect: this appalling situation, and I beg you
to continue in these efforts. Humanity and
history will confirm and reward you.
Sincerely yours,
DAVID P. LEONARD.
FAIRFAX, VA., May 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: At this dangerous
time when U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam
and elsewhere seems to be succumbing more
and more to impulsive and irresponsible ac-
tion, your courageous, rational and balanced
public statements are a beacon of hope.
I want you to know that you have earned
the deep admiration and gratitude of Amer-
icans in all parts of this country.
Sincerely,
MYRTLE BRICKMAN.
BOULDER, COLO.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
courage in acting on behalf of the best prin-
ciples of American democracy and humani-
tarian thought in voting against endorsing
our rash policy in Vietnam and, at least by
indirection, in the Dominican Republic.
For years we have known you to be a man
of courage and high principle but this action
must have been unusually difficult even for
you. However, I hope you realize that the
huge majorities in both Houses of Congress
by no means reflected any such preponder-
ance of support in the Nation. Many people
we know have very grave doubts about our
policies in Vietnam and the Dominican Re-
public and some of us are sickened to realize
that our country would use its massive
armed might to force political decisions on
other peoples.
Thank you and best wishes for many more
years in the U.S. Senate.
Sincerely,
RUSSELL OLIN.
CAROL OLIN.
OLD BETHPAGE, N.Y., May 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR, SENATOR: I have recently read some of
your remarks to the Senate on the Presi-
dent's request for more funds for Vietnam.
I must advise you that your comments were
masterful. I have long admired you and
your courage and wisdom but this speech was
the finest.
Isn't there some way we can stop the
President from leading us in this terrible
path to future war? I have written letters
to all my Congressmen and Senators but it
seems of little avail. Letters to the President
seem futile, but still I write.
Keep up your wonderful work, for even
though you may not receive the praises of
the press you know that millions of ordinary
people applaud you and wish you success.
If there is some way that I can help I would
deem it an honor to hear from you.
Very sincerely yours,
ROBERT G. BACH.
CHAPEL HILL, SOUTH HADLEY, MASS.,
May 17, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator from Oregon,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just now
seen excerpts from your two speeches in the
Senate on May 5 and 6. I am writing to ex-
press my deep gratitude for what you said
there and for the great courage it took to
express such views in the present atmosphere
in the United States.
In tone and style, attitude and actions,
President Johnson has generated this atmos-
phere. He has built upon the condititioning
of 20 years of the cold war. And in the past
4 months he has undermined 150 years of
American effort to build a world of interna-
tional law and comity. He has returned to
the insufferable self-righteousness and trucu-
KINGSTON, N.J., May 12, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was in the Senate
gallery last Thursday, the sixth, just at the
end of Senator DIRKSEN'S speech, in which
he attacked you, not by name, for refusing
the support the President on Vietnam. I
thought your reply to him, that you would
let nothing stop your criticism when you saw
something wrong, was right, and that your
entire course has been right; I am writing
this to thank you for what you have been
doing. I am one of those thousands in New
Jersey who is unrepresented in the U.S. Sen-
ate, and I am glad to see that you and a few
others are giving me a little bit of what the
English used to call "virtual representation."
One thing more, Senator. I hope that in
all your attacks on this evil, and, what is
worse, stupid and shortsighted policy you
will not neglect to propose alternatives. The
President's offer of a TVA for southeast
Asia in his Johns Hopkins speech is not only
the most constructive thing he has done, it
is the only constructive thing he has done.
I hope that you will not advocate that we
ignore the people there, but that we start
trying to help them and stop trying to rule
them by force.
Yours sincerely,
ROBERT D. BULKLEY, Jr.
P.S.-I'd appreciate copies of a few of your
speeches on this, and being put on your
mailing list.
CALIFORNIA STATE COLLEGE
AT FULLERTON,
Fullerton, Calif., May 11, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I support your honest and cou-
rageous stand against the current U.S. pol-
icy in Vietnam.
I feel we should withdraw immediately and
unconditionally.
I would appreciate receiving any printed
material that fully expounds your views on
this matter.
I realize that it is physically impossible
to answer each inquiry individually, but
academic inquisitiveness leads me to pose the
following question: If a secret ballot were
taken in the Senate regarding Vietnam pol-
ocy, what, in your opinion, would be the
probable outcome?
Sincerely,
J. E. MORROW,
Assistant Professor of Psychology.
LONG ISLAND, N.Y.,
May 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly sup-
port your courageous stand in opposition to
the administration's war against the people
of Vietnam. It is our opinion that the
United States should seek a negotiated set-
tlement of that war, based on the 1954
Geneva agreement and leading to the with-
drawal of all U.S. Armed Forces and military
aid from southeast Asia. But even if nego-
tiations should prove impossible or should
end in failure, we feel that the United States
should withdraw its military forces anyway.
The time has come to end this reckless
policy of military adventurism before its too
late. -
Respectfully,
PHILIP OKE.
Mrs. RAYMOND OKE.
SOMERVILLE, MASS.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SIR: I am grateful to you for being
the only articulate person in protesting the
President's policy in Vietnam.
Sincerely, -
(No reply needed.)
WOODMONT, CONN., May 16, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I write in support of your
recent criticisms directed against the John-
son administration's foreign policy in Viet-
nam and the Dominican Republic. I en-
dorse wholeheartedly your negative vote on
the Vietnam appropriation and regret that
more representatives of the people did not
show similar courage in opposing the meas-
ure. I fear that we in America are rapidly
reaching the point where criticism becomes
equated with subversion and where con-
sensus politics becomes a substitute for hard
thinking.
May I urge upon you the need for an im-
mediate Senate investigation into the con-
duct of the war in Vietnam and into our
invasion of the Dominican Republic. Such
an investigation should be publicly held and
constructive critics of the administration
both within and without the Government
should be heard. Too often the mask of na-
tional security is used to hide the failures of
bureaucratic decisionmaking. Too often a
veil of secrecy has hidden the narrowness of
vision and the inbreeding of ideas which
afflicts the executive branch of our Govern-
ment in the conduct of foreign policy.
May your voice remain loud in opposition
as long as reason lives in Washington, D.C.
Sincerely yours,
MICHAEL E. PARRISH,
Graduate Student, Yale University.
PORT CHESTER, N.Y.,
May 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
United States Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It was very reassur-
ing to read of your intervention in the Sen-
ate about foreign policy.
We are greatly impressed by your elo-
quence and clarity which is a consequence
of maturity and knowledge. Senators like
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~? S N,A CORD - S NA'rr
you are the hope of all Americans. A policy some kind of peace before use of the atomic
of arrogance, aggression, compulsive posses- bomb.
siveness only spells disaster, The American I would appreciate knowing of any source
people are not Texas cattle.. to be branded of information that would give some truths
with these charp.cteriatics. We voted for in regard to our deep involvement in Viet-
President Johnson, because we thought he nam and Santo Domingo.
would continue the policies of the late great Very truly yours,
President Kennedy. Yet, it., seems Barry Mrs. BERTHA FIEGE.
Goldwater is in the Preside
W
___ ,-_
ncy
e
ferent. The greatness of this country is due n Cambridge, ridge, Mass., May 1212,
., Maay , 1965.
to the free enterprise of ideals and ideas. Senator WAYNE MORSE M MoasE,
Why should we change now? Senate Office Building,
Very sincerely yours, Washington, D.C.
E, A, GOMEZ, M.D. DEAR. SENATOR: I am writing just to add
GERDA GOMEZ my voice, to those whQ. praise you most
highly for your continued opposition to the
BOSTON, MASS., U.S. war in Vietnam. Thank God for you
Ma,, 18
6
I an, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Congratulate
and others ewill soo n jo NiNG; I sincerely hope
thank you for the fight you are waging Keep it up, and
g good luck.
against an expanded war in Vietnam, Sincerely,
I would only amend your remarks in one DAVID MoRRISON.
slight respect. You say that China moves in
on the ground, we will have to send 300,000 COPENHAGEN F, DENMARK,
troops. But Walter Lippmann writes in a May 16, 1965.
recent column that there IS, plenty of talk President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
in State and Defense these days about send- The White House,
ing 350,000 troops to South Vietnam, regard- Washington, D.C.
less of what China does. In this they are DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I agree with the
consistent. We can only have our way in Danish papers, the London Guardian, and
South Vietnam at the cost of a massive mili- the London Observer: the United States
tary occupation of the country. The alter- must negotiate with the Vietcong. I com-
native is a government in which the Viet- pletely agree with the statement printed in
cong will play a large part, a government the New York Times by my fellow academics
that will demand U.s. withdrawal, a govern- in the Greater Boston faculty group, "A
merit that
ill b i t
w
egn o normalize relations
with the North and with China.
