VIETNAM REQUIREMENTS

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CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0
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October 6, 2003
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37
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June 1, 1965
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Approved For Release 2003/10/15 -: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 June 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Be there, Spark their imaginats n with a battery of your own shocking id You'll Mr I4cQEE. Mr President, writing in today's Washington Post, Edward T. Folliard calls patience and stamina our Nation's most needed requirements in connection with the pursuit of the war in South Vietnam. His reference is to patience and stamina on the part of all the American people. Other Senators have stated, here on this floor, that Communist governments, particularly those in Hanoi and Peiping, are betting on American's well-known impatience, and believe that we shall tire of the constant demands, of pursuing a faraway war. Many of us have regret- ted the attention given to those who al- ready have tired of the struggle . and want our Government to extricate us, for these,. well-publicized protestors feed the hopes of Hanoi and Peiping. Most Americans support President Johnson, who has affirmed our intention of staying in South Vietnam and seeing the battle through., Most Americans want to show the Communists that they cannot get away with aggression against their neighbors. As a nation, I am sure, we do possess the patience and stamina that are needed for the task. I ask unanimous consent to have Mr. Folliard's article, entitled "Pa- tience, Stamina-Vietnam Require- ments," printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PATIENCE, STAMINA-VIETNAM REQUIREMENTS (1#y Edward T. Folliard) The most Important requirement for suc- cess in Vietnam, aside from fighting men, weapons, and diplomacy, may turn out to be patience and stamina in the United States. In Hanoi and Peiping, the Communists are betting that Americans are short on both of these qualities, and will not be able to match their own Oriental fortitude. It is fact that Americans are not noted for patience. Indeed, we have made a virtue of impatience, and this doubtless has had much to do with the Nation's greatness. Ours Is a country In a hurry, as is exemplified in the slogan: "The difficult we do Immediately. Thelm- possible takes a little longer." This Is admirable,, but what happens if the war In Vietnam is a long drawn-out one? It could become the longest war in which the United States has ever engaged. It certainly Will become that If Donald Johnson, national cdmmaitder of the American Legion, Is right. The Legion `chief, who recently visited South Vietnam, said at the White House last week that he could envision the struggle going on for another 5, 6, or 7 years. American intervention in South Vietnam began in the Eisenhower administration, but the current buildup in manpower was or- " dered by President Kennedy, and the first Americaai casualties: were reported late in 1961. Therefore, if the-fighting should con- tinue for another 6 years, it would seta rec- ord for American involvement with a foreign foe, exceeding I . n duration the Revolutionary War (1775-83). Pxesi cut Tolarasgp,,,is eager for a settlement iri V1etnaua, but he has vowea,to hang on there until the Reds of North Vietnam and No. 98-14 their Vietcong allies end their aggression against South Vietnam. He says that the United States will not be defeated and will not grow tired. Moreover, the Texan believes that his successor, or successors, will, If nec- essary, carry on the struggle after he leaves the White House. That still leaves unanswered the question of how the American people would behave if the conflict is prolonged. It is an important question. In writing about the Korean war in volume II of his memoirs, former Presi- dent Harry S. Truman said: "What a nation can do or must do begins with the willingness of its people to shoulder the burden." The American people saw the Korean war through, but their patience was badly strained. There were hawks_ and doves then, too. But in between were millions of Amer- icans who just weren't persuaded that this Nation's involvement was worth the cost in lives and treasure. Sir Winston Churchill said later that this one act by Mr. Truman-his boldness and swiftness in going into Korea-entitled him to be listed among America's great Presi- dents. It seemed at this time, however, that the Missourian never quite succeeded in ex- plaining to the mass of his countrymen what was at stake in Korea, and he was jeered for calling the war a police action. President Truman had strong backing when he first sent American troops to Korea under the banner of the United Nations. But as the. conflict dragged on, it became a political issue at home, and Senator Robert A. Taft and other Republicans began calling it "Truman's war." In spite of this division, which carried over Into the 1952 presidential campaign, the Communists realized after a year of fighting that the map of Korea couldn't be changed by violence. After a signal from Moscow and Peiping, negotiations for a truce began on July 10, 1951. The negotiations continued for 2 years; finally, the armistice agreement was signed at Panmunjon on July 27, 1953. Back in the spring of 1951, President Tru- man had fired Gen.. Douglas MacArthur as Par East commander. He disagreed with MacArthur's proposal to attack Red China and he disagreed with MacArthur's shibbo- leth: "There is no substitute for victory." "The only victory we seek," said Mr. Tru- than, "is the victory of .peace. But in say- ing this, he insisted that the Communists would not be allowed "to keep the fruits of their misdeeds." And so the war ended where it began. The war in Vietnam is very much different from Korea. President Johnson's objective, however, Is much the same as Mr. Truman's: to show the Communists that they can't get away with aggression against their neighbor. Mr. Johnson has said that the United States. has no desire to conquer North Viet- aam and that "there is no purely military solution in sight for either side." Barring a change in policy, this would seem to leave the United States with only one course of action: to hang on until the Communists decide, as.they did in Korea, that fighting is no longer profitable. The Communist leaders of Hanoi and Peiping, as has been said, are betting that ,.merigans don't have the staying power to go the route. A generation ago, Hitler and Mussolini were saying that the United States was decadent. DOMINICAN HOPE Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, the "In- side Report" of reporters Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, which, was published in the Washington Post of May 28, does much to clear the air regarding the American hope for the Dominician Re 11701 public, and to "give the lie," as they wrote, "to shrill critics who have been spreading the false rumor that Presi- dent Johnson really favors right-wing military juntas and does not trust the anti-Communist left." According to their article, the U.S. action in Santo Domingo effectively blocked the possibility of a coup by Com- munist elements. As it turned out, that was an easier task than the job of glu- ing together a progressive government with staying power. I ask unanimous consent that the Evans-Novak article be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington Post, May 28, 19651 (By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak) DOMINICAN HOPE SANTO DOMINGO.-Having liquidated the undeniable threat of another Cuba in the Caribbean, the United States is now liquidat- ing the threat of a return to strong man, rightwing military rule. The intense effort going into this work ought once and for all to give the lie to shrill critics who have been spreading the false rumor that President Johnson really f a- vors rightwing military juntas and doesn't trust the anti-Communist left. The intensity of the effort to rehabilitate the left-of-center leaders still holed up in the cobweb of narrow streets in the old city has not yet been fully reported. Nor, it should be added, has the collateral and perhaps more important effort to deal with that stubborn political primitive, Col. Antonio Imbert Bar- rera. Tony Imbert now claims (without a shred of proof) to hold the confidence of the whole country except for the revolutionary forces here. The best place to start the story is in President Johnson's oval Office in the White House one day last week. Among those pres- ent were Secretary of State Dean Rusk and his Under Secretary for Economic Affairs, Thomas Mann. In a voice mixed with sad- ness and anger, the President said he was being blamed for using the U.S. Marines to establish and support a return to military dictatorship in the Dominican Republic. Nothing could put him in a falser light, the President said. Almost as the President spoke, Tony Im- bert's military forces were mopping up the last remaining rebel pockets north of the U.S.-patrolled corridor that separates the rebel forces in the heart of the city from Imbert's. This mopping up, far from prov- ing that the United States was helping Colo- nel Imbert, was an essential event to per- mit McGeorge Bundy, the President's eyes and ears here for 10 days, to begin his serious talks with rebel leaders. Serious talks were impossible while the two sides sniped at each other. But. once the United States had the two sides apart, with 22,000 marines and para- troopers in the middle, the stage was set for serious bargaining. Subtly and ever so gently, Tony Imbert was warned that, if he continues to insist on his claim to be the head of the legitimate government, the United States might find itself unable to lo- cate enough cash to pay Imbert's troops. Not only that, but the United States might also not come through with budgetary-sup- port funds which Imbert. must have to pay the country's Government workers. In the end, of course, it may be necessary to go much farther to force Imbert to agree on a non-Imbert government. Along with this no-nonsense maneuver to out Imbert down to, size, the United States Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 11702 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE June 1, 1965 has now reappraised Col. Francisco Caamano I)eno, with interesting results. Instead of finding a front for the most dangerous elements in the rebel camp, as Colonel Caamano had been repeatedly char- acterized in the past, the United States now finds a soldier-politician who is the unques- tioned rebel strong arm. Where before the shadowy figure of Hector Aristy was regarded by the United States as Caamano's gray eminence, today Caamano is described not as a tool of Aristy or of Com- munist elements within the rebel camp, but as his own man-trustworthy, honorable, and fully capable of keeping any agreement he finally signs. Thus, the conclusion is inescapable that, having eliminated the possibility of a Com- munist coup by swift, bold action on April 28, the United States is now promoting a progressive government. The problem is to glue one together out of the wreckage of Dominican politics. THE HIGH COST OF HEROISM- RE-FLECTIONS ON MEMORIAL DAY, 196x5 Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, Memorial Day, 1965, has come and gone, but the reason for this solemn holiday still haunts the minds of some of us. On this day, each year, the American people rouse themselves from other thoughts and pursuits, to honor the memory of the thousands of Americans who have given their last full measure of devotion in the defense of our freedom. From thousands of bunting-draped speakers platforms in villages, hamlets, towns, and cities all over this land, once more came the oft-repeated words: "So, on this Memorial Day, we pause to honor those"-and so forth. The speakers' words, the sound of muffied drums and taps-echoing over green fields filled with neat white crosses, row on row, soon fade away, and are for- gotten as we turn again to the harsh re- alities which - face the living. So, until next Memorial Day most of us will for- get the real significance of the day : the fact that without the sacrifices of our honored dead, our free Nation and the world as we know it would not exist. We also tend to forget the fact that throughout our history there have been extraordinary men-heroes--who have given that extra measure of devotion, and by their example have inspired others to rise to greater heights in defending free- dom in its hours of danger. Most conspicuous among those heroes are the comparative handful of men who are entitled to wear the Congressional Medal of Honor. The Medal of Honor, our Nation's highest award for military valor, is given only to those who have acted with su- preme courage, with total disregard of their own safety, in the face of the most hazardous conditions. It is bestowed by virtue of an act of Congress, and reflects our Nation's gratitude to those who, in moments of uncommon risk, offered in our defense everything they had includ- ing life itself. Any man who has served in combat knows that many who qualify for deco- rations do not receive them, because their deeds of valor were not observed, or be- cause there were no survivors to recount them. However, this fact should- not de- heroics; the medalists singled out for special tract from the tribute we pay those who recognition at the Johnson inauguration were did earn our Nation's highest award for outstanding scientists, artists, educators, and heroism. professional people decorated with the civil- ian Medal of Freedom. The Medal of Honor itself is merely THE PRIVILEGES OF A MEDAL HOLDER a token, a gesture of recognition of "Con- Along with the privilege of getting free spicuous gallantry above and beyond the transportation on military planes, if space call of duty," and for sacrifices which and flights are available, a Medal of Honor cannot be measured or repaid in terms recipient rates only two special benefits not of worldly goods. given to other veterans. He can apply for The harsh fact that we have not al- an optional Government pension of $100 a ways remembered and properly honored month after the age of 40, and, if his sons are our Nation's outstanding heroes was once qualified, they