THE VIETNAM CRISIS AND U.S FOREIGN POLICY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 27, 2003
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: August 5, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE
proach to legislation." The Congress was
understandably pressed to get a law on
the books as previous temporary tariff
legislation, slated to expire at midnight,
June 30, would have ballooned duty-free
imports to $500 pr person. However, in
the heat of moving this bill into law I
believe we did an injustice to two coun-
tries with whom we have long, enjoyed
the friendliest of relations-Mexico and
Canada.
Supporters of the bill argued that our
unfavorable balange of payments re-
quired that we discourage travelers from
spending too much money abroad. One
Senate proponent stated the intent was,
among other things, to "restrain the `jet
set' from spending too much money"
overseas.
Those who pointed out that Mexico
and Canada constituted no dollar
drain-or gold drain-on our economy
were told that the country-and the
world-needed to be made psychologi-
cally aware than the United States means
business when we say the gold drain will
be stopped and the balance of payments
restored to, equilibrium.
There is little doubt that a, psychologi-
cal effect resulted, especially in Mexico
and Canada, It seemed incredible to
many of us in the House that these two
great nations with whom we share com-
mon-and, I might add peaceful-bor-
ders-and with whom we presently enjoy
the friendliest social, political, and eco-
nomic relations in many years, should
suffer as the result of this legislation.
In restraining the jet set we have also
discriminated against and inconven-
ienced the ordinary person who likes to
visit and shop in Mexico and Canada.
And we have also done a disservice to our
good friends in those countries. Tour-
ism, for example, is Mexico's biggest
source of dollars and much of that in-
come is derived from visitors who like
to visit the colorful and friendly border
towns. In passing, Mexico spends more
money with the United States each year
than we spend with her. She is able to
endure this unfavorable balance of trade
largely because of high border-town
receipts.
Our Canadian neighbors must also re-
sent this law and speculate whether they
should not follow our lead and discour-
age their citizens from spending about
$475 million each year traveling in the
United States. Canada, too, spends
more money with us than we spend with
Mr. Speaker, this amendment to Public
Law 89-62 is clearly within the spirit and
intent of the legislation brought forth
by the House Ways and Means Commit-
tee. The hearings on the law-and the
passage of the law itself-did, in fact,
draw attention to the many-sided ap-
proach the administration has success-
fully mounted to help solve the problem
of a negative balance of payments.
Howevr, many of us believe that our
two neighboring countries of Canada and
Mexico are deserving of our special con-
sideration and my bill represents a re-
affirmation of the strong bonds of mutual
interest we share with them.
If we fail to enact this amendment
then on October 1, 1965, the United
States will apply to Mexico and Canada
regulations which are inequitable, to
say the least.
(Mr. WELTNER (at the request of
Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
[Mr. WELTNER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
COAST SURVEY FAVORS PRIVATE
SHIPYARDS
(Mr. GARMATZ. (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr, GARMATZ. Mr. Speaker, in the
continuing debate with respect to costs
,in naval shipyards versus costs in private
shipyards, it is disturbing to read that
the Navy's Bureau of Ships has again
,attempted to suppress vital information.
Allen M. Smythe, an energetic jour-
nalist whose articles are carried in a
number of metropolitan newspapers
throughout the country, wrote in the
Boston, Mass., Globe on July 26, 1965,
of a recent submarine cost survey un-
favorable to the Navy shipyards which
has been kept under wraps, apparently
deliberately.
This article is so astounding-a tribute
to Mr. Smythe's resourcefulness-that I
include it in the body of the RECORD at
this point:
SECRET SURVEY FAVORS PRIVATE BUILDERS-
NAVY YARDS' COST-CUTTING FAILS To CLOSE
GAP
(By Allen Smythe)
The military construction bill now in its
final stages in Congress has an important
bearing on Navy spending and Pentagon pol-
icy on surplus base closings.
The measure has been drafted without
knowledge of an adverse report (now called
work sheets) on submarine construction
costs that has been suppressed by the Navy.
The report is the last of a series of surveys
that have shown that costs in Navy yards
are higher than in private shipyards.
Several years ago private industry financed
for $18,000 a survey by Ernst & Ernst that
showed all repair overhaul and construction
costs higher in Navy yards.
As costs were to be deciding factors in Navy
yard closings, the Bureau of Ships hurriedly
bought an offsetting survey to be made by
the Arthur Anderson Co. for $197,000. To
the Navy's embarrassment was substantially
the same. Among other things, it showed
that on new submarine construction defense
savings of 10 percent could be made (15.2
percept to the Government) if built in pri-
vate shipyards.
Before Secretary McNamara ordered the
Portsmouth and Brooklyn Navy Yards closed,
,,the Navy made a desperate, belated effort to
cut costs. Then the Bureau of Ships or-
dered a supplementary report on submarine
building costs from the Anderson Co-at a
'cost of $47,000-that was hopefully expected
to show a drop in costs.
It didn't. So, its 30 pages of financial facts
were promptly concealed. The only copies
released were given to the Senators of New
Hampshire and Maine who have discreetly
not divulged its contents.
The Bureau of Ships, bypassing its own
18799
secretariat, had Secretary McNamara's of-
fice freeze the report. The order was signed
by David McGiffert, congressional assistant
to McNamara, who has just been nominated
as Under Secretary of the Army. However,
the freeze order indicated incorrectly that
the report had been given to and discussed
by the proper congressional committees.
The report shows the comparative costs
between four submarines built at the Ports-
mouth Navy Yard and five built at the private
shipyards of Newport or Newport News, Beth-
lehem Steel, and the Electric Boat Division of
General Dynamics at Groton, Conn.
It states that, if the four submarines had
been built at the private shipyards, "savings
to the Department of Defense of 20.3 per-
cent, or savings to the Government of 23.9
percent, could have been made."
Using private-shipyard costs as a denom-
inator, this shows Navy-yard costs to be 26.7
percent higher than private shipyards, or if
taxes are excluded, to be 31.4 percent higher.
The report further shows that the three
private yards made a profit on the five sub-
marines of only 2.3 percent.
Despite the report, an aggressive congres-
sional delegation pressured the Pentagon to
extend the closing date for Portsmouth to
10 years. The admirals, who naturally do not
like to have any Navy bases closed, are in-
tensifying their efforts to cut costs and have
issued several releases claiming reductions.
However, auditors familiar with the situa-
tion say that, because of the obsolete equip-
ment and Navy management, costs can be
reduced only a few percent at best. They
also state that work quality could be en-
dangered by too much pressure to out costs.
They point to the subtle reference to the
Thresher submarine in the report.
In early December of 1963, McNamara was
ready to announce closing of the Boston,
Philadelphia, and San Francisco Navy Yards
as surplus. A leak from his secretariat and
the White House caused an uproar in Con-
gress. Above the uproar was heard the voice
of House Speaker JoseN MCCORMACK, "They
are not going to close my shipyard."
He was right. The Pentagon was forced
to order a new impartial survey. This was
completed by July 1964, by Adm. Eugene
Plucky. His report listed the Navy yards
at Philadelphia, Brooklyn, Portsmouth, and
San Francisco as least useful to the Navy.
All were just below Boston.
ROBERT KENNEDY, then Attorney General,
was reported to have offered the best legal
defense for the Boston Navy Yard of any
submitted for other shipyard closings. How-
ever, it did not help him aid the Brooklyn
Navy Yard when he later decided to run for
Senator from New York.
In spite of leaks the report was held secret
by the policy board for further study until
after the election. Two weeks after the elec-
tion, McNamara announced he had picked
Brooklyn and Portsmouth for immediate
closing.
(Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER (at the request
of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was
granted permission to extend his re-
marks at this point in the RECORD and to
include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER'S remarks will
appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
[Mr. MULTER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965
REPEAL OF SECTION 14 (b)
(Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I have
been attacked off the floor by the Re-
publican leader in the House for Support-
ing President Johnson's recommenda-
tion that section 14(b) of the Taft-
Hartley Act be repealed. And I wish to
say that I am proud to be associated
with and to be a supporter of this great
Democratic program which in the past
5 years has given my district, as well as
the Nation, the greatest period of pros-
perity it has ever known.
I want to emphasize, however, that I
voted for the repeal of section 14(b) out
of my conviction that it is best for my
district, my State and the Nation.
Whether or not so-called right-to-work
laws are the principal cause, it is never-
theless true that per capita personal in-
come is lower, average weekly wages in
manufacturing are lower, and minimum
wage. rates are lower, if they exist at
all, In the right-to-work States than they
are in those States which allow a reason-
able degree of union security. Accord-
ing to a study sponsored by the Duke
University Research Council, per capita
personal income is, on the average,
$490.87 per year lower in right-to-work
States than in nonright-to-work States.
The average weekly wage in manufac-
turing is $11.18 a week lower. And the
minimum wage is 53.6 cents an hour
lower.
I am convinced that a uniform system
of labor-management collective bargain-
ing is best for the whole country and
best for Florida. Florida's interest lies
more with the industrial States than it
does with Deep South States such as
my native State Alabama or the Mid-
western agricultural States that have
little hope of becoming great industrial
States in the near future.
Florida does have the potential to be-
come a great industrial State. Its
climate is an unmatched attraction for
the scientific and highly skilled person-
nel that are required in the sophisticated
industries of the space age, and it can-
not fulfill its industrial potential with-
out responsible and secure unions and
a philosophy of free, responsible col-
lective bargaining. Florida's right-to-
work amendment was adopted more
than 20 years ago when its population
was only one-third what it is today. it
was submitted by a highly misappor-
tioned legislature with only 1 vote to
spare in the State senate and was ap-
proved by only a 25,000-vote margin
among the voters of the State. In Dade
County-in which my district is lo-
cated-the right-to-work amendment
was rejected by 57 percent of those vot-
ing In the referendum.
Repeal of section 14(b) is another
step in the emancipation of our great
Southern region. It will enable our
workers and our businessmen to take
their place in our national economy,
rather than cling to regionalism, to
share in the full stream, the throb of
the economic life of this great Nation.
I am proud to have supported this and
the other bald recommendations of
President Johnson in the 88th and 89th
Congresses. His is the greatest program
to help the American people which has
ever been offered by any President.
And our Republican colleagues as a party
have fought it step by step-just as they
sought to confuse and defeat every pro-
posal that the Democrats have put for-
ward under President Johnson, President
Kennedy, President Truman and Presi-
dent Roosevelt to provide better wages,
better working conditions, better educa-
tion, better health, better housing, bet-
ter social security, better jobs and lower
taxes for the American people.
The program which we are putting into
law is progressive where the needs of the
people are concerned and fiscally respon-
sible where their tax dollars are involved.
It has included legislation adopted in
1964 reducing income taxes on persons
and corporations by $14 billion; legisla-
tion adopted in 1965 reducing excise
taxes by some $4.6 billion; and legislation
in 1962 providing a tax credit for new
investment and subsequent revision of
the guidelines for depreciation by the In-
ternal Revenue Service which together
afforded overall benefits for business in
excess fo $4 billion.
I am indeed proud to have had a part
in such a program and to have worked
with an administration which has done
so much for business and for all the peo-
FOREIGN POLICY
(Mr. KING of Utah (at the request of
Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker, the
President has acted wisely in asking
authority to increase our forces in uni-
form by 340,000 men. I want to be
among the first to go on record support-
ing his- request of yesterday. The Com-
munist world must understand, beyond
the slightest shadow of doubt, that we
mean business about preserving the in-
dependence of the South Vietnamese peo-
ple. The gravest question confronting
our Nation today is Vietnam. As was
our own shore in the 1770's, Britain and
Pearl Harbor in the 1940's, Korea and
Berlin in the 1950's, Vietnam is now the
flaming frontier of freedom. As much
as I abhor war, I hate tyranny still
more. I applaud our country's determin-
nation to negotiate from strength. I
support the President's policy. I set
forth my thinking on Vietnam in detail
in an address at the University of Utah
just last Friday, July 30. I want to
share that message with my colleagues.
The text of my address follows:
ADDRESS BY REPRESENTATIVE DAVID S. KING
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH, JULY 30
On May 4, 1965, President Johnson asked
Congress to appropriate an additional $700
million to meet the mounting military re-
quirements in fighting the Vietcong, which
request was quickly granted. Then on July
27, 1965, the President recommended in-
creasing the draft fromn. 17,000 to 35,000 per
month, and sending 125,000 troops into the
combat zone.
At this point we ask ourselves a number
of questions. We want to know where all
this is taking us. We read the obituary of
a soldier killed in action. We think to our-
selves: This was somebody else's son. To-
morrow, it may be mine. We find ourselves
wondering whether the problem in Vietnam
isn't as deadly as its snake-filled jungles.
Why is everything blanketed with diplomatic
doubletalk? Can't someone really tell us
what it is all about?
And so, realizing my limitations, I ap-
proach the problem of the present war in
Vietnam. I call it a war because I have the
impression that that is what it is. There
are other difficulties-semantic and philo-
sophical. I get the impression that lately
we have been deceiving ourselves. We call
the War Department the Department of De-
fense. Soldiers are no longer called soldiers,
but servicemen. And wars, which weren't
supposed to happen after V-J day, because
they were too terrible to talk about, are now
called almost anything else, to divert atten-
tion from what they really are.
I share your feelings of revulsion for war.
even though some bureaucrats now call this
organized butchery by another name. I hate
war's contempt for human life, its waste,
its indifference to the refinements and sen-
sitivities which crown the efforts of civilized
man. Moreover, I understand that peace is
not easily come by. It must be striven for,
and I am willing to make the effort. For
that reason I favored the Atom Test Ban
Treaty, the Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, our cultural exchange program, and
a stronger United Nations.
Our policy in Vietnam today involves a
more-or-less open-ended commitment to
provide military, and economic assistance to
the South Vietnamese in their fight against
the terrorism of the Vietcong. Our stated
objective is not so much to guarantee de-
mocracy in South Vietnam as to guarantee
its right of political self-determination with-
out dictation from others. This objective
has been agreed upon by the leadership of
both political parties.
There are aspects of this policy which
concern me. My greatest fear is that the
fighting could escalate into world war III.
And yet, despite my fears, I have come to
the conclusion that the American people
should fully support their country in the
above policy, which, I reemphasize, is com-
pletely bipartisan, and has been endorsed
by our four most recent presidents. I sup-
port this policy, not because it makes me
happy; and not because it is above reproach;
but because it offers the only acceptable
course of action now open to us. I feel that
peace will be better served by strength than
weakness. It is foolish to argue that we
need only pat the Communist tiger on the
head to make him go away and lie down.
He has never done than before. Patting
the tiger only makes him contemptuous of
our weakness. Instead of becoming more
tractible, he becomes more belligerent; at
least this is true when we stand In the way
of his dinner, as we now do in Vietnam.
But just getting out of his way won't solve
our problem, either, for sooner or later, after
eating everything else in sight, he will turn
upon us, for his last, best meal of all. To
maintain strength today, may be to avoid
catastrophe tomorrow.
The American people have now reached
that position where they must resolve their
inner conflicts and make a hard, historic
decision. I feel that that decision must be
to continue our firm resistance to the Viet-
cong.
We cannot fight decision with indecision.
This does not suggest that we do not strive
for peace. We can still follow Adlai Steven-
son's admonition: "Every time we drop one
bomb, make two offers to negotiate." We
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HOUSE 18$01
must pursue every possible avenue for re- terrorist. He will be given the order to go Communist guerrillas were, for the most
ducing tensions, and bringing about accord. in and terrorize a certain village. So Monday part, physically distinguishable from the
But let us not forget that Adlai Stevenson, morning there will be a dozen bodies on the peaceful majority they sought to control.
that great apostle of peace and understand- street. Vietnam Is not another Philippines, where
ing, immediately before his untimely death, "The bodies will be those of old men, communist guerrillas were physically sepa-
said: women, and children-not people who have rated from the source of their moral and
"We must contain communism in south- done anything in particular. It's just killing physical support. Above all, the war in Viet-
east Asia as we have contained it in west- at random to create terror. nam is not a spontaneous and local rebel-
ern Europe. We have to establish a line "Then they will kidnap the village chief, lion against the established government.
in southeast Asia where aggression across it cut off his head, and put it on a pole and There are elements in the Communist, pro-
will be met, All we can hope to do is to walk it around. So by 3 o'clock afternoon gram of conquest directed against South
establish the right of self-determination. We they don't have too much trouble getting 16- Vietnam common to each of the previous
can't impose our will. But we must con- and ?17-year-old boys to join the Vietcong. areas of aggression and subversion. But
vince the Communists they can't impose They've killed 16,000 village chiefs." there is one fundamental difference. In
their will, either." The' Vietcong are, theoretically, indigenous Vietnam a Communist government has set
The area generally known as southeast to South Vietnam. Originally, most of them out deliberately to conquer a sovereign peo-
Asia, and to which Vietnam can rightly be were. Their leaders were natives of South ple in a neighboring state. And to achieve
considered the key, is highly significant to Vietnam who had been regrouped to the its end, it has used every resource of Its own
the United States, north under the terms of the 1954 Geneva government to carry out its carefully plan-
. The State Department has given us the Agreement and who had been trained there ned program of concealed aggression. North
following interesting background informa- and sent back into the south again. They Vietnam's commitment to seize control of
tion: have always received their directions from the south is no less total than was the com-
"Over 200 million people live in the non- North Vietnam, their leadership from North mitment of the regime in North Korea in
Communist countries south of China and east Vietnam, and their supplies and ammunition 1950. But knowing the consequences of the
of India, a region rich in culture, land, from North Vietnam. They have always been latter's undisguised attack, the planners in
and resources-the one part of Asia that is assisted by a substantial number of North Hanoi have tried desperately to conceal their
'relatively underpopulated. From it come Vietnamese. I Should further add that in hand. They have failed and their aggres-
Asia's most important food exports, 70 per- recent months the North Vietnamese seem sion is as real as that of an invading army.
cent of the world's tin, and 70 percent of to have virtually run out of native South "The evidence shows that the hard core
the world's natural rubber. Lying athwart Vietnamese for staffing their Vietcong oper- of the Communist forces attacking South
the crossroads between two oceans and two ation. Attrition in Vietcong ranks has re- Vietnam were trained in the north and or-
continents, southeast Asia is a region of sulted from desertions and defections, battle dered into the south by Hanoi. It shows
great importance not only to the people who casualties, illness and infirmity. With each that the key leadership of the Vietcong, the
live there but to all the free world, passing day, the percentage of South Viet- officers and most of the cadre, many of the
"The Communists of North Vietnam and namese who make up the membership of the technicians, political organizers, and propa-
China are eager to take over this fertile area, Vietcong is growing less and that of the pro- gandists have come from the north and
not by the type of open aggression used in fessional soldier from North Vietnam Is operate under Hanoi's direction.
Korea but by attack from within, by covert growing larger. "The evidence shows that many of the
aggression through guerrilla warfare, and by The above plan of Ho Chi Minh was cer- weapons and much of the ammunition and
infiltrating trained men and arms across tainly clever. In the first place, we couldn't other supplies used by the Vietcong have
national frontiers. Communist success in even prove who our enemy was. The North been sent into South Vietnam from Hanoi.
Laos and South Vietnam would gravely Vietnamese still contend that the war is a In recent months new types of weapons have
threaten the freedom and independence of civil war, fought entirely by South Viet- been introduced in the Vietcong army, for
the rest of Southeast Asia. It would under- namese. Until recently, this position was which all ammunition must come from out-
mine the neutrality of Cambodia, would difficult to disprove. In the second place, side sources. Communist China and other
make Thailand's position practically unten- it gave to the Vietcong the tactical advan- Communist states have been the prime sup-
able, would increase the already great pres- tage which guerrilla soldiers always enjoy pliers of these weapons and ammunition,
sure on Burma, would place India in jeopardy when fighting against conventional troops in and the have been channeled primarily
of being outflanked, would enlarge Commu- a jungle environment. This advantage is through North Vietnam. The directing force
nist influence and pressures on Malaysia, In- 8 to 1. Third, the plan made skillful use of behind the effort to conquer South Vietnam
donesia, and the Philippines, and would im- Politics, and terrorism, and propaganda, as is the Communist Party in the North, the
pair the free-world defense position in all of well as military force, to accomplish its ob- Lao Dong-Workers'-Party. As in every
Asia. It would confirm the Asian Commu- jectives. Fourth, since it did not involve Communist state, any party is an integral
nist belief that a policy of militancy pays overt aggression, it was difficult for us to part of the regime itself. North Vietnamese
dividends, and could undermine the will of induce allies to intervene, as they would have officials have expressed their firm deter mi-
free peoples on other continents to defend had to do if overt aggression had been in- nation to absorb South Vietnam into the
themselves." 1 volved. Communist world."