The greatest danger of a U.S. occupation
in Vietnam, in my judgment, is not that it
will bring about war with China or even
Russia, but that it will bring, as the Algerian
war did in France, the destruction of free-
dom and of democratic institutions at home.
We are already on this road; we will go much
farther.
Sincerely,
JOHN HOLT.
ELLENSDURG, WASH,,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE, May 14, 1965.
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I often discuss with my family
and friends what should or should. not be
done about the escalation of the war in Viet-
nam. All give you credit for your great cour-
age in speaking out on the Vietnam situa-
tion. It is the least I can do to inform you,
that in truth, you have many, many backers
in this area. If only there were some way we
could speak a little louder.
This is the country of all of us-not just
those in high offices. Mr. Rusk intimates we
shouldn't object to what is going on and that
we should consider the "real facts."
What are the real facts in regard to Viet-
nam and Santo Domingo? It is very frus-
trating to always have to be guessing what
they are. We talk among ourselves and make
statements as to what we think is back of all
the fighting, but come up with no real facts.
We wonder if, other than communism, they
are racial, religious, political, plain showing
of strength, or all of these together. We
wonder if President Johnson is making all
final decisions and/or.is being dictated to
by certain officials, special interests or leaders
of other countries who may have something
t
i
o ga
n politically or otherwise. If we were
told the facts, as events happen we would
not come up with wild, assumptions for
which we could possibly be very wrong.
We and the press talk of freedom, the free
world, the American way, and the right of
all people to cirpose.thelr.lgaders.Isn't there
some way we can continue to .make these
expressions have. real meaning. i, myself
hope that some unknown event will arise or
some minds be prodded into working out
with their conclusion, "We must arrange
for an immediate cease-fire and offer to ne-
gotiate with the principal combatants,
including the Vietcong; we must cease our
air raids on North Vietnam; we should use
the good offices of the United Nations in
bringing about these ends, and we must
assure the world that we will not use
nuclear weapons in the pursuit of victory
or in the pursuit of peace."
Sincerely yours,
ARTHUR FOREs.
.Senator MORSE: I strongly support your
courageous, strong stand against the U.S.
action in Vietnam, All of Denmark does,
too, from what I can read in the newspaper.
Above is a carbon of a letter mailed to
President Johnson.
Your speeches give courage to us all.
Sincerely yours,
ARTHUR FORER.
PLYMOUTH, MICH.,
May 15, 1965.
Senator MORSE: Thank you, Mr. Senator,
for all you said at Detroit Town Meeting on
channel 4, WWJ, Tonight.
When you left the Republican Party I felt
very sad, but I have since learned why and
have become an Independent too.
Keep on pounding out the truth. We
surely need it. I feel better tonight. Most
of the time I am torn as to what to believe-
how must it be for our young people? I
hope they keep it up on the college campuses
of our country.
It was wonderful telling us again about
our Senator Arthur Vandenburg. God bless
him.
MARGARET PIERCE
Mrs. Frank J. Pierce.
ASHFIELD, MASS.,
May 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I must write to con-
gratulate you on your stand vis-a-vis the
$700 million war appropriations bill rammed
through Congress by the President. It is
inconceivable that this should be done at a
time when we have, as well as the rest of
the world, so many social ills and problems
11517
My son has just registered for the draft
and I can envision 18 years of careful atten-
tion, love, direction, and guidance, as well
as money, going into a square box. Having
fought almost 4 years in World War II, nar-
rowly missing extinction several times, I am
fed up with this myopic megalomania for war
displayed by men in positions of power in
this country. Like you, I refuse to ac-
quiesce to this concentrated drive toward
war. Would, however, that I could do more.
In the recent past I have given up a well-
paying job in a munitions factory (so-called
defense) in order to pursue work toward a
doctorate. Hopefully there will yet be time
to practice what I have spent 2 years trying
to acquire an educational background which
is acceptable at the college level.
Meanwhile, my very best wishes to you and
the few others who are courageously waging
the battle for human survival.
Sincerely,
DONALD FITZGERALD.
P.S. 1.-May I have a copy of your speeches
May 5 and 6?
P.S. 2.-Please put
of subscribers to your
would you pass this
Thank you.
my name on the list
campaign needs. Also,
on to TED KENNEDY.
PRINCETON, N.J.,
May 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your noble and re-
sponsible speeches in the Senate on May 5
and May 6 regarding our foreign policy in
Asia set you apart from your colleagues as a
true Senator, a true leader. Everything I
have read in my past 10 busy years as a
mother of five has led me to the conclusion
that in your line of reasoning is the only
path to a world of hope for our children
and their counterparts all over the planet.
I do not intend to stop reading and learning
and I do not intend to stop writing my
Representatives and my President, urging
them to take heed of your longer sighted and
wiser view of our changing world. Im-
batience and political expediency and mili-
tary might cannot bring about the "better
world" we must arduously work toward for
those who come after us. President Johnson
seems to want to create a world in his own
image as a kind of personal "7 days wonder."
My husband, a busy physician, joins me
in sending you best wishes and gratitude.
Very sincerely,
Mrs. Alfred T. Halt.
MARIE J. HALT
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: May I express, belately, my ap-
preciation and admiration for your stand
against President Johnson's request for $700
million for further military requirements in
Vietnam. Today a similar message shall be
forwarded to Senators GRUENING and NELSON
for having joined with you in this action. I
regret that I can't number myself among
your constitutents, and I shall so inform
my own Senators who are either in accord
with President Johnson's increasingly ar-
rogant foreign policy or lack the courage to
publicly denounce it-in any case neither
of them represent my position in this matter.
President Johnson's rapid resort to and
expansion of the old style "gunboat" diplo-
ma
h
cy
as led me to finally accept the prop-
osition that he deliberately misled the
American people in the last campaign when
he argued that a difference existed between
himself and Goldwater with reference as to
what actions were necessary and proper in
troubled areas like Vietnam. Either he
deliberately misled us, or he has been, in an
amazingly short time, completely sold on
the position taken by the "war hawks." Ap-
parently no "dove" can reach him now.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE y Ift
It would seem that the only action left
to those voters feeling as I do is to do what
apparently we should have done last Novem-
ber-refuse our vote for either candidate.
If the mule kicks you once, it is the mule's
fault; but if It kicks you the second time,
it is your own fault.
Sincerely yours,
ANN V. KING
Mrs. G. Barr King.
democratic principles on which this country
was built and in which the vast majority of
Americans believe.
May I offer my support in your continued
efforts of opposition.
Very truly yours,
LOUISE SCHNEIDERMAN.
FszxFoaT, MAINE,
May 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations,
my heartiest congratulations on your two
prophetic and magnificent speeches in the
Senate, May 5 and 8. I agree with you
absolutely, nor could what you have said be
better expressed. Yours is patriotism of the
highest and wisdom beyond dispute. I am
writing in the same vein in a couple of news-
paper columns here in Maine.
FARMINGTON, PA., May 19, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want to thank
you and express our appreciation for your
courageous and lonely fight during the Viet-
namcrisis. We were grateful for what you
expressed on May 5 and 6 when the $700
million appropriation measure was consid-
ered. We simply want to support, and en-
courage you in your stand and we hope for
both a growing awareness of the wrongness
of our Government's position and a militant
pursuit of peace.
Sincerely,
MICHAEL and SHIRLEY BRANDIES.
God be with you.
Sincerely,
DAVID L. GHAHAM.
AUTOMOTIVE NEWS,
Detroit Mich., May 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate office Building,
Washington, D.C.
Senator WAYNE MORSE: I commend you for
your efforts to keep the United States from
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I send my de-
vout thanks for your determination for
morality and reason in our Vietnam policy.
I am deeply worried. Surely there seems
to be a juggernaut under way carrying the
administration and with it all of us to the
brink of mad actions. What do you suggest
that citizens do to reverse the disastrous
policy of the United States in Vietnam? The
President fails to listen to friends abroad
or reasoned advice from Congress. the press,
and educators.
Should those who are concerned use their
bodies to stand in the path of this mad
policy? I picketed with the religious group
at the Pentagon last week. Should we come
again and stay longer?
Very urgently,
ROBERT ANTHONY.
MAY 19, 1985.