may obtain appointments to h Ai F A d ca - again forcefully brought to my attention by an article in This Week magazine which was distributed with Sunday newspapers, all over the country, on May 30. The article, entitled "The High Cost of Heroism," was written by Joe Mc- Carthy, and was particularly timely, coming as it did on Memorial Day. Mr. McCarthy traced the sad history of the shameful treatment accorded some of our Congressional Medal of Honor winners. Among others, he cited the pro- tracted tax troubles which plagued World War I hero Sgt. Alvin York. I believe we owe a debt of gratitude to the editors of This Week magazine and author Joe McCarthy for nudging our national conscience about the manner in which some of our Nation's greatest heroes have been ill-treated, ignored, and pushed aside. I commend this excellent article to all Senators, and request unanimous consent that it be printed in the RECORD. There being no obi ection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE HIGH COST OF HEROISM (Our Medal of Honor recipients have a brief moment in the sun and unfortunately a long time in the shade.) (By Joe McCarthy) On this Memorial Day, as America honors its war dead, it might be well to consider how muoh honor is paid to our greatest war heroes-the gallant band of 283 surviving recipients of the Medal of Honor, the Na- tion's highest award for bravery "above and beyond the call of duty." Until recently, the ceremonial recognition given regularly by the Government to the wearers of the Medal of Honor was a special red-carpet -invitation to the President's in- auguration. The medalists were seated in a place of prominence among the dignitaries near the President and treated as VIP's at the inaugural balls. They had to pay for the trip to Washington themselves, or hitch a ride on a military aircraft, one of the few privileges that goes with the medal. Free living quarters were available at military posts near the Capital. "Every 4 years they made us feel pretty important," says one aging medal recipient from World War I. "We looked forward to it." But last January, at President Johnson's inauguration, the red carpet was not rolled out. The invitation sent to Medal of Honor men included no special seats among the top-ranking guests and no tickets to the gala balls. A letter explained, regretfully, that there were no free beds for civilian medal recipients at Fort Myer or Fort Mc- Nair. By and large, those who did go to the inauguration were the few men who live near Washington. It was said, unofficially, that the admin- istration wanted to emphasize achievements of peace rather than the memory of wartime West Point, Annapolis, or te r arse emy without congressional recommenda- tions. It is widely assumed by servicemen that veterans wearing the Medal of Honor's blue and white-starred rosette in their lapels are legally entitled to receive a hand salute. But such a courtesy is not required by Army, Navy, or Air Force regulations. As a matter of fact, the bill awarding the $100 a month pension was passed by Con- gress a few years ago, not as a needed finan- cial benefit but simply because the legisla- tors realized that the medal winners were receiving little or no recognition from the Government for their wartime heroism. The author of the pension measure, Repre- sentative OLIN TEAGUE, of Texas, himself a World War II infantry officer with the Silver Star and the Croix de Guerre, pointed out to Congress that the United States at that time was lagging far behind Britain and France in showing official gratitude to out- standing patriotic heroes. When TEAGUE in- troduced his pension bill, they were receiving $10 a month after the age of 65, a pension authorized before World War I. "The $100 a month they're getting now isn't enough to live on, of course," a Govern- ment official said a few weeks ago. "It's just something to let them know we haven't for- gotten them." The Government official was asked if any further increase in benefits for Medal of Honor recipients was planned for the near future. "There are no such plans," he said. ROLLCALL OF FAME Today's living 283 Honor Medalists range in age from 89-year-old Maj. Frank C. Anders, who won his medal in the Philippine insur- rection of 1899, to 30-year-old Capt. Roger H. C. Donlon, decorated last December by Presi- dent Johnson for bravery in Vietnam. They include such well-known names as Capt. Ed- die Rickenbacker, Gen. Jimmy Doolittle, cow- boy movie star Audie Murphy, Marine flyer Joe Foes, who was elected Governor of South Dakota and is today commissioner of the American Football League, and Charles A. Lindbergh, who was given the medal for his solo flight across the Atlantic in 1927. Many of the medal holders have stayed on in the armed services until retirement, or are still on active duty waiting to retire, and a large number of them are in modest paying Federal and State Government jobs. There are 27 medalists working in various cities, for example, as employees of the Veterans' Ad- ministration, Department of Veterans' Benefits, the result of an order issued by President Harry S. Truman at the end of World War II directing the VA to hire any Medal of Honor recipient who applied for a job in that Department. A typical medalist employed by the Veter- ans' Administration in Newark, N.J., is Nicholas Oresko, who singlehandedly charged and demolished two enemy machinegun positions in Germany in 1945, wiping out the second emplacement with grenades and rifle fire while severely wounded. Not so typical is Henry E. "Red" Erwin, the only enlisted airman to win the medal in the Pacific in World War II, and now assigned Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 Approved For Release 2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67BO0446RO003001.80A37-0 June 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE as that headed by I. W. Abel walk with { namese and foreign military men here are dignity and love of country. They are coming to the same conclusion. They are the envy of. workers throughout the en-' convinced the war can end only when the tire world. They raise their families on Vietcong guerrillas are whipped in the south. So strong Is the the "right side of_ the railroad tracks," regions that it will take a hold protracted effort to use a common a Lpressian. involving tens of thousands of American Mr.. President, I. W. Abel's election troops to root them out of the jungles. to the presidency of the United Steel- To have Ho Chi Minh, the North Viet- workers of America will benefit not only namese leader, cry "uncle" and call off his the members of his union but all Amer- attempt to take over the south, can never be lean working men and women, Trade done even by bombing Hanoi and other unionism today is a vital and integral northern cities now inviolate under the part of our, economy and way of life. American concept of slow escalation of air attacks. that sense, I. W. Abel's election will Only y O the diehard airpower enthusiast be- be of great benefit to the entire Na- lieves the Communist will to resist can be tion. broken, short of nuclear bombing. Most military men are .convinced that land in- vasion of North Vietnam would be necessary. SUBCOMMITTEE MEETING DUR- Even South Vietnam's leading airman, Vice ING SENATE SESSIONS TODAY Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky. advocates land in- AND TOMORROW vasion. ...'But this would put the United States in Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I a position somewhat akin to the Russian "dk unanimous consent that the Sub- planting of missiles in Cuba. President committee on Patents, Trade Marks, and John F. Kennedy was willing to go to war if Copyrights of, the Committee on the Ju- a hostile force remained at his doorstep. diciary be authorized to meet during Red China's reaction certainly would be the the sessions of the Senate today and to- same if Americans occupied North Vietna- mese territory adjacent to China's southern morrow, June 1 and 2, 1965. border. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- The bombings up north, so far restricted out objection, it is so o red, to the unimportant lower half, have failed appreciably to reduce infiltration of Com- ( mimist-trflined e ill r. __ ___ _ _. rr as Mr. MAN . Mr. President. in showing up, either inside South Vietnam or 11695 culture, extraordinary civilizations developed. In Mexico this tradition has been persistent, growing, and proliferating. Here at the fair the artifacts, arts, agriculture, and burgeon- ing industries of Mexico mark an entirely new civilization built upon an old and a medieval one. You have leaped from primi- tive to Renaissance to the most advanced and sophisticated modern. Your Briareus has reached out a hundred arms to exploit all of your resources. Democracy and the social revolution have been slow to come, but now they are here in all of their enormous im- plications. On the opening of this exhibit of artistic genius we offer our profound respects to a friendly neighbor on the continent we share, whose prosperity is ours, a country which has remained aloof from world wars, and whose ways are the ways of peace. We hail the priceless opportunity you offer our peo- ple to share in your institutions and progress. In this spirit I now present to Sefiora de Diaz Ordaz, the wife of your distinguished President, Gustavo de Diaz Ordaz, who has done so much to usher in a new day for Mexico, a gold Unisphere charm, and our silver medallions with the symbols of our globe and of our city, as it enters its fourth century; to Prof. Fernando Gamboa, who assembled this remarkable exhibit; and to Mr. Alfonso Corona del Rosal, Secretary of National Resources. To Mr. Octaviano Cam- pos Salas, Secretary of Industry and Com- merce, and Mr. Agustin Salvat, Minister of Tourism, I present our plaques. I now declare the exhibit officially opened. 'appeared a clear and. cogent dispatch """ acsu'ttr ivoren vietinam divisions-10,000 or more men each, if at full strength-have CHIEF OF ARMY ENGINEERS LT. 'on Vietnam by Jack Foisie. _ He reports been identified as being in the mountainous `that the conviction is growing in Saigon midnorthern area around Kontum. GEN. WALTER K. WILSON, JR., TO that even heightened pressure on Hanoi We have bombed 27 sizable bridges and RETIRE will not end the war in the south. He made 7 propaganda pamphlet drops in North Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. reports, as well that the military situa- Vietnam. The cost of these and scores of other missions conducted since the bombings President, it is appropriate to devote a tion within South Vietnam itself is quite began February 7 has been 43 planes lost few moments at this time to observing 'serious, and 25 pilots dead or captured. the retirement from public life of a man This sort of reporting-straightfor- But the Vietcong, losing hardly a man, whose career has contributed to the well- `oyard, unemotional, factual-is of im have blown up as many bridges in South being of every American and the growth -sense value, to the public in understand- Vietnam in half that time. In the last 3 and prosperity of every 1 of our 50 :1Y]g. the situation. that confronts the days they blew up four, according to the States-Lt. Gen. Walter K. Wilson, Jr., .President as he strives to contribute to tally kept by the American military. And the foe's own the U.S. Army's Chief of Engineers. ,a reasoned peace in Vietnam. That has propaganda efforts have been *4lever ba simple question and it is, intensified to increase terrorist strikes at General Wilson retires from the Army ever been not getting any easier, civilian officials killed and 364 kidnaped since guished service in war and peace. In The article referred to points up January 1, according to the American tally, these brief remarks I propose to touch 'Clearly the grim choices which are loom- only on the last 4 years of that service, 'ing in Vietnam, I ask unanimous con- NEW YORK his tenure as Chief of Engineers. sent that it.be printed in the RECORD at WORLD'S FAIR-RE- ,this,point, MARKS OF HON. ROBERT MOSES , We in West Virginia have ample cause There being no objection, the article AT REOPENING OF MEXICAN to be grateful that a man like General was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, PAVILION foremost Wilson has been water in resource of the l pm n't as follows: e deve lopment Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I agency during those years. This is a `VIET WAR MIIST BE wON IN SovrN, ExsERTs ask unanimous consent to have printed time when we have been seeking a way SAY In the RECORD at this point, as a part of out of the grip of a spiral of depression; (By, Jack Foisie, special to the Inquirer my remarks, the address delivered by and we have found in General Wilson and Los. Angeles Times) Hon. Robert Moses, president of the New and his agency a major force for hope SAraoN, May 25-The belief grows here York World's Fair, 1964-65, at the inau- and progress. They have not simply that even all-put bombing of North Vietnam gtrration of the art exhibition and re- worked in our area, but have always will not force the Communists to cease their opening of the Mexican war in the south. pavilion, on tried to make their work meaningful and Nor are the 45, 000 American military men May 25, 1965, cooperative and responsive to our needs presently in South Vietnam going to be There being no objection, the address and our own endeavors. enough to win the war. on the ground. Many was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Under General Wilson, the moderniza- thousandsof combat troops will be needed, as follows: .and even then the war will continue for REMARKS OF ROBERT MOSES, PRESIDENT OF tion of the Ohio River waterway has -years 'If it is to be kept nonnuclear. THE NEW YORK WORLD'S FAIR, 1964-65, been unshed rorward with great energy. x'1"7. gloom appraisal is common here. It CORP., AT THE INAUGURATION OF THE ART Various major reservoirs similarly have may be .dti'e to , the traditional impatience EXHIBITION AND REOPENING OF THE MEXI- been moved forward. A number of ed, 'df the American, who, having been raised in CAN PAVILION, FLVSHING MEADOW, MAY 25, portant studies have been advanced, ?a society where massive effort gets immedi- 1965 notably a restudy of the Guyandot River ate 1 results, cannot understand why it can't The Spaniards set a deep seal on every and Justice