North Vietnam has made its aim the com- It is apparent that the Communists are I might add that information which has
plete absorption and Communization of very hopeful for the success of this type of come to me indicates that no less than
South Vietnam. This is true, in spite of the operation. If it is successful, it will be used 40,000 persons are known to have come down
fact that the overwhelming majority of these elsewhere. It is particularly appropriate for from the north and identified themselves
people to the south, who number almost use against emerging, underdeveloped na- with the Vietcong operation in South
15 million, have shown a distaste for com- bons, such as Cambodia, Laos, Burma, Vietnam.
anTece
ae which have given
the National Liberation Front, whose mem- press about whether or not it has been proved illa~u
rise to our ur prwent esent into tervention. In 1949
bers are referred to as the Vietcong. In that the Vietcong in South Vietnam were ise
directed and supplied including both North and South,
addition, the President of North Vietnam, by North Vietnam. became an independent state, within the
Ho Chi Minh, has authored a shrewd military Whatever doubt there may have been, was French Union. Because of local Communist
program designated as the war of national put at rest by the State Department's so- aggressiveness, it was agreed that the French
liberation. It involves the use of the above called white paper, entitled "Aggression should remain in Vietnam to render mili-
Vietcong as undercover agents, infiltrators, From the North," dated February 1965.
. aid. The Vietnamese 195 no army to
had
terrorists, and gangsters to ultimately sub- This paper thoroughly documents the asser- speak of
a ce
due the South Vietnamese, Here is a war tion that the present war in South Vietnam S. O Onn signed a Decutuaal defense the stUnited
conducted in a manner seldom before seen. is the result of help, planning, leadership, States tate mutu de assistance
Thousands of agents infiltrate a manpower, and supplies received from the agreement with e, Vietnam, Cambodia,
particular and d Laos s for indirect U U.S.S. m. militar aid
area. 'their object is to win converts to com- north. I take the liberty of quoting a few y
paragraphs: through France Vietnam, Cambodia, and
munism by any means necessary. First, they Laos in their fight against communism.
use propaganda and the hard sell. Then they "South Vietnam is fighting for its life After 4 or 5 years of brutal warfare, it
use terrorism. against a brutal campaign of terror and became apparent that the French were in-
Let me quote from Ambassador Henry armed attack inspired, directed, supplied, capable of driving the Communists out of
Cabot of hod geeiin an interview given in Febru- and controlled by the Communist regime in Vietnam, so a military truce was signed.
Hanoi. This flagrant aggression has been part of the Geneva Accords of 1954, it drew
"What you have in Vietnam is a new kind going on for years, but recently the pace a line of demarcation along the 17th parallel,
of fighting man who is as distinct as the in- has quickened and the threat has now be- dividing the Communist-held territory to
fantryman or the aviator-and that is the come acute. the north from the non-Communist territory
"The war in Vietnam is a new kind of to the south. The truce which was signed
1 ? war. Vietnam is not another Greece, by France and North Vietnam alone, spe-
Vietriam the Struggle for Freedom," De- where indigenous
uerrill
f
g
a
orces used cifically provided that the territorial integ-
lartmen Viet
part t of State Publication 7724, August friendly neighboring territory as sanctu- rity of the two sectors which were thus
i
nam
s not another Malaya where created should be recognized and protected
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE August 5, 1965
by each, and that neither should attack the The position of the United States now is they do. Let the record speak for itself.
other, directly or indirectly. A period of that the integrity of these many commit- First, as I mentioned above, over 900,000
time was allowed for those in the north who ments must not be compromised. This is not refugees moved from North Vietnam to
so desired, to emigrate to the south, and just a matter of honor, although the use of South Vietnam in 1954-55. They are still
those who desired to do so in the south, that word is not inappropriate. There are there. They do not want to return. We
to emigrate to the north. many free and emerging nations in southeast have reason to believe that as many as 2
It is interesting to note that over 900,000 Asia who have constructed their entire for- million more might have come if they had
North Vietnamese chose to emigrate to the eign policy on the strength of the United not been prevented by the Communists. In
south and cast their lot with freedom, where- States solemn commitment that it would not contrast to that, there were only 90,000 to
ti
di
as less than 100,000 moved from the south permit South Vietnam to be chewed to
to the north, to identify themselves with pieces and devoured by the Communist tiger.
the Communists. If this commitment cannot be relied on,
An International Control Commission com- then the most stabilizing force in southeast
posed of representatives of India, Canada, and Asia will be gone. The Communists, who
Poland, was created to supervise the truce. make no apologies for their determination to
The commission has never functioned engulf all of southeast Asia, will then have
effectively. won a great moral victory. If Thailand, for
This truce was entered into in good faith example, the only nation in southeast Asia
by the French, who were representing both to have maintained her independence
themselves and the South Vietnamese. We throughoutthe period of colonialism, cannot
might wonder why the North Vietnamese rely on our commitment to contain Com-
were so willing to sign this nonaggression munist aggression, then the keystone in the
pact when they had already decided to take arch of her foreign policy will be dislodged.
over South Vietnam. The answer, no doubt, There are many nations who now openly
lies in the fact that Ho Chi Minh felt that support this country's policy in South Viet-
South Vietnam would collapse either im- nam. In all cases, this support has become
mediately or upon the application of slight a significant factor in their own foreign pol-
pressure from the north. The signing of icy. Thirty-six nations are now giving
the Geneva Accords gave him the additional assistance to South Vietnam, mostly human-
advantage of insuring the evacuation of the itarian aid for the relief of victims of the
French. The moral issue involved in the Vietcong terrorists or assistance in education,
immediate violation of this treaty apparently sanitation, etc. Australia, New Zealand and
troubled him not at all. South Korea have committed troops and
Although the United States did not sign arms. There are approximately 55 other na-
nny the Geneva Accords, it did execute, tions who are technically neutral on this
y issue, but many no doubt will be with us
unilaterally, a declaration of policy, which when the matter is resolved. There axe some
stated, among other things, that the United 25 nations who are openly hostile to our posi-
States would view with grave concern any re- tion.
newal of the aggression, in violation of. the Simply, if we refuse to close the floodgates
aforesaid agreements; and, that the United to a Communist innundation in South Viet-
States would continue to seek to achieve nam then we shall either have to close them
unity in Vietnam through free elections un- in some neighboring country, or else allow
der United Nations supervision. the Communist -flood to completely engulf
In October 1954, President Eisenhower the countries of Thailand, Cambodia, Laos,
sent a letter to Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Burma, East Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia
Diem, at the latter's request, pledging U.S. aid and perhaps even Australia, New Zealand, the
and support to South Vietnam. Philippine Islands and others. Even the
On January 1, 1955, the United States be- great subcontinent of India might be threat-
gan sending direct supporting assistance to ened. All this would follow as a result of
the Vietnamese armed forces pursuant to the the simple proposition that the Communists
aforesaid agreement of December 23, 1950. have made It plain that they will keep push-
it will be noted at this point that the United ing until they are stopped.
States delayed 41/2 years after the initial Com- It has been said that he who ignores his-
nunist aggression against Vietnam, before tory is condemned to relive it. How short
rendering any kind of direct assistance. On our memories are, and how easily we forget
February 19, 1955, the southeast Asia col- our lessons. During the 1930's Adolph Hitler
lective defense treaty (SEATO) came into marched into the Rhineland, the Sudenten-
for.ce. In a protocol to the treaty, the land, and Austria. Mussolini marched into
"SEATO umbrella" was extended to cover Ethiopia, and the Mikado into Manchuria.
Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, should these When they first started clown the road to
countries request SEATO assistance in resist- power, they were still weak. They could have
ing Communist aggression. The U.S. Senate been easily stopped. The free nations of the
ratified the treaty on February 1, 1955, by a world, however, could not quitesummon the
vote of 82 to 1. On March 7, 1955, the needed courage or decisiveness. The "peace-
United States, under the Eisenhower admin- in-our-time" deception was accepted as a
tetration, and the government of Premier Ngo comfortable substitute for the stern decisions
Dinh Diem, signed an agreement providing which had to be made. Winston Churchill,
for direct U.S. economic aid to South Viet- in his monumental "History of World War
nam. Between 1956 and 1960, during the n," devotes all of volume I, entitled "The
Eisenhower administration, the United States Gathering Storm," to pointing out the his-
twice issued a letter of intent, and once a torical fallacy of relying on weakness to pro-
Joint communique, all of which Indicated in mote peace. World War II was the price we
sleet terms that the United States was pre- paid for this fallacy. So when the war was
pared to offer such assistance as it felt was over, we solemnly promisedourselve to never
necessary to help South Vietnam in its let it happen again.
struggle. The joint communique, it might If history teaches anything at all, it is
be added, was issued at the request of Presi- that we cannot impress the Communists by
dent Diem. reneging on our moral commitments.
Between May of 1961 and the present time, Although a valid argument could be made
under the Kennedy-Johnson administrations to support the thesis that we are obligated
the United States has again issued letters by treaty to defend South Vietnam, our real
or joint communiques in the total number reason for doing so is not a legal one at all.
of eight, all of which have reaffirmed this It Is based on the rightness of the proposi-
country's intention to give needed help, mili- tion that, as Dean Rusk said: "The integrity
tary and economic, to- the. beleaguered South of our moral commitments is the pillar of
Vietnamese, and all of which were issued at peace In southeast Asia."
the latter's request. I might add that the The question has often been raised
Congress of the United States on three dif- whether the South Vietnamese want our
ferent occasions has voted overwhelmingly intervention, and want to be free from
to support our Vietnamese commitment. Communist domination. The answer is:
on.
rec
100,000 who emigrated in the other
Second, consider the fact that 500,000
South Vietnamese have fled from Com-
munist-controlled territory within South
Vietnam, and have now sought sanctuary
with the Saigon Government. We have no
record of any flow in the opposite direction,
except for those who have been forceably
conscripted into the Vietcong army. As in
the case of the Berlin wall, the flow is all
in one direction.
Third, consider the terrible casualties
which have been incurred by the South
Vietnamese. The number of deaths result-
ing from actions of terrorism will never be
known, but it has certainly reached the
tens of thousands. These facts speak for
themselves. If the Vietcong were receiving
the local support which they claim they are,
these actions of terrorism would be un-
necessary.
Fourth, consider the fact that during the
recent periods of political instability, and
crisis, in Saigon, when responsible govern-
ment was almost nonexistent, there was
never one single suggestion made, either
officially or unofficially, by any responsible
group, that Saigon should try to compro-
mise with Hanoi. During all the political
turbulence, there has never been one respon-
sible person who has attempted topolitically
exploit the issue of peace at any price.
Fifth, consider the fact that the Vietcong,
as pointed out above, have now almost ex-
hausted their supply of South Vietnamese
recruits. The current recruits to the Viet-
cong army are now almost exclusively North
Vietnamese professionals. This would sug-
gest that Ho Chi Minh's plan to draw his
strength from South Vietnam has failed.
This failure is corroborated by the fact that
Hanoi for the first time, last week, inferred
by official statement, that the war might go
on for many years. Until then, not one
official word had ever been offered to suggest
that the war would not be ended quickly.
Much has been made in the press of the
fact that over half of South Vietnamese ter-
ritory is currently controlled by the Viet-
cong. This assertion is correct only in
theory. Much of the territory claimed by
the Vietcong is absolutely uninhabited, or
is thinly inhabited, or consists of areas which
have never known responsible national gov-
ernment. It must be remembered that here
we are dealing with a people who, as Ambas-
sador Lodge has said, have developed- a sense
of "peoplehood" but not of "nationhood."
For centuries large portion of these people
have never known a central government, and
have been taught to extend their loyalties no
further than the tribal or village organiza-
tion. It is not realistic, therefore, to draw
adverse Inferences from the fact that many
of these culturally deprived people, pres-
sured by the bullying tactics of Vietcong
terrorists, may have switched their allegiance
to the latter. Our best estimates are that
approximately 25 percent of the 13 million
rural South Vietnamese are now controlled
by the Vietcong. An additional 35 to 40
percent are subject to Vietcong harrass-
ment. The remainnig 85 to 40 percent are
under Government control and are generally
free from harrassment. The urban popula-
tion of about 3 million is under Government
control.
In some quarters, it is declared cate-
gorically that the war cannot be won. As
evidence In support of this statement, refer-
ence Is made to the great loss of territory
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suffered, and to the poor morale and to the to believe that Communist China will launch areas. Presumably most or all of them, under
unstable South Vietnamese Government. no offensive against us, as long as we launch Mr. Lippman's theory, would be thrown to
There is no question but what the South no offensive against it. Her bite will not the tiger, If our policy of protecting the
Vietnamese are, at the present, losing rather equal her bark. China realizes full well that right of free people to self-determination is
than gaining ground. Victory cannot be even without using nuclear weapons we could sound, then why does it not apply as much
easily won. The trail will be long and lay waste most of her Industrial establish- to rural as to urban dwellers? It seems to
agonizing. ment in a matter of weeks, and could undo me that following the Lippman policy would
The following thoughts, however, should all that the Communists have done since subject us to great moral censure, and would
be kept in mind. First of all, it should be their takeover, with the alarming political weaken our prestige and stature in the eyes
remembered that the terms "victory" and consequences which would follow. Admit- of our allies. Moreover, there is a very prac-
"defeat," in the military sense of those tedly, this viewpoint could change, but cur- tical argument against Mr. Lippman's prop-
words, are not too meaningful in this con- rently it would seem logical to assume that osition. The purpose of our policy is to put
text. The problem in South Vietnam is more this is the Chinese position.
political than military South without in a viable
om condition . Toc to sere
ernment develops in stability the Saigon rWe ha m tuity, bombingve been
ob je ti most careful to refrain
are from vive
the icountrys den up into little us.
and to cut
the causes for its military losses will thereby purview of a legitimate military response. the great productive rural areas away from
be removed. The State Department has
It must also be remembered that our task dicating about where the flash point eliein- the s. Communists, would practically guarantee the areas and turn them over to the
is not so much to win a military victory over Every precaution has been taken to insure death of the city areas, without continuing
the Vietcong as It is to make them realize that our responses fall short of this flash help from us. In other words, it would seem
that they cannot hope to take over South point, and with margin to spare. to me that the Lippman would so
Vietnam. When that is done, we can push It is for this very reason the war has weaken the South Vie nam sell nation as to
for a settlement, based upon that realization. inevitably dragged on, to be consternation require the permanent garrisoning of Amer-
Our object is not to destroy the Vietcong, of those of us in the West who, true to our ioan troops to keep it alive. To negotiate
nor to destroy, nor even to embarrass, the tradition of decisiveness and quick action, successfully with the Communists, it is ap-
North Vietnamese Government. Our mili- want to get things over in a hurry. parent that we need to put South Vietnam in
tary objectives are far more limited, and It is for the very reason that we want to as strong a position, rather than in as weak
therefore more attainable. avoid even the remote semblance of an un- a position as possible. As stated earlier, we
Keep in mind also that our forces too have justifiably provocative act, that we have had cannot placate the tiger by patting him on
won some conspicuous victories in spite of to adjust the tempo of the war back to vir- the head.
their self-imposed limita.tiona The fact ,.
+....,,
-h_ .
at
y
-
Johnson
s pronouncement last the legitimate functions of the United Nag
more to conventional warfare is evidence week suggests that this tempo may be slight- tions, as well as the SEATO organization,
that their original program of conquest by ly increased. There was nothing in his in the settlement of the Vietnam crisis.
guerrilla infiltration has been thwarted. Al- statement, however, to indicate that this There will come a time no doubt when the
ready they are beyond their original dateline country will engage in aggressive warfare. United Nations can perform a valid service.
for victory. Keep in mind also that as they It has been stated that this country has At the present time the likelihood of its
resort more and more to conventional war- not explored with sufficient zeal the possibil- doing so is small. First of all, we are con-
fare, they lose the eight-to-one advantage ities for a negotated peace. It is not my fronted with the Soviet veto in the Security
which they enjoyed in fighting as guerrillas. Purpose to argue the truth or falsity of this Council. Second, we are confronted with
To the extent that they engage in conven- statement. It may well be that something article 19 of the U.N. Charter, which de-
tional warfare, they expose themselves to might have been done that was not done prives the vote on the U.N. Security Council
conventional air and artillery attack, and to or that something may now be done which to any nation delinquent in paying its
greater casualties. The evidence which has is not being done. If this is so, then no step assesment for peacekeeping operations.
come to us is that their military casualties should be left untaken to carry us in the It is common knowledge that the United
are currently far exceeding our own. Clear- direction of an amicable but meaningful set- States is trying desperately to keep the
ly, then, they cannot win victory, even from tlement of our differences,
a military point of view, b United Nations from foundering, by working
present course, y pursuing their I call attention to the fact, however, that out an accord with the Soviet Union regard-
time after time this country has made over- ing the latter's delinquent payments. To
It has been reported in recent newspaper tures of peace to Hanoi. I shall not burden place the Vietnamese question before the
columns that desertions from the South Viet- my presentation with documentation of this Security Council of the United Nations at
namese army are at an all-time high, and assertion. i am satisfied, however, from this time might subject this organization
that morale: is at an all-time low. Both of what briefings I have received from the to strains which it is not able to bear.
these statements are outrageously false. De- State Department, that America has made Regarding the SEATO organization, it
sertions have recently approximated 10 per so many overtures of peace that it cannot go
should be said that the 1,000 per month. These desertions, however, much further without compromising its posi- used In the treatysimpl
are not defections. Most deserters return tion. By the very nature of things, pur- absolve the participants from any specific
Is of such looseness asato
home to their families, or do a little farm- poseful negotiation under present circum- legal obligation to intervene in Vietnam.
ing. Many of them later return to the army stances is almost an impossibility. Ho Chi- The spirit of the treaty, however, if not the
voluntarily. Their desertions are more In Minh has,staked lives and treasure on an
letter, unquestionably calls for intervention.
the nature of an AWOL. Although the num- immediate and total victory. Victory, to The action taken by our country was com-
bers are higher than is healthy, the facts him, means the complete communization of pletely consistent with this spirit, and may
are that in June they were lower than they South Vietnam. He has indicated his clear well pave the way for others to more aggres-
had been in previous months. intention to accept nothing less. e. As menoned,
It is not true that the American image has We. on the other hand, have clearly defined howeverawecare alreadyarecei ing tangible,
suffered. The evidence indicates that among our goal as the guarantee to South Vietnam although admittedly modest, assistance from
the South Vietnamese the American rating of its right to determine its political destiny some 35 nations.
remains high. For example, recently an without outside interference. We have made In conclusion, let me reiterate that the
American shot and killed a Vietnamese wom- it clear that we will settle for nothing less. situation permits very little dogmatism.
an. The event has raised very little local So what we insist on as an absolute oondi- The above-discussed need for decisiveness
furor. This is in sharp contrast to the Ge- tion to settlement, Ho Chi Minh rejects as does not preclude the constant need for re-
rard incident in Japan a few years ago in an absolute barrier to settlement. There is appraisal. No one in his right mind denies
which a marine accidently shot and killed no known way of dividing human liberty that we are incurring great risks. In my
a Japanese woman who was picking up scrap down the middle, and of giving half to each opinion, however, the greater risk lies, not
metal. That caused so much popular resent- side. So until one side or the other is will- on the side of action, but inaction. I con-
meilt as to virtually precipitate an Interna- lug to renounce its minimum conditions, elude with the ringing words in the inau-
tional crisis. settlement would a
It has been argued that our bombing mis- Mle 'settlement l appear to be impossible. gural address of President John F. Kennedy:
sions have b ene coed that ineffectual. The takes the l ter Lippman,, eminent columnist, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes
evidence is that they have been most effec- off more than wecan chew, As I interpret us
bear well any or bu ur, rden, tn,me eeet shall ay an
tual. It must be remembered that our mili- his p any oardship, sup- -
taryobjective. and response has been inten- all of position, Vietnam, but onlyy thsef en- port any friend, oppose any foe, in order to
tionally limited. slaves-moat of them urban communities- libert the surpival and the success of
The most perplexing aspect of the Viet-
ol
Carrying this county
ves the possibility of then suggests that once we have madef known which could trigger past nuclear the flash cepoint o sible steps limited objectiv, wie take respon- RESISTAN
There is could
t effectuate
politicales settlement. RIA ~
but what the concern is Mu ch
FORC
The
said n
COUM us
ES IN
VIETNAM
founded. it is for this reason that our c support of or in
policy has been to keep all of our roes opposition to this proposition. In brief, The SPEAKER pro tem
of a limited nature. There is responses however, I call attention to the fact that 85 PEPPER). Under previous ordereof(the
of the South Vietnamese live in rural House the. gentlem
good reason an from Rhode Is-
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18804
land [Mr. FOGARTY] is recognized for 10
minutes.
Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, on
August 3, 1965, the Washington Post
carried a story by its distinguished sci-
ence reporter, Nate Haseltine. The story
pinpointed malaria as the chief medical
problem among American servicemen in
Vietnam. Mr. Haseltine has performed
a real public service in bringing this story
to public attention.
I wish, however, that the story had
gone into the problem in more depth. I
wish there had been the real sense of
urgency that I feel about this problem
of malaria.
I wish he had said bluntly that our
ability to fight a war in those areas of
the world that still have malaria Is less
today than it was 20 years ago.
I wish he had written that while we
have eradicated malaria from U.S. terri-
tory, the mosquitoes that carry the dis-
ease are still here.
I wish he had pointed out the fact
that people are coming to this country
who are carriers of malaria and that
these resistant forms can be brought to
this country and that the drugs will be
no more useful here than in Vietnam.
Most important of all I wish he had
made It loud and clear that U.S. man-
power trained to fight this disease is
critically and dangerously in short sup-
ply.
I have heard many explanations of
why we are in this dangerous situation.
None of them really seem to me to get at
the heart of the matter. Perhaps it is
just as well to leave it that way and get
at what must be done. Here the course
is clear.
We need:
First. An organization empowered by
the President to speak for and to the
Government of the 'United States on the
subject of global malaria eradication;
Second. Expansion of research on the
biology of the parasite and the mosqui-
toes, not just on drugs and insecticides;
Third, Close collaboration through the
World Health Organization with those
countries where malaria still exists so
that our doctors and other specialists can
know first hand this enemy of all of the
people.
There are dedicated men who are
ready and willing to lead this kind of
war, a war in which mankind will win.
I hope and pray that simple decisive ac-
tion will be taken now to bring these
men together and give them the tools
needed to do the job.
RESISTANT MALARIA HITS U.S. FORCE'S IN
VIETNAM
(By Nate Haseltine)
The development Of a resistant form of
malaria has become a chief medical problem
among American servicemen in Vietnam.
The disease form poses no special problem to
the natives of the southeast Asia country,
who have an inbuilt degree of immtmity.
It strikes hardest the Americans stationed
there, most of whom never before were ex-
posed to malaria in the United States. Even
those taking the prescribed preventive medi-
cines, chioroquine and primaquine, are sub-
ject to the mosquito-borne infections.
The treatment is the same for any mala-
ria--more chloroquine, plus the more old-
fashioned quinine-and usually under hoe-
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965
pitalization. And the recurrence rates are
higher among those who Buffer the Vietnam
variety, according to those working on the
problem.
For obvious military reasons, the rate of
infections and numbers of those afflicted
have not been divulged. But a medical
source concerned with countermeasures said
malaria has become a chief military medical
problem In that country.
Geographically, there, he said, it is widely
distributed. The problem of refractoriness
of the causative organism (plasmodium fal-
ciparum) was first recognized in American
personnel in Vietnam about 3 years ago.
With the subsequent buildup of American
troops there it has become a greater and
greater hazard.
The greatest present hope, and the great-
cat effort, is in the development of newer
and better drugs, according to Col. William
Tigertt, chief of the Walter Reed Army In-
stitute of Research here.
Ironically, the combination drugs now
proving less effective, chioroquine and prima-
quine, were originally developed after World
War II to conquer the specific organism in-
volved in the Vietnam area.
A first inkling that the organism could
develop a resistance, or become refractory to
the drugs, was reported in 1960 out of Co-
lombia, where it was no special military con-
cern.
To what extent the problem concerns the
Vietcong is unknown, but at least one report
has indicated the enemy welcomes such a
development. That was a story that the
Vietcong sought out malaria eradication
forces as special targets.
The explanation given is that most natives
of the now-divided country have a built-in
resistance to the prevalent organism. They
suffered its consequences early in life, and
either died or survived.
Not so with American personnel there,
since malaria was practically eradicated In
the United States 20 or more years W. This
makes them easy prey for the mosquitoes,
better living sites for the organisms injected
into the bloodstream by infected mosquitoes.
The research effort going into the problem
was described as intensive, and concentrated
chiefly at the Walter Reed Institute. But
the need was said to be not as great as the
all-out effort that went into the development
of the combination preventive treatment.
One report widely circulated, that the
treatment involved high enough doses of
chloroquine to endanger the eyes of the ma-
laria sufferers, was squelched yesterday by
Colonel Tigertt. He said it would require 10
times the dosages of the drug as now pre-
scribed to reach the range where it might
cause eye disorders.
The eye peril of chloroquine was first un-
covered after its long-term use, and in rela-
tively massive dosage form, for other condi-
tions, chiefly collagen diseases.
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave of ab-
sence was granted to:
Mr. KING of New York (at the request
Of Mr. GERALD R. FORD), for today
through August 20, on account of official
business as a U.S. delegate to the Third
U.N. Congress in Stockholm, Sweden, on
the prevention of crime and the treat-
ment of offenders.
Mr. KASTENMEIER (at the request of
Mr. ZABLOCKI), for an indefinite period
of time, on account of illness.
Mr. PooL, for the week of August 9,
1965, on account of official business.
Mr. CAMERON, for August 5 to August
5 to August 17, 1965, on account of leg-
islative and personal business.
Mr. STALBAUM, for August 9, 1965, on
account of official business.
Mr. ADAMS, for August 9 and 10, 1965,
on account of official business.
Mr. FOLEY, for August 9, on account of
official business.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legisla-
tive program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. RANDALL, for 15 minutes, today.
Mr. FOGARTY (at the request of Mr.
WALKER Of New Mexico), for 10 minutes,
today; to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.
Mr. WoLFF (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico), for 30 minutes,
on August 9; to revise and extend his
remarks and to include extraneous
matter.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. FrNo in two instances.
Mr. GROSS and to Include extraneous
matter.
Mr. ICHORn and to include an editorial.
Mr. ZABLOCKE In two instances.
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois in three in-
stances.
Mr. KIRWAN (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico) during debate
on the independent offices conference re-
port, and to include extraneous matter.
Mr. RYAN (at the request of Mr.
WALKER of New Mexico) prior to the
vote on the conference report on saline
water.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mrs. REID of Illinois) and to in-
clude extraneous matter:)
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama.
Mr. BOB WILSON in two instances.
Mr. GRIFFIN in three instances.
Mr. DERwINSxa in two instances.
Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania in five
instances.
Mr. PELLY in two instances.
Mr. CUNNINGHAM in three instances.
Mr. MORSE in three instances.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico)
and to include extraneous matter:)
Mr. POWELL in two instances.
Mr. McGRATH.
Mr. MULTER in three instances.
Mr. MORRISON.
Mr. EvANs of Colorado.
Mr. DuLsia.
Mr. TUNNEY.
Mr. HELSTOSKI.
Mr. ROYBAL in six instances.
Mr. TODD.
Mr. STALBAUM.
Mr. HOLIFIELD.
Mr. FARBSTEIN in three Instances.
Mr. GILLIGAN.
Mr. DIGGS.
Mr. MATSUNAGA in two instances.
Mr. MILLER in three instances.
Mr. PH=IN in two Instances.
Mr. MOORHEAD in three instances.
Mr. FRIEDEL In two instances.
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August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
day's activities, and everyone in town
will contribute to making the occasion
a successful one.
The spirit to be found at Becket this
weekend, however, is not new. It has
been there ever since 1740, when the first
sturdy pioneers made their way into the
scenic valley. Fierce Indian attacks
drove those early settlers back, but not
until they had cleared the land and built
a sawmill. Others came in 1775, chiefly
from eastern Connecticut, and their de-
scendents are still there today., In
1765-just two centuries ago-the town
was incorporated, as a small group of
men gathered on,the parade ground to
pledge their hands and hearts to the suc-
cess of a new enterprise. The place .was
named Becket, probably after the estate
in English Berkshire owned by the Lords
Barrington.
During ' the turbulent events of the
Revolutionary War, the people of Becket
responded to the call of their new land
with patriotism. The parade ground
became a training headquarters for the
Colonial Army, and every resource of the
community was taxed to provide for
American soldiers. Many of Becket's
sons gave their lives for the land they
helped to settle.
During the 19th century, Becket grew
with the rest of America. An old town
history states that in 1829 there were
"two gristmills, five sawmills, three card-
ing machines, and two clothiers works."
The town boasted two post offices and
no less than four licensed taverns. The
history continues:
With the exception of two physicians, two
merchants, a few mechanics, and one min-
ister of the gospel, the inhabitants are farm-
ers; industrious, frugal, plain in manners,
and independent in spirit.
In the past 100 years, the scarcity of
water power and exhaustion of mineral
resources has slowed Becket's growth:
In 1927, the Ballou Dam broke, inundat-
ing the town under 25 feet of water, and
the ruined factories were abandoned.
But with characteristic determination,
Becket carried on. Homes were rebuilt,
stores, were reopened, and in fact the
Berkshire Tissue Co. is a thriving indus-
try today.
I have spoken of the "spirit" to be
found . in Becket. A good example of that
spirit occurred in 1798. Richard D.
Birdsall, in his history of Berkshire
County, tells us:
In Becket, where no majority sect and thus
no town support of the Gospel had even ex-
isted between 1788 and 1798, 60 citizens
banded together in February to form a Con-
gregational Church Society and penned a
hardheaded preamble to their covenant: "We
the subscribes having found, by several years
experience, the great difficulty of settling
and, supporting a minister, in the usual way
of taxation, or even to supply the pulpit, by
reason of the great number of ana-baptists
and Methodists, who have appeared in op-
position to taxation and have carried their
vote, and to avoid contention with our
neighbors of different denominations agree
to support the church by voluntary contri-
butions," While neither large nor wealthy,
the little Congregational group of Becket did
persevere until they had built a meeting-
house and settled a minister; and the mem-
bership thereafter enjoyed a gradual but un-
interrupted growth. Here was one town at
least to which liberals could point as proof
that the luxury of religious freedom did not
always endanger the Gospel ministry.
This is only one illustration of the kind
of spirit found in Becket. There are
countless others. Her people have faced
danger with determination, calamity
with courage, and success with modest
simplicity. Their spirit has sustained
them for 200 years. It is likely to do so
for at least 200 more.
PRESIDENT'S ATTACK ON GERALD
R. FORD
(Mr. GOODELL (at the request of
Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, the dis-
tinguished columnists, Rowland Evans
and Robert Novak, today made some
perceptive comments on the real mean-
ing behind the President's sudden attack
on the gentleman from Michigan,
Republican Leader "JERRY" FORD, last
Sunday. I believe the Members of the
House should take particular note of
these comments which I quote as fol-
lows :
For example, if Mr. Johnson had been less
attentive to his courtship of General Eisen-
hower, it is at least doubtful whether he
would have tried to stigmatize one of the
prominent members of the Republican
Party-presumably FoRD-in his uncharac-
teristic attack down at the L.B.J. Ranch last
weekend.
The President defined the prominent mem-
ber as an inexperienced man or a bitter
partisan, who, he said, had both broken
and distorted a Presidential confidence, by
revealing Democratic Senator MneE MANS-
FIELD'S private criticism of U.S. policy in
Vietnam.
Democratic politicians in a position to
know are convinced that the real purpose of
the President's attack was to divert the Na-
tion's attention from the differences over
Vietnam between Mr. Johnson and Major-
ity Leader MANsF=D-reflecting widespread
Democratic sentiment in the Senate.
The President feared, and with good rea-
son, that the press would probe deeply into
the reasons for MANSFIELD's disagreement
with the Johnson policy. This could have
led to a rash of stories dramatizing their
policy conflict. MANSFIELD seems unable to
understand the necessity for the President's
strong stand in Vietnam.
What better way to guard against a search-
ing inquiry than to pick a public fight with
a prominent member of the Republican
Party?
The ploy succeeded. Newspapers have car-
ried reams of copy about the L.B.J: FORD
match and scarcely a word about the real
contest between the President and MANS-
FIELD.
One reason Mr. Johnson could risk taking
on FORD and not worry about his political
rear is the fact that General Eisenhower is
firmly in his corner on Vietnam policy. Most
important, no matter how his Vietnam policy
works out, he will be able im that Ike
was with hinyg w
c.
THE GAMB -eP MODERATION IN
-" VIETNAM
(Mr. ROBISON (at the request of Mrs.
REID of Illinois) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
18777
Mr. ROBISON. Mr. Speaker, 1 week
ago yesterday the President again used
the press-conference device to give the
Nation an updated report on our troubles
in Vietnam. The remarkably dramatic
buildup which preceded the press-con-
ference, forecasting the possibility that
some momentous decisions were in the
making and were to be announced by
the President on this occasion, led only
to an equally remarkable feeling of let-
down relief when Mr. Johnson let it be
known that he had decided merely to
continue his policy of what-for want
of a better expression-might be called
"flexible moderation."
The fact that the President's mes-
sage-which was delivered in a muted,
almost soothing tone-was generally met
with that sense of relief in the Congress
and around the Nation is both under-
standable as well as significant at one
and the.same time.
Most subsequent editorial comment
was immediately favorable. To quote
from two such sources, we find this ex-
cerpt from an editorial in the Wall Street
Journal for July 29:
In battlefields like Korea or Vietnam, the
question remains, as the President aptly
phrased it, "Why must young Americans-
born into a land exultant with hope and
golden with promise-toil and suffer and
sometimes die in such a remote and distant
place?"
The question cannot be brushed aside.
Vietnam is not only a far but a strange land.
Who rules it is of no consequence in the
daily affairs of Americans, and all too often
it seems that the Vietnamese themselves put
too little value in their freedom. It is not
easy to say to what purpose Americans die
there.
Yet it seems to us that the President has
answered the question as well as any man
could.
Also this excerpt from an editorial in
"The Christian Science Monitor" for July
30:
The President's words, we feel, were well
chosen to give an impression of both resolu-
tion and reasonableness. His words "we will
stand in Vietnam" are not open to misin-
terpretation. On the other hand, he was
equally categoric in stating America's deter-
mination not to expand the war needlessly
or do anything to provoke the Soviet Union.
Equally welcome was the repetition of the
President's pledge to. help end poverty in
southeast Asia and to strengthen the eco-
nomic life of South Vietnam.
It was evident, in any event, that the
President had chosen his words with ex-
treme care, and, as the Monitor notes,
that he had carefully mixed in both reso-
lution and reason.
To those who were concerned that
we were losing militarily what has be-
come to be, more and more, an American
war, he declared that:
"We will not surrender. And we will not
retreat."
Then, giving some additional force to
those words, he announced a stepup in
draft calls and the dispatch of an addi-
tional 50,000 troops to southeast Asia.
And so to those who looked for it, this
was evidence of our renewed determina-
tion-as Mr. Johnson put it-to "stand
in Vietnam."
So much for resolution.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965
But, then, on the side of reason, to
reassure those who feared we might be
losing whatever chance of peace still
remained, he was just as careful to point
out that he still had no intention of
leading us into anything other than a
limited-or measured-war. And this
reassurance, together with the emphasis
he placed on making a new approach
to the United Nations to see if it could,
somehow, bring us nearer an honorable
peace, and the President's rather sur-
prising acceptance of the idea, long
urged by some, for internationally super-
vised elections not just in South Vietnam
but throughout all Vietnam--as Mr.
Johnson put it-t,pparently won for him
at least the temporary support of such
erstwhile critics of his policies as col-
umnist Walter Lippmann.
On this last suggestion of the Presi-
dent's-that of elections to be held in
both North and South Vietnam, which
would appear to strongly favor a pro-
Communist result-it should be noted
that Mr. Johnson's position is somewhat
ambiguous, for self-determination for
South Vietnam is one thing, while self-
determining elections for all of Vietnam
is quite another. Thus we find one of
the Washington papers, the Evening Star,
properly asking, editorially, on Monday
of this week, how our acceptance of any
such arrangement could possibly square
with Mr. Johnson's firm words, spoken
some weeks ago at Baltimore, declaring:
We will not withdraw (from Vietnam),
either openly, or under the cloak of a mean-
ingless agreement.
Of course, no one can accurately fore-
cast, now, the results of any such elec-
tion-whether held just in the South or
in both North and South Vietnam-but
that, Mr. Speaker, is not the point.
The real point, it seems to me, in as-
sessing the net effect at home and abroad
of what Mr. Johnson said and did not say
about Vietnam last Wednesday, was best
stated by Norman Thomas-no less-in
a letter to the editor of yesterday's New
York Times, in which Mr. Thomas
observed:
Our consensus-loving President, in his
carefully constructed statement on further
military investment in Vietnam, gave some
quotable sentences to every shade of thought
In America except the advocates of immedi-
ate preventive war with China or of
immediate withdrawal of all our troops.
Now, one can well understand the
President's anxiety to exhibit none of
the characteristics of either a "hawk" or
a "dove"-to use a Washington, euphe-
mism-and, under the circumstances,
this is probably the only attitude he can
assume. But so long as he holds to such
an attitude, which risks large amounts
o.f ambiguity in order to gain some de-
gree of flexibility, I must question
whether the American people have ac-
tually gained any clearer understanding
than they have had before concerning
the real stakes in Vietnam, and why we
must play out the game.
if Mr. Thomas' observation was cor-
rect-and I suspect it was-then we
probably have the answer to why the re-
sults of a nationwide public-opinion poll,
as reported on in the New York Times
for July 30, which poll was taken by
telephone on an hourly basis after last
Wednesday's Presidential press confer-
ence, showed such a significant shift
from overwhelming endorsement of Mr.
Johnson's Vietnam policies, to endorse-
ment tempered by a strong "I don't
know" trend.
According to the article in the Times-
and I know no more about any such
poll than what it contained-a spokes-
man for the firm taking the poll said
that the "don't know" category climbed
from a 22.22-percent figure at the end of
the first hour's survey, to 43.26 percent
at the end of the sixth and final hour,
which-said the spokesman-was the
highest such percentage ever recorded by
this firm in recent years on any compar-
able issue.
Mr. Speaker, what does all this tell us,
if anything? Well, of course, each of
us must draw our own conclusions, but
it seems to me the fact that we are about
to have to dig in ever deeper in South
Vietnam, in a long, probably costly, and
certainly frustrating, sort of a stale-
mated war, has simply not gotten home
to the American people despite the-Pres-
ident's words. Or, if that fact has got-
ten home in any degree, those same peo-
ple still want to know, "Why?"
If this is the case, and if a majority
of us can agree that this effort-unpleas-
ant though it may be-still has to be
made, then this is a problem not just for
an already overburdened President to
deal with but for the Congress, which
has a considerable responsibility here,
too, to face up to squarely.
Frankly, I do not think the hope of
producing any. kind of an acceptable so-
lution to our present problem is very
good-now, or in-the immediateforesee-
able future. In view of its own internal
problems,-I cannot see how the United
Nations can be of any real help-though
certainly this is a possibility that we
have to continue to pursue. Nor, ap-
parently, has Ambassador Harriman
brought home with him any really good
news.
And so, barring some unexpected de-
velopment, we are involved up to our ears
in a dirty, nasty, tragic war, a different
kind of war, as the President put it,
which is going to be as frustrating to
deal with as a jigsaw puzzle from which
certain key parts have been lost. One of
those key parts is the hope for victory in
the traditional military sense-and I
think it is unrealistic to harbor such a
hope, or even to look for any reward for
our increasing efforts other than a some-
what soggy settlement someday, as Phil-
ip Geyelin put it in a recent Wall Street
Journal article on Vietnam.
If the American people are going to
support this kind of a war and the sacri-
fices- it will entail, they will first have to
be helped to better understand why we
have to wage it until it can be brought to
some sort of honorable conclusion.