ST. AGNES SCHOOL,
Albany, N.Y., May 18, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Congratulations to you for
a heroic defense of the only realistic and
safe foreign policy I've heard mentioned near
the White House for Vietnam.
Keep up the good work. We're on your
side and we'll do our best where we live to
help people understand how valuable our
stakes really are in Asia and how important
it is that we change our present bankrupting
war for a more humane method of containing
communism.
Respectfully yours,
ESETER J. LANGWORTHY.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
May 19, 1965.
drifting into war In the East.
Is it not possible to have a
debate in congress as to what
policy should be?
How can we citizens help?
Sincerely,
full-fledged
our foreign
ROBERT M. FINLAY.
MAY 18, 1965,
Sen. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a short note to
say that I approve of your stand on Vietnam
and the Dominican Republic. It is good to
know that some representatives of the Ameri-
can people have not been cowed by the dic-
tatorial methods of the Johnson adminis-
tration. We are not supporting freedom in
the civil wars that exist in these two coun-
tries.
As a Johnson supporter for the presi-
dency-politically, financially, and morally-
I feel that I was deceived into voting for what
I believed was a policy of intelligence and
moderation. Now our foreign policy is ap-
plauded by the John Birch Society, the
American Nazi Party, A.C.A., Richard Nixon,
Joseph Alsop, Barry, Goldwater and therest
of the far right.
This country needs an antipoverty cam-
peace and we support you fully in this. It is
so very important that that kind of voice as
yours and that of the Senator from Alaska,
Mr. GRUENING, are heard. Again we want to
thank you and ask that you do not feel.
alone, and continue to express-what you feel
is right.
We greet you warmly.
Yours,
ALLISTER and JUDY MARCHANT.
STOCKTON, CALIF.,
May 14, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I would like to express my
gratitude to you for the stand you have
taken on Vietnam. I realize what terrific
odds you are facing when the machine is
all oiled up ready to explode at any moment.
To me I don't seem to understand why
anyone would want to push us into another
war. As the saying goes, "we win the wars
but lose the peace." I am sure that the
people of the world must think we Americans
a very vicious nation. To my way of think-
ing our troops should be brought home as
one boy's life isn't worth the entire strip.
The reason I speak is, I lost a brother in the
first war and that was supposed to be the
war to end wars.
Was I wrong in my way of thinking about
the Dominican Republic, as I thought the
President said he was only sending in the
Marines to get our American people out of
danger. Now we are not only there but we
are telling them who they should put in
power.
I wonder what this Nation would do if
De Gaulle or any other foreign nation came
over here with their troops and said "you
can't have Senator MORSE in the Senate," just
what would we tell them? I am sure you
know the answer. I am sure if the President
keeps on going the way he has been he will
go down in history as a very much hated
man. Along with him the same goes for
Mr. Rusk and Mr. McNamara. When I men-
tion to some people the things I have put
In this letter they say I am either a Com-
munist or a John Bircher and I can assure
you I am neither.
Anyway Senator MORSE I want you to know
that you have made many, many, friends and
may God bless you for your stand on the
affairs of our people.
Cordially yours,
senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been meaning
to write you for a long time to advise and
agree with you In your position on Vietnam.
Keep up the good work.
Further, I just want to say I have high
admiration for you and regard you as a man
of great wisdom, courage, and honesty.
With all best wishes for your continued
good health and good work.
paign-in the State Department, the Penta-
gon, and the CIA. There is a poverty of in-
telligence, ideas, justice, humility, and moral
values.
Keep up your wonderful fight for a truly
free world and the rights of all mankind.
MONROEVILLE, PA.
SOCIETY OF BROTHERS,
Farmington, Pa.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With this letter my
wife and I want to express our gratitude and
respect for how, and with what courage you
have spoken out protesting against what is
going on in Vietnam.
In these last weeks we have been. following
very closely and with great interest the hap-
penings and atrocities going on in the world.
We are deeply troubled how much hate and
violence there is and how rapidly it is in-
creasing. So little respect is paid to indi-
vidual lives, and life seems to be considered
unimportant and worthless by so many men.
We read in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from
your speech on May 5. It moves us deeply to
know that you stand for justice and world
God bless you.
Very respectfully,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington,D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Yesterday I was priv-
ileged to see a film dealing with Vietnam
which you made for a Yale protest group.
I can not help but admire your courage in
standing up to the administration, the Pen-
tagon, and the State Department, and there-
by presenting the viewpoint of a substan-
tial portion of the American people. I sin-
cerely wish that there were more Senators
and Congressman with your perspective and
coribi:ction to a sound and moral foreign
policy.
I fervently believe that continuation of
the war In Vietnam can only result in creat-
ing a deep hatred for the United States and
with it a misunderstanding of the truly
ST. LUKE'S METHODIST CHURCH,
Columbus, Ohio, May 17, 1965.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Every thoughtful,
well-informed and fairminded man agrees
with you that the war in Vietnam is stupid
and unnecessary.
I am back of you 100 percent.
Yours respectfully,
CHARLES B. WHITMAN,
Pastor, St. Luke's Methodist Church,
and Lieutenant Colonel.
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Mqy 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SEN 'E
BRYN MAWR, PA., MAY 17, 1965.
M
ap 19, 1965.
Senator WA}'NE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express
admiration and appreciation .for your cou-
rageous stand against the U.S. Increasingly
dangerous and clearly illegal military in-
volvement in Vietnam. Such reports as I
have read of your speeches on the Senate
floor convince, me you are one of only
two Senators bravgand honest enough to
make clear the lack of justification for this
Country's aggression against North Vietnam,
and its virtual military occupation of South
Vietnam.
.1 would, appreciate being sent any copies
of your fine statements on Vietnam which
you may have available. My address makes
it. clear I am not. one of your constituents;
but it seems to me that the Vietnam crisis
goes far beyond the boundaries. of any one
State,. Your recent speeches against the $700
million carte blanche which President John-
son virtually extorted from both Houses were
greatly to your credit.
I wonder if you feel yourself as poorly
covered by the mass media as I think you
are.. To me, there is a systematic elimina-
tion or distortion of all anti-Vietnam criti-
cism. Senator GP,VENING's excellent speech
to the students who protested in Washing-
ton, D.C., went almost completely unnoticed
by the press.
You may be interested to know that citi-
zens not ip your home State are following
your courageous battle and are hoping that
your stand for sanity and frankness will at
last convert someof your rubberstamping
colleagues to sense and fairness.
To ,me, the invasion of the Dominican
Republic, with all the incredible lies and
evasions that flowed, from. top U.S. offi-
cials-this put the Johnson administration
into a very fearful perspective. I keep
pinching myself to convince myself I'm not
dreaming: for Barry Goldwater, not Lyndon
Johnson, seems to have won the presidential
election.
To me you are a "profile in courage," and
your prophetic condemnations of President
Johnson's antidemocratic. policies will in
the future be seen as the patriotic cries
against political folly that they so clearly
are.
Yours truly,
RICHARD C.KOIILER.
18, 1965.
senator WAYNE MORSE. MAY
MY DEAR SIR: I want to thank you for your
speech and actions of last week, May 5 and 6.
There weren't too many voices raised with
respect to, Vietnam, unfortunately.
The conscience of Congress seems to have
fallen apart.
May I have a copy of your speeches of both
May 5 and 6?
Thank you.
STANLEY.ROSENDERG.
SAN BERNARDINO NIGH SCHOOL,
Salt.?3ernaraino, Calif., May 19, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S, Senator,
Senate. Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would appreciate
your sending me documented material ex-
pressing your stand on the Vietnam situation
and the Dominican fiasco..
I am-an srd,ent, follower of-Your sane ap-
proach to world affairs in an age where the
majority of this Nation's leaders-are wildly
flaying blindly at the so-called Communist
threat.
Respectfully yours,
JOHN A. KINozlu,,. M.D.
11519
YAKIMA, WASH.,
May 20, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Regarding the re-
cent $700 million President Johnson re-
quested for the Vietnam war, we find words
inadequate to express our thanks and deep
admiration for your brave "nay" along with
Senators GRUENING and NELSON.
The Pentagon computers are unable to
measure the future hatred and distrust man-
kind will hold for the people of the United
States. This Vietnam war Is truly one of the
gravest mistakes this country ever made.
Sadly and sincerely,
Dr. and Mrs. M. E. HERR.
MOUNT VERNON, WASH.,
May 19, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations
for your opposition to the President's policy
in Vietnam and your vote against his $700
million appropriation for that policy. How
sad that those who agree with you are in
such a minority.