Reservoir. Recreational de- app y in Vietnam against the Communist country on which her navigators and adven- velopments, which we expect to be a concept of, guerrilla arfare. -~' - ,- Curers set foot in the days of discovery and major factor in our programs for stimu- $ut .., ~ g t Q pessimigm is evident not only colonialism. Language is only one of the her- lating economic growth, have been given amori t . e Americans. Thoughtful Viet- stages of their conquests. Mixed with 114tive especial impetus. Last year the Corps Approved For Release-2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 11696 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORL: -v AT June 1, 1965 of Engineers asked for and received from Congress a supplemental appropriation to accelerate project work in the Ap- palachian region; and this appropriation included provision for the expenditure of some $900,000 for recreational improve- ments at just two major West Virginia and Gallipolls polls lock and dam-plus more than $2 million for the acceleration of work at seven or more other West Vir- ginia projects. Finally, in response to the Appalachian Regional Development Act the Corps of Engineers under Gen- eral Wilson has established a special Office of Appalachian Studies to work out programs through which the devel- opment of the water resources of the region can be fitted most effectively into overall programs for the revitalization of the regional economy. West Virginia's experience with the Corps of Engineers is typical of that shared by all States. I am sure that every Senator here could bring forth many examples in his own State of the highly practical concern shown by the Corps of Engineers for the water prob- lems of the American people, and Gen- eral Wilson's effectiveness in translating that concern into action. One measure of this effectiveness is the fact that when General Wilson became Chief of Engi- neers, the Corps of Engineers` civil works construction program was about $700 million per year; whereas now it is more than $1 billion-a 40-percent increase in just 4 years-and this in a period of and retrenchment during which m rivers and other resources; when the fact is that, far from being ordinary or commonplace, the corps is unusual among human institutions for many qualities, not the least of which is the consistency, decade by decade, of the ex- cellence of its leadership, which has been brilliantly exemplified by Lt. Gen. Walter K. Wilson. I convey the sentiments of the people of West Virginia, and I think also of the Senate and the Congress, when I express my gratitude to him for his career of public service to us all, and wish him every continued good fortune in his forthcoming endeavors in private life. SAM M. LEVINE Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, last week brought the death of one of my State's finest citizens, Sam M. Levine, of Pine Bluff, Ark. Following his death, an editorial tribute to him was published in the Pine Bluff Commercial of May 23. I had admiration and respect for Sam Levine, as did all who came in contact with him. I could pay him no higher accolade than to quote the concluding paragraph of the editorial: When men want to know the reason for America's strength at its grassroots, let them study the life of Sam M. Levine in Pine Bluff, Ark. I ask unanimous consent that the edi- torial be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: econo y SAM M. LEVINE many Government programs were being the enlightening of youth. The alternative cut back. This is a most impressive It is not easy to sum up what the name is to slip into an abyss of oblivion. There testimonial of the confidence felt by this "Sam Levine" came to mean in this town and can be no other end." whole Congress, representing as it does in this State, but someone ought to try it. The Associated Press noted that other all the States of the Union, in the prac- It would be instructive and salutary for fu- senators paid little attention to the gentle- moral integrity of the ture generations to know the breed of man man from Pine Bluff. "His colleagues," re- tical worth and the we were able to produce in these times. ported the AP, "all but ignored him while Army's Corps of Engineers. Any summation would have to include drinking soft drinks, munching sandwiches, While carrying out these programs on Senator Levine's rocklike devotion to the reading magazines and smoking cigarettes." the Nation's river basins, harbors, and law, his deep and active concern with edu- That did not dismay Mr. Sam. He con- sea coasts, the corps, under General Wil- cation, and his willingness to rely on reason, tinued to speak softly on behalf of reason, son, has also maintained its military con- of all things, in politics. education and the law. And no matter how He was an advocate-not only at the bar virulent the opposition, he spoke out as struction program, which included the but in the legislature, and in public service. calmly and as naturally as he walked down construction of a network of missile sites Eventually, he became so well known as an Main Street, his Phi Beta Kappa key dangling all over the Nation; has carried out un- advocate that his presence alone was enough from his tie pin. And slowly people began d precedented construction programs at to make his neighbors weigh their words an to listen. Cape Kennedy and elsewhere in support reassert their own principles. When future historians want to know why of the national space program; and has Born and raised in south I,oulsiana, he the State was able to shake off panic and fear, cloyed a leading role in recovery and ee later moved to Bonham, Tex., where lte en- they will find one reason in the words of countered another young lawyer--Sam Ray- Sam Levine. construction activities after several great burn, who went on to become the venerable Senator Levine's language acquired a natural disasters, including the Alaskan Speaker of the House of Representatives in natural courtliness over the years. Like the earthquake of last year and great floods Washington. Our Mr. Sam came to Pine man himself, it was restrained, direct and tali year. Bluff, in 1913 to practice law. well mannered. -One concluding observation: In com- People soon came to know Sam Levine as It has been some time since a candidate mending the career of General Wilson as a force for stability in the community. He for political office began his campaign by one of the Nation's great engineers and not only had a wit of his own, they realized, reminding the voters of their duties as Sena- but he fully appreciated a sense of humor tor Levine did in 1960: planners and executives, I 'have had at in others. "While the candidate for this extremely the same time to commend the Corps Sam Levine's gentle eyes becamQ piercingly high office must willingly subject his quali- which he has led. The fact is that the sharp once you started talking about some- fications to the careful consideration of vest- corps, under his leadership, has worthily thing he took seriously-the law, for ex- ers in the course of a strenuous campaign, carried forward a tradition of ability and ample. Admitted to practice law before the there is also a corresponding duty imposed on integrity that goes back generations into U.S. Supreme Court in 1923, he was on the the citizens to evaluate carefully the respec- the past, and is rivaled by few, if any, or- State board of law examiners from 1942 to tive claims advanced by the candidates. 'I ganization, anywhere in the world-a 1943, and once served as president of Jeffer- think it well to bear in mind that, partic i- tradition which, I am confident, will be son County's bar association. larily where an office of this type is being maintained with equal distinction under Mr. Sam's interest in education deepened sought, the need of the candidate for t.:Ie his successor, Lt. Gen. William Cassidy. as the years passed. At his death, he was office is absolutely of no concern to the voters a board member of the Institute of Inter- and should be entirely disregarded. On t'ie I think sometimes we are inclined to national Education-an organization in other hand, the needs and demands of the overlook the tremendous value to the which he played an active role for years. office are exclusively to be considered.'" htation of a tradition such as this. We A firm supporter of the liberal arts, he Senator Levine continued his interest in tend to take the Corps of Engineers for never welcomed the reduction of education politics after leaving the legislature, speaking up for improvements that are still needed- 'granted, as we do our mountains and to training. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 In his three terms as a State senator, Mr. Sam proved himself an activist and a man open to constructive ideas. It was Senator Levine who sponsored the act setting up a State forestry commission and another one establishing a retirement system for State employees. Politics gave Sam Levine scope to assert his dedication to law, to principle, and to edu- cation. At a time when others were overcome by panic, ambition, or fear, Senator Levine ad- vocated reason. Arkansas had reached the point where a legislator could win popularity by promising to protect the people against public educa- tion. Those were years when a legislator could say, as one representative did on Jan- uary 28, 1959: "Nothing contained in this bill should he construed to reopen the schools." And this argument, mind you, was being offered in favor of a bill. The following day, Mr. Sam rose to tell his colleagues in the senate: "In the past, this body has laid stress on mediocrity. Let's put the emphasis on excellence and supe- riority." Senator Levine continued his fight down to the wire. He took the floor on February 6, 1959, to oppose scuttling the State's public schools. First, he attacked the bill on legal grounds, where Mr. Sam was very much at home, by saying that it violated the Arkansas Con- stitution and "presupposes its own constitutionality." Senator Levine went on: "This bill," he warned, "strikes at the integrity of the public school system. It can serve no purpose ex- cept to agitate, and to detract from the wholesomeness of the public school system." Instead of destroying public education, he urged his fellow senators to strengthen it: "At this moment, we ought to rededicate our- selves to strengthening the country and to June 1, 1960proved For R i Qggj 1A5 C1~ A67B SENATE 0300180037-0 11709 regardless of value. Many argue the new rate still isn't high enough to encourage new car building. Critics are hoping that some help will come from a bill now being considered by the Sen- ate Commerce Committee. The measure Would prod railroads to return empty cars to their owners faster by providing for higher rental,rates; this, it is believed, would force car-short roads to step up construction of new cars. In brief, the bill would give the Interstate Commerce Commission authority to set rental rates. at a level which would both fairly compensate the owning railroad and insure an adequate national supply of cars. But at least one shipping group isn't wait- ing for congressional action on the car short- age. The Southwest Oregon Shipper's Traffic Association, which has 42 lumber, plywood, and particle board mills in its membership, is threatening to boycott railroads that aren't moving to increase the car supply. "We can easily determine which roads are building cars and have our interests in mind," says O. L. Stewart, executive secretary, "For those that are not, we will simply suggest to our members that they route their traffic around those lines if possible." Mr. Stewart estimates his group acggqqqqounts for about 00,000 carloads of,tralHc wally, with each carload worth an average of 1,000 ~) THE MESS IN VIETNAM: TEECw HERS PLEAD WITH A FORMER TEACH- ER-PART XVI Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, those to whom we in America entrust the edu- cation of our youth exercise a function second to none in importance to the future of our Republic, for the strength of our Nation is based on the character and understanding of its future citizens. Our teachers provide that. When teach- ers as a body take a position on matters vital to the conscience and conduct of our country, their plea deserves respect- ful attention. In last Sunday's New York Times ap- peared an advertisement addressed by over 1,000 teachers in the New York met- ropolitan area to President Johnson. They urge negotiation in the Vietnam crisis and a cessation of the bombings. They express a wide and steadily grow- ing sentiment. I ask unanimous consent that their statement be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: To OUR PRFSIprNT, A FORMER TEACHER: We are teachers in Metropolitan New York compelled by conscience to speak out against the American involvement in Vietnam. While we hold differing opinions about the nature and, purpose of our role in Vietnam, we are anguished that the might of America is being used to destroy that tragic land; we are horrified by the slaughter of innocents, by the tragic waste of American and Vietna- mese lives; we are concerned that the con- flict is widening and can only lead to greater horrors and worldwide destruction. We support your commitment to negotiate this crisis,, For. the sake of humanity, we implore you to stop the bombings immedi- ately and initiate a peaceful settlement in Vietnam. Ruth Abrahams, Emil Abrams, Murray Abramsky, Clarence L. Adams, Joseph Adams, Henry Addis, Abram Adelson, Leone Adelson, _Sandra Adickes, Donna Adler, Florence C. Adler, Freyda 90.94 15 Nacque Adler, Arnold Adoff, Barbara Adolf, Claire Alexander, G. Alperin, Rhoda Altman, Matthew Altschuler, Frank Alweis, Jerome Anger, Jack An- nunziata, Claire Antell, Clara Antin, E. K. Antonovsky, T. Arenson, Carlina Aretsky, Sarah Aron, Sandra Aronson, Leonard Arpel, Gertrude Asher, Dor- othy Astopee, Shirley Auerbach, Fran. ces Bader, Elaine Bakalian, Mitzi Bales, David Balfour, Roy Balfour, Robert H. Balogh, N. Bancheck, Ann Bander, Irving Barash, Sylvia Barnett, Ben Baron, Sara R. Baron, Albert Barra- cano, Norman Barrish, Muriel Bartel, W. R. Barton, Priscilla Bassett, Her- bert Barrow, Alfred Battaglia, Bernice A. Bauer, H. C. Bauer, Ben Bauman, Zaphirah J. Bauman, George Beau- champ, Jr., Irving Bechky, Norma Becker, Paul Becker, Robert Becker, Shula Beckerman, S. Bell, Vivian Bel- linson Teodarina