Mr. Speaker, I still feel that their un-
derstanding would be promoted and their
support solidified, if the appropriate com-
mittees of this Congress would undertake
to examine into our present Vietnam pol-
icy, in accordance with our constitution-
al powers and responsibility to receive
such constructive criticism of that pol-
icy, and such suggestions for military or
political alternative courses as they
deem fit-even as the President and his
advisers have just reconsidered those
alternatives behind closed White House
doors-and then to submit to Congress
itself, for appropriate debate and action,
a new Presidential mandate tailored to
fit the dimensions of our present
problem.
Mr. Speaker, I suspect that the Presi-
dent has been loath to have us do this
for fear that there will be criticism of
his policies, or that some of his decisions
will be openly questioned. I can under-
stand this, just as I can understand his
desire not to give those who are the ag-
gressors in South Vietnam any reason to
question the true depth of our national
resolution.
But, Mr. Speaker, if we are ever to
have a strong, viable foreign policy with
respect to southeast Asia, or anywhere
else in this troubled world, it will have to
be one founded on the broadest possible
base of public understanding and sup???
port obtainable.
I believe that this Congress should
participate in the development of that
understanding and support as a Congress
of and for the people, and not as indi-
vidual Members of Congress holding our
own informal hearings on Vietnam In
our own districts or elsewhere, because
the body to which we belong and which
has the ultimate responsibility for doing
so, has failed to act.
There are great uncertainties involved
in the course upon which the President
has evidently decided to lead us. They
are explained as well as anything else I
have yet seen in James Reston's column
in yesterday's the New York Times,
That those uncertainties and the public
doubt they may engender will grow and
fester, as time goes by, seems likely, and
the time for Congress to guard against
the hazards of such doubt by building a
better base of popular understanding
and support is now.
Under leave to include extraneous ma-.
terial, the Reston column, entitled "The
Gamble of Moderation," follows in its
entirety:
WASHINGTON: THE GAMBLE OF MODERATION'
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, August S.-The administra-
tion seems to be settling down for a long war
in Vietnam. Either the fears of military
disaster nor the hopes of a negotiated peace
are as prevalent now as they were in June.
There is very little talk of "victory" now,
but merely of avoiding a humiliating defeat
and securing an honorable compromise.
The Capital looks wonderful and feels ter-
rible. It is radiant with flowers. The long
plazas are green from the gullywashers of
July, and even the polluted Potomac is
majestic in the summer sun. But the mood
is solemn; not worried, really, or fearful, but
increasingly resigned to a prolonged struggle.
SINCERE PEACE EFFORTS
President Johnson has done a lot to re-
assure those who felt he was trying to tame
Asia, Texas-style, and not really seeking
peace. He convinced Arthur Goldberg that
he was seeking a fair compromise, or Gold-
berg would never have left the Supreme
Court for the United Nations. Senators
FULBRIGHT and MANSFIELD, who opposed his
militant policy toward Vietnam in the spring,
no longer doubt the sincerity of his efforts
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965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
0 001"
- - your action, your own wisdom, your own re-
to negotiate a settlement, and even U Thant,` COMPULSIVE UNIONISM
sponsibility, and your own achievements."
whose early efforts for peace were brushed off
and even relented by the President, is now REM of Illinois) Was granted permission corporations have no souls-prompted by the
convinced that Mr. Johnson is earnestly try- to extend his remarks at this point in the thought their vrtues p of individ
lyuals, r gain-individua, ing to end the fighting. RECORD and to include extraneous mat- less of Also, the operations on the battlefield have ter.) under they personally the corporate
would dame, not do want that to which
ch
gone better for the United States and the Mr. QUILLEN' Mr. Speaker, I am charged with. This is true of any associ-
South Vietnamese than the pessimists feared pleased to insert in the RECORD a letter to ation. And so those who would by their
at the beginning of the Vietcong monsoon the editor of the Knoxville Journal, vote give a group of men acting behind
offensive. The holding operations have held. Knoxville, Tenn., which was written by closed doors the right to deprive a man of
The commitment of f advisers who wanted n massive
ctm the reserves to Vietnam have Harley Fowler, one of Tennessee and the his inalienable right-a God-given award-to
been turned down. Thus the moderates have Nation's most outstanding attorneys. feed his family, are making a public record
prevailed, and for the short run are re- Mr. Fowler is a member of the law firm which is indefensible now and will become
of Fowler, Rowntree & Fowler, of Knox- more apparent with the lapse of time-when
assured; but despite this, the doubts about the Negro shall have been denied membership
the President's policy prevail and in some ville, Tenn. in unions and others thus dicsriminated
ways are more serious than they were 6 weeks In closing his letter to the editor, Mr. against, when men have been expelled from
ago. Fowler states: membership in the union because of the
STALEMATE OR SETTLEMENT? A society is not great which would sacrifice way they voted politically, when the lethargy
The reason for this is clear enough. Six the flower of Its youth in distant lands that of the closed-shop States has through the
weeks ago American policy was based on the the people there might be free and at the land been substituted for the increase in
assumption that a stalemate would lead to same time place the yoke of tyranny upon hourly earnings, the new manufacturing
negotiations, but now the polleymakers are its own people. jobs, the decrease in unemployment and the
not so suxe. Instead of feeling that the increase in per capita income now prevail-
Communists would agree to a settlement I am happy to make this distinguished ing in the right-to-work States as con-
once they realized that a military victory was American's thinking on such an import- trasted to the closed-shop States.
out of the question, now there is a vague ant matter available to my colleagues A society is not great which would sacri-
suspicion here that maybe a stalemate is and to the readers of the RECORD: floe the flower of its youth in distant lands
more acceptable to the Communists than a AUGUST 2, 1965. that the people there might be free and at
compromise settlement. the same time place the yoke of tyranny
A stalemate Is certainly more costly to EDITOR, upon its own people.
-- - ---
oxvil
They are not committing their men; we are. ??
They are investing very little in the struggle; My DEAR SIR: I am writing concerning the
Washington is putting up between $2.5 mil- effort in Congress to pass legislation which
lion and $3 million a day. The American would compel workers throughout the coun-
effort is dividing the Western allies, diverting try to belong to and pay dues and assess-
the energies of the American Government ments of labor unions. I've wondered what
from the development and unification of the the individual members of the unions
West, and hurting the United States in the thought about this proposed requirement.
eyes of most of the uncommitted nations. Do they want to belong to an organization
Thus the American military effort is fol- to which people are compelled to belong?
lowing a familiar pattern. It was hoped that I've wondered if they realized that this would
the naval retaliation in the Gulf of Tonkin, result in having two factions within the un-
and then the bombardment of North Viet- ion, one the loyal members who volun-
nam, and then the commitment of the tarily joined who would seek to sustain the
Marines to battle would convince the Com- union, and the other those discontented per-
munists of Washington's determination and sons who were compelled to join and who
lead to negotiations. But all these assump- would try to destroy it and would succeed
tipns proved to be false, and now the new if they became the majority of the members.
assumption-that a stalemate in the land That's why the most prominent of those
war after the monsoon would bring peace who have actively sympathized with the
talks-is beginning to be seriously ques- labor movement have felt that membership
tioned. in unions must be voluntary and have been
Nevertheless, the President is operating on opposed to compelling membership-the
a shortrun plan of using limited power for a closed shop. Among these are Justice Bran-
limited objective. If he cannot get negotia- deis, Justice Frankfurter, Samuel Gompers,
tions through creating a stalemate, he will and Justice Goldberg.
then consider the sterner measures of In the case of American Federation of
heavier bombardment of North Vietnamese Labor v. Sash & Door Company, 335 U.S. 538,
cities and ports. 93 L. Ed. 222, Justice Frankfurter, quoting
This flexible approach policy clearly does with approval the language of Justice Bran-
not satisfy many of his associates. It is not deis in a former opinion, said: "The objec-
enough for some who do not think the Com- tions, legal, economic, and social, against
munists will talk until they fear the destruc- the closed shop are so strong, and the ideas
tion of their cities, and it is too much for of the closed shop so antagonistic to the
others who keep talking about negotiations American spirit, that the insistence upon it
when there is no prospect of negotiations. has been a serious obstacle to union progress.
ld t
h
TH NATIONS
AND VIETNAM
(Mr. UTT (at the request of Mrs. REID
of Illinois) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, President
Johnson has painted himself into a
corner, and a rather sticky one at that.
It may have been a seductive error, but
it is fatal to the security of the free
world. Standing in the same sticky
corner are most of the political leaders
of the country, at least those who have
so strongly supported the United Nations
as the world's best hope for peace.
It was evident from the President's
address to the Nation of Wednesday,
July 28, that he had yielded to the de-
mands of the second echelon in the State
Department, and to the hue and cry of
the international intellectuals, as well as
to the carping by many Democrat Sen-
ators, to transfer the mess in Vietnam to
the tender and loving care of the Com-
munist-controlled United Nations. The
result of this should be obvious to every-
one.
ow no ,
MORE OF THE SAME * * * But the American people s
on - and will not accept unionism if it involves The U.N. is determined to bring Red
But the President is going o with it, any, the closed shop. They will not consent to China into the United Nations. This
way, the knowing better course going action; the exchange of the tyranny of the employer was made most apparent by Ralph
con theinue likelihood is that this is gto for the tyranny of the employees." Bunche, Under Secretary for Special
continue long after the monsoon ends in late Samuel Gom ers expressed the same
October. P Political Affairs, in a recent press con-
Meanwhile, orders have been given to rein- thought when he said: "No lasting gain has ference in Los Angeles, when he stated:
force the American garrisons in southeast ever come from compulsion. If we seek to The United Nations is working for the
Asia without weakening the American forces force, we but tear apart that which united seating of Red China as a member-
11
F ormer Justice Goldberg at
ibl
retary of Defense McNamara has gone out to
retary
this effect.
The flrpt thing-as Washington sees it-
Is to hold the line, test the stalemate theory
and keep probing for peace, but with an in-
creasing realization that this is probably go-
ing to take a very long time.
e.
is invinc
the 1962 convention of the American Fed- And he predicted this would occur
eration of Government Employees, is re- within 2 years.
ported to have said: The U.N. will follow the same pattern
"In your own organization you have that it did in the Korean conflict when
win acceptance not by an automatic device
which brings a new employee into your or- we were within a stone's throw of a
ganization, but * * * by your own conduct, smashing victory over the Red Chinese.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE Augus~
The U.N. Prevented this victory and
called for an armistice, when our enemy
was on the ropes. Incidentally, we are
still operating under that armistice, after
1.2 years, and no peace treaty has ever
been signed. Our military forces are
still pinned down at the 38th parallel,
trying to enforce that armistice.
The United Nations is responsible for
the Communist control of Laos. It in-
terfered in the Bay of Pigs and made
concessions on gehalf~o the United
States which should never have been
made. This included a commitment to
protect the integrity of Communist Cuba
by the use of our Navy. Now we have
satisfied its appetite with a fresh morsel
to chew on. The U.N. will present a
proposal for peace by surrender, calling
for the unification of all Vietnam under
a free election, the outcome of which
will. be a total Communist victory. The
Vietcong, through its political arm,
which is known as the National Libera-
tion Front, controls 80 percent of South
Vietnam. Even the terms of surrender
will be dictated by Red China and the
National Liberation Front.
The President will be forced to accept
any recommendations by the United Na-
tions, because of world opinion, and be-
cause the leading political figures of this
country have failed to recognize the U.N.
for what it is, and they will hesitate to
turn their backs on this sacrosanct orga-
nization. Those of us who have pointed
out the fallacies of the U.N. are consid-
ered to be narrow-minded extremists
and, in fact, downright immoral for
speaking out against it. It would be
more popular to speak out against moth-
erhood than against the United Nations.
I have strongly supported President
Johnson on his original intention to stop
Communist aggression. I thought that
he would rather be right than President,
but now I am convinced he would rather
be President than right. The adminis-
tration denied that Harriman's visit to
Moscow was in any way connected with
the Vietnam crisis, but Harriman came
back and reported that his talks with
K.osygin Indicated Russia's interest in
peace-at a price. With peace at any
price, it is apparent that there will be no
victory in Vietnam, and all of the cas-
ualties to date will have been in vain,
and there is no excuse to maintain our
military forces, nor to build them up for
additional bloodshed, when our goal is
no longer victory.
Let's review a few figures. When Pres-
ident Eisenhower left office, there were
667 military advisers in Vietnam. Presi-
dent Kennedy built this. military con-
tingent up to 16,000, and now President
Johnson is committing 125,000 Ameri-
cans, but the campaign oratory last year
accused the Republicans of irresponsible
escalation of the war. General MacAr-
be no American ground troops. Then
you would have Asiatic ground troops
fighting the Vietcong, and it would no
longer have the appearance. of Cauca-
sions versus the Asiatics.
McNamara has made at least six trips
to Vietnam and has come back with six
different versions--so do not be un-
happy because you are confused. So is
Mr. McNamara. The only difference is
that his confusion is better organized and
better documented than yours.
GOODYEAR PRAISED FOR REFUS-
ING TO BUILD RUMANIAN RUBBER
PLANT
(Mr. McCLORY (at the request of
Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. MCCLORY. Mr. Speaker, the
question of how much the United States
should trade with the Communist coun-
tries continues to confront our Nation.
Certainly the answer to this perplexing
puzzle is not just academic.
Each day American soldiers face the
Communist aggression in South Viet-
nam. Each day the Berlin Wall stands
in mute testimony to the conflict be-
tween the Communist and free worlds.
Despite these realities some would-be
policymakers appear to be of the opin-
ion that virtually unlimited trade with
the Communists should be encouraged.
The hope of such a policy is that nations
who trade together will be friends.
However, many Americans are- wary and
skeptical of such reasoning.
Aware that differences of opinion do
exist and persist on this subject, I was
startled to observe that a prominent
Member of the other body criticized
Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. on Monday
July 26, 1965, for declining to provide
a synthetic rubber plant with all its
advanced technology to Communist
Rumania. Apparently, the Goodyear
management does not share the same
rosy view held by the Member of the
other body that strategic materials and
technical knowledge should be shared
with the Communists.
The argument is advanced that Ru-
mania desires to free itself from Soviet
domination and yearns for more eco-
nomic ties with the West. Whether
Rumania has the intention or the ability
to liberate itself from its Soviet ties is
problematical - to say the least.
In any event, It seems patently unfair
to me to condemn an American business
concern for deciding not to give its tech-
nical know-how to a Soviet satellite
state. In order that all sides of this
situation be presented, Mr. Speaker, I
ask unanimous consent to include with
these remarks an article from the Good-
thur said "There is no substitute for vie- year publication Wingfoot Clan entitled
tory." The only way we can have a vie- "Fasts for a Senator's Consideration."
tory is by using 200,000 or 300,000 Chinese FACTS FOR A SENATOR'S CONSIDERATION
troops from Formosa that we have Your company's role In the controversy
trained and supported over these many surrounding the possible construction of a
years, as well as contingents from South synthetic rubber plant in Communist Ru-
Korea and the Philippines, is the reason for this report of facts
using our significant to every employee.
Navy for a complete blockade and our Senator WILLIAM Fm.HRIGHT, Democrat, of
Air Force for cover, to knock out military Arkansas did not have all the facts In his
installations-in Hanoi. But thereshould possession in a recent speech on the Senate
floor, and his charges now have made it pos-
sible for Goodyear to set the record straight
for the first time, an opportunity which the
cenlpany welcomes.
Fortunately, the Nation's press and news
magazines plus quite a few columnists are
now digging into the background and some
very objective reporting is taking place.
To make certain that all employees are
aware of Goodyear's actions, the clan is pre-
senting a chronological report of events to
date and an explanation of the reasons for
company policy in the matter.
On June 9, 1964, a trade delegation from
Communist Rumania visited the Goodyear
plant at Beaumont, Tex. This was one of
several U.S. manufacturing facilities in var.-
sous industries visited by the Rumanians,
at the request of our Government.
Although the company was reluctant to
approve this visit, it was decided to do so in
an effort to cooperate with our Government.
While in Beaumont, the Rumanian dele-
gation got a casual look at activities but was
notpermitted to observe detailed manufac-
turing processes involved in the creation of
polyisoprene rubber, the product which ex-
actly duplicates natural rubber and is con-
sidered one of the free world's important
manufacturing secrets. There are only two
known commercial producers of polylsoprene
rubber in the world-Goodyear and the Shell.
Oil Co. It Is the basic product used in the
manufacture of critical military vehicle
tires and high speed airplane tires.
During the tour, the Rumanians requested
samples of the synthetic polylsoprene rubber
and Goodyear applied in June 1964 to the
Government for an export license to comply
with this request, again cooperating with
our Government. The license was actually
granted by our Government in December of
1964 but was never used by Goodyear.
Goodyear never applied for a license to
build a plant ar to export know-how.
But even before the granting of the license
to send the rubber samples, the company had,
declined to participate in the development of
a polyisoprene rubber plant behind the Iron
Curtain. On October 1, 1964, Goodyear had
advised the State Department by letter that
the company did not desire to build such a
plant because the company did not believe
such information should be sent behind the
Iron Curtain because of its strategic value
and because we felt the Communists could
use this synthetic natural rubber to disrupt
natural rubber prices, if they so desired.
This action would seriously affect the econ-
omies of such countries as Malaysia and L1-
beria, who are friendly to the United States,
and who depend on natural rubber for ex-
port.
No public statements were made of the de-
cision since all activity in the area was con-
sidered confidential and no definite action
had progressed beyond the discussion state.
On October 22, 1964, however, Washington
newsmen reported that Goodyear had de-
clined an invitation to build the plant. This
they learned from news sources inside the
Government, not from Goodyear. The news
stories appeared in hundreds of publications
across the Nation, with most reporting that
Goodyear felt this highly prized technical
know-how could become available to other
Communist nations.
The first company statement on the sub-
ject came on the pages of this paper Decem-
ber 3, 1964, when a report similar to this one
was prepared to inform employees of the
facts-there was no public release. The
Wingfoot Clan is printed solely for the pur-
pose of keeping our employees informed and
is not an external publication.
Many of you will recall the article-it was
a no-nonsense statement of fact in which
Goodyear, a private enterprise organization,
said that it was\.passing up a substantial
profit because it believed that such action
was in the interest of national security. The
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
plants would also be used for electric power
production.
Mr. Connorton said that talks on the
power phase of the project were now going
on with Consolidated Edison and othr
power producers near the city.
An atomic desalting plant here might cost
as much as $500 million, Mr. Holum said.
He also explained that a congressional act
would be needed to authorize Federal par-
ticipation in construction.
BIGGEST PLANT OFF VENEZUELA
The largest desalting plant in the world
is on Aruba Island, off the coast of Vene-
zuela. It produces about 3 million gallons
of fresh water a day.
A plant here might produce 150 to 250
million gallons of drinking-quality water a
day, officials said-or up to 10 percent of the
city's average daily water use.
It takes 2.5 million gallons of sea water
to obtain 1 million gallons of sweet water.
The cost of desalting water is decreasing
steadily. In 1952, when a Federal saline
water program was started, the cost was $5
for every 1,000 gallons. The cost now stands
at $1 for every 1,000 gallons. And it could
be cut in half again in plants producing 20
illi
n
m
o
gallons a day.
A study of a proposed plant at Los An-
geles that would cost $300 million and pro-
duce 150 million gallons of water a day in-
dicated that the cost would be 22 cents for
1,000 gallons, Mr. Holum said.
But Armand DiAngelo, the Commissioner
of Water Supply here, said that the Los
Angeles figure was prior to distribution. He
estimated that desalted water would cost
28 cents at the tap here-against a present
average cost of 12 cents for 1,000 gallons.
He pointed out, however, that other cities
and towns .in . the country pay as much as
50 cents for 1,000 gallons.
"Desalting is a drought-proof way of ob-
taining water, Mr. Holum asserted. He also
noted that distilled sea water is too good;
it lacks flavor. But you can bend it with
fresh water" in the mains, he said.
If studies indicate that desalting sea water
is practicable here, it would take 3 or 4 years
to build, the first atomic plant officials said.
Dr. Jack A. Hunter, assistant director of
the Office of Saline Water in the Department
of the Interior, speaking at a second press
conference held by the Nuclear Energy
Writers Association at the American Insti-
tute of Physics, 335 East 45th Street, ex-
plained one reason why it would take con-
siderable time to build a plant.