I am sick at heart over the course of
criminal folly that our Government is pur-
suing in Asia, and, yes, in South America,
too. What can a small private citi en do, be-
sides writing frequently to the resident,
Senators and Congressmen?
Keep up the good work.
Yours truly,
RUTHERFORD, CALIF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE. May 20, 1965.
DEAR SIR: After listening to an interview
given by you to ABC and broadcast by short-
wave on May 20, I am proud of the stand you
have taken against the administration re-
garding our policy in Vietnam and the Do-
minican Republic.
I agree with you and wish there were more
people like you In Washington to guide and
keep our foreign policy on the right track.
I feel that the President of the United
States is being misinformed by the Pentagon
and the State Department.
Please, Mr. Senator, keep on informing the
American people of what is going on. The
administration does not. They tell us half
the truth.
Let's hope that some day they will realize
their mistakes. I hope it will not be too late.
I am a naturalized citizen of the United
States, born in France, and served in the U.S.
Navy during World War I; was always proud
of what America stands for.
I am now a little apprehensive of what our
foreign policy is leading us to. Three wars
in one generation is tiresome and our foreign
policy might lead us to another war worse
than the others, In which half our population
might be wiped out. Think of it, Mr. Sen-
ator.
I regret that the two Senators from Cali-
fornia have remained silent on this subject.
Thank you, Mr. Senator, for this wonderful
interview, and God bless you.
Respectfully Yours,
EDMUND A. MANDIN.
Hon. MIKE MANSFIELD,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
POWER, MONT.,
May 20, 1965.
nypocrisy of the U.S. Government and
ashamed of its actions which smack of Hitler
tactics and imperialism, hidden and abetted
by our elected representatives.
We would like to know by what right you
OK'd the $700 million for President John-
son tQ.,spend on wars g31 1,. aggression? We
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Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We would like you to know that
we stand firmly behind your Vietnam posi-
tion. Keep up the good work.
JONATHAN H. HARRIS,
ROBERT MALTS,
Harvard Graduate School of Design.
LEONARD OSHINSKY,
Harvard Law.
COLORADO SPRINGS, COLO.,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE, May 19,1965.
The U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am not a constitu-
ent of your State, but must tell you I whole-
heartedly agree with your views on the war
in Vietnam and admire your courage in ex-
pressing them. The average citizen opposing
the administration's policy in Vietnam feels
so powerless to do anything. At least we
feel we have a spokesman in you. If copies
of your speeches in the Senate May 5 and 6
opposing the President's $700 million request
for Vietnam are available, I should very much
appreciate receiving three copies so I may
distribute them to friends.
Sincerely,
NANCY D, KENT
Mrs. D. R. Kent.
. COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC AND SO-
CIAL RELATIONS OF THE MEN-
NONITE CHURCH,
Goshen, Ind., May 19, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: On May 4-6, 1965,
a number of religious leaders were in Wash-
ington engaged in a consultation on Vietnam.
We called on a number of Senators and Rep-
resentatives and also had a conference with
the Vice President. I think we were sched-
uled at one time to have a meeting with you,
but due to the debate in the Senate on the
President's request for an appropriation of
$700 million in support of the Vietnam pro-
gram, you were engaged In that debate and
the meeting with you was not held.
I wish to say that a number of us were
In the Senate on Wednesday afternoon when
you made your eloquent speech objecting to
the President's proposals. I wish
to con-
_
gratulate you for the stand which you have
taken, and I do hope that your influence and
those of others who share your viewpoint
may have their influence in shaping Amer-
ican foreign policy in the direction of peace.
I would be happy to have you keep me in-
formed of any developments which should be
shared with an informed citizenry.
-With best wishes.
Sincerely yours,
GUY F. HERSHBERGER.
NEW Yoiu ,, N.Y.,
May 21, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I support an immediate cease-
fire in Vietnam, and application of Mr. U
Thant's formula for negotiations.
Very sincerely,
MICHAEL GELLER.
TRENTON, N.J.,
May 21, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: Please keep up your won-
derful work. We admire your courage and
foresight. I agree, we should not be in
Vietnam or the Dominican Republic.
Best wishes,
 11520
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 27, 1985
are doing what Hitler Germany and Kaiser
Wilhelm of Germany did, spending billions
of dollars for wars of aggression to keep peo-
ple enslaved. Under the name of "freedom"
we go around the world killing, torturing,
property-
maiming, and destroying peoplle faced upyto
what a tragedy. It is time what is wrong with an economic system that
can't stay alive without wars.
We blame others for exactly what we our-
selves are doing. No matter what we say to
justify our immoral actions, they will not
be justified.
We are the only active colonial power today
outside of Portugal. We should stop and
view ourselves as others see us. If we have
the right to control southeast Asia, Russia
should have the same right in South Amer-
ica. If it is unthinkable for us that the Rus-
sian military might should control South
America, then how can we think it is right
for us to do this in southeast Asia?
The present governments of Russia and
China are not so brutal or ruthless. Drew
Pearson attests that the Chinese method of
conquering does not consider killing but
mainly infiltrating with their people in busi-
ness contact. Russia's method is similar, If
we can't compete with them in peaceful com-
petition, what we are doing will be the end
of everything. How foolish and insane can
we be? It's time to take stock of ourselves,
not of others, before we commit the ultimate
blunder.
Sincerely,
HAROLD and ROSINA WOODHOUSE.
WEST ORANGE, N.J.,
May 20, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, -
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORE: This is to tell you
that I admire your willingness to express
your unpopular views on our position in
Vietnam, and I agree with your stand.
l: do not like to differ with our Govern-
ments views but I think It is my obligation
to say when I think we have made a mistake.
I hope that our right to criticize construc-
tively will never be abridged. There are
some disturbing signs that criticism is un-
welcome, but I am trying to teach my chil-
dren to speak out for what they think is
right. Thank you for setting the good
example.
Respectfully yours,
RUTH E. GOODMAN.
DENVER, COLO.,
May 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR. SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend
you on your courageous stand against the
war in Vietnam.
I join with you and many other people in
the United States who are hoping for a
cease-fire to stop the brutal killing of all
people involved.
Thanking you,
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. ANNE K. RODINETT.
CARMEL, IND.,
May 20, 1965.
Representatives to join in your protests. At
least your voices are heard.
Yours truly, -
Mrs. R. B. SMITES.
THE LASATER RANCH,
MATHESON, COLO., May 21, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE : May we congratulate
you on your recent addresses to the Senate,
on May 5 and 6, on the matter of our foreign
policy.
We stand ready to help you in any way
we can. Please call upon us.
Sincerely,
Mary and Tom Lasater
Mr. and Mrs. Tom LASATER.
MELODY FARM,
WASHINGTON COURT HOUSE, OHIO,
May 21, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: Since I heard you say
on the television, "We shall not be silenced,"
I have wanted to write my approval of your
opposition to our actions in Vietnam.
Someday you may be nominated as one
example of a profile in courage.
I would like the names of the other Sena-
tors who voted against the bill to grant extra
moneys to carry on the undeclared war.
SUN VALLEY, IDAHO, May 19, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just a note
to add to the many you must receive ex-
pressing my support of your strong and lone-
ly stand on Vietnam.
EUCLID, OHIO, May 19, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Iwant to thank you
for doing all in your power to stop the sense-
less killing of American troops in Viet-
nam and Santo Domingo.
Contrary to international agreements, the
United States has Introduced many new
weapons like napalm, and white phosphorus
bombs and increased the number of Amer-
ican troops to a point where there are now
almost twice as many American soldiers as
there were estimates of Vietcong soldiers only
1 year ago.
In Santo Domingo, American troops are
again engaged in aggression and violation
of international agreements. American
troops again outnumber the native insur-
gents and while they publicly cry for a cease-
fire allow the rightwing generals to bomb
and attack and mass troops from areas con-
trolled by American troops.
We are fast becoming the most-hated na-
tion in the world while the American peo-
ple allow the military to tell lie after lie
and supress our own reporters at the scene.
Not once in recent history have Amer-
icans troops been used to protect democrati-
cally elected governments from military
purges and coup d'etats. Only when a mil-
itary dictatorship is threatened by demo-
cratic insurgents who might have the back-
ing of the Communists, do we intervene.
Very truly yours,
MELVIN L. DAHLMANN.
Senator WAYNE.MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I am not one of your con-
stituents, but I want to commend you for
your stand against our military intervention
in Vietnam and our dangerous escalation of
the war there.