Bello, Arnold Bel- lush, Anne Bender, Alice Benjamin, Carl Benjamin, Lillian Bennett. S. Berger, Terry Berl, Douglas Berman, Norman Berman, Suzanne Berman, Leonard Bernstein, Janet Berntsen, Maurice R. Berube, Diane Betchen, Sandra Biderman, Madeline Bini, Saul Birnbaum, Leonard Blackman, Edward Blaine, Cynthia Blanchard, Efram I. Blank, Emanual Blank, Ted Bleecker, Barbara Blickstein, Samuel Block, Miriam Bloom, Murray Bloom, Dorothy Bloomfield, Gladys Blount, Ellen Blustein, Leonore Boer, W. Bogan, M. Bogursky, Tell Bookpry, B. Bortan, Joseph Botkin, Augusta Bowles, E. C. Boyce, B. L. Braunstein, Maggie Brill, Jack Brodsky, Janet Brof, Joanne B. Brooke, Albert Bronson, Myrna Bron- stein, Leonore Brosius, Alice Brown, Harold Brown, Huntley Brown, Leila Brown, Louise J. Brown, Lyle Brown, Robert F. Brown, Sarah Brown, Jacqueline A. Browne, Lois Bryant, Carroll Buchanan, Walter Buchman, David Budbill, Walter Budhis, Judith Bunche, _ James E. Burton, Maury Buxbaum, Una Buxenbaum, Bernard Cammarata, Jim Campbell. Shirley Caplan, Janet Carnay, Marian Carpenter, Pauline Carpenter, Thomas Carpenter, Roger Cartwright, Fred Carden, Bette Cassaro, Thelma Cata- lano, Al Cavicchi, William Chafe, Lionel Chagrin, Evelyn Chalis, Bar- bara Chamock, Sam Chapman, Hattie F. Charney, T. Charney, Neil A. Chars- man, Wendy Chayette, Helen Cherne, Richard Chernick, Merton Chernoff, Elizabeth Chipura, Margaret Christen- son, Fred B. Chunow, Lois T. Clapp, Marie C. Clapper, Doris Clark, Edwin Cobert, Arthur Cohen, Carl Cohen, Denore Cohen, Maxine Cohen, P. Cohen, Rachel Cohen, Rita Cohen, Rosalyn Cohen, Ruth Cohen, Sylvia Cole, Alice E. Coleman. Goldie Colodny, Lionel Comiser, Palma Conlon, Rose A. Connolly, Edna G. Cohrad, Louise Consiglio, Louis Conte, Clark Cook, Wm. D. Cook, Melissa T. Cooper, Lill Cooper, Renee Cooper, Raymond I. Coppell, E. L. Cornelius, Jan Cott, Re- becca Coven, Eleanor Cox, Mitchell Crespi, Alan Criswell, Morris S. Csgay, Juana Culhane, Ida Cummings, Nor- man Curtis, Pat Curtis, Anna Cutler, Evelyn Cutler. Florane Cyrelson, Adeline E. Davia, Doris Davidson, Esther Davin, Nina Davis, S. Davis, W. A. Davis, Jr., Mary B. De Deka, Riricki De Diego, F. Delatorre, Joseph F. Demas, Rosalind Derman, Regina Dicker, Grace Ditzian, Carl Doerner, Mary A. Doin, Phyllis Dolgin, Irma Doniger, Jeanne Doran, Deborah Douglas, Lenore Downey, James F. Doyle, Mary Jane Dreyer, Ray Dubin, N. Dunetz, Charles Eckstat, Adele Edel- man, Eleanor Edelstein, Mildred N. Ehrlch, Sarah Einstein, Marks Eise- man, Charles Eisenberg, Edith Eisen- berg, Justine Eisenberg, Selma Eisen- stadt, Judith Eisenstein, Michael Elias, R. Elias, Elizabeth Eliot, Bernice El- kine, Simon Ellison, Walter Elovitch, Frieda W. Emil, N. Charles Emil, Gerald Emmet, Rebecca Epstein, Mae B. Erlichman, Muriel Ettinger, Sampson Eurogen, Shirley Evans, Ernest Fabi- itti, Carolyn Fabricant, S. Farhi, Ed- win Farrell, Catherine Fearon, Mary Feeley, Walter Feingersh, Lily Fein. stein, Alexander Feldman, Francine Feldman, Frances Fenichel, James Fenner, Herman Ferguson, Edith Ferrara. Beatrice Fields, Anne L. Filardo, Edgar Fink, Louis Fink, Helen R. Finkel, Laurette Finkel, Frank A. Finnel, Ben- nett Fisch, Sadie Fischbein, B. W. Fischer, Stanley Fisher, Edward Fish- kind, David Fishman, Shirley Fish- man, Mildred Flacks, Rosanne Flaum, Shirley Fleming, Deborah Flynn, Gavin Fogarty, Henry Fohr, Ellen Fore- man, Leon Forer, Marion Forer, Joseph P. Forman, Ray Frankel, Jerry Freed- man, Irene Freeman, Rema Freiberger, Elizabeth Freilicher, Edith Friedman, Eleanor Friedman, Is Friedman, Chet Frilmer, Leo Frisman, Carl S. Fryburg, Morton Fuhr, L. Furst, Margarita Gaines, Jaclyn Gang, Donald F. Gar- ber, Jewel Garill, Frances Garten, Mildred K. Garvin, Clyde Gatlin, Sheila Geist, Judith Gelarie, Lia Gelb, Maxwell Gelender, Sanford Gelernter, Celia Geller, Sid Gershgoren, Ruth Gershowitz, Herman Gersten, Lloyd Gertz, J. Ghoneem, Harold Gilbert, Stephen Gilbert, Charles Gimenthal, Marjorie Gill, Beverly Gingold, Eliza- beth Ginsberg, Morris Glaser, Doris Glass, Rachel Glasser, Joan Godshalk. Jeanette S. Gold, Sylvia Gold, Etta Gold- baum, F. P. Goldberg, Lucy L. Gold- berg, Dan Goldfarb, B. Goldhirsch, Grace S. Goldman, S. S. Goldman, David Goldstein, Philip Goldstein, Philip Goldstein, Ruth M. Goldstein, Shirley Goldzweig, Lois Golipsky, Charles Golodner, Laura Goodman, Richard Goodman, Roger B. Goodman, Ruth Goodman, Alice Gorden, Albert F. Gordon, Bernard Gordon, Leo Gor- don, Morris Gordon, Norman Gore, Pegi Goreluck, Leah Gorfein, Stanley Gotlin, Betty Gottlieb, David Gottlieb, Ed Gottlieb, Gordon Gottlieb, Leonard Gottlieb, Oscar Gottlieb, Anne Grant, Joel Green, Lesley Greenberg, Paula Greenberg, Etta Greenfield, Miriam Greenfield, Vivian Greenfield, Arthur W. Greenstone, Janey P. Greif, Mae Grettzer, Arthur Grenberg, Robert Groff, Betty Gross, Harold Gross, M. S. Gross, Carolyn S. Grossman, Milton Grubstein, Lillian K. Grumette, Diana Guadagnino, Ruth E. Gusthader, Lawrence Gutman, Matilda Gutman, Helen Gutstein, Norma R. Hairston, Carol Hallinger, Harriet L. Halpern, Judith Halpern, Stephen M. Halpern, Dorothy I. Halprin. Irving Halprin, Natalie Halprin, John Halvey, Adele Handlers, Aaron Hankin, Ethel Hanauer, Glinne Hanrahan,. Louis Harap, - Norman Harenstein, Michael Harlow, Rosalie Harmon, Helen Harris, Jay Harris, Joan H. Harris, Louise Harris, Marjorie Harris, Mary W. Harris, W. L. Harris, Delores Harrison, Priscilla Haslett, Freddie M. Haughton, Ethel B. Hauptman, Nora Hauser, Louis Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 jifflffl P6~ R000300180037~ne Approved For R aeSSIO /114 j1 11710 Hay, Joyce Haynes, Philip M. Heart', D. Lucas, Vincent D. Luciano, A. Lud- Pauline Hecker, 'John Helbok; Harry wig, George Lunn, Edwin Lurzwell, Helfman, Betty Heller, E. R. Heller, Steve Lyons, Miguel A. Madrid, Morris Paul Heller, Irene Henken, Edward L. Mailman, Rudolph Mainelli, Carl Herbst, Emanuel Herscher, D. Hercu- Makower, Frances M. Maiden, L. lee, B. Herman, Erna Herman, Evelyn Malkin. Herzfeld, K. Herzig, Joseph Heyman, John B. Manbeck, Florence Manda, A. Dorothy Hibbert, Nancy Higgins, Earl Manhelmer, Naomi Maning, George C. Hill, Ruby S. Hill, Carol Hiller, Shu- field, Arlene elB r MMann, arcus, Irving M s- lamith Hirsch, Frances Hochberg, Sam Samuel C. Hochberg, B. Hoffman, Richard Hoff- Marenz, Edna Mark, Nathan Marks, man, Sarah Hoffman, Eleanor Holden, Alice K. Marsh, Calvin Martin, Edward Joan Holiber, David Honig, Marlene Martinson, Rebecca Martz, Esther Honsner, William Horn, Norman Hero- Marcus, Beth Margolis, Florence Mas- witz, Rosalyn Horowitz, Donald Hor- ler, Seymour Masler, Diane Mason, J. ton, Jessica Howard, Joan M. Howard, Mass, Oscar Mass, Geraldine Masers, Lois Howlett. Jennie Mastropaolo, Marjorie A. Ma- Clara Hunt, Elizabeth Hunter, Marlene thias, Thelma Matican, Anna R. Mat- Hymel, Prank llchuk, Grace Cohen un, Norma Matzkin, Bernice J. May, Ilchuk, Ellen Imberman, William Steven Mayer, Ben Mazen, Elnora Mc- Isaacs, Frieda Isenberg, Belmont Carther, Eugene A. McCoy, Roxanne B. Jabin, Stephen Jablonsky, Milton McDowell, Polly McMillan, John Mee- James, Helen Jackson, Carrie Jacobs, han, Fan Mehlman, Alice Meisel, Jose- Claire Jacobs, J. Jacobs, Bob Jacobson, phine Merolla, Virginia Mells, Marjorie Eli Jacobson, Harriet Jacobson, Rosalie Meyersohn, Thomas Micklow, Alvin Jacobson, Roselyn Jacobson, R. Jatow- Migdal, Charles Miller, Kenna S. Miller, ski, Richard Janda, Davis Jeffrey, S. Millman, Carmen Miranda, Martin Wilhelmina Jenkins, Leslie Johnson, Mirer, Sara Mitchell, Dagoberto MO- Michele Johnson, Bill Jones, Geraldine lerio, Albert Montare, W. E. Moore, Jones, Herbert Jurist, Shulamith Just- James Morris, Peter B. Morris, Raye man, David Kabock, Meyer Kadko, Morris, Selina Morris, Sidney H. Mor- Irwin R. Kaska, Alan Kahn, Barry rison, Michael C. Morose, Sidney Kahn Murray Kahn, Rose Kaiser, Moskowitz, Mary Jane Multer, Carol Michael Kalln, Walter H. Kail, Joyce Muster, James Nach, Sheila Nacht. Kallir, Henry Kamin, Benjamin H. Ethel C. Nagel, Susanne Nagel, M. Natelli, Kaplan, George Kapp, Miriam Kappal- Emily Nathan, Raymond Nazer, M. H. wan, Ida Karp, Florence Kaslow, Hu- Needleman, Lillian Nekritz, Leonora bert Katz, Paul Kaufman, Edith S. Nelson, Rose Neufield, Alice M. New- Kavadlo, Beverly Kelly, Phyllis Kelvin, kirk, Carol Newman, Mr. and Mrs. S. A. Kempler, Walter Kendra, Jessie David Newman, M. L. Newman, Renee Keosiau E. M. Kessler, Gladys Kessler, K. Newman, Sylvia Newman, Ilene A. R. Kessler, Louisa Keyes, Sylvia Kim- Nichols, Anna Nieves, Dorothy Noland, melman, Allan Kincher, Ronna Kin- Magda North, Marianne Novak, Martin nis, Howard Kirshner, Ed Kiseane, Novemsky, Jerome Novick, Nita Novick, Ronnie Klemmas. Maxwell Numberg, T. Nunan, Gladys Betty Kletter, Blanche Koenigsberg, Alice Nussenbaum, J. P. Olicker, Oscar 01- Kogan, Morton Kogut, Kate Kolchin, shansky, John O'Neill, Dorothy Orland, Jules Kolodny, Robert Kolodny, Jeanne Ostriker, Esther Ostroff, Lynn Frances Korins, Sara Kornberg, Wit- Ostrow, N. L. Ovanin, Joseph Paladino, helmina Kraber, Julius Kramer, P. Fances Panitz, Gloria Paolella, Marsha Kramer Ruth E. Kramer, A. Krause, Parrman, Helen Parker, Myrtle E. Elaine E. Krauss, Peter Krauss, Stan Parker, Barbara Patricola, Saul Pavlov, Krefetz, Ellen Kregor, Eileen Krieger, G. Pearlman, Natalie Pearlstein, Jules Felix Kreitmar, Vlore Krigsman, Sy A. Peemoeller, Gladiola Peerman, Fill Krinsky, Lillian Kristol, R. Krouse, Peitz, M. Penn, Shirley Pentel, Theresa Matilda Kruger, Aaron Krumbein, B. Perl, Joseph Perez, Edith Perlman, Suzanne Kupfer, Bernard Kurtin, Joyce Perlman, Maxwell Perlman, S. Ralph Kurwein, Davina Kurwitz, Ami Perlman, Steven Parris, Barry Pessin, Kushul, Tom Laidman, Ira Landess, Juanita Peters, Marjorie Peterson, Lawrence Lane, Patricia Lane, Edward Elsie Pickus, Sidney Pilatsky, Rudolph Lansky, Priscilla Lapolla, Judith Lakin, Pinataro, Laurence Planer. June Laufer, Mark Lavis, Ed Lawrence, Paul Pitluk, Berenice Pliskin, William Ralph Lawrence, Edward Lawrence, L. Plummer, Bess Polin, Nancy Polin, Geraldine Laws, Ida Lebow, Saul Lech- Janet Pollack, Lila Pollack, R. Pollak, tine, Charles Lederer, Eva Lederman, Henry Pallet, Naomi Pommer, Robert Isabella Lee, Jim Lee, Milton Leff, Porterfield, Estelle Posner, Susan Pow- Hadassa Legatt, Martha Lehman, Rob- ers, Isadore Powsner, Lucy B. Poyer, ert Lehrer, Robert Leicester, Max Bernice Prendergast, Nan Prener, Ann Lefve, Marion Leonard, Irma Leibow, Price, Martin Price, Herminia Prieto, David Lerner, Francine Lerner, Lea Burke Probitsky, Minnie Proctor, John Lerner, Murray Lerner, Arlene Leven. Quinlan, Ellen Rabin, Elizabeth Rab- Miriam Levenson, S. Leventhman, Claire inowitz, G. Radford, Herbert Rahin- Levine, Joan Levine, Morris Levine, Rae sky, Marte Ramirez, Sam Lewis Rand, Levine, Ree Levine, Shirley Levine, Isa- Lawrence Raphael, Shelley Rapp, Do- bel Le Vita, B. Levy, Betty Levy, David reen Rappaport, I. Rappaport, Shirley Levy, Frieda Levy, Harriet Levy, Jane Rappaport, Ethel Ratner, Mary Ray- Levy, Mark Levy, David Lewin, Minnie burn, Miriam Rayburn, Arthur Razzio, Lewin, John L. Levine, Carol Lewis, Millie Rachany, Robert Redka, Ste- Claudia Lewis, Dorothy Lewis, Eman- phen Reines, Bonnie Reisnar. Richard uel Lewis, Gertrude Lewis, Murray Relyea, Edward Remain, Bernard Lewis, Sylvia Lewis, T. Liao, Joan Licht, Reznick, Bertha Rhodes, Julie Rice, Anita Lieberman, Saul Lieberman, Sheila Rice, Sylvia Richman, E. C. Malvina Liebert, Mildred Liebowitz, Ar- Ricken, Eleanor Riklin, Jeanne Ritter, thur hinder, Nora Linn, Herbert Lip- Reuben Rivlln, Rosalie Rivlin, Joseph kin, Carol Lieman, Pearl Lipper, Arthur Rizik, Bernard Roberts, Celia Robin- B. Lipsky, Helen Lipton, Henry Lipton, son, Earl Robinson, Jeanne Robinson, Roslyn Lipton, Adele S. Lithauer, Elsie S. Robinson, Ella Root, Michael Rosa, Rae Litman, Robert Lokin, J. London, J. H. Rosandy. Marion London, Sylvia Louis, Sidney Gertrude E. Rose, Albert Rosen, Marion Lovett, Vivian Lowell, Eileen Lubin, Rosen, Miki Rosen, Natalie Rosen, Linda Lubow, Frances Lucas. Francis Phyllis Rosen, Sandra Roam, Eugene 1, 1965 Rosenbaum, Rochelle Rosenbaum, Doris Rosenberg, Sylvia Rosenberg. William Rosenberg, Arlene Rosenblatt, D. J. Rosenblum, A. Rosenburg, Erwin Rosenfeld, Riva Rosenfield, Rose Ro- senfield, Daniel Rosenstein, Bnily Ro- senthal, Irving Rosenwasser, Pearl Rosner, Arthur Ross, Lesley Ross, Na- omi Rossabi, Martin Rosoff, Madeline Rostker, Pearl Rostov, Carol Roter, Alice Roth, Gladys Roth, Jacob Rothband, David Rothchild, Gussie Rothman, Henry L. Royston, Barbary. Lee Rubin, Helen Vogatch Rubin, Mor- ris Rubin, Richard Rubin, Anne Ru- benstein, Helen Rugowin, Marianne Russo, Sean Ryder, Morris Sabbeth, Priscilla Sabbeth, F. Sabin, Betty Sacco, Sylvia Saffro, Jerry Safner, Jeane Salamy, M. Salant, Frances Sal- dinger, Alfred A. Salesky, Lee Saltz- man, Morris Salz, Naomi Sa1z, Jessie Salzman, L. Salwen, Rhea Samaras, Esther A. Samson, Linda Samuels, Ju- dith Sanderoff, David Sanders, O. San- difer. Susan Sandler, I. Santo, Joseph B. Sapi- enza, Joseph Saspro, Audrey L. Satlin, M. Schachter, Phyllis Schaefer, Bea- trice Schaeffer, Virginia Schattle, Charles Scheckner, Irwin Schechter, Samuel Scherek, Florence Scherer, Toni Schiffer, Anne Schiller, Samuel Schin- delheim, Lyvia Schlaefer, Berenice Schlakman, Irving Schlein, Bert Schie- sing, Charlotte Schlossberg, Steven Schrader, Edith Schrank, Evelyn Schroeder, G. Schulhoe, Blanche Schul- slaper, Blanche Schundelman, Roy Schunurkopf, Benedicta Schwager, Gloria Schwartz, S. Schwartz, Sol Schwartz, Sarah Schwartz, T. Schwartz- barth, Grace Schwartzman, R. Y. Scott, John Anthony Scott, Maria Scott, Lu- ther W. Seabrook, William H. See, Ju- lian L. Seid, Ruth Selden, Howard Sere- tan, Lane Serota, Barbara Sewell, Dav- id Shaine, Alex Shames, M. R. Shamroy, Sheila Shankman, Jack P. Shapira, Adele Shapiro, Ida Shapiro, Leo Shap- iro, Louis Shapiro, Sidney Shapiro, Sid- ney Shapiro, Florence S. Shaw, Laura Shaw, Pearl Shaftz, Barbara Shepetin, Bella Sherman, Ira Sherman, C. Shimel. Margery Shine, Flora Shore, Sylvia F. Shows, Mildred Sickles, Harvey Siegel, Edward Siegel, Marian Siegel, A. I. Si- gal, Charles Sigmund, Donald M. Sll- her, H. Sillekens, Anita Silver, Myra Sil- ver, Mr. and Mrs. Gerald Silverman, Myron Silverman, Abraham Singer, Barbara Singer, Gertrude Singer, J. Singer, Ann Sirotof, Linda Sklarow- Martha Skulsky, Helene S. Slater, Ka- ren Slavin, Sarah Slotkins, Roslyn. Small, Vilet Small, Bernice Smart, Al- vin Smith, Betty Smith, Esther Smith, Geraldine Smith, Irene Smith, Law-? rence Smith, Lucille Smith, Sylvia Smith, Jean Smolar, Helen W. H. Sni?