CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE
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CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3
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Publication Date:
March 29, 1965
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owed For R p~p~~a~1 A ~1p Cq R PB00446R000300160009-3
March 29,~t~S3 REC~RD67 - SENATE
$1 million annually until the level of $10
million is reached., The ceiling of $10 million
will remain thereafter. S. 22 passed Senate
March 25. (Presidential recommendation.)
Yakima project, Washington: Authorizes
$5.1 million for the extension, construction
and Operation of the Kennewick division of
the Yakima project with an irrigation po-
tential of 7,000 additional acres (present irri-
gated acreage is 19,000). All but, approxi-
mately $135,000 is reimbursable. S. 794
passed Senate February 10.
TAXES
Motor Fuels Taxation Compact: Grants the
consent of Congress to any of the several
States and the District of Columbia to enter,
into a compact relating to taxation of motor
fuels consumed by interstate buses and to
an agreement relating to bus taxation pro-
ration and reciprocity. S. 307 passed Senate
March 15.
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT
THURSDAY
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate adjourns today, it adjourn to meet
at 12 o'clock noon on Thursday, next.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and
it is so ordered.
AUTHORIZATION FOR SECRETARY
OF SENATE TO RECEIVE MES-
SAGES; FOR COMMITTEES TO
FILE REPORTS; AND FOR THE
VICE PRESIDENT OR PRESIDENT
PRO TRMPORE TO SIGN EN-
ROLLED BILLS AND JOINT RESO-
LUTIONS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that during the ad-
journment of the Senate, following to-
'
and Colfax, 1921-22; assistant professor social
day
s session, until April 1, the Secre- science, Monmouth College, 1922-23; associ-
tary of the, Senate be authorized to re- ate professor 1923-24; professor and chemis-
ceive messages from the President of the try department, 1924-27; assistant professor
United States and the Howse of Repre- political science, Vanderbilt, 1928, associate
sentatives; that committees be author- professor, 1930, professor, 1938, chemistry
ized to file reports; and that the Vice department, 1940, research professor 1951-61,
ore be professor emeritus, 1961-. Instructor at
President or President pro tem
,
p
authorized to sign duly enrolled bills and Iowa State Teachers College, summers 1926-
27. Penfield traveling scholar, 1932-33, 1938-
joint resolutions. 39; member Institute for Advanced Study,
The PRESIDING OFFICER, Is there Princeton, 1946, 1948, 1949; adviser atomic
objection? The Chair hears none, and it energy section; State Department, 1946.
is so ordered. Foreign editor Nashville Evening Tennessean,
ference, but we do know that we did not try
to make it succeed, except futilely on the
fringes of the League during the Manchurian
crisis in 1931-32. In 1945 we dutifully
created another League of Nations and en-
tered it, but we also plunged at once into two
crusades-an old-fashioned balance-of-power
fight with the Soviet Union and a crusade
against communism everywhere. In other
words, we heavily overcompensated for the
failure of isolationism by coming close to as-
suming responsibility for everything every-
where in the world.
Our quick assumption of global responsi-
bility was si
naled b
Ch
hill'
g
y
urc
s Iron Cur-
1939-47; radio commentator Woodrow tain speech at Fulton, Mo., in March 1946,
Wilson Foundation, 1944-46, director 1950-55; in Truman's applauding presence, and by the
Fulbright lecturer Conference on American proclamation a year later of the Truman doc-
Studies Cambrid
U
1954
ge
.,
, School of Inter- trine, forbidding the expansion of commu-
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, an national Studies, New Delhi, 1959-60. With nism anywhere and in effect forbidding all
extremely knowledgeable and valuable AEF World War I. Member American Assoc- revolutions around the globe, since they
article entitled: ".What .Is Our Role in lation of University Professors (member exe- might turn Communist.