You have shown admirable courage in op-
posing the administration's inexplicable for-
eign policy, especially in the face of President
Johnson's efforts to silence the opposition.
I only wish there were more Senators and
NEW YoRK, N.Y.,
I wish to congratulate you on the position
you have taken On Vietnam and on the rea-
sons you have put forward for taking that
position.
It seems to me your views are not given
the circulation on the radio and in the press
which they deserve.
I consider the last presidential campaign
the biggest hoax practiced on us in my
lifetime. Only my friends who voted for
Goldwater are happy today.
I offer you my best wishes or the future.
Sincerely,
HOWARD RICKERT.
WOODLAND HILLS, CALIF.,
May 24, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Both my wife and
myself would like to convey our great ad-
miration for your honesty and courage for
standing against the current Vietnam policy.
We also are very much against it and wish
there was something we could do as citizens.
Keep up your marvelous efforts.
Sincerely,
VICTOR and MARILYN FELDMAN.
THE FIRST UNITARIAN CHURCH
OF COLUMBUS, OHIO,
May 20, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From the bottom of
my heart, thank you for your tireless and
courageous insistence upon providing leader-
ship for what small loyal opposition exists
in the consensus society our beloved maxi-
mum leader has created.
It must seem sometimes that you have
"lived out your life talking to scorning men,"
as Vanzetti said, but those of us who shudder
from the insane escalation of this new hip-
shooting Barry Johnson deserve a voice also.
Trust for us is, of course, irrevocably de-
stroyed in La tin America; no change in pol-
icy can undo that catastrophe. We have
succeeded in making certain that the Viet-
cong government will indeed be Commu-
nist-as we always said-and that Laos and
Cambodia will follow.
Thank you, sir, for your voice of sanity
amidst the cries of "Ave Caesar."
Sincerely,
Rev. J. FRANKLIN CHIDSEY.
EXCELSIOR, MINN., May 19, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: It is obvious to me, as I believe it is
becoming clear to many if not most Ameri-
cans, that our foreign policy has reached a
new depth of immorality, illegality and
senselessness during recent months.
Our involvement in Vietnam has been of
doubtful value and legality, to say the least,
from the beginning. Our present formula of
retaliation against and hypocritical offers to
negotiate with the North is absurd and may
lead to disaster. Yet now our activities in
the Dominican Republic occasion nothing
but outrage and horror on the part of
thoughtful citizens. Our actions there have
been cynical, from the start of the present
disturbance, and are now being proved un-
believable folly from any point of view.
Worse, however, is the bludgeoning that',
the people are being subjected to by your
office. This treatment, so far, has been in
the form of a stream of "information" that
is, in fact, a compound of evasion, wistful
prognostication and patent lies. We feel
buried under the weight of platitudes and
Senator WAYNE MORRIS, protest is suffocating; as, apparently, our
U.S. Senate, Congress is now stifled. It is this suppres-
Washington, D.C. sion of dissent under the guise of "consen-
DEAR SIR: I have been meaning to write sus" that will bring us either to ruin on for-
to you for some time and now must postpone eign ground or to a dangerous reaction at
the writing no longer. home; or, more likely, to both.
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 Like millions of others, I suspect, I am
quite disturbed by the pretensions and ap-
parent megalomania of our executive. Our
present expansionist foreign policy will suc-
ceed in doing nothing but isolating this
country and eventually, one fears, bringing
us to a level of frustration where the only
solution will be an explosive, annihilating
one.
Social revolution is necessary, desirable,
and will continue to occur throughout the
world despite the icy hysteria and armed
evangelism of this administration, Our late
President had recognized such a reality and
had begun to deal with the world rather
than to browbeat and subject it to his will.
Anything else, such as our present policy,
seems madness,
Yours,
ALLEN F. HARRISON,
FIRST METHODIST CHURCH,
Redding, Calif., May 18, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have My vote of
confidence for your vote of "no confidence"
in the program of mounting military re-
quirements in Vietnam.
Keep up the position.
Sincerely,
ROBERT J. HAWTHORNE.
GARDENA, CALIF? May 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your efforts on be-
half of the American people is greatly appre-
ciated. We admire your courage and stam-
Ina to stand by your convictions with regard
to our foreign policy. Although we are un-
able to vote for you we would like to thank
you for representing our opinion.,
Yours truly,
DOROTHY and ARTHUR Y. KOBAYASHI.
AMHERST, MASS.,
May 21, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your cou-
rageous remarks on our foreign policy. But
I fear that we are being headed toward a
showdown with China, and protest will be-
come more and more difficult or unpatriotic.
Please continue to speak out against U.S.
militarism . in Asia and in Latin America.
Your voice is essential.
Sincerely yours,
DEAN A. ALLEN.
FRESNO, CALIF.,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR; Thank you very much for your
stand in the Opposition to our Government's
policy in Vietnam and in the Dominican
Republic.
We have no business in committing our
troops and planes in either of these places.
I am sure that you have more support in
your stand than is readily visible. Please
continue in your outspoken opposition to
this insane and dangerous policy.
Yours very truly,
Mr.. HANS E. FRANOSCH.
PARLS, ILL.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate OfJlee Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR;, YOU May never see this letter
but at least it can, be added to the ones In
the basket Marked "fox." I appreciate the
Stand you have taken, on our foreign policy,
you are right all the way. It is hard to be-
-17e tllgt you and Senator FULERIGHT are the
only, ones who believe as you do but what
holds them back.. I ,feel sorry for Mr., John-
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son, he inherited this mess and in trying
to get out of it he seems to get in deeper
every day. However he did not inherit Santo
Domingo.
They say the good we do lives after us,
maybe so but there can be no question about
the mistakes we make, they grow and grow.
Our country is suffering from the mistakes
of John Foster Dulles and Joseph McCarthy.
I believe that we should recognize China and
that China should be admitted to the United
Nations. Communism in Russia has changed
and it will change in China but our present
policy will not help bring that about. If we
are the country we think we are we do not
have to be afraid of communism.
If we are the Christian nation that we like
to think we are, we should take care of
our needy' at home and feed hungry children
the world over to the very limit of our ability
and forget guns and bombs.
Yours sincerely,
NORWICH, CONN.,
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I joi May 23,1965.
n those noncon-
stituents who appreciate your courageous
stand on Vietnam, and I have so notified
Senator RIBICOFF and Senator DODD.
With much gratitude,
CLIFTON W. GRAY, Ph. D.
COLORADO STATE UNIVERSITY,
Fort Collins, Colo., May 19, 1695.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
courageous opposition to recent American
policy in Vietnam. At a time when the
President is attempting to stifle free expres-
sion of opinion your stated position becomes
not simply a critique of foreign policy but
a defense of democracy here at home;
everyone, whether or not he agrees with you,
must be in your debt.
Your characterization of our Government
as "drunk with military power" is most apt.
Would that more officials of our Govern-
ment had your appreciation of the fact
that one does not win friends among people
by dropping bombs on them.
Sincerely yours,
WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY,
SCHOOL OF MEDICINE,
May 16, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: I, with many of my col-
leagues, admire your firm stand for consist-
ency, justice, and commonsense. in opposing
our administration's policy in Vietnam. We
take courage from you, and continue to speak
up for a peaceful settlement through nego-
tiations with the belligerents involved-and
this includes the obvious * * * the Viet-
cong-whom we are fighting and shooting,
not only the North Vietnamese whom we are
bombing.
Do not fail us, the Nation, and the world
by backing down now-continue to speak for
your earlier proposals.
With admiration and respect for you.
Sincerely yours,
S. MEDORF, M.D.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
11521
wives like myself who agree with you, but
how can we be heard?
I thank you so much. I would be very
proud if you were our Senator from Cali-
fornia.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. HILARY WEAVER,
Mother of Three.
SACRAMENTO, CALIF.,
May 20, 1965.
Honorable LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
President of the United States.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I am one of the
many millions who worked hard and voted
for you in the last election. Most of us did
so because we felt so strongly that Senator
Goldwater's foreign Policy proposals were:
dangerous, immoral, likely to achieve the
precise opposite of their professed inten-
tions.
Why do you insist, by your bombings in
Vietnam, and invasion of the Dominican Re-
public, in proving just how wrong Barry
Goldwater was?
We already believed it before the election.
We are more convinced now than ever. I,
and many others I know who supported you,
are determined to work against, and vote
against, any public official regardless of
party, who supports this incredibly inflam-
matory and discredited policy that assumes
our military might obliges us to slaughter
people worldwide (and get many of our sons
slaughtered in the bargain) In the hypo-
critical guise of aiding self-determination.