He. said tlsat if an order for enough metal
tubing for one moderately large desalting
plant-producing 100 million gallons a day-
were given it would take all the tubing
manufacturers in the United States 3 years
to fill it, using their present idle capacity.
Dr. Hunter said that tubing manufacturers,
who had heard of this scale of demand, had
come to him and asked, "Is this for real?"
It takes a maze of thousands of miles of
2-inch tubing to build a plant that desalts
water by flash distillation. Raw sea water,
heated, flashes into steam. The steam rises
and condenses on more metal tubes, leaving
its salt below, The sweet water is then cap-
tured in trays and the concentrated brine is
thrown back into the ocean.
STUDY STARTS NEXT WEEK
The joint Federal-city exploratory survey
will begin next week. Mr. Holum said that
it would be a quick look from the technical
point of view to zee what might be done, and
that Federal people would "work around the
clock" if necessary to get it off to a swift
start. "
If the results were positive, the survey
would be followed by a detailed engineering
and feasibility study that would take about
-a year before construction could start, he
said,
Gov. Richard J. Hughes of New Jersey will
lead a State delegation to Washington today
to talk with Federal officials on the water
crisis. The conference will include the pos-
sibility of a desalting plant for New Jersey,
Mr. Holum said.
The presidents of the Public Service
Electric and Gas Corp., the Jersey Central
Power & Light Co., and the Atlantic City
Electric Co. will go with Mr. Hughes and his
aids.
Mr. Holum called desalting for the city
area a tremendously complicated, tremend-
ously exciting undertaking. Mr. gonnorton
said that water experts were unanimous in
saying you cannot think just of New York
City, but you must think of the region, and
he said the city was eager to cooperate with
other municipalities in assuring plentiful
water supplies.
Consumers used a bit under a billion gal-
lons of water here yesterday, leaving 212.4
billion gallons in the reservoirs, or 44.6 per-
cent of capacity. Last year at his time there
were 351.2 billion gallons left, or 73.7 percent
of capacity. In normal years, 380.3 billion
gallons are still in storage In early August,
- -CJ
_
THE VIETCAST OF BACKING
IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, George K.
Tanham, an eminent student of Asian
affairs, in his book "Communist Revolu-
tionary Warfare," observed how domestic
activities in France, on the part of Com-
munists and other Vietminh sympa-
thizers, figured prominently in the mili-
tary doctrines of General Giap.
In a recent statement on the floor of
the Senate I made the point that the
American home front must be regarded a
crucial area in the present Vietnamese
struggle.
On Tuesday, August 3, 1965, an article
appeared in the New York Times, entitled
"Vietcong Boast of Backing in United
States."
The article says that the clandestine
radio transmissions of the Vietcong
regularly tell guerrilla insurgents that
most of the American people support
their struggle, and continued:
In a typical broadcast, Tran Van Thank,
a member of the central committee of the
National Liberation Front, the political
representation of the Vietcong, said world
public opinion was a decisive factor in the
Vietnam conflict.
Mr. Thank described the Vietnam debates
on American university campuses and said
their results had attracted the attention of
millions of Americans. He said Washing-
ton officials had failed to justify their policies
at these debates and in similar discussions in
Britain.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent
that the New York Times article "Viet-
cong Boast of Backing in United States,"
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORn
as follows:
VIETCONG BOAST OF BACKING IN UNITED
STATES-RED RADIO SAYS AMERICAN PUBLIC
FAVORS GUERRILLAS
(By Seymour Topping)
SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, August 2.-Lib-
eration radio, the-clandestine transmitter of
the Vietcong, regularly tells guerrilla insur-
gents that most of the American people sup-
port their struggle.
18823
As proof, the broadcasts report on public
protests in the United States against the
Vietnam Policy of the Johnson administra-
tion. The Vietcong adherents are assured
that they are certain to win If they keep
fighting because world public opinion is on
their side.
In a typical broadcast, Tran Van Thanh, a
member of the Central Committee of the
National Liberation Front, the political rep-
resentation of the Vietcong, said world pub-
lic opinion was a decisive fact in the Viet-
nam conflict.
Mr. Thank described the Vietnam debates
on American university campuses and said
their results had attracted the attention of
millions of Americans. He said Washington
officials had failed to justify their policies at
these debates and in similar discussions in
Britain.
BACKING IN WEST REPORTED
"This means that righteous United States
and British citizens all came to the conclu-
sion that U.S. imperialists are stupid and
criminal aggressors," Mr. Thanh said, "that
the aggressive Johnson policy in Vietnam
must be ended and that the National Libera-
tion Front is the organizer and leader of the
struggle and victory and is the sole legiti-
mate representative of the South Vietnamese
people."
The Vietcong leader, who is a member of
the Liberation Front's delegation to Com-
munist China, said the whole Communist
world was also supporting their cause, but
he made a distinction between Peiping and
Moscow. "The U.S.S.R. gives us adequate
support," he said. But he added, "China
supports us with all of its heart."
The Vietcong radio also has been broad-
casting appeals to Americans to halt the
buildup of U.S. troops in South Vietnam.
One such appeal has just been made by
Nguyen Huu Tho, chairman of the Liberation
Front.
DEMONSTRATIONS HAILED
Hailing demonstrations in the United
States against the administration's Vietnam
policy, Mr. Tho said It had become a stirring
popular movement.
"This is the correct attitude of a large
number of people of various walks of life in
the United States in defending their vital
interests and opposing the adventurous
policy of bloody aggression of the U.S. Gov-
ernment in Vietnam," Mr. Tho asserted.
It is not yet clear to what degree this
Vietcong propaganda has succeeded in off-
setting the impact of the American military
buildup on the South Vietnamese people.
In Government-controlled areas it is pos-
sible to define at least two attitudes toward
the recent decision to augment the U.S.
forces.
Many Vietnamese have accepted it as evi-
dence that the United States does not intend
to abandon the country after some face-
saving negotiations. Others insist that the
Americans cannot remain forever and that
the country's problems must be solved by a
strong Vietnamese Government.
Many Vietnamese peasants look upon the
enlarger American presence as security
against the Vietcong. However, in many
areas where the Vietcong operate, the sharp
increase in U.S. air attacks and expanded
military operations inevitably means addi-
tional suffering and casualties for civilians.
JOINT ECONOMIC HEARINGS SHOW
EXPERTS FAR APART ON INTER-
NATIONAL MONETARY REFORM
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, a
subcommittee of the Joint Economic
Committee headed by Representative
HENRY REUSS has just concluded hear-
ings on the kind of international mone-
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18824 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENAA E Ugust 5, 1965
tary reform this Nation should work relatively few exceptions--on the desirability PROPOSED PURCHASE OF TWO
toward at the international monetary of using Federal budget deficits to spur the MODERN FISHING TRAWLERS
conference Secretary of the Treasury expansion of the economy. FROM POLAND
Fowler recently proposed. CONCLUSION EXPRESSED
The postwar expansion of free world An observer at the hearings this week Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, the
economies and especially of international turned to Alexander Pope today to express Secretary of the Interior, in a letter to
trade has been a happy miracle. the conclusion of many: the distinguished Senator from Wash-
"Who shall decide when doctors disagree?" ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], has proposed
Vastly, improved standards ec living, Some of the witnesses wanted the role of that the Interior Department purchase
greatly strengthened national economies the dollar as a reserve currency for the two modern fishing trawlers from
throughout the free world and a fantas- rest of the world reduced, some wanted It purchase would be
tic 150-percent Increase in world trade maintained or even increased. Polandmaae. with The a proposed d purchaThu d be
has characterized this prosperous period. Some believed the problem of reform was mad would then counterpart leased funds. the Interior
r
been the easy availability of liquidity- greatly exaggerated.
or more simply ready cash to finance in- Most wanted reform worked out through commercial fishing industry.
ic the International Monetary Fund, but some I would like to urge careful considera-
ternational trade and internal economic a solution through a small group of tion of such a proposal before any ac-
growth. the leading financial nations. tion is taken. There is no question in
Where did this explosion in liquidity- Some believed that the problem of the my mind that the American fishing fleet
to match the explosion in trade--come United States payments deficit had been ex- is antiquated and badly in need of mod-
from?' It came from the U.S. deficit in aggerated, others felt it was still serious and is techne andl ly ne trawlers-
orld being attacked little undesirable ityiin The question which occurs to me Is,
our oem, dol balance of led the payments. Our deficit
dollars have enabled rest of the the gold currency exchange rates, and some wanted should such trawlers be purchased from
to secure es lost the and the dollars s we largely the have go lent even less than there is. Poland at this time? There are three
we have and the Possibly the most surprising proposal came aspects of such a purchase which give me
and spent. from the two Senators, EUGENE J. MCCARTHY, concern.
But Uncle Sam is coming to a grinding Democrat,. of Minnesota, and VANCE HARTKE, First and foremost is the effect which
halt in his generous balance of payments Democrat, of Indiana. such a purchase would have on the
losses. This year we will come far closer Saying that the world faces an imminent sushipbuilding case y ld the con the
than we have to equilibrium. We may deflation-a point disputed by a number of
shortly have a surplus instead of a deficit the other witnesses-they urged that nations involved, from a national defense point would
view.
and start soaking up some of that ready use git las the Mo for r trade Fund,reditswhich" to its I have argued many times in the past
cash that has permitted world trade to member nations. that the United States must preserve a
expand. One witness, James C. Ingram of the Uni- substantial capacity for shipbuilding
Now what happens to a world that versity of North Carolina, was so despairing and ship repair work. Military author-
should grow in economic strength and to of international agreement on reform that McNamara on down
a world trade that could develop im- he proposed that the United States uni- hies agree on from this Secretary aryry vessel-fishing down
mensely in the next few years? laterally convert the world to a "dollar ex-
Obviously we must somehow reform change standard" by refusing in the future otherwise-which is built in this coun-
the world money--or monetary system- to pay $35 an ounce for gold. This, he be- try will bolster our own capacity. Eight-
lieves, would end the role of gold. een shipyards have gone out of business
so that enough money will be available Several witnesses, led by August Maffry, during the past 10 years. We must bear
for this purpose without killing the hen. a vice president of the Irving Trust Co., in mind the facilities and the skilled
that lays these golden aggs-Uncle Sam. supported creation of a neiw composite cur- labor which may be kept on tap if these
But the experts are far, far apart on rency reserve unit made up of the leading ships are built in the United States--
what to do, when to do it, or indeed currencies. and may be lost if they are built abroad.
her bThis confusion anything and disagreement n isag ae n done. I stituttiion told the panel, "there isBrookings no case And if a large shipbuilding capacity is
be very costly. lead to world ld in history where a synthetic currency has important to our own national security,
deflation very costly. It could lead to a worln been artificially created unconnected with then it is surely important to the nation-
adequ on and depression for want of an a dominant political unit." al security of Poland-which, I need
adequate international money system. While disagreement was the dominant hardly remind you, is a Communist na-
I ask unanimous consent that an excel- note, the witnesses did show some agreement. tion. Thus the proposed purchase might
lent article by Edwin L. Dale, Jr., of the For example, those who touched on the well injure our own defense capacity and
New York Times, describing the quad- point were unanimous in saying that the build up that of Communist Poland.
dary of international money experts as role of the dollar as the key world currency ptimisstic we we may be about the
revealed at the recent joint economic for private transactions should be main- Howevoweveer l optimit c may be outtt
hearings, be printed at this point in the tained, as distinct from its role in official Epossibl of uropean nations, I do not believe that
RECORD. monetary reserves. e
appropriate
There being no objection, the article There was also agreement that over the we have yet arrived o the believe
was ordered to be printed In the RECORD, long run, the total of official reserves in the point to begin contributions to their na-
as would have to grow. tional security.
as follows: But whether they should be "owned" re- The second aspect of this proposal
[From the New York Times, July 30, 19651 serves or "borrowed" reserves found the wit- which makes me stop and think is the
MONETARY REFORM: CONGRESSIONAL PANEL nesses diverging, as on so many other possible impact on the fishing industries
ENDS HEARINGS, BEWILDERED S'7 DIVERGENT questions.
letter of
OPINIONS Henry C. Wallich of Yale University, the of the I the Interior countries Department involved. to The Senator letter of
(By Edwin L. Dale, Jr.) former member of the Council of Economic the In declared a part:
WASHINGTON, July 29.--A somewhat be- Advisers, even challenged the view that na- N One of the most significant art: factors involved
wildered congressional subcommittee has tions now need and want more reserves,
completed 3 days of hearings on reforming saying this was true only of Britain and in the decline [of the fishing industry] has
been the inability of our fishing industry to
the world monetary system today, having Japan. sponsor the entry into the fisheries of com-
paratively large, efficient, and technologically
heard 10 witnesses and 10 different proposals The hearings the subcommittee, headed
for reform. by Representative ve HENRY S S. . Reuss REVSB, Democrat, advanced fishing vessels.
The witnesses were mainly academic, but of Wisconsin, were the first of their kind,
they included a banker, a joint presentation devoted specifically to the question of world I would suggest that, if our fishing in-
by two Senators and a former member of reform. dustry has not introduced such vessels
the Council of Economic Advisers. They came at a time when the admin- into their fleets, it is because such vessels
While the papers presented were widely re- istration has begun an intensive internal are expensive and the Government has
garded as impressive, their most striking discussion of what the U.S. position not given them any assistance in con-
where was the lack of agreement on should be. not Such trawlers. Now that tn-
where the world should go from here. And they disclosed about as much differ- structing apparently ready to give
This dispersion of views on international ence of opinion among theepe i fide Government is
se, why should the to give
finance contrasted strongly with the coalition the country as is already known
not be expended in the United States?
some years ago of economic opinion-with among the leading nations.
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18887
Vehicles though he violated the law 5 or 6 "Two Fixed Tickets Fail To .Perturb -Bureau and Treasury Department space re-
weeks ago. Acheson," published in today+s Washing- served for Government officials. And Ache- I MY for the benefit of the U.S. attorney in ton Post. son was there on official business.
Washington, D.C., that his negligence, in my There being no objection, the article To MORSE, the cancellation of the tickets
judgment, and his inexcusable violation of was an inexcusable violation of traffic laws.
the District traffic laws, has cost the District was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Furthermore, Senate District Committeeman
of Columbia some money to ticket his car. as follows: MORSE said Acheson was setting a bad ex-
It also takes some time if that ticket is Two FIXED TICKETS FAIL To PERTURB ACHESON
processed. Certainly the U.S. attorney for A batch of canceled Washington parking
the District of Columbia should be counted tickets came into Senator WAYNE MORSE'S
upon to place law enforcement first in his office again yesterday and there among them,
own conduct. plain as day, was the name of U.S. Attorney
HOW, does Mr. Acheson, the chief law en- David C. Acheson, with two canceled tickets.
forcement officer for the District of Co- But it's all much ado about nothing, said
lumbia, believe policemen should know Acheson, when he was told of this later.
whether the Volkswagen belongs to him or He's paid his share of parking tickets, he
some poacher on this reserved parking area? said, when he was wrong, but he figures he
Traffic Division Aid Mr. A. L. Clay deserves was right on these two occasions.
great credit for ticketing Mr. Acheson's car. The tickets were for parking on property
Unless traffic aids strictly enforce the law reserved for Government officials. Acheson
in these areas, poachers park ' in spaces so is a Government official and he was on official
that officials of the Government who are on business both times, he said.
official 'Government business and display MORSE, the Oregon Democrat who has been
proper identification-which Mr. Acheson ap- cracking down on ticket fixing in Washing-
parently never even asked for-are unable to ton, receives these tickets from city officials
find a space to park their automobiles. _ as a matter of routine. Acheson's canceled
be one of the first to complain if he had
the proper identification and could not find
a space to park, knowing that spaces re-
served for official Government business pur-
poses were being used by the general public.
It is not easy for me to critize the U.S.
attorney,
There are some. others in the Department
of .uetice who had better learn what it
mealis tO have a ve uniform application of law en-
forcement, irrespective of the status of the
individual violator.
Mr. President, I have on my desk some
other traffic tickets of other officials of the
Government that I only wish generally to
call attention to tonight. I wish to say that
the senior Senator from Oregon, chairman of
the Subcommittee of the District of Columbia
Committee that has jurisdiction over the
Police Department in the District of Colum-
bia, intends to do everything he can, so long
as he is in, the Senate to back up the police
in exercising their legitimate rights and
duties.
Law eiiforceine it officers such as Mr. Ache-
son, the U.S. attorney for the District 'of
Colu}zmbia, believe it or not, in my judgment
carfnot square their conduct in this matter
with their responsibility to back up uni=
formit of ractice in the administration of
tickets went right along with the rest.
Acheson was given $3 tickets on June 18
and June 22 at the Bureau of the Budget and
the Treasury Department on space reserved
,for Government officials. In a memo to his
staff, he protested this and said it seemed "I
should be given some kind of identification
on my car so I may use these spaces."
And there was the rub. Government offi-
cials are supposed to have permits showing
on their cars when they park on Govern-
ment property.
District Motor Vehicle Director George A.
England said yesterday he'd have been glad
to give Acheson a permit if Acheson had re-
quested one.
Acheson's answer is that he was unaware of
the permit requirement but has since learned
that he needs one.
Senator MORSE, commenting on the inci-
dent to the almost empty Senate floor, said
it was an inexcusable violation of traffic laws
and a bad example that had cost the District
of Columbia money. He said it wasn't an
isolated case and that tickets had been can-
celed for others in the Justice Department.
Thinking it all over yesterday, Acheson
said he believed he was right in his stand,
but maybe it wouldn't be a bad idea to take
a cab.
law enforcement. But Mr. Acheson is not Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have
alone, an idea that this law enforcement officer
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I had has such an insensitivity about the de-
pointed out that all that Mr. Acheson sirability of a uniform application of the
needed to do was to place on his car an law, even as it involves a U.S. attorney,
official permit, which' he did not even that I doubt if anything could perturb
have, did not even ask for, and, up until Be that as it may, let his own craw-
not night, had never asked for. I do
not know what he has done today. fishing alibi speak for itself.
I also said in my speech that it cost ' Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
the District of Columbia money to proc sent to have printed at this point in the
ess" the ticketing, although Mr. Acheson RECORD an article entitled "MORSE Hits
succeeded in having the Corporation Acheson on Ticket 'Fix'," published in
Counsel fix the ticket-and he fixed the today's Washington Star.
ticket without the slightest justification. There being no objection, the article
Articles published in today's Washing- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
ton Post and Washington Star describe as follows:
how the.U.S. attorney for the District of MORSE HITS ACHESON ON TICKET Fix
Columbia has set forth his crawfishing The District's chief prosecutor was himself
alibis and rationalizations for being a law accused last night in the Senate of breaking
violator, although he is the U.S. attorney. the law.
I do not intend to let him get by with "U.S. Attorney David C. Acheson fixed two
that, without disclosing how he has parking tickets," Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Democrat, of Oregon, said.
n
stldit ca his high position. The best That meant that Acheson neither paid the
th,c'a be said for r his crawfishing is $3 fine on each ticket nor went to court to
tht, in essence, he has pleaded nolo con- explain why he shouldn't pay. Instead, he
ten. which does not make him guilty. asked city attorneys to cancel the tickets.
I ask unanimous consent to have They were put on his windshield June 18
printed in the RECORD the article entitled and June 22 when he was parked on Budget
To Acheson, cancellation of the tickets
was understandable, even though he should
have had an official parking permit, available
for the asking. But then, his car was an
official one, on official business.
What was MoRsE's reaction to the facts in
the Acheson case?
"He should have told them to a judge."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the arti-
cle reads, in part:
To Acheson, cancellation of the tickets
was understandable, even though he should
have had an official parking permit, avail-
able for the asking. But then, his car was
an official one, on official business.
The car was a little Volkswagen. What
policeman would have thought that,
without a parking permit, the U.S. at-
torney was on official business? That is
no way, I say to the U.S. attorney, to
cooperate with a police department that
is seeking to carry out its trust and its
obligation. It does not help the morale
of the Metropolitan Police Department,
let me say as chairman Of the subcom-
mittee of the Committee on the District
of Columbia that has supervision over
the Police Department, to have the U.S.
attorney follow a course of action that
results in hawing tickets fixed. We ex-
pect the police to engage in a uniform
enforcement of the law in respect to their
responsibility.