- ton, Mildred Snow, Sylvia Sokolow, Henry Solganik, Sidney Solomon, Jac- queline Spears, Lester Speiser, Vivian Speiser, Matthew Spetter, Madelon Spier, Blanche Solomon, Rebecca L. Boyer, Jerry Spitz, Susan Spitz, Rich- ard Springer, J. Spoerri, Lillian Stah,., Elizabeth Starcevic, Alan L. Stein, Li- lian D. Stern, Philip Stern, Prances Sternberg, Simon Stanislow, Eva Star- field, Martin Starfield, Ralph Stein. Nancy Steinberg, Evelyn M. Stimmel, Fred Storfer, Dorothy Stoneman, Mar- tha Stodt, Barbara Strausman, Joseph B. Strum, Kieve Stubenhaus, Norman Stuber, Isabelle Buhl, George Sundel, Nicholas Surdo, Armas Suvanto, Fried a Sverdlove, N. Talbot, Irving Talmuke, Norma Tasman, Russel Tauber, Bea- trice Teitel, Lloyd Temes, Harry Tenen- berg, Mildred Tenenbaum, Prances Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 June 1, 1965 COIN UKk,6b1LXN AL Thell, Rachel Tholfsen, F. Thorpe, P. recently found it necessary to seek the Thalfsen, Lary Titeiman, Aaron Toder, advice of members of the Virginia con- Aaron Elinor Tolbert T , oler, Saul gressional delegation in Clearing up r, Susan Traub, Ruth Traub, Shirley hat they regard as ambiguities in some bo, Trapido, er r Rose- Tretin, of the pledges they are being asked by i A Abraham Tuck Kathleen A X In m e I . , l ,Int"M X TuciZer, Lynette V. Tucker, Adele Tul- State and Federal officials to sign. - man, Muriel Turner, Mark Ubeiman, One of the questions raised by the Jo Ubogy, Elizabeth Urani, Milton county supervisors was whether they ?,Unterman, Semah Unterman, Gayle should be required by the State to sign Theresa Vigo, Tnomas waDer, i aroi .Wagner, Leo Wagner, Thomas E. Wahn, Violet Ward. 11 Carl V. Warren, Michael Warman, L. G. Watkins, Ernest Waxman, Bernice Webb, Ray Wechsle, Roberta Wedeen, Suzanne Weidberg, Hazel C. Weill, Egrschel. Weinstat, _ Irving Weinstein, Suzanne, Weinsein, Henry Weinstock, Bernard Weintraub, Joshua Wiesen, ,Adele V, Weiss, Blanche Weiss, Malvina It. Weiss, Nancy Weiss, Norman Well, r ' , Wellman, Marilyn Weldfeu PTOVIXma Margaret Werthman, Edna Wetter, Wilson, It, Wirte, R. Witre, Susan Wither, Joseph Wohl, Jerry Wolf, Lois C. coif, Miriam Wolf. Helen Wong, Mabie 5. Wood, Elaine Woodbura, Mildred Woogen, Barbara Wortman, Rose. Wrinfricki, Frances Wunder, Lionel M. Yard, Shirley Yasner, Ann Youdovin, J. Zaddin, Stanley Zelman, ers Committee for Peace in Vietnam, cochairi men: Sandra Adickes, Norma Becker, 520 East 12th Street, New York, N.Y., 10009. A GOVERNMENT OF MEN ~Mr,, ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I predicted in this Chamber a year ago that the real meat ax in the 1964 Civil Rights Act was title VI, which enables officials in Washington to determine what constitutes discrimination in any program or facility receiving Federal as- poses which are expended by local school boards. The county supervisors argued that they have been asked by the State to execute an agreement concerning which they would not have full respon- sibility for compliance. The county supervisors also contended the wording of the agreement was not clear as to whether it imposed personal liability for. compliance on the individual signing it on behalf of the board of supervisors. A , second question raised by the Au- gusta County Board of Supervisors re- lates to the renting of office space in county facilities to various Federal agen- cies, such as the Agricultural Stabiliza- tion and Conservation Service. I am informed that the county entered into a compliance type of agreement covering such rented space indicating that they do not engage in discriminatory practices. But the supervisors are ob- jecting to additional provisions being placed in the lease in regard to damages in the event.of a breach of the compliance agreement. In regard to hospitals, I have just re- ceived a copy of 'a paper prepared by Assistant Surgeon General Harald M. Graning, chief of the Division of Hospital and Medical Facilities, Public Health Service, in which he outlined to officials of the Carolinas-Virginias Hospital Con- ference what they must do under title VI of last year's law if they receive any Federal aid funds: The Public Health official gave the fol- lowing as examples of some of the ques- tions "you may find useful in examining the facilities with which you are associated": Are patients admitted without considera- tion of any factor pertaining to race, color, I expressed the opinion then that if the Are the same entrances, admission offices, 1964 bill became law it would change the waiting rooms and other general service fa- -kind of government the people of Vir- cilities available to and used by Negro and ginia have known, and the kind of gay- other patients? ernment that had its origin at James- Are patient room assignments made with- town in 1618. out regard to race, color, or national origin? I said ,tklat nder title VI eve little Are patients assigned to semiprivate four- , bed bedrooms and wards without regard to bureaucrat could say, "This is my rule race, color or national origin of the other on discrimination." Supporters of the patients? bill disagreed with me, pointing out that Are all services and facilities available to the President would have to approve all patients without regard to race, color or na- of the rules and regulations; tional origin? But, regardless of who makes or ap- Are dining spaces and cafeterias available to and used by patients, staff, trainees, and proves the regulations, Virginians have employees without discrimination? found out recently how far reaching Are all clinics, emergency, and outpatient title VI is in its, application. services available to and used by Negroes and For example, the doctors and hospital other outpatients? Officials of Virginia and adjoining South- Are professional qualifications and char- ernStaffs were told recently by an ofll- acter the only criteria applied in granting or cial: of the Public Health Service how denying staff privileges? they must integrate any ho5- Do Negro physicians having staff privileges Completely serve on a rotation basis in clinics and emer- pital receiviiir Federal funds. gency and outpatient departments on the a separate development, the same basis as other physicians? 11711 Are trainees, interns, or other trainees as- signed to service with patients without re- gard to their race, color or national origin? These are only some of the questions which should be asked. As you can readily see from this sampling, every effort should be made to comply with both the spirit and letter of the law. Mr. President, if these are only "some of the questions" which should be asked, it is difficult to imagine any that were left out. These recent developments indicate I was not exaggerating when I spoke last year about what would happen under title VI. RETENTION OF SECTION 14(b) OF TAFT-HARTLEY ACT Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, I have recently received communications from two important chambers of commerce in my State. Both express support for retention of section 14(b) of the Taft- Hartley law. I fully agree with the views expressed by these chambers. In order that other Senators may be advised of the depth of Texas feeling on this sub- ject, I ask that there be printed in the RECORD a letter from the Athens cham- ber and a newsletter from the Lamar County chamber. There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: ATHENS CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, Athens, Tex., May 25, 1965. Senator JOHN TowER, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR TowER: The Board of Di- rectors of the Athens Chamber of Commerce wishes to go on record opposing any change in section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act. We object to any proposals that will either delete this section from the act or to any change that will destroy its effectiveness. It is our feeling that this section adds ma- terially to the freedom of choice by American working men and women. We do not believe that membership in any organization should be a requirement in getting a job just as we do not believe that membership in a chamber of commerce should be a require- ment for operating a business. We respectfully bring this to your atten- tion and ask that you oppose any changes in this section. Very sincerely, LINDEN It. LEWIS, President. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF LAMAR COUNTY, Paris, Tex., May 1965. The repeal of section 14(b) of the Taft- Hartley Act would eliminate the right-to- work law in Texas, and force any man or woman getting a job with a business in which employees are represented by a union, to join the union and pay the initiation fees and dues; or to look for work somewhere else. Under the existing law he has the: choice to join or not join and his job can- not be taken from him because of his deci lion. How can unions give service to members; when their membership is compulsory, and. there will be no need to prove that they can serve thepeople? The repeal of section 14(b) of the Taft Hartley Act could lessen the desire of large. firms to locate in Lamar County or Texas .because the right-to-work law makes for bet- ter working conditions. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RpP67B00446R000300180037-0 11712 Approved For lease 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 1, 1965 Repeal of section 14(b) is contrary to sec- tion 703 (a) of the Civil Rights Act which states that you cannot have unlawful em- ployment practices that discriminate against any individual with respect to terms, condi- tions, or privileges of employment. Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, the Irving News Texan recently published a strong and reasonable editorial advoca- ting retention of section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley law. This editorial has been called to my attention by a number of distinguished Texans, including Mr. Phillip Reid, chairman, of the board and president of the Irving Bank & Trust Co. In order that other senators may share the views expressed by the News Texan, I ask that the editorial be printed at this point in the RECORD. PRESIDENT Is PAYING ONLY LIPSERVICE TO FREEDOM IF SECTION 14(b) IS REPEALED A great deal of lipservice is paid to free- dom by the present administration. But President Johnson's recent declaration favor- ing the repeal of section 14(b) of the Taft- Hartley certainly should make voters wonder just who all this freedom is for. Apparently, it is for those groups and or- ganizations which make the most monetary contributions to campaign funds. Repeal of section 14(b) would write off-the books the right-to-work laws of 19 States, including Texas, But even more unjust, it would force into labor unions thousands of workers who do not desire membership. It, In essence, gives American workers the choice of either going union or not working at all. The public has given President Johnson strong support in committing this coun- try's Armed Forces to the preservation of free- dom throughout the world. But here at home, the President evidently gives a dif- ferent definition to the word freedom. Compulsory "anything" is not a corner- stone for strength. It is a license for abuse Just how strongly the President feels about the abolishment of the right-to-work sec- tion in the Taft-Hartley law is really not known. He made only passing reference to it in Tuesday's labor message to Congress. However, the "Johnson treatment" of Con- gressmen does not always involve loud pub- lic proclamations. What the President is doing behind the scenes is much more im- portant. The reason behind the request for repeal, of course, is the Democratic Party's ob- ligation to labor for support in the past national election. It is the shame that a po- litical party must tamper with the freedom of thousands of American workers just to remain in power. But this is what is hap- pening. One union publication recently referred to the retention of section 14(b) as "com- pulsory open shop." This is like saying the compulsory right to vote or the compulsory right to bear arms or the compulsory free- dom of religion. Even under the hated sec- tion, anytime a worker gets tired of non- unionism he may join a union. Compulsory unionism relieves labor lead- ers of the responsibility of making their unions and the union benefits attractive. Under compulsory unionism, the worker is not guaranteed anything in return for his union dues. He is only guaranteed that there will be union dues. In short, compul- sory unionism destroys the incentive of labor leaders. Also it must be recalled that given the conditions of a closed shop, it is easier to maintain the coercive discipline on which During the early days of the industrial revo- lution, unions did cure many inflicted labor wounds by management. But in recent years, the main function of unions has been to push the wage-price spiral further up- ward. Since businessmen cannot combine forces like unions, there would be nothing to stop labor leaders from accelerating the spiral, and with it, inflation, under closed shops. The arguments against compulsory union- ism are many, but one may be considered basic. And this argument is the cornerstone to our entire society. Is this to be a truly free country, or must a man under duress, need a union card to earn a living and sup- port a family? If President Johnson and the Democrats intend to pursue the repeal of section 14(b), then let them do It under some label other than "liberalism." It is pure and simple tyranny. Mr. President, I have received a most important letter from the employees of the Roy Klossner Co., of San Antonio. In it they most emphatically support re- tention of section 14(b) of the Taft- Hartley law. I am in full agreement with them, and in order that other Senators may be advised of the urgency with which con- cerned Texans view this matter, I ask that the letter be printed at this point in the RECORD. THE Roy KLOSSNER Co., San Antonio, Tex., May 21, 1965. Hon. JOHN TowER, U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We urgently recommend that section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act remain as it now stands. We as employees of the Roy Kiossner Co. feel that the repeal of this act would take