Very sincerely yours,
HUGH MACCOLL.
SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to express my
sincere gratitude to you for your position on
foreign policy. Please keep up the good work,
HUGH MACCOLL.
CHAPEL HILL, N.C., May 20, 1965.
Senator MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I feel sure you will be interested
in this clipping from the Durham Herald of
today showing that a spokesman for the
State Department excuses the bombing of
North Vietnam on the ground of necessity.
As I recall it, this was the excuse of the
Germans in their illegal invasion of neutral.
Belgium in 1914.
Yours truly,
PHILLIPS RUSSELL.
NORTH VIETNAM BOMBING TERMED AS
NECESSITY
A U.S. State Deartment official here
Wednesday afternoon gave a direct reason
for our bombing of North Vietnam-
necessity.
Turner Shelton, special assistant to the
Assistant Secretary of State for Public Af-
fairs, gave the explanation during a public
lecture at Duke University. His topic was
"The Situation in Vietnam."
"Let us speak in simple candor," Shelton
said. "These bombings are not pleasant;
they are not by choice, they are of neces-
sity."
Evidently alluding to the American criti-
cism of our Vietnam policy, particularly
from segments of the academic world, Shel-
ton said, "We cannot obscure the facts by
engaging in wishful thinking."
Calling attention to American men and
women who have been killed in Vietnam,
Shelton then added, "In self-defense, we are
bombing bridges, roads, and ammunition
dumps in a totally reasonable effort to pre-
vent the men and supplies causing the deaths
of American and Vietnamese alike from
reaching the south."
Noting the Communists' reaction to our
bombings, Shelton said, "The fact that all
this is so distressing to the Vietcong Com-
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to com-
mend you on your courage and good com-
monsense on your views on Vietnam. Es-
pecially for your courage to speak out against
the overwhelming majority who do not share
your views.
1['m sure there are many average house-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE ay 196.5
vention in what is essentially a civil war-
ns substantially the war is in the Dominican
Republic-and I think we ought to withdraw
immediately from both Vietnam and from
the Dominican Republic-withdraw mili-
tarily, that is, for I think we ought to give
nonmilitary aid to the emerging countries,
where there is a need and whether they
profess to be our friends or not. The Biblical
injunction, "If thy enemy hunger, feed him,"
seems more appropriate now than ever.
Our country; which at one time was looked
up to as an inspiration for social revolu-
tionary movement, is now considered, and
rightly, the enemy of such movements. I
personally am dismayed by that, and I am
disheartened that there is so little resistance
at home to our quite immoral foreign policy.
But resistance to our intervention in Viet-
nam does seem to be growing, and I find It
especially encouraging that young people
are more and more employing the techniques
of civil disobedience in order to make their
munists gives the lie to their claim that
they are an indigenous South Vietnam group
engaged in civil war."
Asserting that we and the South Viet-
namese "are engaged in the pursuit of the
basic right of self-defense," Shelton added
that "It is an action totally consistent with
the spirit of America."
America has pledged itself to aid the South
Vietnamese, Shelton said.
"This is a great and worrisome responsi-
bility, but it is the responsibility that goes
with America's tremendous power," he as-
serted.
DO W NEY, CALIF..
May 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to commend
you for the commonsense attitude you take
regarding our military intervention in
troubled areas, and for your courage in forth-
rightly opposing this.
We unalterably oppose the deplorable
trend which seems to say that only brute
force can preserve our way of life. If this
be so, then democracy is already lost-why
pour blood over the corpse?
And if it would achieve good results, why
are we then not using it in our own be-
nighted South?
This inconsistent pattern of behavior
would seem to indicate that we are willing
to defend our freedom on others' soil and
at the expense of their land and people;
hardly a noble stand for a great nation.
Please continue to use your gifts to get
us back on a more American (as we would
like the word to signify) course of action.
We are behind you.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN N. VON RAAPHORST.
NAN VON RAAPHORST.
Mrs. J. N. VON RAAPHORST.
SAN GABRIEL, CALIF.,
May 20, 1965.
"No" more profound.
Sincerely yours,
BELLWOOD, ILL.,
May 24, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note of ap-
proval of your good, sound political policies.
Keep up the good work. Wars only bring
misery.
Sincerely,
JOHN SKOSOUE.
MICHIGAN TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY,
Houghton, Mich., May 23, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MoRSE.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thanks for your re-
ports, May 14, 1965, which are always wel-
come and for including a copy of the REc-
oRD--"The undeclared war in Vietnam." Very
good, and double thanks for your fine, reveal-
ing statements. Keep up the good work.
Best regards,
MILTON E. SHERER.
MEMPHIS, TENN.,
May 22, 1965.
certain basic criteria of competence for such
appointees.
Yours very truly,
C. W. SHEPPARD.
STANFORD UNIVERSITY,
Stanford, Calif., May 21, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Old Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thought you'd be
interested in seeing the enclosed copy of a
letter which appeared in this morning's San
Francisco Chronicle.
H. H. Fisher is an emeritus professor of
history at Stanford and for a number of
years was the head of the Hoover Library on
War, Revolution, and Peace and Hoover
Research Institute, now designated as the
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and
Peace.
Sincerely,
THE REAL ROLE OF VIETNAM TEACH-INS
EDITOR: The teach-in debates are good for
what ails us--complacency at the top and
conformity below. We cannot afford com-
placency in times like these and conformity
atrophies the precious right of dissent. De-
bates are less useful, however, if they focus
exclusively on the hot local issues and we lose
sight of the larger questions of which the
local issues are symptoms.
Have we, for instance, lost sight of the most
vital national interest thus ignoring the con-
sequences of our repudiation of our treaty
commitments to the global and regional or-
ganizations we took a leading part in creat-
ing in order to lessen the dangers of war?
Have we lost sight of recent shiftings in
the alinements of nations and assumed that
communism has become so menacing that
the United States has the duty to prevent its
further establishment in Asia or Latin Amer-
ica regardless of our agreements and the
wishes and policies of friendly governments?
We claim that we are not only protecting
our own national security which every nation
has a right to do, but are protecting the na-
tional security of all nations not under
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: May I commend you for
your courage to vote "no" on President
John's request for $700 million more. It
is good to know that at least a few want
to take a second look and may wish to try
to solve problems by other means than the
military or war. Keep up your courage.
Sincerely,
ROLLAND THOMPSON.
MENASHA, WIS.,
May 25, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have wanted to
write to you for a long time to commend
you and thank you for your fearless expres-
sion of your views on our current wars.
I think that you have done our Nation a
service in showing the world that our mili-
taristic path is not approved by all of the
people.
In admiration and gratitude,
EBBE BERG.
DENISON UNIVERSITY, _
DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH,
Granville, Ohio, May 22, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Communist rule, which they have not asked
us to do. Many of the presumed beneficiaries
would feel more secure if we were not so
trigger happy. And the communists nat-
urally allege that we are not protecting but
endangering general security just as imper-
ialists are supposed to do.
Conflicts of national security interests are
not new; and they have led to war when one
country has followed the advice of its prac-
tical realists who believe in the efficacy of
preemptive violence. After two wars of
mounting scope and destructiveness, world
opinion seems to have recognized that in one
matter there could no longer be a conflict
of national security interests. The overrid-
ing security interest of all mankind has come
to be the prevention of a third world war
in which for the first time man has the nu-
clear chemical and biological weapons to im-
pose an eternal peace on this contentious
planet.
Global and regional peacekeeping arrange-
ments are now in some disarray when, per-
haps, we need them more than ever. The
basic issue at this moment is do we serve the
security interests of ourselves and the rest of
humanity by adding to this disarray by re-
pudiating our commitments to these organi-
zations? Resort to armed intervention in
violation of treaties, which we have loudly
condemned ever since the Germans tore up
that "scrap of paper" and invaded Belgium
in 1914, has always been done to force an
opponent to mend his ways and come to the
conference table, preferably to surrender
unconditionally. We are violating, and not
in the exercise of the right of self-defense,
our pledges to both the United Nations and
the Organization of American States "to re--
Senator WAYNEMORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washintgon, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I believe you were
one of three Senators who had the courage
not to support the recent supplemental mili-
tary appropriation to assist in covering the
cost of our amplified operations in Vietnam
and in the Dominican Republic. It is cer-
tainly difficult for a citizen at this time to
obtain sufficient information on which to
base a valid opinion. Our conventional news
sources have presented conflicting stories.