Mr. Acheson's crawfishing speaks for
itself. I merely want the RECORD to show
that his conduct disgusts me. It is sad
that we have a U.S. attorney who has no
higher regard for the high honor of his
position than, in the first place, to vio-
late the law, and then to be such a poor
citizen as not to be willing to pay his
fine, without going to have his ticket
fixed.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA HOME
RULE
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD an editorial en-
titled "Without Delay," relating to the
home rule issue, and published in the
Washington Post of today, August 5,
1965.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WITHOUT DELAY
"The restoration of home rule to the citi-
zens of the District of Columbia must no
longer be delayed," President Johnson de-
clared in a special message to Congress 6
months ago. But the House District Com-
mittee has devoted those 6 months to noth-
ing but delay. The committee has left the
President's home rule bill precisely where it
was in February. It has held no hearings,
and it has scheduled none.
President Johnson is not a man of un-
limited patience, fortunately, and he does
not care to have his bills ignored. Now lie
has amplified his first message with a formal
communication'to the Speaker of the House,
and the tone has an edge to it.
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"On February 2, 1965, I transmitted to the
Congress a home- rule bill for the District of
Columbia, with a special message urging its
prompt and favorable consideration;" he re-
minds the House. Noting the large majority
that passed the bill in the Senate, the Presi-
dent continues: "I cannot emphasize too
strongly my conviction that this action by
the Senate must not meet the fate of home
rule bills passed by the Senate in previous
Congresses. The House, too, must be given
the opportunity, and promptly, to restore
the basic rights of democracy at the very
heart of the greatest constitutional system
in the world."
. The House District Committee is con-
trolled by rural southerners who have recog-
nized the home rule bill as civil rights legis-
lation. They are using the same dilatory
tactics that were developed and refined in
decades of rear guard action against all the
national voting rights bills. As in the cases
of the earlier civil rights bills, the opponents
of home rule know that they constitute a
minority of the House. They know that they
will be beaten if the bill comes to the floor.
Left to their own devices, the committee
could have been expected to wait until the
end of the.present session before starting
hearings, and then letting those hearings
dribble on interminably,
President Johnson's latest communication
is a disaster for the men who run the House
District Committee, precisely because it
means that they will not be left to their own
devices. President Johnson, as majority
leader of the Senate, overrode the tactics of
delay 8 years ago to pass the first national
civil rights legislation since Reconstruction.
He is now, apparently, about to apply the
same electrifying technique to the appalled
District Committee.
The President does not fail to recognize
the meaning of home rule for the civil rights
of Washington's people. "The Congress has
been aroused to redress denials of the right
to vote in every part of this country-except
the District. We affront its citizens and
leave a significant part of our work unfin-
ished by this unnecessary and invidious dis-
crimination." The ballot is no less precious
in Washington than in Alabama or Missis-
sippi. As tl- President accurately said last
February, "The people of the District are
ready and eager to join fully in the demo-
cratic process."
Mr. MORSE. I commend the Wash-
ington Post for its editorial. I sincerely
hope that our colleagues in the House
will either report the home rule bill
quickly from the House Committee on
'lie District of Columbia or will proceed
without delay to get the necessary sig-
natures on a discharge petition, so that
a home rule bill can be passed this
session.
TACTIC8-IN' SOUTH VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an editorial en-
titled "Tactics in South Vietnam," pub-
lished In the Washington Post of today
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows :
TAcTIes IN SOUTH VIETNAM
The President very plainly has gathered
behind the Government's policy of remaining
in South Vietnam a very substantial national
consensus. The debate on Vietnam policy
now seems to be moving from the broad issue
of whether this country's Armed Forces
should stay or leave to the question of what
the Armed Forces should do, now that it has
been decided that they must stay.
Military operations of the past few days
have inspired some misgivings about the
employment of American forces. There are
legitimate doubts about the wisdom of the
missions Involved, the feasibility of the op-
erations and the skill of their execution.
The doubts have been raised by the Marine
operation at Chan Son, by the continuing
B--52 raids with their negligible results, by
the emphasis on hit and run as distinguished
from take and hold operations.
Maj. Gen. Lewis W. Walt has expressed a
compassion and sorrow over civilian casu-
alties at Chan Son that do him and his serv-
ice credit. But his well-expressed regrets
have not directly refuted the report that
the Marines made a reprisal attack on a
civilian occupied village in response to sniper
fire that originated there. In an ugly civil
war of this kind there are bound to be
civilian casualties when the tide of battle
moves into occupied places. We may harden
our hearts to this kind of calamity; but opin-
ion in this country will not long countenance
Indiscriminate reprisal or retaliatory action
against civilian occupied places.
The massive B-52 raids, likewise, have an
aspect of undiscriminating and indiscrimi-
nate destruction that is disquieting. Is the
strategic bomber really a weapon of sufficient
target selectivity to recommend it for search-
ing out small bodies of rebels who mingle
with a civilian population? Such employ-
ment would have had a very low priority in
any World War II operations and even with
the abundance of power we have to waste it
is to be doubted on any showing made so
far that such B-52 strikes have earned any
higher priority now.
Apart from these particular efforts there
is the broad question of how American forces
are to be used generally. The tactical theory
of many of the prime combat units we have
sent in emphasizes the pursuit of the enemy
and not the taking and holding of territory.
But In a civil war, people in the territory
that is held by first one side and then anoth-
er suffer more than the military forces.
We cannot commit ourselves to a policy
under which we never seek out a Vietcong
force in a populated area, but if our troops
very frequently are used in foraysthat ex-
pose Vietnamese peasants to alternating oc-
cupation, the end In South Vietnam is not
difficult to forsee.
Out of compassion for the South Vietnam-
ese villagers must we not devise a strategy
that is based more on taking and holding
rather than hitting and running? No civil-
ian population can be expected to withstand
a fluctuating battle of this kind in which the
peasant is always caught between contend-
ing military forces. The area to be taken
and held may have to be limited to the
forces available for this task. And the of-
fensive strikes against Vietcong concentra-
tions may have to be largely confined to non-
populated areas. It is a way of fighting the
war that will be harder on the military.
But it will be easier on civilians who in the
past few operations seem to have borne the
brunt of the battle. General Westmore-
land, fortunately, as not been indifferent
to these considerations. It is to be hoped
that more regard will be given to the safety
of civilians in combat areas in the future.
Americans in overwhelming numbers seem
sadly reconciled to the ugly fact that we
must fight this war. They will not be rec-
onciled to fighting it by methods and tactics
that needlessly involve Vietnamese civilian
men, women, and children in the worst cruel-
ties of military action.
TRIBUTE TO MRS. GEORGE
WARREN
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, honor is
now being paid to my fellow citizen and
fellow Newporter, Mrs. George Henry
Warren. Rarely has one lady contrib-
uted so much of herself, her talents, and
her energies as has Mrs. Warren to New-
port, and equally rarely has a city so
benefited from one individual.
Together with the support of commu-
nity leaders such as Mrs. Ottavio Pro-
chet, she has built the Preservation
Society into one of the driving forces not
only of Newport, but of our whole Rhode
Island community.
The Preservation Society of Newport
County was founded in 1945 by Miss
Maud Wetmore, the daughter of George
Peabody Wetmore, who served as the
last U.S. Senator from Newport before
me. Following Miss Wetmore, Mrs.
Warren has been the driving force be-
hind the society's avowed purpose of pre-
serving Newport's rich heritage for
future generations and of transfusing
new life to buildings that were so useful
in days gone by. Under her presidency',
the society's membership has reached
about 1,700. Nearly a million people
have visited the buildings owned by the
society, and last year 125,000 visitors
paid admission.
The publicity generated by the society
has been a major factor in the growing
Newport tourist industry. Every year
the society has mailed 250,000 pieces of
literature throughout the country. The
U.S. Information Agency has also dis-
tributed some of this publicity abroad.
The society has also been responsible for
many illustrated articles in well known
magazines on such famous houses as
"The Breakers," "The Elms," as well as
18th century structures such as "The
White Horse Tavern," "the Hunter
House," "The Hazard House," and "The
Brick Market."
The Newport Preservation Society has
suggested constructive ideas for utilizing
the historical buildings and houses of
Newport in developing the modern needs
of an urban society. Presently, the
society has commissioned a noted archi-
tectural firm to offer plans fcr the ad-
justment of historic preservation to
inevitable urban renewal and highway
construction.
Thanks largely to the efforts and de-,
votion of Mrs. Warren, a heritage of
great historical value is being preserved,
for our Nation.
It is a special tribute for me to pay
tribute to her since our families have
been friends for several generations and
I hope will continue to be so.
PROVISION FOR PRINTING AS A
SENATE DOCUMENT ELEMENTS
OF ENTITLEMENT TO AND BENE-
FITS AVAILABLE UNDER SOCIAL
SECURITY AMENDMENTS OF 1965
Mr. JORDAN of North Carolina. Mr.
President, the Senator from Virginia
[Mr. BYRD] wrote me, as chairman of
the Committee on Rules and Adminis-
tration, on August 3, 1965, asking that
Senate Resolution 134 be reported by the
committee, to be printed.
The Committee on Rules and Admin-
istration had no authorization to meet
yesterday.
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August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
dered the formation of, a continental con-
science, which began taking shape as the
national aspirations of the various colonies
matured, to emerge when they ruptured their
bonds of colonial subordination. From that
moment on, that conscience steadily deep-
ened its roots and, stimulated by the fear of
recolonization, it gained ground rapidly de-
spite localistic sentiments which have not yet
disappeared and which have contributed. to
delay the progress of the movement for con-
tinental union.
Without disregarding the value of prior
efforts toward continental rapprochment,
it may be properly said that the baptism of
pan-Americanism took place in this city of
Washington, in 1889, on the occasion of the
first international conference of American
States, which created the then International
Bureau of the American Republics and
opened a series of meetings which, little by
little and. not without hesitation and mis-
trustfulness went on to form the pan-Amer-
icari, system.
It would undoubtedly be interesting to ex-
amine the progress of this system, but, for
the sake of brevity, I will resist the tempta-
tion, although such an analysis would en-
able, me to show, step by step, the contribu-
tions which Brazil has made to the system.
I will limit myself to remarking that Brazil
was present at the first Inter-American Con-
ference and that it did not merely attend but
took part in all others with the single excep-
tion of the second. Furthermore, Brazil
hosted several meetings of the system, among
which were the Third Conference, 'held in
1906, one of the most notable in the series;
the Third Consultative Meeting of the Minis-
ters of Foreign Relations, in 1942, when the
decision was made to break relations with
the countries responsible for the outbreak
of 'the Second World War; and the Confer-
ence for the Maintenance of Peace and Se-
curity on the Continent, in 1947, at which
the Inter-American Treaty of Mutual Assist-
ance, thenceforward known as the Rio
Treaty, was discussed and signed.
The Americanist sentiment in Brazil had
Its inception prior to the independence of
the country itself. Indeed, as far back as
1819 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
then United Kingdom of Portugal and Brazil
had weighed the convenience of the creation
of an American League, an idea that was
echoed by Jose Bonifacio, patriarch of
Brazil's independence and the first Minister
of Foreign Affairs of the new nation, when in
outlining Brazilian foreign policy in 1822 he
stressed its clearly Americanist aspect.
While Brazil did not participate in the sev-
eral Hispano-American congresses which
preceded the inter-American conference of
1889, it did appoint a representative for the
congress held in Panama in 1826 and later,
in 1866, under the urge of its Americanist
sentiments, it protested energetically against
the bombardment of the Chilean port of
Valparaiso by Spanish ships.
In July of last year, in a speech defining
our foreign policy, President Humberto Cas-
telo Branco revealed his perfect understand-
ing of Brazil's Americanist vocation when he
remarked that the world today is increas-
ingly featured by the interdependence of the
problems and the interests of each nation.
The President recognized that the interests
of Brazil coincide in many cases, in concen-
tric circles, with those of the continental
community, and went on to make the per-
fectly coherent statement that "the
Brazilian-Government maintains the country's tradi-
tional adherence tq,the sentiments and ideals
of Pan Americanism."
In the cultural field, this adherence is evi-
denced by Brazil's action within the several
agencies of the inter-American system, fea-
tured by an open and constructive collabora-
tion regardless and even in spite of its unique
position as the only Portuguese-speaking
nation on the continent. The Americanist
tendency of Brazil leads it to engage in inten-
sive and concentrated cultural activities on
the continent, where it maintains several
cultural institutes similar to the one that Is
sponsoring our meeting tonight all of which
are dedicated to the diffusion of a truly bi-
lateral cultural exchange between Brazil and
each host country. Besides this, my country
has long been offering in its major univer-
sity centers facilities for the training of an
already substantial number of students from
the various Latin American countries, aim-
ing at the promotion of a currente of recipro-
cal understanding and varied interchange,
this applying also in regard to the United
States, whose cultural attractions are so well
received in Brazil.
In the economic field, Brazil's contribution
to the Pan American system dates from the
earliest manifestations of concern over the
problem of economic and social development
on a continental scale. At the IV consulative
meeting of Ministers of Foreign Relations,
held in this city in 1951, the Brazilian dele-
gation took the initiative in presenting a
number of proposals which laid the ground-
work for a series of economic and financial
norms. Brazilians were aware at an early
stage that in view of the international finan-
cial situation and of the terms of inter-
national trade the economic and social de-
velopment of the continent had ceased to
be an individual problem for each country
and had become a common aspiration which
would have to be satisfied jointly. For this
reason, and to provide a measure of the real
dramatic, nature of the problem, Brazil in
1958 called on the countries of the hemi-
sphere to undertake Operation Pan America.
The same reason impelled it to' join the
ranks of those who advocated and promoted
the creation of the Inter-American Develop-
ment Bank, leading also to its present full
involvement in the Alliance for Progress,
which is so much in line with the efforts of
development and with the measures which
Brazil has been adopting towards the increase
and better distribution, of its national prod-
uct. This spirit of conjugation of efforts
explains Brazil's active participation in the
Latin American Free Trade Association and
its keen interest In the movement for Latin
American economic integration as envisaged
by that association, devoid of opposition to
anyone whatsoever or of imperilment of the
effectiveness of the Pan American ideal.
It is undoubtedly in the political field that
Brazil's most impressive contribution to the
Pan American system is registered, but be-
cause of the touchy nature of that field, any
measurement of such contribution becomes
especially difficult and delicate. In the de-
sire to avoid considerations of a historical
nature on this point, and believing that Pan
Americanism is indebted to Brazil for its
open and constant participation in the life
of the continent even more than for any
particular proposal or initiative, I feel com-
pelled to make some remarks on the attitude
of Brazil within the hemispheric com-
munity. It will not be an attempt to dis-
course on Brazil's foreign policy, a subject
already covered with thoroughness and clar-
ity by Ambassador Juracy Magalhaes in the
address which he presented at the opening
session of this Seminar, but simply the indi-
cation of some points evidencing Brazil's
contribution to the system under study.
I feel thus that I should mention, as an
example of that contribution, Brazil's pacifist
vocation and its respect of the territorial
integrity of its neighbors. Brazil has never
waged a war of conquest and, in the single
real war which it was compelled to fight in
self-defense-I do not refer to the two World
Wars because they transcend the continental
picture-Brazil had the scruple of entering
into prior stipulation with its allies that the
integrity of the territory of the temporary
enemy would be respected. Brazil's frontiers
were determined in accord with universally
accepted juridical principles, on the basis of
treaties executed with all the neighboring
A4357
countries, and the few disputes in which it
was involved were settled through peaceful
negotiations or by international arbitration.
Along with this pacifist vocation and
exemption from territorial ambition, togeth-
er with features that are exclusively its own
in the Pan American scene and the particu-
larity of being a country with great problems
and, at the same time, great realizations and
great possibilities, with an area and a popu-
lation representing half of South America,
Brazil has a special position within the Pan
American system, not always comfortable
but certainly of vital significance to the
system. The importance of this position is
accentuated by the circumstance that the
continental community continues to suffer,
as it did to a much greater degree before
the coming of the good neighbor policy, from
the mutual impact of suspicions and dis-
trust between underdeveloped countries that
need aid but which seem to resent this aid,
and a super-developed country which has
already shown its desire to help others but
still finds difficulty in winning or in deepen-
ing the trust of those others. Brazil has
traditionally been a catalyzing element that
has made possible the conciliation of diverg-
ing opinions within the Pan American sys-
tem. Being latin American culturally, psy-
chologically and economically, Brazil is also
great enough and sufficiently self-confident
to be exempt from resentment over the
growth or the power of any other country
whatsoever, and to accept the initiative or
the democratic leadership of any such in a
position to promote or lead in benefit of the
continental interests. Not having hege-
monic aspirations-perhaps It has a people
that can in all fairness be considered as being
cordial by nature-Brazil is fated to exercise
this difficult role of conciliator within the
Pan American system, at least until the ces-
sation of that mutual impact of suspicions
and distrust, which needs to be overcome
on either side.
Owing perhaps to its self-confidence and
to its condition as a power that Is both great
and small at the same time, Brazil realizes,
ar, others also do, that the Pan American
system needs to be broadened and, even more
than that, to be strengthened and perfected.
Because of this awareness, Brazil is ready and
really desirous to contribute toward the
renovation of the sytem so that it be capa-
ble of adjusting itself to new circumstances
and thereby avoid irreparable loss of prestige
or a retreat, by force of overshadwing threats
to the phase of unilateral action that was
closed when the negative aspects of the Mon-
roe Doctrine were superseded. Brazil gave
proof of its desire for the strenghtening of
the Pan American system when It proposed,
with this specific purpose in mind, the hold-
ing of a special Pan American conference
which I pray God will come to pass without
delay for the good of the system. Another
clear proof of Brazil's resolution can be seen
in its open and disinterested commitment in
search for a solution to the crisis that arose
recently on this continent, especially
through its participation, within the limit
of its possibilities, in the specially consti-
tuted inter-American armed forces. The
seed cast by the constitution of said forces
should in due course receive the utmost care
and attention because'in today's disturbed
world, the inter-American system, like any
other, can only achieve full realization when
it becomes able to defend itself collectively,
and collectively to insure the maintenance
of internal order.
Ladies and gentlemen I do not know to
what extent I have been able to acquaint you
with my consciousness-assuredly patriotic,
yet frank-of Brazil's contribution to . the
Pan American system. I warned you at the
onset of the difficulties which I foresaw in
the treatment of this theme, and for that
reason I undertook to be at your disposal for
an exchange of questions and answers which,
thanks to your participation, will complete
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 5, 1965
and surpass my exposition. If I may ask
your attention for one more minute,. I will
use it to mention that in' advocating Brazil's
participation in the First World War, a nota-
ble Brazilian statesman, the then Senator
Rui Barbosa said that our nation was going
to defend "the territorial stability of its
existence, our own territory, our moral heri-
tage in America." In my view, ladies and
gentlemen, this moral heritage, which such
an outstanding interpreter of the national
conscience equated with the physical exist-
ence of the country itself, is the snythesis
and the best expression of Brazil's contribu-
tion to the Pan American system.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
. or
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following editorial from the July 29,
1965, edition of the New York Herald
Tribune. All Americans are determined
to stand with the President's action in
Vietnam. American interest and honor
are at stake in this struggle, and we will
not relent in the pursuit of our goal to
restore peace and the right of free choice
to the people of South Vietnam.
The editorial follows:
"WE WILL STAND IN VIETNAM"
After a tense week of strategy discussions
and the swirling speculations they occa-
sioned, President Johnson's announcements
at his press conference seemed undramatic,
muted. There was to be no declaration of
national emergency; the National Guard
and Reserves would not be called up; month-
13r draft calls would be doubled; Congress
would be asked for unspecified additional
sums for the Armed Forces; American troops
would be immediately increased to about
126,000, instead of the higher figures that
had been guessed at.
Yet if the net of Mr. Johnson's statement,
and of his answers to questioning, seemed
about soothing, the effect came from con-
trast with previous rumors. The President's
news was serious enough, and he made no
attempt to conceal its gravity. The 50,000
additional troops going to Vietnam are more
than General MacArthur employed in the
Inchon offensive; the 125,000 who will be in
Vietnam after the reinforcements arrive will
be nearly as many as were in the combined
U.N. fighting forces in Korea at that time.