away one of our precious liberties. Any- thing that you can do to help retain this law will certainly be appreciated. Very truly yours, THE EMPLOYEES OF THE KLOSSNER Co. REPORT OF SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY ENTITLED "UTILIZA- TION OF U.S. GOVERNMENT FOR- EIGN CURRENCY BALANCES" Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President, I am in receipt of a report from the Sec- retary of the Treasury, the Honorable Henry H. Fowler, entitled "Utilization of U.S. Government Foreign Currency Bal- ances." The report is in response to an inquiry I made on March 1, 1965, as to whether, in view of the U.S. balance of payments and outflow of gold problem, it would be useful to review the treaties, contracts and arrangements under which we own and generate foreign currencies. The inquiry was made to the Secre- taries of Treasury and State, and a copy was sent to the President. The Treas- ury report, received under a letter dated May 27, 1965, is self-explanatory. I ask unanimous consent to have the report and the preliminary correspond- ence published as part of these remarks in the body of the RECORD. militant unions depend In time of strikes. There being no objection, the report 'Trade unions have been a dynamic force and correspondence were ordered to be in the development of the United States. printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, Washington, D.C., May 27, 1965. Hon. HARRY F. BYRD, Chairman, Committee on Finance, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR Ma. CHAIRMAN: The enclosed report "Utilization of U.S. Government Foreign Currency Balances" supplements the mate- rial provided by the Secretary of the Treas- ury in his letter to you on March 12. It was prepared in cooperation with' the Depart- ments of State-AID, Defense, Agriculture, and the Bureau of the Budget. You will note that the actions underway are not in terms of final accomplishment but rather involve continued search at all levels for further progress. I know that you will welcome the efforts to effectively use our foreign currency ba- lances to benefit our international payments position In ways which will not involve an adverse withdrawal of resources from coun- tries in whose economic development we have a great interest and to which we extend foreign assistance. I deeply appreciate your concern and value most highly your active cooperation in our efforts to further strengthen our interna- tional payments position. Sincerely yours, UTILIZATION OF U.S. GOVERNMENT FOREIGN CURRENCY BALANCES NATURE OF THE PROBLEM How can our foreign currency balances be used to provide additional benefit to our balance of payments? On December 31, 1964, the U.S. Govern- ment owned the equivalent of $2,937 million in foreign currencies. Of this total, $1,556 million is committed under our foreign aid program for use by the aid recipient countries for economic development and for the com- mon defense. The balance, $1,381 million, is designated for U.S. Government use; and, of this balance, $1,239 million is in the curren- cies of the eight so-called excess currency countries: Burma, Guinea, India, Israel, Pakistan, Poland, United Arab Republic, and Yugoslavia. This concentration of $1,239 million of excess currencies is further accen- tuated by the fact that 85 percent of it is held in three of these countries-India, Pakistan, and Poland. In contrast to our ex- penditures in the Western European coun- tries, which greatly exceed our supply of their currencies, it is in the eight countries listed above that our balances are in excess of the normal operating expenditures of the Government. These foreign currency balances have ac- cured primarily under our food-for-peace program and have increased in total as the program has continued over the years. Sales of agricultural commodities under Public Law 480 contribute- substantially to the total U.S. oversea aid effort which, in turn, Is designed to strengthen the economies of re- cipient countries and hasten the day when they can finance their import requirements on commercial terms. Meanwhile, sales are made for payment in foreign currency to countries which cannot pay for their needed food requirements in dollars. Most of these countries are recipients of dollar assistance. OBJECTIVES OF UTILIZATION OF LOCAL CURRENCY The essential problem we face is one of finding means by which to utilize the foreign currencies we own so as to further save over- sea expenditures in dollars, strengthen the economic position of aid recipients, har- monize usage of the currencies with other U.S. aid programs and advance our foreign policy objectives. Basic to consideration of the problem of increased U.B. use of foreign currencies is the Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 Approved For Rele se 2003/10/15_:; CIA-RD 6R 0300180037-0 Julie 1, 1965 CC) GRESSIONAL RECORD - SEAT to the VA office in Montgomery; Ala, To have a terrible time trying to adjust to civil- make himself presentable enough to hold a tan life. Nobody writes about all the rest of job with' many contacts, Erwin spent more us who are quietly raising families and wor- than 2 years in a veterans' hospital-after the rying about the mortgage payments like war undergoing skin-grafting surgery on his everybody else." burned and disfigured face. In a B-29 on a The Medal of Honor heroes best known by bombing mission over Japan a phosphorus postwar newspaper readers are indeed the bomb caught and `ignited in the plane. To ones plagued by the most troubles, such as save the plane and the other men in its crew, tobacco-chewing Charles E. "Commando" Erwin groped far 'the burning bomb, picked Kelly, from Pittsburgh, the 38th Division's it up, and carried it forward to the copilot's one-man army in Italy. Chuck Kelly, as window with hiss hands and clothing in he was called in his outfit, has occupied more flames, and dropped it outside. space in newspapers since the war than dur- Most of the medalholders are members of ing it-thanks to his prolonged struggles the Medal of Honor- Society, which meets with unemployment, illness, and financial every 2 years at reunions and publishes a woes. Sgt. Alvin C. York, who died last Sep- quarterly bulletin and newsletter to keep the tember at the age of 76, became almost as highly exclusive group informed of each famous in the last 20 years for his income other's doings. The current president of the tax litigations as he was for his World War I society is Thomas J. Kelly, a New Yorker who heroism. Sergeant York's feat of 1918 was worked his way through law school after win- hailed by Marshal Poch as the greatest ac- ping the Medal of Honor and now serves as complishment of any soldier in all the armies an Administrator in the Manhattan office of of Europe. In a 4-hour skimish in the the U.S. Civil Service Commission. Argonne Forest in 1918, York and a few com- Even among the annals of Medal of Honor panions killed 25 Germans and captured the citations for the past century, which crowd rest of an enemy machinegun battalion, 4 every page with unbelievable stories of self- officers and 128 enlisted men., less daring, the account of Kelly's award- A modest and unpretentious Tennessee winning exploit under fire stands out, mountaineer, York firmly refused after the As a 21-year-old medical aid man, Kelly war to capitalize on his Medal of Honor. was attached to an armored infantry platoon Finally he was persuaded that amovie bi- .which was caught by a surprise attack while ography, starring Gary Cooper, could inspire crossing an open clearing in Germany. The patriotism. For the film rights to his life platoon and Kelly ran from the plateau- story, York was paid some $150,000, most of alke exposed ground to the protection of a which he gave away to worthy causes and downhill slope, leading dead and wounded needy friends. Americans behind them. Then York was hit by an income tax and Going back into the clearing to bring the interest bill for $172,000. His case dragged wounded to safety meant crawling and run- through courts for years. The Internal Rev- ping under fire from the surrounding woods enue authorities finally agreed to settle for for a distance of..,200 yards, but Kelly de- $25,000, raised by public donation. cided to try it. On his first trip he led out a Probably the most shaky postwar read- group of seven blinded and shocked casual- justment attempted 'by any Medal of Honor ties who were ably, to walk under, his guid- recipient was the one tackled by Audie Mur- ance. Ton he went back across the exposed phy. Murphy, who won more decorations terrain again and again, carrying and drag- than any other soldier in World War It, re- ging more wounded soldiers. Two other GI's, ceived his Medal of Honor award for holding who tried to help him, were both killed. a woods attacked by the Germans almost jielly made 10 trips in all, rescuing 17 fallen singlehanded, personally killing or wounding men from the field of sweeping machine- 50 of the enemy. He left his cotton-growing gun fire and exploding mortar shells. hometown of Farmersville, Tex., after the "I thought of Sister Saint Peter, one of the nuns Vllo taught mean parochial school," he said recently. ?f could feel her gold ring tapping against my forehead, as it did when she was trying to'teach me something, and I Could hear her saying, 'Tom Kelly, you know what's right and what's wrong. There are wounded n en out there-go and d get them.' " As president of the Medal of Honor So- olety, Kelly hears more about the problems of medal winners than anybody in the Penta- gon or the Veterans' Administration, Many Of the war. heroes in his fraternity feel that they get too much recognition--of the wrong kind. "Wearing the Medal of Honor can 'be harder than winning it," Kelly said., "A medal- holder sometimes tends his cgrmnamdng offi- cer, or his' boss in civilian life, leaning over backward, making sure he isn't treated any better than anybody else because of his medal. ?If he makes a mistake, or gets into trouble, he's likely to be given a rougher punishment than he would have gotten if he didn't have the medal, He's always carefully walking a tightrope in the glare of the spotlight." TROUBLE MAKES IIEADI,,NES, war ana went to nonywooa to oecome a movie star. Now 40-he was only 20 when he won the Medal of Honor-Murphy Is comfortably and solidly established in fllmland and as a mil- lionaire cowboy movie spar, the only horse- riding actor still working regularly in motion pictures. He appears in four or five west- erns a year, low-budget films that are shown mainly in small-town theaters. Murphy was regarded as a "hot" prospect when he first came to Hollywood, and Mur- phy's friends believe that he might have become a glamour star if he had patronized the right people in Hollywood. But he kept the right people at arm's length and never regretted it. "I have only a nodding acquaintance with Hollywood-type people," Audie once said. "I say nodding to them and they say nod- ding to me." Murphy enjoys his role as a western per- former. His peaceful existence in Hollywood is marred only by gossip column mentions of a Medal of Honor hero being thrown out of Sunset Strip nightclubs. It is another holder, but everyone thinks the columnists are writing about Murphy, who never goes to nightclubs. Murphy makes a point of never identifying An autoinobile accident or a bankruptcy, a himself publicly with his Medal of Honor, divorce. trial or a friendly party turning into which he has given, along with his other a noisy brawl, any of the misfortunes that medals, to his two young sons. He avoids ordinarily wouldn't be mentioned in the meetings of the Medal of Honor Society and newspapers can make headlines if a, Medal turns down invitations to appear in his re- of Iton,gr hero isiavlved. , serve.unifoxln at parades. However, he_went. 11 "'Thy Q,ne&youu read about are the few who to a PTA meeting in Gardena, Calif., recently are having personal troubles," Kelly says, and made a speech on "What the Constitu- 11703 SALUTE TO GLORY The most impressive salute ever given to Medal of Honor holders and perhaps from the looks of things, the last one, was a spe- cial reception attended by 240 wearers of the award at the White House on May 2, 1963, the largest gathering of the medalists in one place in the history of the United States. As the heroes of six wars filed past President Kennedy, shaking his hand, some In wheel- chairs and others on crutches, the President's sister-in-law, Mrs. Robert F. Kennedy, made a remark which well described the emotion of the spectators: "It is like watching a million flags march by." IU ENT JOHNSON'S VIETNAM POLICY Thomas Pine said, "There are the times that try men's souls," he was describing the pressures of life nearly 200 years ago. That great patriot might be dismayed to find, were he alive today, that the pressures and crises have multi- plied; that these times are far more try- ing, perhaps, then the relatively placid days of the American struggle for. Independence. But Tom Paine would be cheered, I believe, by the courage, the patience, the skill, and the fortitude of this Nation's Chief Magistrate, Lyndon B. Johnson. I am thinking particularly of our Pres- ident's policy in the Vietnamese coilflct: weilding forcefully this country's awe- some strength and distructive power, yet always holding out the hand of peace, offering to our adversaries a reasonable and workable settlement, if they will but agree to negotiate. This, I believe, is statesmanship of a high order; and I believe that in these "times which try men's souls," we can draw strength from our President's con- duct In his office. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD two excellent articles, by Michael Padev which rein- force and expand upon these views. The articles were published in the Indian- apolis Star of May 5 and 14. I also commend to other Senators an excellent editorial entitled "Negotiations on Vietnam." It was published in the Washingtin Evening Star of May 18. I also request that this editorial be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the articles and the editorial were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Indianapolis Star, May 5, 19651 ANALYSIS OF TACTICS: JOHNSON REVOLUTION- IZES FOREIGN POLICY (By Michael Padev) WASxnNGTON.