If we can believe "The Invisible Government"
by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross published
last year, there is evidence that our foreign
relations have sometimes been complicated
by intrigues originating within our govern-
mental security agencies, and outside of dip-
lomatic control.
Certainly if the executive branch of our
Government receives the Impression that
they will get automatic support for any hasty
venture, then indeed our position is perilous.
Your vote against such a mandate was there-
fore wise.
At times like these, our international im-
age depends to a considerable extent on the
quality of our ambassadors. Their appoint-
ment Is subject to senatorial influence. I
lack detailed knowledge of most of Latin
Washington, D.C. America but I do have friends who are fa-
E: I want to commend miliar with Colombia. One of our former
MOR
D
S
EAB SENATOR
you for your two speeches in the Senate, ambassadors there made little attempt to
on May 5 and on May 6, in which you severely know the people or their language at a time
criticized American involvement in South when his English equivalent was studying
Vietnam. Our involvement there is indeed Spanish and touring through outlying areas.
cruel, for Asians now and, as you point out, More recently, however, we have done much
for Americans in the future. In my opinion better. In maintaining this improved record
there can be no justification for our inter- our Senators will be well advised to set up
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1965 CONGRESSIONAL
frain_from the threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity or political independ-
ence of any state." The effect, regardless of
our motves, can only unify our enemies,
shake the confidence of our friends, discour-
age collective security with us and stimulate
collective self defense against us.
We take this risk because, so we are told,
the Communists must be Stopped at all costs
'from expanding in Latin America and tak-
ing control of all Asia, and there is no
one else who can do the job. The admin-
istration does not seem to recognize that the
conditions in Western Europe, where con-
tainment was so Successful, do not exist in
the developing countries of Asia and Latin
-,America. Nor do the bipartisan supporters
of our present policies seem to suspect that
the splits between Russian and Chinese and
Other styles of communism can have any
bearing on the world conspiracy or on how
to deal with it. Nor is any significance at-
tached to the appearance in several develop-
ing countries of single party dictatorships
using Communist totalitarian and organiza-
tional methods but not Communist ideology,
as the most effective way to achieve modern-
ization. The spread of polycentrism, this
loosening of alinements is bound to be a
growing obstacle to Communist ambitions
unless we continue to help the national Com-
munist Parties to minimize their differences
with each other. while we cause our allies to
exaggerate their differences with us.
As the President has said, there is a job
to be done and there is no one else who can
do it. In this he is certainly right, but he is
mistaken in his priorities.
He has acknowledged that it is not just
a matter of trying to contain communism
by force. His excellent proposal of multi-
lateral development aid is a necessary part
of the job. But another part of the job
has, under present circumstances, a higher
priority. This is first, to recognize that the
security of the world's most powerful na-
tion is linked with the security of both
friendly and unfriendly nations, and sec-
ondly, that in the long run, the security
which is the common interest of all peoples
can be strengthened only if we, the strongest,
-uphold and use the global and regional In-
stitutions of peaceful change and pacific
settlement.
Hon, WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
RECORD - SENATE 11523
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
May 22, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you very
much indeed for having sent me the reprint
from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as I am on
your mailing list.
That reprint covers your speeches on Viet-
nam starting with the one you delivered be-
fore the Senate on May 5, 1966.
Although I am not a resident of Oregon
and consequently not your constituent, I am
indeed delighted with both your courtesy in
sending me material covering your speeches
and legislation you sponsor, as well as with
the views you hold and express particularly
on Vietnam and foreign affairs issues In gen-
eral.
As I spent considerable time in southeast
Asia generally and in Vietnam particularly
throughout 1963 I am in fullest agreement
with both the views you so forcefully express
and fight for as well as with the conclusions
you have reached about the eventual outcome
of the war in Vietnam.
It is regrettable to note therefore how
little support of your views you have found
so far in the Senate and it is equally to be
regretted how the President on the advice of
a small coterie of people around him bypasses
the United Nations and the Geneva accords
and instead of attempting to settle the con-
flict by negotiations around the conference
table with all concerned (and that, of course,
means also the Vietcong and Red China)
rather escalates the war.
There is now no longer any doubt in my
mind that eventually all of southeast Asia
will be drawn Into this conflict on Vietnam
and who knows if an expanded war covering
most of southeast Asia may not be the start
of world war III.
Once a war has been escalated-and soon
it will be fought by 70,000 American men on
Vietnamese soil-it will be hard to stop it. Is
there no way that public opinion in this
country can be aroused to a point that it may
bring the White House to think twice before
it is too late?
Am really so much in agreement with the
views you expressed on Vietnam in your
various speeches and for which you are fight-
ing so valiantly that I would like to ask you
tq kindly let me have eight more copies of
the reprint from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
to which I referred on the preceding page,
so that I may forward same to a number of
friends and acquaintances of mine.
Please continue to let your office send me
everything on Vietnam-I.e., not only re-
prints of your speeches before the Senate
but also of talks you give before universities
and other gatherings.
Thank you for your courtesy and with all
good wishes to you personally and for the
wonderful fight you are carrying on, I re-
main,
Yours sincerely,
GEORGE H. CORD,
Journalist,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENAToa MORSE: We wish again to
commend you for your courage and for your
forthright speeches in the Senate on May 5
and. May 6. It must feel lonely to take such
a stand in the Senate which, in abdicating Its
powers to declare war is surrendering to an
aggressive President and leading our country
to destruction,
We sincerely hope enough Americans will
support your position so that we may yet be
saved from a worldwide holocaust.
Please send us- copies of your most recent
speeches in the Senate.
Best wishes.
Sincerely,
' ,. Dr. and Mrs. ALFRED STEIN.
THE VALE METHODIST. CHURCH,
Fairfax. Va., May 21, 1985.
SDsA,R 0I:IJsTOR MORSE: Thank you for those
good statements in the Senate May 5 and 6.
You are most intelligent and courageous.
God bless your, worthy endeavors.
Sincerely yours,
EVEaET'T Dona.
P,S.-Have you seen this statement by
~Taes '. WarZIg?
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It must be difficult
to maintain a position such as yours over
Vietnam and the Dominican Republic In the
face of the apparently widespread support
for these policies In Congress and the Nation.
If you were as concerned with consensus as
the President seems to be, you would have
to tailor your ideas accordingly but you seem
more concerned with the correctness of your
ideas than their popularity-it's good to have
You. where you are, raising the 4 telligent
objections to this new American indulgence
that ought to be raised.
I doubt that the President has all the sup-
port for his policies that it may appear he
has at first glance. Consensus has some un-
pleasant connotations and one is that it's a
fine companion for apathy. Consensus seems
to be assumed wherever there are no con-
trary voices to be heard which is a negative
definition of a term that ought only to be
used when positive agreement can be found.
The lack of objection from an essentially
passivq public that tends away from strin-
gently' independent thought has perhaps led
Mr. Johnson to suppose he has backing where
merely silence prevails.
My very secondhand appraisal of the
American situation may be wrong though
from here it appears that the public is
hardly as aroused as it ought to be. The
Turkish viewpoint-at least of the man on
the street whom I come into contact with-
seems quite opposed to what is being done
by the United States particularly in Vietnam
but in Latin America, as well. It looks very
frankly like what it is, unwarranted inter-
vention in the national affairs of sovereign
nations and others can only wonder when
America will decide that their coutry needs
our help. In Vietnam we've a spectacular
military playground that seems easily
capable of geometrical expansion. Where our
notion of international proprietorship has
come from I don't know, perhaps it's the old
adage that power corrupts.
I am in the Peace Corps here and trying
hard to be proud of my country as well as
understand It. There are plenty of people
here, Turks and Americans, who support you
in your proposals. I simply thought I'd
write to support and encourage you in your
opposition to the foolhardy and immoral turn
foreign policy has taken.
Very truly yours,
THOMAS DEMERS.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
May 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My profound grati-
tude for your courageous "No" vote on Presi-
dent Johnson's demand for $700 million and
a "blank check" re the mounting Vietnam
and Dominican fiascos. But for you and your
small number of brave and honorable col-
league dissenters, the resemblance of Capitol
Hill to the old Reichstag would be more hor-
rendous than It Is.
Respectfully,
LEEsstsG, VA.,
May 23, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My congratulations
to you for the forthright stand you are tak-
ing on the actions of our Government in Viet-
nam. I am utterly sick over what our coun-
try is doing in building up the hatred of the
world. Your consistent stand has been most
heartening. I trust you will continue to lead
the opposition against our very dangerous
policy.