Increasing the monthly draft call to 35,000
would mean that in a year 420,000 young
Americans would be conscripted, or nearly as
many as all the military and paramilitary
forces that the South Vietnamese Govern-
ment has available.
Moreover, the President did not predict
any easy victory on the basis of the decisions
he announced. Rather, he left open the
possibility that more men would be sent to
South Vietnam; that the Guard and the
Reserves might be called into service; that
there would be heavy additional drafts on
the Treasury-reports in Congress already
speak of as much as $1 billion added to
military appropriations.
Thus the new American commitment is
serious; it is not necessarily decisive. That
is because the United States is, as the Presi-
dent has so often emphasized, fighting a
defensive war in South Vietnam: It is
fighting to convince the Communists that
they cannot win, and must-"inevitably,"
is the President's word-come to the con-
ference table. Defensive strategy does not
rule out offensive tactics, and the, role of
our forces is by no means necessarily lim-
ited to mounting guard over Its own
Installations. But the aim Is still to turn
back aggression, not to escalate the war.
The escalation, like the original covert ag-
gression, has come from the other side, and
the. United States is meeting it.
Why? Americans, in the President's
phrase, did not "choose to be the guardians
of the gate." Initially, American assist-
ance to the struggling young Republic of
South Vietnam was economic and technical;
the military guaranties were intended to
preserve the people's right of choice. That
is still the goal, in the teeth of rebellion
launched and fostered from the north. Un-
less the United States achieves that goal,
by force or by diplomacy, South Vietnam
will be violently subverted; there will be
a green light for similar Communist ventures
in every quarter of the globe-and, as Mr.
Johnson put it, "no nation can ever again
have the same confidence in American
promises."
Thus it is that American interest and
American honor are equally at stake; thus
It Is that President Johnson-with the evi-
dent reluctance of a man who is frankly
ambitious to achieve peaceful progress for
his country and clearly confident of his
ability to do so-has said: "We will stand
in Vietnam." And the Nation will stand
with him.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN TFIE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, ir-
responsible, self-appointed civil rights
-leaders are attempting to create chaos
in the city of Chicago. Proper criticism
of the misguided antics of many of the
civil rights performers comes from people
whose reputation for legitimate support
of civil rights is well founded.
In order to correct the impression that
Chicago is now controlled by irresponsi-
ble street mobs who are representative
of the citizens of the city, I Insert into
the RECORD an editorial from yesterday's
Chicago Sun Times which gives evidence
of the sober thought that prevails In the
city :
MORE HARM THAN GOOD
The civil rights movement here has had
no more sincere supporter than Dr. Edgar H.
S. Chandler, executive director of the church
federation of greater Chicago. He has come
to the conclusion that emphasis should be
switched away from excessive street demon-
strations and toward the conference table
task of solving specific community problems
involving the schools, housing, and employ-
ment.
"The protest has registered," he say, "Let
us now all together register progress. Let
protests be disciplined and directed to spe-
cific abuses that can be corrected."
Dr. Chandler specifically disfavors futile
and dangerous demonstrations as the night
march into Mayor Daley's home neighbor-
hood. Such demonstrations do the civil
rights cause no good; they cause resentment
and in will. They antagonize white persons
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. says are needed
to bring changes.
Like the right to free speech, the right to
picket is not unlimited. It should be exer-
cised judiciously. What good purpose is
served by deliberately antagonizing Mayor
Daley's neighbors? His office, not his home.
is the place for protests. And even there, as
Dr. Chandler says, it is time to get out of the
streets and on with "the nitty gritty of
specific steps toward justice.' '
"Justice in the Night"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5,1965
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, we have
all been witnesses to a healthy trend de-
veloping in this country, which has al-
ready begun to put an increasing empha-
sis on improving the quality of justice
in America, especially as it affects the
poorer and more disadvantaged groups
of our citizens.
This trend promises to bring the an-
cient ideal of equal justice before the
law closer to becoming a reality for all
our people.
In this connection, Mr. Speaker, I in-
sert-in the CONGRESSINAL RECORD an ex-
cellent editorial entitled, "Justice in the
Night," recently broadcast by Mr. Rob-
ert P. Sutton, vice president of CBS
radio and general manager of radio
station KNX in Los Angeles.
The KNX editorial makes the point
that one good here-and-now way to be-
gin the effort to raise the quality and
promote better standards of administra-
tion of justice in the United States would
be to improve what it terms our notori-
ous traffic court treadmills of bargain
basement justice.
In support of this conclusion the edi-
torial quotes Supreme Court Justice Tom
Clark as saying:
There can be no more important court in
this whole land than the traffic courts.
Here, respect-or disrespect-is created for
law, for order, for the courts, for govern-
ment.
KNX also commends the new Califor-
nia law, advocated by our State's pro-
gressive Gov. "Pat" Brown and passed
by the legislature this year, which estab-
lishes a modified form of night court to
accept pleas, conduct arraignments, and
set dates for trial-but not to conduct
actual trials. The editorial continues:
This measure does not go all the way, but
it is a step in the right direction of providing
elemental justice for the workingman who
cannot take time from his job in daylight
hours by affording him more equal access to
justice, along with the individual who can go
to court any time without suffering personal
hardship.
The KNX editorial follows:
JusTIcE IN THE NIGHT
Bargain basement treatment of traffic of-
fenders is one prime cause for disrespect of
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August 5, Y roved For &ft f 8ZJJO14 il%f
working in a small school that was hit very
hard by the flood, and, if not for this pro-
gram, the school would still be unusable.
This program has helped many of us who had
a hard time.findng a job and if the program
ends, many needy boys will just be out of
luck. So please let us continue to work.
EX' 'ENSIoN OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES G. FULTON
Or PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, Thanat Khoman, Foreign
Minister of Thailand, recently appeared
on NBC's "Meet the Press" and at public
meetings of the Pittsburgh World Affairs
Council; Detroit Great Decisions 1965;
Los Angeles World Affairs Council; and
the San Francisco World Affairs Council.
It is a pleasure to insert in the CON-
GRESSIONAL. RECORD the following se-
lected group of questions on southeast
Asia brought to my attention by my good
friend, James Linen, president of Time,
Inc.:
WAR IN VIETNAM
Question. Mr. Minister, Thailand is greatly
endangered, I believe-and I believe this is
your view-by the advance of communism
in southeast Asia, and I know you are very
interested in the problem of Vietnam. Do
You think the war in Vietnam can be won?
THANAT. I think so, and I ,say so categori-
cally.
Question. What is it we should be doing
that we are not doing now, because we don't
seem to be winning it as we are currently
performing?
TISANAT. I think what we should try to do
is to bring about security within South Viet-
nam itself, first. Namely, to repel and to
expel the aggressors which are now within
South Vietnam, and then we should give se-
curity to the people of South Vietnam, espe-
cially the, countryside people. When these
people have security, when they are pro-
tected, then they will cooperate very closely
with the Government authorities.
I think this is the clue to the problem.
First the military problem, next the problem
of security, and then we should show our de-
termination that the free world, the non-
Communist countries, Is resolved to resist
Communist encroachments and aggressions.
I would say that the homefront is very im-
portant because those brave people who are
fighting against the Communists expect the
homefront to support them; to give them
the feeling that they are doing a good job.
I believe that if we can give those fighting
men, the gallant people who are doing the
fighting now, the feeling that they are per-
forming a useful role, then the struggle can
achieve success.
Question. Do you see any danger in an in-
creasing American involvement in Vietnam,
including direct participation of American
soldiers in the fighting against the Vietcong?
In other wprds, should we and can we be
fighting the war that is essentially the war of
the South Vietnamese?
'I'HANAT. Istill think that the brunt of the
fighting is borne by the South Vietnamese.
Now the Vietcong, as I said, not only are
controlled and supported by outside power,
especially North Vietnam, but they receive
equipment and war material from even far-
ther countries. I think that it is necessary
if South Vietnam is to remain free and In-
dependent, it has to receive the support also
of a free nation, like the United States, the
leader of the free nations. Otherwise it
would be completely overcome by the Com-
munist aggressors.
Question. While you stated in your re-
marks that you were not at liberty to talk
about the support Thailand was giving to
South Vietnam, is Thailand lending any
material aid in South Vietnam, and if so,
what is the nature the aid?
THANAT. The, Government of Thailand ha@
been extending some material aid; some eco-
nomic aid to South Vietnam and also some
other kinds of aid too. However, what Viet-
nam needs even more than military aid is
political and moral support. As a supple-
ment to the military aid and economic aid
we have given to them, we can help them
to keep their chins up and to continue to
struggle successfully for the preservation of
their freedom and independence.
Question. Mr. Minister, we have neither
been able to win the war so far nor have we
succeeded since the President's proposal in
Baltimore on April 7, in bringing the Com-
munists to the conference table. How do you
propose that we do either of these things?
For example, we are bombing North Vietnam
now, but we have restricted our bombing to
south of the 20th parallel. Are you in favor
of escalating further and, for example, bomb-
ing Hanoi?
THANAT. I would not be in favor of limiting
ourselves unilaterally. I would not be in
favor of binding our hands and feet while
the other side, our enemies or our opponents,
are free to do whatever they like. But in
regard to the war in South Vietnam, it is
my impression, and the impression is based
on evidence now available, that things are
getting better. But you canont win a war
in a matter of weeks, especially when our
side is cautious enough not to do anything
that may lead to a larger conflict. That is
why it may take a little more time, or at least
some time, before we reach a point from
which we can have an agreement or an under-
standing that the other side will not con-
tinue hostilities.
Question. May I ask you whether you
would favor bombing Hanoi?
THANAT. As I said, if the situation is neces-
sitated, I would not be opposed to that.
Question. We have heard about the mili-
tary effectiveness of the air strikes against
North Vietnam. Would you give us your
opinion of the political effectiveness of these
raids in North Vietnam? And a related ques-
tion-leafflets have been dropepd on a few
occasions in North Vietnam to warn the peo-
ple away from target areas. Leaflets were
also dropped on Thailand when Allied air
raids were carried out against targets there
during World War II. Based on your ex-
perience as a former target for leaflets, how
would you evaluate the effectiveness of this
kind of effort?
THANAT. I think the use of the word "tar-
get" for leaflets is quite appropriate because
during World War II once when I was work-
ing in the underground, I was almost struck
by a barrel containing leaflets. It missed me
by a few yards, and I can say that the leaflets
hit pretty close to their targets. I think
the effects of leaflets, as the effects of air
strikes, will take some time. They are not a
drug that you can take within your body and
expect the.pain to vanish in a few minutes.
In Thailand during the war I could see that
the people paid a great deal of heed to the
warnings and predictions contained in the
leaflets. So if the people in North Vietnam
are about the same as the people in Thailand,
and I don't think there is great dissimilarity
between them, I think the effects will be
positive.
NEGOTIATIONS ON VIETNAM
Question. Since you believe that the war
can be won-and you said you say that cate-
gorically-would you be against an attempt
A4367
to negotiate a settlement now or in the near
future?
THANAT., We have never been against
worthwhile negotiation. If you look into
our records you will see that my country par-
ticipated in the Geneva Conference of 1954
in regard to Korea, and then in 1962 Thai-
land also took part in the Geneva Confer-
ence in regard to Laos, so we are not at all
averse to negotiations, provided that negoti-
ations would not lead to concessions and to
surrender to the aggressors, and especially to
the Communists.
Question. Mr. Minister, what do you think
we can negotiate on?
THANAT. That is the question that I my-
self have put to some of those who talk to
me about South Vietnam. What can be ne-
gotiated? In my opinion we cannot negoti-
ate the surrender of South Vietnam or for
that matter of any nation.
What we would like to see negotiations
conducted upon would be to guarantee the
right to free existence for South Vietnam and
for any other countries in southeast Asia or,
in the world. I think that is the main point..
That is to say, when you negotiate you must
negotiate to get support for freedom and
independence of the countries concerned and
not their surrender.
Question. Well, you use the word "negoti-
ation," but you really mean victory, don't
you, for the West?
THANAT. Well, of course I would prefer to
see victory. I have no doubt about that.
Question. But you recently said in an in-
terview in U.S. News, that the United States
must continue to support South Vietnam or
withdraw. Talk of a negotiated peace is ir-
relevant. What did you mean by that?
THANAT. It is because of our past experi-
ence. As I said, we took part in a confer-
ence on Korea, we took part in a conference
on Laos. But after the agreements were
signed, as a result of those two conferences,
we have not seen faithful observances and
implementation of those agreements by the
Communist side. That is why we are wary
and we are reluctant to go back to any con-
ference table which will not give us reason-
able expectation for faithful respect and ob-
servance of any international agreement that
may result from those negotiations.
COMMUNIST CHINESE THREATS TO THAILAND
Question. Mr. Minister, the Chinese For-
eign Minister tells us that Thailand is next
on his list as a target for Communist-sup-
ported war of national liberation. How do
you evaluate this threat, and how vulnerable
is Thailand to the kind of war that is being
fought today in South Vietnam?
THANAT. It amounts to a declaration of
war. When a country says against another
country that "we will start a war," be it a
guerrilla war or an open war, it doesn't make
much difference. It has been a declaration of
war on the part of Communist China on
Thailand. Now, of course, it is guerrilla war,
and we are taking necessary measures and
steps to meet the situation.
We didn't take it lightly. We heeded the
warning, the danger signal, and I assure you
that both the Government of Thailand and
the people of Thailand are doing everything
to preserve our freedom and our independ-
ence.
Question. What specific evidence is there
of Communist China's intentions to infiltrate
and to dominate Thailand?
THANAT. We start from a statement at-
tributed to the Foreign Minister of Commu-
nist China, Che'n Yi, who said that the
guerrilla warfare will begin in Thailand be-
fore the year is out. They have. been trying
to bring about the first phase of the subver-
sive war. Tm referring to the process of
sending agents, of recruiting sympathizers,
of training cadres in Thailand, and of trying
to build armed caches. All this is part of
the first phase, and we are doing everything
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we can to make it stay at that first phase-
or even to erase it.
We also have evidences that important
headquarters have been established not very
far from Thailand. Since we don't have
common border with China, the headquar-
ters is not very far from North Laos, and
they appointed their top security people to
come to work there. As a matter of fact, one
of them used to be the Deputy Minister for
Security Affairs. They also have very fre-
quent visits from top people-top security
and top military people to the area. They
also started what they euphemistically call
the "Patriotic Front of Thailand." It looks
as though the Chinese Communists are fol-
lowing the same patterns that they have
followed in some other places. The so-Galled
"Patriotic Front of Thailand" is not dissimi-
lar from the Pathet Lao in Laos, or from the
National Liberation Front in South Vietnam.
Ii; seems that they have not devised any new
methods or means.
Question. Has there been any evidence of
infiltration into Thailand from across the
Mekong?
THANAT. They come from all sides, all parts.
Through the forest, across the Mekong,
across the paddy land. It has been going on
for quite some time, and recently we have de-
tected an increase In infiltration and sub-
version. Infiltration takes various forms.
They come into Thailand as hawkers or what
you may call traders; they may also take a
more feminine form. I mean they also send
their women agents into Thailand equipped
with lipstick and all the necessary things
to make them attractive. All forms of in-
filtration carry with them grave danger, and
we have to take increased measures to meet
with the situation. One of them was to ask
our 'national assembly just before I left my
country for an additional budget to get the
money to finance the operations against the
illegal activities conducted by the other side.
Question. In view of the high percentage
of Chinese in Thailand cities, especially
Bangkok, is there danger that they will
sympathize with Communist China?
THANAT. The Chinese in Thailand are
treated better than in many other countries
in Asia, and the Chinese know that. They
enjoy peace and a great measure of prosperity.
They enjoy security for themselves and for
their families. So I suppose they know what
is good for them. As far as we have seen,
the Chinese In Thailand have shown a great
deal of loyalty toward the land which has
sheltered them and has given them full op-
portunity for development.
Question. I am concerned about the pos-
sibility of some of your people being per-
suaded to go to Hanoi or to China to be
trained similarly to the Vietcong in Vietnam.
Is this a problem in Thailand, and are you
coping with it without serious difficulty at
this time?
THANAT. The fact is that there have been
some people, but they are Chinese born in
Thailand. Besides that, there are some of
the hill tribesmen. We have many evidences
that they didn't like it over there, and quite
a few of them have tried very hard to come
out of that so-called paradise.
At the same time, I should like to say we
used to have in Thailand something like 80,-
000 Vietnamese refugees who lived in Thai-
land, and we tried to repatriate them back
to Vietnam. Half of them went to North
Vietnam. We would like to send the rest,
either to North or South Vietnam, it does not
:m,tter. Words come back from North Viet-
nam telling those who remained in Thailand
not to go gack to North Vietnam under any
circumstances. Whatever they took along
with them-sewing machines, fountain pens,
watches, and so on-were confiscated. So
they said you'd better stay in Thailand.
Question. Several years ago, business and.
industry in Thailand seemed to be dominated
by the Chinese. Has this situation changed,
and how was the change accomplished, if
that has happened?
THANAT. I am glad to say that the Thais
have learned to engage in business, and that
at the present time my people have gone into
business a great deal more. In the olden
days most of them thought that the best
way of life would be to become government
officials. But nowadays with the kind of
salaries that- they get from the government,
there is, to put it very mildly, a certain dis-
affection for officialdom.
SEATO
Question. Now that De Gaulle has refused
to participate in the latest SEATO confer-
ence, does this pretty well sabotage SEATO
as a viable treaty organization?
THANAT. Well, in the first place, France is
still in SEATO. It decided only to send
an observer, allegedly on the ground that it
does not agree with the American policy in
South Vietnam. But I can assure you that
to us it doesn't make any difference. In
any case I am willing to say that I think that
France still has an interest in belonging to
SEATO because it can derive many advan-
tages from membership in SEATO. The only
thing is that while it is willing to take
advantage of the benefits and enjoy the priv-
ileges of membership, it is not quite willing
to discharge some of the duties and obliga-
tions of a member.
Question. Is SEATO a paper tiger?
THANAT. SEATO may be a paper tiger, but
I think inside the paper tiger there are fangs.
SOUTHEAST ASIA
Question. How much validity would you
place on the domino theory, that if South
Vietnam should go communistic, the rest of
Asia, Including Thailand, would also fall?
THANAT. I am not very apt at this game of
domino, but I would agree with the theory.
We agree with the theory in the sense that
we have always stressed that the security
and freedom and liberty of an area should
be looked upon In a comprehensive form or
manner. One cannot take a part of a re-
gion and disregard the rest. I personally
have been stressing this fact ever since I
took office some 6 years ago. As far back
as 1959, when the situation in Laos gave
grace concern to many people, I pointed out,
especially at the SEATO meeting in Welling-
ton, New Zealand, in 1959 that the main
objective was not so much Laos, but South
Vietnam. So to that extent I fully agree
that the defense of an area, specifically the
region of southeast Asia, should be under-
taken in comprehensive form.
Question. How do you explain the current
attitude of the Cambodian Government?
THANAT. I wish someone would tell me
that. I saw Sihanouk in Jakarta; he shook
hands with me in spite of the fact that he
has been praying for my death for quite
some time. In the first place I should like
to say that there doesn't seem to be such a
thing called Cambodian Government. There
is only one man called Prince Sihanouk, and
I'm not exactly aware that there is any
Cambodian Government in existence.
Everything revolves around Prince Sihanouk,
and it is he who decides in what directions
the country should go. I would say that the
general motive behind what Prince Sihanouk
has been doing is that he believes that Com-
munist China will ultimately be the winner
in southeast Asia, and for that matter in
the whole of Asia. Cambodia being a small
nation, he thinks that it wouldn't be able
to stand up to China, so as a way of insur-
ance he tries the best he can to propitiate
and to win the favors of the leaders of Com-
munist China. We in Thailand say that the
way he is behaving looks to us like facing
the crocodile and trying to be the last to
be eaten.
Question. What is the feeling of the Thais
toward De Gaulle and his policy for southeast
Asia?
THANAT. Well, I think he is a great man-
for Europe.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Question. Would the Foreign Minister say
something about the relations between the
United States and the Kingdom of Thailand?
THANAT. Thailand was the first Asian
nation to recognize the United States, and
Thailand extended technical assistance to
the United States first. I think the first
offer of technical assistance from Thailand
to the United States was in the time of Pres-
ident Lincoln, when our King wrote to Pres-
ident Lincoln offering some elephants as a
labor-saving device. Unfortunately, or per-
haps fortunately, President Lincoln politely
declined the offer. So, you didn't have the
privilege of seeing the elephants roaming
along the Potomac.