East Asia?" written by Denna F. Flem- cutive council), American Committee in Ge- The Truman doctrine was the rashest and
ing, emeritus professor of International neva Staff, 1932, American Academy Political most sweeping commitment ever made by any
Raeons u Vanderbilt University, nal and Social Science, American Political Science government at any time. In it Mr. Truman
pears in the March issue of the Westerap- n oliiticalo Science rAssociation 3)(president the advisers to own whom he listened, and at the
Political Quarterly. 1941), Phi Beta Kappa Associates, Acacia, same time sought to foil his Republican
Professor Fleming's qualifications are Delta Sigma Rho, Kappa Delta Pi, Phi Beta critics, who had won the congressional elec-
obvious fxollci,his autobiographical sketch Kappa, Phi Kappa Phi, Democrat, Methodist, tions of 1946 on charges of softness on com-
from the latest edition of "Who's Who," Mason. Club: Nashville Round Table (presi- munism. No man ever gave greater hostages
hich I ask es be printed at the conclu dent, 1937). Author: "The Treaty Veto of to fortune. Within 2 years the success of
won of the American Senate," 1930; "The United the Communist-led revolution in China
my. remarks. I also ask unani- States and the League of Nations (1918-20) ", punched a hole in Truman's doctrine as big
mous consent that the full text of his 1932; "The United States and World Or- as a continent, one containing the world's
article be printed at the conclusion of ganization (1920-33) ", 1938; "Can We Win largest and oldest people. A year later, in
my remarks. the Peace?" 1943; _'While_America slept," 1950, the Korean war broke out and President
19AA? T; _
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibits 1 and 2.)
No. 66----4
Without United States and the World Truman was compelled to defend his global
Court," 1945; "The Cold War and Its Origins policy in what became a long frustrating war.
(1917-1960)," Vols. I and II, 1961. Home: His Republican opponents at first applauded,
4721 Sewanee Road, Nashville 4, Tenn. but in the end they saddled him with "Tru-
5,993
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I EXHIBIT 2
recommend this earnestly to all my col- WHAT IS OUR ROLE IN EAST ASIA?
leagues both in the Senate and House, (By D. F. Fleming, Vanderbilt University)
and urge them, whatever may have been (NOTE.-D. F. Fleming is emeritus profes-
their commitments under the pressure sor of International Relations at Vanderbilt
of events, to reappraise the whole situa- University and the author of a two-volume
tion in southeast Asia. We may not agree history of "The Cold War and Its Origins,
with every detail of Professor Fleming's 1917-60." He has recently served as visit-
scholarly presentation, but his general ing professor at the University of Arizona.)
Conclusions seem to me to be unanswer- The cold war is nearly 20 years old and it is
able, namely that we need an entirely obviously waning in its main theater. Dre
new approach and that only disaster ing World War II Roosevelt and Hull labored
long to create a basis for making and keep-
perhaps on a cosmic scale lies ahead, if ing the peace in cooperation with the Soviet
the United States does not change its Union, the great ally which had borne the
position and policy, and does it promptly. heavy brunt of the fighting on land and suf-
The war is escalating steadily, as could fered most from death and destruction.
be foretold when President Johnson fol- However, when Roosevelt and Hull passed
lowed his mistaken advisers' Counsels. from the scene in 1945 their successors
It is clear, of course, that when this abruptly reversed the ovie pon on and opted u-
, with
article was written and printed it Was roppee, a ro, and d for the Soviet Union over i E-
r the containment and East
encircle-
just before the United States' bombing of ment of both the Soviets and communism
North Vietnam, but that merely em- throughout the world.
phasizes the validity of Professor Flem- The same complete reversal of healing
ing's contentions, policies had happened twice before in our his-
I also ask unanimous consent that a tory, after the death of Lincoln and after the
very pertinent letter to President John- fall of Wilson. In 1918 the tragic results of
in-
son, summarizing the extent of our foll exe reversal were delayed, but they came in-
Y. exorably. The stupidities and agonies and
written by Florence Luscomb, of which infinite wastes of World War I had convinced
she sent me a copy, be likewise printed many millions of the best citizens the world
at the conclusion of my remarks, over that a new start had to be made, a
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without League of Nations must be created that would
objection, it is so ordered. get all the nations into one body and pre-
(See exhibit 3.) vent any more suicidal balance-of-power
ExHrsrr 1 wars between rival alliances. Never in all hu-
man history had an overpowering need been
Fleming, Denna Frank, teacher; born Paris, so clear and clamant, yet it was quickly de-
Ill., March 25, 1893; son Albert and Eleanor nied in the U.S. Senate, where the opponents
(McCormick) F.; graduate East Illinois State of Woodrow Wilson preferred to return to iso-
College 1912, Pd. D., 1949; A.B. University of lation and let the world drift as before. Our
Illinois 1916, A.M., 1920, Ph. D., 1928; student lead in refusing responsibility for the peace
Columbia, 1928; married Doris Sigrid Anund- was followed by Britain and Fran
th
i
ce
e
n
sen, June 29, 1929. Principal high school, crises of the League of Nations and the world
Hume, Ill., 1912-14, teacher high school, drifted into a far worse world war in 1939.