Sincerely,
RIO DE JANEIRO, GB, ZC 07 BRAZIL,
May 22, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations for
your courageous criticisms of the Govern-
ment policy In Vietnam.
Let me assure you, as an American living
abroad, that the United States Is breeding
a horrible hatred anon the peoples of the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 65
world. Our actions in Vietnam and the
Dominican Republic are no less than in-
famous.
Yours truly,
ALLEN YOUN.\
that we who thought we voted for peace, got
more war; and more gunboats.
There should never be any interference,
in another country's civil wars; except by the
United Nations; the brutal dictators we have
supported in the past, doesn't speak well of
our democracy.
I wish you, and Senator GRtTENING, more
power, and more strength; and peace for all
of us-before it is too late.
Yours sincerely,
P.S.-'U.S. residence: Glen Wild, N.Y.
RIVERDALE, N.Y.,
May 24, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I was heartsick that your efforts
and your brilliant speech of May 5 opposing
the President's $700 million request for
Vietnam, failed to stop the Senate's ratifi-
cation,
I believe with you that continued escala-
tion of, the war in Vietnam. by our Govern-
ment, can only lead to disaster for us all.
Will you and your colleagues continue to
try to persuade the President to stop the
bombing, seek a cease-fire, and press for
negotiations without conditions with all con-
cerned, including the Vietcong-before it Is
too late.
Gratefully yours,
GERTRUDE GOTTLIEB.
WEST HARTFORD, CONN.,
May 24, 1965.
Senator W. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing you in
appreciation for the courageous stand you
have taken regarding U.S. policy in Viet-
nam:
As many others have stated, "We have Bar-
ry Goldwater in the White House." President
Johnson seems to be committed to the same
reckless foreign policy that Barry Goldwater
advocated in last year's campaign. He ap-
pears to desire a "blank check" to commit
the United States to any military action he
desires. He has already put the power to
wage war In his own hands, rather than place
it in the hands of the U.S. Congress, as our
Constitution requires. The recent White
House suggestion that Congressmen not voice
their objections to U.S. foreign policy in
public is a massive strike against our system
of government.
Americans must stand up and reject the
Johnson foreign policy. Although we are
now in a minority, I know that some day this
country will honor you and your distin-
guished fellow Senator, Senator GRUENING,
of Alaska, for standing up against these il-
legal acts of President Johnson.
Sincerely yours,
PAUL BASCH.
GREENFIELD, IND.,
May 22, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I appreciate
your passionate plea for the Senate to retain
its valuable control over warfare. Let us all
work to convince enough Americans that we
can have a candidate in the next presidential
election who will actively promote a foreign
policy run to promote freedom everywhere.
May I please have a copy of your com-
ments on May 5 and 6?
Very sincerely,
Mrs. KATHRYN PARNELL.
Si'. AVGUSTINE, FLA.,
May 2'3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
l SEIaA'roa MORSE: While there is still
bate, I want to express my respect, and ad-
rrir'ation, for your undaunted courage; stand-
ing fore what is "right-nearly alone, among
theJame ducks--and southern fossils.
It is indeed tragic; that the President is
taking the advice from the wrong people---
the military, It is horrible to contemplate;
GREAT FALLS, MONT.,
May 20, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senator, Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have wanted to
write to you for a long time to commend you
for your fearless stand on U.S. Involvement
in southeast Asia. Unfortunately, yours is an
unpopular position with too many Congress-
men and the White House. I only hope that
serious, global tragedy does not confirm the
wisdom of your position.
While unafraid (if one can be) to go to
Vietnam himself, and this is quite possible,
I am willing to go to be of service to our
young Americans there. However, on a na-
tional scale I do fear a ground war of attri-
tion with the Communist Chinese or, what
is worse, a nuclear war on a worldwide basis.
Please continue to speak your mind despite
the reactionary trend in Washington.
As a Catholic I would like to go on record
as saying that in no way is William F. Buck-
ley, Jr., a spokesman for the Catholic Church.
Though I disagree vehemently with his ideas,
I must grant his liberty to express them.
However, there is little danger of his not do-
ing so, his wealth, power, prestige and maga-
zine enable him to; bus, his Catholicism be-
ing well known, by some he may be regarded
as one of the Catholic Church's spokesmen
despite the fact that his ideas do not reflect
current thinking in the church and still less
the teaching of the gospels.
Eventually the Bolts legislation will reach
the Senate and I do hope that you will vote
in favor of that legislation.
With all due respect to Senator ROBERT
KENNEDY'S feelings on the sale of mail-order
guns, personally I do not think this sale is a
serious menace to national well-being. Stol-
en guns do far more damage and even worse
is the slaughter we can expect a week from
now on the highways over the Memorial Day
weekend.
In conclusion, I am troubled by our Latin
American position which seems to always
favor reactionaries driving the masses of im-
poverished people In these lands into the
eager arms of the Communists. This both-
ered me some years ago but I naively thought
things would Improve,
Having expressed some of my thoughts, I
again want to commend and thank you.
Continue- your courageous fight against bad
thinking.
Respectfully yours,
Father THOMAS J. ENDEL,
U.S. Air Force.
CASTRO'S SUE VERSION IN THE
UNITED STATES
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, on
Cuban Independence Day, May 20, 1965,
I spoke in the Senate, as did my colleague
from Colorado [Mr. ALLOTTI and other
Senators, to point, out the desperate con-
dition of freedom under the present
Castro government. I placed in the
RECORD that day the first part of the
American Security Council's report on
Castro's inspired subversion, dealing
with subversion in the United States.
The second portion of that report,
dealing with such subversion, is now
available. I ask unanimous consent that
it be printed at this point in the RECORD
and thus be available for study by Mem-
bers of Congress and the American peo-
ple in general.
There being no objection, the report
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CASTRO'S SUBVERSION IN THE UNITED STATES-
PART II
At a recent State Department briefing on
Latin American affairs, the briefing officer
concluded his remarks with the observation
that the Communists had a chance to make
a showcase out of Cuba but they had failed
miserably. This conclusion was first offered
by President Kennedy 3 years ago and it re-
mains today as the accepted State Depart-
ment attitude toward Castro and Cuba. Such
an attitude fails to take into account that
.communism has never been a social or eco-
nomic success anywhere; but as a showcase
from which to spread subversion, it has done
admirably-and Cuba is an excellent example.
Our Washington report of last week illus-
trated the point by outlining the activities
of the Cuban General Directorate of Intelli-
gence. However, Castro's greatest success
against the United States has been in the
area of agitation and propaganda.
Sad to say, almost all his field workers
here are U.S. citizens. They are citizens who
follow the Moscow, Peiping, or Trotskyite
line. They range all the way from hard-line
Communists to soft-line dupes.
A 2-year investigation by the Senate Sub-
committee on Internal Security into the ac-
tivities and membership of the now defunct
Fair Play for Cuba Committee, organized in
April 1960, proved that FPFCC had been
heavily infiltrated by known Communists and
fellow travelers. Some of the ads it ran on
behalf of Castro were actually financed in
large measure by the Cuban Government
Following State Department's issuance of
travel restrictions to Cuba on January 16,
1961, many Fair Play for Cuba Committee
members traveled illegally to Havana and,
upon their return to this country, gave lec-
tures on behalf of the Castro regime.
One of these was James Jackson, a mem-
her of the national committee of the Com-
munist Party, U.S.A. Another was James
O'Conner, whose lecture was advertized in
the Communist Daily Worker, as were the
lectures of at least a dozen others. Jew a
Pestana, Rose Rosenberg, and Helen Travis--.
all identified as Communists before the House
Committee on Un-American Activities-were
indicative of the Cuban guest list which
numbered in excess of 150 U.S. citizens in a
2-year period.
The best known member of the Fair Play
for Cuba Committee was President Kennedy's
assassin-Lee Harvey Oswald. He formed a
chapter of the organization in New Orleans
in April 1963 and discontinued it in Septem-
ber following his failure to reach Cuba.
The FPFCC was a Communist front. Its
effect on the American public was negligible.
But through its activities and the close con-
tacts some of its members formed with the
Castro regime, there grew up in its midst
other more militant groups. Thee most im-
portant of these was the Progressive Labor
Movement.
PLM was organized in January 1962. Its
president, Milton Rosen, and vice president,
Mortimer Scheer, had both been expelled
from the Communist Party for disruptive ac-
tivities. In December 1962, PLM attempted
to send .a group of "students" to Cuba and
failed because the Canadian Government re??
fused clearance to a Cuban plane to pick
them up. A year and a half later, PLM
succeeded.
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