I must say that we see eye to eye on
almost everything. We may have had our
fritcions here and there as some of the
American Ambassadors may testify. We have
some small disagreements here and there,
but I think the American people and the
Thai people want about the some, namely to
enjoy life as free individals. Now I must
say to show my independence, as seems now
to be quite fashionable, that each and every
nation should want to show independence.
Thailand, I think, should go on record as
showing a gesture of independence towards
the United States, too. I must say that if
we agree with you, with your ideals, with
your fundamental policies, and now with
your policy on South Vietnam, I must say
that it is not exactly to please you. We be-
lieve in a policy of peace, of freedom, of
liberty, because we believe In it. And that
perhaps more important than believing in
such a policy as a result of foreign aid or
as a result of coercing or as a result of arm-
twisting.
Question. Do the citizens of Thailand feel
that the United States is intruding in south-
east Asia?
THANAT. I don't think the United States
can be looked upon as intruding. On the
contrary, we would like to see the United
States stay in southeast Asia, and especially
in South Vietnam. I have seen no indica-
tion that the people of South Vietnam would
want the United States to leave. Of course
the Communist side has been trying to give
the wrong impression-that the war In South
Vietnam is a civil war. That is purely prop-
aganda or perhaps psychological warfare.
But I can say that no one who believes in
the defense of freedom and liberty in south-
east Asia would want the United States to
leave the scene at the present time.
Question. Is there any "Yankee go home"
sentiment in Thailand?
THANAT. I have never heard the phrase
used-except in some Western countries.
Question. What do you have to say about
the wartime alliance of Thailand and Japan?
THANAT. This is a question much in need
of clarification. Officially Thailand was
forced to cooperate with the Japanese dur-
ing World War II-after expending in our
defense not only bullets but people, as well
as all the obsolete planes which were shot
down by Japanese planes. At that time the
Thailand government asked a Western na-
tion for help. - That nation was - not the
United States, I want to assure you. The
reply came, and it was to the following ef-
fect: help yourself.
Right from the beginning I joined many
of my countrymen in the underground move-
ment, which started almost immediately in
Thailand, to fight the Japanese, to fight
against Japanese occupation. Until the end
of the war we never ceased fighting. I am
proud to be one who was in that movement.
MEKONG RIVER PROJECT
Question. Will you give an appraisal of
the achievements and the prospects for the
Mekong Basin development project?
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THANAT. We in Thailand highly value the
generous proposal made by President John-
son in his Baltimore speech. We found in
that generous offer a sign of a man of peace.
What he aims at is peace-and that is why
he made the offer of $1 billion to be used
in insuring the economic and social de-
velopment of southeast Asia. At the pres-
ent time, some work is being done in Bang-
kok to avail ourselves of his generous offer.
Also, the Mekong Commission under the
auspices of the United Nations is meeting to
consider in what way it can avail itself of the
offer. Besides that I think the Asian High-
way project may make use of the offer made
by the President.
The Mekong project is a very Interesting
project in itself because it comprises four
nations-Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and
South Vietnam. And in spite of the viscissi-
tudes of international politics, of rupture of
relations between Cambodia and Thailand,
meetings of the Commission have continued
to take place, so a worthwhile economic
project can be even more important than
politics.
In Thailand we also have many other prof-
gets which, may be national in general char-
acter, but may have indirect regional char-
acter.. I'm referring to the project that we
are entertaining to set up a university in
south Thailand. It will be sponsored by the
That Government, with the help of some
other institution like the John F. Kennedy
Foundation, of which both the American
Ambassador, Mr. Graham Martin, and I are
member officers. We hope that the Univer-
sity of the South in Thailand will soon come
into being. And if it comes Into being it will
serve not only the people of Thailand but
possibly and most probably the people in
Malaysia and Indonesia if 'peace is restored
between Malaysia and Indonesia. I hope
that the U.S. Government will explore these
projects, and will help us in implementing
them.
KINGDOM OF THAILAND
Thailand, formerly known as Siam, is a
translation of "Muang Tai (Land of the
Free), the term by which the Thai people
call their country.
Government: Constitutional monarchy.
Reigning monarch: His Majesty King
Bhumibol, Adulyadej, Her Majesty Queen
Sirikit.
Capital: Bangkok.
Area: 198,247 square miles.
Population: About 29,700,000 (July 1964
estimate).
Language: The Thai alphabet has been
used in its present form since the 13th
century. The language developed through
adaptation of Pall and Sanskrit.
Religion: About 93.6 percent of the peo-
ple are Buddhists; there are also Muslims,
Christians, and others. The King is constitu-
tionally the upholder of all faiths.
Education: Seven-year primary education
Is compulsory. There are five universities
in Bangkok, and two others in the north at
Chiengmai and the northeast at Khonkaen.
ExpoVts: Rice, rubber, tin, teak, tapioca
flour, castor seeds, corn.
Imports: Textiles, petroleum products,
machinery, motor vehicles.
Helping the Victims of Crime
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD R ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, because
of the wide public interest in California's
new program`of reimbursing the victims
of violent crimes, I would like to include
in the Appendix of the RECORD a very en-
lightening and encouraging editorial on
this subject appearing in the Washing-
ton Evening Star on August 3, 1965:
HELPING THE VICTIMS
California has taken a long step forward
in enacting a law to reimburse victims of
violent crimes with State funds.
The plan reportedly was suggested by Su-
perior Court Judge Francis McCarty, of San
Francisco. Arthur Goldberg also advocated
such protection in several speeches while he
was on the Supreme Court.
Regardless of the authorship, the whole
concept deserves attention, for it lifts the
State out of the "revenge" mood charac-
terizing so many cases, and turns attention
to the victim as well as the assailant.
Under the California law, families of mur-
der victims and also persons incapacitated by
crimes would be paid out of a fund admin-
istered by the department of social welfare.
Payments would be based on need, and per-
sons convicted of these offenses would be
ordered to pay fines into the indemnity
fund.
In signing the measure, Governor Brown
observed it was "ironic that California must
spend millions of dollars for rehabilitation
of lawbreakers, for their food, clothing, medi-
cal care and other expenses, yet their victims
are left to fend for themselves."
Similiar laws have been put into practice
in. New Zealand and Great Britain. The lat-
ter country, which aprpoved the program
last August, has made awards in more than
200 cases and in May paid out more than
$57,000 to 64 persons including 11 police-
men.
Other States-and particularly, perhaps,
our own crime-plagued District-would do
well to emulate California's enlightened and
compassionate plan. As Mr. Goldberg re-
marked last year, "the victim of a robbery
or an assault has been denied the protection
of the laws in a very real sense, and society
should assume some responsibility for mak-
ing him whole."
SPEECH
OF
HON. 0. C. FISHER
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 4, 1965
Mr. FISHER. Mr. Speaker, I do not
believe I have ever served with a more
honorable Member of this body than the
late Fritz Lanham. He was the perfect
gentleman, cultured, eloquent, consid-
erate, and always fair and accommodat-
ing in all his dealings.
Mr. Lanham , , was. an authority on
Texas history. His father, Samuel Wit-
lis Tucker Lanham, served five terms in
this body, and then was Governor of
Texas. Both of these distinguished
Texans not only' lived iri history-they
helped make it: Fritz was a dedicated
and resourceful advocate, devoted to the
State he loved and the Nation he served.
In Congress Fritz Lanham left his
mark. He was author of many impor-
tant legislative acts. He was independ-
ent in his thinking, and always put the
welfare of the country ahead of -petty
party considerations. Men of this type
A4369
are becoming few in number, but they
live in history and they live in the hearts
of their countrymen.
It is indeed an honor to me to join with
others in paying tribute to the memory
of this great man. He was my personal
friend. He went out of his way to favor
me on more than on occasion. But his
greatness is not confined to his capacity
to make friends, but rather because of his
contribution to the history of the times
during his long career of public service.
We who survive would do well to emulate
his example and adopt more of his sen-
sible, conservative philosophy.
To Mrs. Lanham and the family I ex-
tend my deepest sympathy in their
bereavement. -
A Tricentennial Survey of Wisconsin
Catholic History
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, the
tercentenary of the establishment of the
first Christian-Catholic-mission in
Wisconsin and the central United States
is being observed this year. The his-
torical event upon which this commemo-
ration is based is the erection in October
1665 of a little chapel of bark by Father
Claude Allouez, S. J., on Chequamegon
Bay, just west of the present city of Ash-
land, Wis. It was there that he estab-
lished the mission of the Holy Ghost.
Father Lawrence Brey, assistant pastor
of St. Mary's Church, South Milwaukee,
Wis., recently presented a paper at the
95th anniversary meeting of the Wiscon-
sin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Let-
ters citing Father Allouez' work and in-
cluding a brief history of the Catholic
Church in Wisconsin and the central
United States.
Under permission to extend my re-
marks I include Father Brey's paper, "A
Tricentennial Survey of Wisconsin Cath-
olic History (1665-1965)," and commend
it to my colleagues.
The paper together with notes and
appendix follows:
A TRICENTENNIAL SURVEY OF WISCONSIN
CATHOLIC HISTORY (1665-1965)
(By Rev. Lawrence S. Brey, assistant pastor,
St. Mary's Congregation, South Milwaukee,
Wis.)
(NoTE.-A paper presented at the 95th an-
niversary meeting of the Wisconsin Academy
of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, at Madison,
Wis., May 8, 1965 (social sciences section),
Wisconsin Center Building, University of
Wisconsin.)
The year 1965 marks the tercentenary of
the beginnings of the Catholic faith in the
area now known as the State of Wisconsin,
calling to mind the establishment of the
area's first Catholic mission by Father Claude
Allouez, S.J., near Ashland in 1665. At first
thought this anniversary would seem to be
of merely sectarian concern, or at the most
the concern of. specialists in local and re-
gional history. But this limitation will be
dismissed promptly by anyone who reflects
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 A4370
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 5, 1965
on the profound impact left on the Badger
State and its development by the peaceful
invasion of black-robed missionaries 300
years ago.
Along with the light of faith went such
concomitants as the civilizing of the Indians,
the development of roads, towns, and com-
munities, the fostering of agriculture, and
the introduction of institutions of learning,
as well as hospitals and other institutions.
Moreover, the very history of the growth and
development of the Catholic Church in Wis-
consin is in itself an object of broad cultural
interest, not only for its own content of
color, vitality, and adventure, but also in
that It parallels and makes one more aware
of the secular history and development of
Wisconsin.
There are many ways of considering the
three-century history of Wisconsin Catholi-
cism. The simplest and perhaps most popu-
lar would be the chronological or chronicle-
style method-simply beginning from the
beginning and rambling at ease through the
fascinating years and eras of Badger Catho-
lic: history. Another method would be to
consider it in more or less ecclesiastical
terms, tracing its original missionary status
to the point of its becoming a diocese and
later subdividing into additional dioceses. A
fascinating history of the church in Wis-
consin could very well also be built upon the
lives of the various bishops of these dio-
ceses, up to and including their present spir-
itual shepherds (Archbishop William E.
Cousins, of Milwaukee; Bishop Stanislaus V.
Bona, of Green Bay; Bishop William P.
O'Connor, of Madison; Bishop George A.
Hammes, of Superior; and Bishop Frederick
W. Freking, of La Crosse). The names of
great and colorful missionaries and circuit
riders, such as Allouez, Marquette, Mazzu-
chelli, and Kundig, could well form the
framework or starting point for this histori-
cal survey. Likewise the glorious list of
dates, from 1665 to the present, dates preg-
nant with testimony to great men and events
of the Wisconsin Catholic past, could pro-
vide the framework of a historical litany
both scientific and inspiring. Certainly our
survey could also be made on a geographical
basis, tracing the movement of the great
"glacier" of the Christian faith from its be-
ginnings on the State's uppermost shores
near Ashland, down through Green Bay and
the great Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi water-
way, south through Milwaukee and Prairie
dit Chien, until finally it blanketed the en-
tire State, leaving virtually no "driftless
area" whatsoever. Last but not least, the
history of Catholic educational, cultural, so-
cial, and charitable institutions and agen-
cies can in itself present a format for the
study of Wisconsin's 300-year Catholic his-
tory from the aspects of the humanities and
human welfare.
But even though we will synopsize these
social and cultural contributions at the close
of this paper, for the present, in the limited
time available, we feel that there is no better
way to demonstrate in broad lines the Wis-
consin Catholic heritage than to merely re-
count briefly some of the highlights of Ca-
tholicism's 300-year history in Wisconsin and
in. general give a "bird's eye view" of this fas-
cinating and true story.
The response to Christ's command to bring
His church and His teachings "to all nations"
began on Pentecost Sunday in the year A.D.
33, and in an astonishingly short timemate-
rialized in missionary endeavorsIn the Ro-
man world, the Hellenic world, parts of
Africa, and southern and eastern Asia. With
Columbus In 1492 the Christian faith finally
came to the New World. In 1565 the Cath-
olic faith was formally ini;roduced to main-
land America through the erection of a Cath-
olic mission at St: Augustine, Fla. One cen-
tury later, Father Jacques Marquette, S.J.,
began his famous exploratory and missionary
journeys in North America, and on October 1
of that same year, 1665, the Catholic faith
made its first permanent entrance into the
area that is now Wisconsin. Although Fa-
ther Rene Menard, S.J., did in fact put foot
on Wisconsin soil 4 years earlier for a brief
time, it was in late 1665 that another black-
robe, Father Claude Allouez, S.J., established
the first church and mission in Wisconsin,
in the form of a crude bark chapel con-
structed by himself near the present site of
Ashland, on Chequamegon Bay.
This humble chapel, built near La
Pointe, just west of Ashland, Wis., and
named by Father Allouez, "The Mission of
the Holy Spirit," was the first Catholic
chapel on the American continent west of
Lake Huron and north of New Mexico. In
September of 1669, Father Marquette, S.J.,
succeeded Allouez at the La Pointe mission,
ministering to the Huron and Ottawa In-
dians, until the Sioux drove them out. In
1673 Marquette, in the company of Joliet,
navigated the Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi wa-
terway, entering the Mississippi on June 17.
1673, near the site of Prairie du Chien. Mar-
quette's association with the "Great River,"
which he named "The River of the Immacu-
late Conception," is immortalized in the seal
of Marquette University, bearing his image
and the inscription, Numen Flumenque-
"The Divine Will and the River." Mean-
while, in 1670, Father Allouez returned to
Wisconsin and concentrated on the Green
Bay-Oshkosh area. Marquette died in 1675.
Father Louis Hennepin in 1680 also traversed
the Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi river system,
and was captured by Indians. In 1686 Nich-
olls Perot built a fort at St. Antoine, on Lake
Pepin, and later donated the yet-venerated
silver ostensorium to the chuch at Green
Bay.
By 1728 the Jesuits withdrew entirely from
the Bayfleld-La Pointe region. In 1764 Wis-
consin was made part of the Quebec Catholic
Diocese, and by 1789 it was incorporated into
the new Baltimore Diocese. Already the
foundations had been laid, and the process
of Wisconsin Catholic development from a
missionary status into a mature unit of the
universal church was well under way by the
late 18th century.
The 19th century witnessed the extended
process of building on the foundations, aug-
menting the juridic and organizational as-
pects of Catholic life, promotion of further
missionary pursuits, and consolidation of
earlier ones. In this latter connection, the
1830's witnessed the beginnings of the phe-
nomenal achievements of such religious
pioneers as Father Frederick Baraga and
Father Samuel Mazzuchelli, O.P. The former
spearheaded a missionary revival in the La
Pointe area, revived European Interest in
the Wisconsin Church, and was responsible
for permanent and far-reaching missionary
gains in the Upper Peninsula and along the
now Wisconsin-Michigan frontier, and was
to become the first bishop or Marquette,
Mich. The latter, Mazzuchelli, blazed a trail
of faith and civilization from Mackinac
Island and Green Bay to Dubuque and the
tristate area. A classical example of Wis-
consin "circuit-riding" missionaries, Mazzu-
chelli designed and built 25 churches,
planned and founded cities (such as Schulls-
burg and Davenport), and was chaplain of
the first Wisconsin Territorial Legislature at
Belmont. Both the Indians of the north
central forests and the lead miners of the
driftless area were to benefit from the tire-
less labors of this unusual man. Last year,
1964, marked the centenary of his death.
The 1830's also witnessed a formal pene-
tration of the Christian faith into the south-
eastern quadrant of the Badger State. If a
"red letter date" might be affixed to these
beginnings, It could very well be the year
1835, when Father Florimond Bonduel offered
the first holy mass in Milwaukee. Bonduel,
by the way, later ministered to the settlers
and Indians in the Green Bay and Wolf
River regions. Just as Mazzachelli endured
such hardships as living out of near-empty
saddlebags for days, sleeping on the ground,
and barely escaping the tomahawks of
drunken braves, so too Bonduel had his share
of hardships, ranging from difficulties with
Federal agents and with Chief Oshkosh, to
physical endurances and dangers.
1839 marked the arrival in Milwaukee of
Father Patrick O'Kelly, the community's
first resident pastor. Soon afterwards an-
other Mazzuchelli-like giant, named Martin
Kundig, was to do spiritual spadework in
Milwaukee paralleling the pioneering of
Solomon Juneau in Milwaukee's secular de-
velopment. The ecclesiastical high point
of Milwaukee's early days, and Wisconsin's
as well, was the year 1843, when Pope Greg-
ory XVI established Milwaukee as a diocese.
All of Wisconsin, as well as some adjacent
territory, was included in its jurisdiction.
John Martin Henni was appointed first
bishop of Milwaukee.
Events and developments of an organiza-
tional nature, as well as continued mission-
ary and parochial work, continuedat an in-
creasing pace. Tiny St. Peter's Church, now
preserved on the campus of St. Francis Semi-
nary, served as the first cathedral. In 1846,
Milwaukee's incorporation as -a city coin-
cided with the founding of its first Catholic
school. Two years later Wisconsin achieved
statehood. The following year, 1849, marked
the return of the Jesuits after a long absence.
Fathers Frederick Huebner and Anton An-
derledy, S.J., came to Milwaukee and em-
barked on parish and educational activities,
the latter later culminating in Marquette
University. In 1856 St. Francis Seminary,
the "mother seminary of the old Northwest,"
was dedicated at Milwaukee.
The Civil War years found Wisconsin's
Catholic population at the 200,000 mark.
Of these, many served in the Union Forces,
and two Wisconsin priests served as chap-
lains. But- even in the midst of fratricidal
conflict, the Kingdom of God and the cura
animarum must continue. In 1863 a log
chapel was built and dedicated atop Holy
Hill, marking the founding of a spiritual and
geographical landmark that was to become a
famous national shrine. One year-later, else-
where in the Kettle Moraine, another Civil
War parish, St. Matthew's, was founded at
Campbellsport. And in 1866, a year after
hostilities ended, the Wisconsin Catholic
Church was subdivided into two additional
dioceses, Green Bay and La Crosse. Bishops
Joseph Melcher and Michael Heiss were ap-
pointed as their spiritual shepherds.
The latter half of the 19th century, as well
as the Fin de Steele, was to be known as
"the period. of the foreigner," for both Wis-
consin and the church in America. A large
influx of Irish, German, Polish, and other
immigrants contributed to the growth and
culture of both church and State. Bilin-
gualism was to be a common feature of many
areas. In Milwaukee, Der Seebote, a pioneer
organ of the Catholic press in Wisconsin,
was a German-language paper. But in 1870,
the Star of Bethlehem arose on Milwaukee's
horizon, this being the name of the city's
first English-language Catholic weekly. The
same year saw the construction of the Cath-
olic Normal School In Milwaukee, which was
to be a center of teacher education and a
nucleus of church music renascence. Fin-
ally, in 1875, Milwaukee was raised to the
status of an archdiocese. The last two
decades of the 19th century saw Bishops
Heiss and Katzer succeed Henni, as second
and third Archbishops of Milwaukee, and
witnessed their opposition to the contro-
versial Bennett Law, which they believed
endangered the educational rights of the
family. In 1899 the three Wisconsin bishops
(Katzer, Messmer, and Flasch) publicly ap-
plauded Pope Leo XIII's encyclical, "Testem
Benevolentiae," which censured certain al-
ledged latitudinarian tendencies in American
Catholicism.
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