Freeport, 1916-17, Walla Walla, Wash., 1917; We do not know that our leadership in the
principal high school, Tonica, Ill., 1919-21, League of Nations would have made the dif-
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5994
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE l~ja~'~h 29, 1965
man's war," and it was primarily responsible
for the defeat of his party in the 1952 elec-
tion. Eisenhower went to Korea, as he had
promised, and afterward accepted a stale-
mate peace.
Then for some 7 years under the leadership
of John Foster Dulles our objective was "lib-
eration" and the "rollback" of both commu-
nism and Russia in Europe. The Soviets did
accept a negotiated withdrawal from Austria
and they withdrew voluntary from Finland,
but the main lines of their World War II ad-
vance held. This was not strange, after what
happened at Munich in 1938.
During the long years of the cold war we
were taught that there was a great Red mono-
lith which controlled all Communists every-
where, including the Chinese. Today, every-
body knows that there is the deepest kind of
split between Russia and China and that all
the Communist states of East Europe are
evolving lives of their own, usually in the di-
rection of somewhat more freedom at home
and better relations with the West. After
leading the world in spending at least a tril-
lion dollars on cold war armaments we have
not been able to reverse the main result of
World War IT in Europe. There has been no
rollback and we have come to understand
that the terribly exhausted and devastated
Soviet Union of the postwar years was both
incapable of attempting and unwilling to at-
tempt the world conquest which our post-
Roosevelt leaders so hastily ascribed to her,
arrived in Korea, on September 8, 1946, Gen-
eral Hodge found a peoples Republic govern-
ment already organized by a national assem-
bly representing all Korea. He suppressed
this broadly representative government In the
south; and in the north the Russians man-
aged to install their kind of rule. In the
south we set up a rightist tyranny under
Syngman Rhee, which was soon decisively re-
pudiated in the election of May 30, 1950.
Contrary to the almost universal assump-
tion, we do not know which side began the
shooting in Korea on June 25. We do know
that the North Koreans were well armed and
ready and that they had been conducting a
propaganda campaign for unification, but
Rhee's government had been publicly threat-
ening for months to march north. It had
been defeated at the polls and may have
been desperate. We do not know, either, that
the Soviet government was behind the swift
North Korean invasion of the South. It
was boycotting the U.N. Security Council at
the time, in supportof seating Red China in
the U.N., and was not present to veto U.N.
action in South Korea's defense. If Moscow
knew about the invasion, would it commit
such an obvious blunder?
We know that that the U.N. quickly ap-
proved the Truman administration's almost
instant decision to fight to defend South
Korea, and that on October 7, 1950, it very
reluctantly approved our new objective of
going north to destroy the North Korean
and which we soon accepted as our first ar- government and unify Korea by force, the
th same thing which the North Koreans had
.
l
at
f
all Korea viable. The South Koreans know
this and nothing can suppress a deep and
growing yearning for the reunification of
Korea, which would enable all to live in at
least relative decency. We are apparently
trying to turn South Korea back to Japan,
but the South Koreans bitterly resent that
kind of solution. Are we incapable of any
constructive thinking about the Korean
problem? Or shall we wait until events take
it out of our hands? Do we really want to
subsidize the unhappy South Koreans for-
ever?
A dispatch from Seoul to the New York
Times on May 31, 1964, states that discon-
tent is running high, along with rapid in-
flation, that we had to send more than 1 mil-
lion tons of food last year, that "20 percent
of South Korea's work force is unemployed
and other heavy proportions are under-
employed." But for the moment martial law,
declared after conference with our officials in
South Korea, represses student riots and
demonstrations.4
Vietnam
As unrest simmers in South Korea what is
the situation in Vietnam, another Asiatic
peninsula? 6 There, during World War II, we
at first aided the Communist-led revolution
of Ho Chi Minh against the Japanese and the
French. But later, as soon as the Commu-?
nist nature of the revolution became evident,
we took the side of the French in their effort
to reimpose their colonial rule on the Viet-
namese. Then our Government increasingly
poured every kind of aid into the hands of
the French, deluging them with weapons and
aid to the value of some $3 billion, but they
could not win. With Infinitely less aid from
China the Vietnamese bled theFrench Army
until by 1954 the French people could stand
no more. Secretary of State Dulles fought
hard to prevent the making of peace. He
and Admiral Radford had plans for entering
the war ourselves, but the reluctance of
Congress and President Eisenhower prevented
that and all of Mr. Dulles' threats could not
avert the calling of a peace conference at
Geneva. However, Mr. Dulles' stance of
"angry negation" did prevent the victorious
Vietminh from taking control of all of their
country. Vietnam was divided at the 17th
parallel, another tragic victim of the cold
war.