-President Johnson has com- pletely revolutionized American foreign policy in the last 3 months-since the be- ginning of the bombing raids on communist North Vietnam. Southeast Asia, and now the Caribbean, are the regions where this new Johnson policy has been tried. But its repercussions are bound to be worldwide, and its effect on the future course of international develop- ments is certain to be decisive. What Mr,_Johnson has done is to put the United States squarely "on the map" as the greatest power-fully aware of its overwhelm Approved For Release 2003/10/15 ~CfA-RDE67e00446R00030018OO37-0' Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 1, 1965 use that strength in defense of U.S. national interests and international peace. In the last 20 years or so Mr. Johnson's predecessors were, in most cases, rather power shy. They were apologetic about America's enormous military strength and tremendous economic and industrial capac- ity. Wherever and whenever limited American military strength had to be used--as, for example, in Greece and Turkey, in Berlin, Korea, apd the Middle East---this was always under the auspices of some "international" sponsorship. The idea was conveyed that there was something basically wrong in the use of American military strength. Yet the only wrong thing about it was the fact that the idea itself was wrong. The use of military strength is not "wrong" by itself. It depends on who uses it, how, and for what purpose. - In this field (the use of military strength) the record of the United States is second to none. The United States is not a colonial or imperialistic power, it holds no foreign country in bondage and it never has waged wars for conquest. Contrary to what leftwingers and "liberals" say, the world is not afraid of American mili- tary power. To the contrary--all supporters of freedom and, democracy, as well as all enslaved nations-in Europe, in Asia, and everywhere else--always have welcomed and welcome now the display and the exercise of American military power. This is so because they know that American power is their friend and protector. The quick, forceful, and determined use of American military power in southeast Asia and the Caribbean will-we can be cer- tain-greatly increase American influence throughout the world. All our true friends will welcome with re- lief and satisfaction the news that, at long last, the President of the United States is following a foreign policy worthy of the lead- er of the free world-a policy based on the use of adequate U.S. strength where aggres- sors have to be stopped and where Commu- nist conspiracies have to be defeated. The success of this policy can best be judged by the angry and desperate howls coming from the Communist camp. The Communists are hurt-badly-and they shriek the louder because they did not expect such a hard blow to come from the United States just now. For many years, the Reds were accustomed to American inaction in the face of their growing provocations. But now the man in the White House shows that he can act-and how. When shot at, he shoots back right away, without even consulting the United Nations. And as L.B.J.'s guns are the best in the world, and his aim is deadly accurate, the Reds are beginning to realize they are in the wrong game. This soon will bring the Communist lead- ers to an "agonizing reappraisal" of their policy toward the United States. The one thing that the Communists don't want-and cannot afford to have-is a real showdown (a "confrontation," as Washing- ton diplomats would say) with the United States. They will change their policy when they see that a confrontation might be in- evitable. We then shall be on the road toward a more peaceful world. ['From the Indianapolis Star, May 14, 1965] L.B.J: s SPEECH WAS ErrEcTIvz PUBLIC DIPLOMACY (By Michael Padev, Star foreign editor) WASHINGTON.-President Johnson's speech before the Association of American Editorial Cartoonists yesterday was a very, skillful and a very effective step of public diplo- macy. The President said things and proposed policies which are meant to- 1. Further deepen the rift between Mos- cow and Peiping. 2. Make the Hanoi Communist regime think twice before agreeing to accept any military help from Red China. 3. Strengthen the "peace party" among North Vietnam's Communist leaders. Contrary to what liberal experts on Com- munist affairs predicted, the escalation of the Vietnam war has not drawn Soviet Russia and Red China together. To the contrary, it has moved them further apart. The Red Chinese press is now full of scorn- ful attacks on the Soviet leaders, who are accused of kowtowing to the American im- perialists and of being scared to help the glorious Communist comrades in North Viet- nam against the American "paper tigers." But Red China. is not helping North Viet- nam either. Though the Soviet press has so far been silent on the matter, Soviet and East European Communist diplomats have been pointing out in talks with Western officials that it is the Red Chinese who seem to be scared, in spite of the bombastic war propaganda. By stressing that Red China is the only danger to peace in Asia, President Johnson has given a diplomatic "helping hand" to the Soviet leaders in their difficult strug- gle against Peiping. This is a very clever political move. The United States should do its utmost to worsen the quarrel between Soviet Russia and Red China. Disunited Communists are much less dangerous than united Com- munists. It is also obvious that all is not well be- tween Red Chinaand the Hanoi Communist government. The ,U.S. bombing offensive against Com- munist targets in North Vietnam has made Hanoi suffer very dearly for its "war of lib- eration" in South Vietnam. Red China also supports this "war of lib- eration." But there are no Red Chinese casualty lists, no Red Chinese bridges are bombed, and no Red Chinese communication lines are destroyed. As the U.S. air offensive against Hanoi continues and is extended, the North Viet- nam Communist leaders connot fail to see that their country is the only victim in a war which is supposed to be common Com- munist property. The unequal share of sacrifices, hardships and privations is never a good basis for a last- ing alliance between states. Sooner or later the Hanoi Communists leaders will point out to their Chinese com- rades that a peaceful settlement with the United States might prove to be the only way to save North Vietnam from destruction and devastation. Red Chinese propaganda about the United States being a paper tiger must sound very hollow in Hanoi just now for it is the Hanoi leaders who know, from painful experience, that the paper tiger has very sharp teeth, indeed. By offering again "unconditional discus- sions" for peace, coupled with an imagina- tive and constructive American plan for tech- nical assistance to an international Cooper- ative development project in southeast Asia, President Johnson has appealed directly to the "peace party" among Hanoi's Communist leaders. There should be no doubt that such a "peace party" does exist in Hanoi. We often believe, mistakenly, that all Communists think and act alike. But this is not true, especially in times of stress, emergency or war. We can be sure that there is, at present, a very strong group of North Vietnam Com- munist leaders who doubt, or who begin to doubt, the wisdom of continuing the "libera- tion war" in South Vietnam. Mr. Johnson's speech was meant to strengthen the hand of exactly this group of Hanoi leaders. [From the Washington Evening Star, May 18, 1965] NEGOTIATIONS ON VIETNAM President Johnson's call for unconditional peace talks on Vietnam, combined with the idea that "there is no purely military solu- tion in sight for either side," Is being wildly misinterpreted by some people in this coun- try and abroad. Critics of administration policy have seized on these two phrases to bolster their hope that a sellout in Vietnam is' in the making. If a negotiation can be started, they say, it will be based on our recognition of a military stalemate in Vietnam. Whether or not the Communist Vietcong is accepted as a party to the negotiation, its status as a political power will be conceded. The United States, these people believe, will be willing to accept participation of the Vietcong as a major element of.a coalition government in South Vietnam which will ultimately lead to the reunification of the country under the leadership of Hanoi. The President, in our opinion, means no such thing. A willingness to negotiate un- conditionally does not mean that we are pre- pared to accept any and all conditions to achieve peace in Vietnam. And to say that no purely military solution is Insight does not mean that the United States is resigned either to a Vietcong victory or an indefinite stalemate. - - The President, in short, is not seeking a ne- gotiation in order to consecrate a defeat. Much of his speech last Thursday was de- voted to the task of pointing out that the struggle against the Vietcong is being waged on political, economic, and social levels which are concurrent and complementary to the military war. Nothing that he has said could be interpreted to mean that this- struggle against Communist domination will not be ultimately successful. No negotiation undertaken under the pres- ent circumstances is likely in any event to produce a final settlement of the Vietnamese problem. The United States, as the Presi- dent has made clear many times, cannot ac- cept any formula which compromises the freedom and independence of South Vietnam. What may be negotiable are the terms for a cease-fire in the south, together with an end to infiltration of men and arms from North Vietnam and the bombing of North Vietnamese installations. It is possible also that the groundwork could be laid for elections in South Viet- nam within a reasonable time after a cease- fire. Such elections held under international supervision would determine the role of the Vietcong in any future South Vietnamese government. It would also, very probably, determine the issue of reunification accord- ing to the wishes of a majority of South Vietnamese. It is quite understandable that a solution along these lines should satisfy neither the Communists nor those who would like to see a surrender of South Vietnam. The reaction from Hanoi and Peiping so far indicates that the Communists for their part have by no means abandoned their hopes of conquest. And they at least do not seem to be under the illusion that they can win at the bar- gaining table what they cannot win on the battlefield. ADJUSTMENTS REQUIRED FOR FULL EQUALITY Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, James Reston recently devoted his widely read column in the New York Times to an Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 Approved For Release 2003/.1DIS;;.,:CIA-RQP67IOg46R000300180037=0 June 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE TABLE 7.-Education, and Experience-Continued 70B VACANCIES BY MINIMUM EDUCATION AND EXPERIENCE REQtlIREMENTS Minimum period of related experience: Less than 1 year: None --------- _____________________ 4.6 0 8 6 0 . 1 to 3 months--------- 12.2 . 0 . 17.3 4 to 6 months--------- 37.8 3.2 11.2 7 to 11 months --- --- ------ ---------- - - -- -?_ - 0 0 2 2 - - - - - - - - 1 year------------------- -------- ------------- 0 15. 1 . 4.6 2 years---------------------------------- ----------- .3 7.2 5.1 3 years ----------------------------------------------- 0 27.1 20.6 4 years----------------------------------------------- 0 0 51.5 5 years------------------------- --------------------- 0 22.7 1.4 6 years----------------------------------------------- 7 to 9 years------------------------------------------ 10 years or more------------------- ----------- Total-. - Minium period of related experience: Less than 1 year: None______________________________ 1 to 3 months----- ---------------------??--------- 4 to 6 months ----=---------------?^--r------?'---- 7to11 months--------------------------------------- 1 year----------------------------------------------- 2 years ------------------------------ ---------------- 3 years---------------------- ------------------------ .4 years----------------------------------------------- 5 years----------------------------------------------- years ----------- 07 0 9 years - --------- ----------- ---- 10 years or more------------------ ------------------ Total__.-------_--------------------- ----*- 62.9 5.0 28.2 0 0 .9 0 0 0 0 3.0 0 100.0 i Statistically unreliable owing to large relative size of standard error. 2 Distribution statistically unreliable owing to small number of reported vacancies. 11763 Stand- ard error of total number of job vacancies 11.3 28.9 9.3 29.4 1.4 2.3 100.0 28.1 37.4 2.9 2.2 0 0 100.0 10.8 20.3 15.9 0 0 100 0 56.5 40.2 0 1.1 0 0 . 100.0 5.5 52. 2 11.9 4.2 .2 6.3 100.0 37.6 30.8 5.7 11.2 2.0 .1 100.0 3.4 22. 0 3.7 18.9 2.8 1.4 100.0 4.2 28.9 1.0 8.7 3.0 2.7 100.0 7.9 31.6 9.6 22.0 3.1 1.7 100.0 i (8) 48.0 55.1 67.2 70.9 50.8 50.3 57.6 3.6 2.2 .6 .2 0 0 1.7 2.5 2.1 6.3 0 0 3.1 4.8 1.5 0 0 0 1.2 2. 7 11.3 9.8 1.3 8 18.1 6.5 31.3 11.5 8.0 6.0 13.8 .5 11.3 1.1 3.2 2. 1 4.0 7.7 2.7 4.4 2.0 6.3 .8 2.7 12.3 7.7 6.6 2. 1 3.8 4.4 3.8 6.9 2.7 3.6 1.0 1.7 0 1.5 0 2.6 .7 1. 0 .3 4.6 4.4 .9 0 .4 .5 1.5 4.4 .4 100.0 a components do not necessarily add to totals owing to rounding. 3 Unless otherwise stated, the source for all tables is the NICB survey. (see text.) (4) All standard errors are rounded to 3 pignificant digits. The sample for the NICB February survey was designed to obtain reliable information from employers of all'sizes and in all major industry groups. Nine different size groups (in terms of employment) were used in the sample design. In addition, 10 different in- dustry divisions were separately sampled. All employers with 250 or more employees were included in. the sample. Of 416 em- ployers chosen, 10 were found to be out of business on the survey date, 3 were sea- sonally closed, 3 refused to provide in- formation, and 1, a -very small employer, could not be contacted by an interviewer. Substitutions were made for two of the re- fusals, in medium-sized firms. Of those em- -ployers available to respond, 99 percent did sa. Of those responding, 48 percent re- ported one or more job vacancies. The interviews were carried out by six meipbers of `the staffof the conference board and eight employees of Bernardine Slade Market Research,' Inc. Prior to the Febru- ary survey a number of extensive explora- tory interviews were conducted with Roch- ester employers. A pretest of 45 small- and medium-sized employers was conducted in January. Also, a conference board em- ployee conducted a postenumeration quality check after, the February survey :of .14 em- ployers previously interviewed. Our experience with these surveys has led us to the, tentative conclusion that the col- lection of job vacancy statistics is a feasible operation when the information is obtained -by interview and the ' groundwork in the community has been carefully prepared. Employers were cooperative in almost all eases and readily understood the concepts and definitions. A preliminary analysis of the results indicates that they are reason- able and consistent with other information. Our final judgment, however, must wait upon the results of the two additional sample sur- veys in Monroe County, one the other in August 1965. 31.0 2.7 3.1 .2 2.7 5.2 8.2 30.4 .4 16.0 0 0 in May and 49.6 0 1.3 0 12.6 10.4 15.3 0 10.5 .3 0 0 rtv AMEI ICAN PUBLIC PATIENCE BIG REQUIREMENT FOR SUCCESS IN VIETNAM Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, Ed- ward T. Folliard, a columnist for the Washington Post, has written a thought- ful and, wise article on the great impor- tance of patience and stamina on the part of the American public with regard to Vietnam. He says, in part: The most important requirement for suc- cess in Vietnam, aside from fighting men, weapons, and diplomacy, may turn out to be patience and stamina in the United States. In Hanoi and Peiping, the Communists are betting that Americans are short on both of these qualities, and will not be able to match their own Oriental fortitude. I ask unanimous consent that the en- tire article be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PATIENCE, STAMINA: VIETNAM REQUIREMENTS (By Edward T. Folliard) The most important requirement for suc- cess in Vietnam, aside from fighting men, weapons and diplomacy, may turn out to be patience and stamina in the United States. In Hanoi and Peiping, the Communists are betting that Americans are short on both of these qualities, and will not be able to match their own Oriental fortitude. It is a fact that Americans are not noted for patience. Indeed, we have made a virtue of impatience, and this doubtless has had much to do with the Nation's greatness. Ours is a country in a hurry, as is exemplified in the slogan: "The difficult we do immediately. The im- possible takes a little longer." This is admirable, but what happens if the war in Vietnam is a long drawn out one? It could become the longest war in which the United States has ever engaged. It cer- tainly will become that if Donald Johnson, national commander of the American Legion, is right. The Legion chief, who recently visited South Vietnam, said at the White House last week that he could envision the struggle going on for another 5, 6 or 7 years. American Intervention in South Vietnam began In the Eisenhower administration, but the current buildup in manpower was or- dered by President Kennedy, and the first American casualties were reported late in 1961. Therefore, if the fighting should con- tinue for another 5 years, it would set a record for American involvement with a foreign foe, exceeding in duration the Revolutionary War (1775-83). President Johnson is eager for a settlement in Vietnam, but he has vowed to hang on there until the Reds of North Vietnam and their Vietcong allies end their aggression against South Vietnam. He says that the United States will "not be defeated" and will "not grow tired." Moreover, the Texan be- lieves that his successor, or successors, will if necessarf carry on the struggle after he leaves the White House. That still leaves unanswered the question of how the American people would behave if the conflict is prolonged. It is an important question. In writing about the Korean war Approved For Release 2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67Bc0446R000300180037-0 11764 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180037-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 1, 1965 in volume II of his memoirs, former Presi- I ask unanimous consent that the en- dent Harry S. Truman said: tire article be printed at this point in the "What a nation can do or must do begins RECORD. with the willingness of its people to shoulder There being no objection, the article the burden." The American people saw the Korean war was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, through, but their patience was badly as follows: strained. There were hawks and doves then, DOMINGO REDS NEVER A MYTH too. But in between were millions of Ameri- cans (By Eric Sevareid) who just weren't persuaded that this SANTO DOMINGO, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. - lives involvement was worth the cost in The tide of second guessing about the Amer- Sir and treasure. easure. Churchill said later that ican intervention in Santo Domingo-as to Sir Winston s this its justification, its size, its methods and one act by Mr. Truman-his boldness and its aims-had reached oceanic proportions swiftness be listed s in going g into into Korea---entitled ice,s great Preset him by the time this writer managed to get to among Amt the first European city established in the dents. I this desI seemed time, however, that World. Here in what Columbus called the Missourian i never quite succeeded in ex- eat "the land of God," had come the first teach- was at s staake e In Korea, mass Korea, his and was countrymen what err and preachers, yet here remains, after calling the war r "a police action." jeered d for five centuries,. one of the political hellholes President Truman had strong backing of the hemisphere, its soiled streets once again thronged with armed men from abroad. banner American of the United Nations. troopsKorea The scenes of bitter sorrow in Santo under the hrst sent But as the conflict Domingo have been well described; there are But me, dragged on, it Senator became Robert a other things, perhaps, worth putting down at political issue e at ae home, late date. I thought I had rarely seen A. Taft and other Republicans began calling such brave work by combat reporters, rarely it "Truman's war." such emotional involvement on the part of into to spite the o of 1952 this division, presidential cawhichmpa carried over some of them, rarely such a wealth of un- Communists realized after a year of fighting confirmable reports and rumors, rarely such Communists the that the map of Korea couldn't be changed a disasterous lack of contact between report- by violence. After a signal from Moscow and era and American officials who were not only Peiping, negotiations for a truce began on physically remote but for a long time July 10, 1951. The negotiations continued silenced by Presidential orders. And rarely for 2 years; finally, the armistice agreement have I read such certain conclusions in was signed at Panmunjon on July 27, 1953. American press editorials about a phenom- Back in 'the spring of 1951, President Tru- enon in which so much was uncertain and man had fired Gen. Douglas MacArthur as inconclusive. Far East commander. He disagreed with For me it is impossible to believe that the MacArthur's proposal to attack Red China Communist threat was a myth, Impossible and he disagreed with MacArthur's shib- to believe that a democratic and stable gov- boleth: "There is no substitute for victory." ernment could have been formed by the !m- "The only victory we seek," said Mr. Tru- passioned leaders of thousands of armed and man, "is the victory of peace." But in say- impassioned people, a vast number of them ing this, he insisted that the Communists youngsters. It is hard for me to believe that would not be allowed "to keep the fruits of we could not have prevented the tragic fight- their misdeeds." And so the war ended ing in the northern part of the city, easy where it began. to believe that we did prevent an even more The war in Vietnam Is very much different awful bloodletting in the congested down- from Korea. President Johnson's objective, town region. however, Is much the same as Mr. Truman's: I cannot understand the cry that we put to show the Communists that they can't get in far too many men. An airport, several away with aggression against their neighbor. miles of corridor and a safety factor with a Mr. Johnson has said that the United long perimeter require thousands of soldiers States has no desire to conquer North Viet- who require other thousands to support and nam and that "there is no purely military supply them. Nor can I understand the solution in sight for either side." Barring complaint that the President acted with too a change in policy, this would seem to leave much haste. Over many years I have the United States with only one course of been adjusted to the complaint of "too late action: to hang on until the Communists with too little." I find it hard to make a decide, as they did in Korea, that fighting quick switch to the complaint of "too soon is no longer profitable. with too much." I fail to understand the The Communist leaders of Hanoi and Peip- editorialist who points out with disdain that ing, as has been said, are betting that Amer- after all, there were only a few handfuls of icans don't have the staying power to go Communists present. In a very real sense the route. A generation ago, Hitler and their lack of numbers is their strength. It Mussolini were saying that the United States was because they were few that former was "decadent." President Juan Bosch had not bothered to L.B.J. IN SANTO DOMINGO NOT TOO LITZ LE OR TOO LATE deal severely with them. It was because they were few that they could do much of their work undetected. It was because they were few that foreign opinionmakers could make the Americans seem ridiculous and ,Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, in give us a propaganda defeat. As former the Chicago sun-Times of May 30, Eric Ambassador John Bartlow Martin reminds Communists discussed the Santo Domingo thmunists do not make revolutions, situation. He said, in part: they And take them over. And their small number in various other I cannot understand the cry that we put Latin American countries lies near the heart in far too many men. An airport, several of the profound dilemma that confronts the miles of corridor, and a safety factor with a United States for the future. Revolts are long perimeter require thousands of soldiers brewing in other nations to the south. In all who require other thousands to support and these revolts Communist elements will be supply them. Nor can I understand the present. Are we to put down every uprising complaint that the President acted with too because a Communist threat is present? much haste. Over many years I have been Obviously we cannot, even though some of adjusted to the complaint of "Too little with these uprisings probably will produce Com- too little" I find it hard to make a quick munist governments. switch to the complaint of "Too soon with But nothing in this realm of human action too much." Is inevitable; the game is not lost as long as we act on the assumption that it can be won. There are Latin societies strong enough to handle the Communists. Others will be gal- vanized into counteraction by Communist victories or near victories close by their bor- ders. Meantime, the nonsense arguments should stop. To say that the United States has kept the Dominican Republic from enjoying a free, stable democratic government is non- sense; we have given them another chance to find their feet on the long, hard road to democracy. To say that the real fear in Latin America is of American gunboat diplomacy Is nonsense; every literate Latin American knows that American interventions have al- ways been temporary while communism i; permanent. It is nonsense to indulge any longer the self-conscious idea that Latin America's trou- bles are the fault of the United States. Some are; most are the fault of Latin America Its ways of life are superior to ours in more than a few respects, but not in respect to the art of government. In the last century and, a half there have been in all of Latin America approximately 3,700 coups, rebellions, and. civil wars. INVESTIGATION OF ROBERT G. BAKER Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. -President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD an editorial which appeared in the May 28, 1965, Is- sue of the Spokesman-Review, Spokane, Wash., entitled "Justice Action on Baker Overdue." There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: JUSTICE ACTION ON BAKER OVERDUE Well over a year ago, Senator JOHN J. WII.LIAMS, of Delaware, had urged continued Senate Investigation of Robert G. Baker, former secretary to the Senate Democrats. He wanted the Senate to be free of criticism that "someone high in the Government" was being protected. Senator WILLIAMS also noted then that it was time for the Department of Justice to begin criminal prosecution in the Baker case. Earlier in 1964 the head of the Justice De- partment's criminal division had said his office was conducting an important investi- gation into Baker's affairs "to ascertain the possibility of false statements, conflict of in- terest, bribery, fraud against the Govern- ment and conspiracy." Then late last year it was revealed that a Federal grand jury in, the national capitol had started an investigation of conflict cf interest and other charges against Baker. The onetime protege of Lyndon B. John- son had refused, under 5th amendment pre- tections, to testify and to provide requested Information before the Senate Rules Com- mittee. His refusal was legally proper be- cause of the possibility of court action against him. The whole series of revelations-still fr.r from complete-came after a civil suit had been filed against Baker in September of 1963, a suit charging that he had used poli- tical influence in the award of contracts in defense Plants for a vending machine firm. Since then there have been out of court negotiations for settlement of this case. It is no wonder now that Senator WILLIAMS Is concerned over a pending summary report from the Senate Rules Committee. From unofficial leaks, he has come to the belief that a desperate effort is being made to dis- credit him while the committee's majority Democrats and the Johnson administration are trying "to save Baker from legal prosecu- tion at all costs." 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