Then after 8 years of French defeat the
United States moved into South Vietnam in
1954 and set up another despot, Ngo Dinh
Diem, who with Dulles' backing refused to
permit the elections which the Geneva Con-
ference had called for to unify the country,
because he knew the other side would win.
Washington stood behind the misrule of
Diem's family for nearly 10 years, until it
finally led to an army rebellion last year.
We backed the Diem tyrrany because the
Communists had renewed guerrillawar soon
after the elections were frustrated, as they
were expected to do. Lt. Gen. S. T. Wil-
liams, chief U.S. military adviser in South
Vietnam at the time, wrote in U.S. News &
World Report on November 9, 1964, that he
was instructed to expect attack from the
north when the deadline for the elections
expired in July 1956 without their being held.
This new war is now more than 6 years old
and it is reaching the proportions of the
earlier one. Again we have poured in bil-
lions in weapons and supplies, and we have
sent some 22,000 American officers and troops
to train the city boys of Saigon and other
towns to go out into the jungles and fight
their rural brothers, which they are not keen
about doing.e We tell ourselves that the
.
iona
-
tide o
$
In his last months President Kennedy attempted. This decision, as I see it, was the,
gave us magnificent leadership In?jjae di- greatest single foreign policy mistake in our
rection of ending the cold war. In his ad- history. It converted a small war, already
dress at American University, on :June 11, won, Intoo a fire from end catastrophe
end, killed
1968, he acknowledged Russia's abysmal post-
war weakness and called for a reappraisal of some 2 million people and wounded another
our attitudes toward her and toward the 3 million. By the time the war ended South
cold war. President Johnson has also fur- Korean military casualties alone had risen
thered this trend. to 1,312,836 and he other side suffered a still
But there remains the Far East. There, greater slaughter? Indeed, in the latter
Communist China has weathered severe set- stages of the war our Army frankly labeled
backs and is gathering strength. She Is also its objective to be "Operation Killer." The
still in the militant stage of her revolution Korean war also cost us 144,173 American
and very angry at us because of our support casualties and led us into the huge arma-
of the Chiang Kai-shek regime on Formosa rents budgets which still continue.
and in the mouths of two Chinese harbors, Is this the kind of solution toward which
because of our tremendous military power we are sliding gradually in South Vietnam?
on Okinawa and along her coasts, and be- Before we answer "Yes, we must win," we
cause of our other blockades of every kind- should reflect on the results in Korea. There,
economic, diplomatic, and political. More- after more than 10 years, Rhee's oppressive
over, she sees us occupying and fortifying government was finally overthrown by na-
the tips of two peninsulas on the Asiatic tional student uprisings, to be succeeded by
mainland, Korea and Vietnam, which are a veiled military dictatorship. In south
very close to her heartland. All the condi- Korea we maintain an army of 600,000
tions for deep and permanent resentment on Koreans, the fourth largest army in the
China's part are present. world, most of whom would otherwise be un-
For our part the prosecution of the cold employed or underemployed. Yet we also
was in Asia has always aroused the strongest keep there on the front line 52,000 American
emotions of our political rightwing. The combat troops which cost us more than $100
defection of China to communism had not million a year. This is a part of the approxi-
been expected and it has never been for- m.ately $3 billions annually which our world-
given. Nor has a much wider section of our wide military forces cost us-about the same
people been able to forget the bitter frustra- as our annual balance-of-payments deficit,
tions of the Korean war. So why not simply which we have had steadily since the Korean
turn the focus of the cold war toward the war buildup in 1950. Because of these ever-
Fax East and keep our tremendous arms ex- mounting foreign deficits we now owe $25
penditures going another decade or two? billion in short-term Indebtedness abroad
And .why not really push the cold war to and have only $4 billion in unearmarked gold
"victory" In Asia? to cover it. Senator FRANK CHURCH, of
Before we go in this direction we should Idaho, has asked recently if this is to go on
soberly review our involvements in Asia and forever, in a discussion of "The Korean
try to ascertain what our objectives there are. Paralysis." s ' What would happen if there
Korea should be a bad economic weather in the
world and a run on New York?
Korea is a good place to bt h? What South Korea's Plight
does the record show there? ? It shows first,
that we proposed the division of Korea at the What, too, is to be done about South
38th Parallel to prevent the Russians from Korea? Her agricultural economy is too weak
occupying all of Korea, which they could to support her 25 millions, rapidly Increasing,
re minerals
th
,
ere a
easily have done, and that they readily while in North Korea
agreed. When our occupation forces finally water power, and industries enough to make
11). F. Fleming, "The Cold War and its z Encyclopedia Americana, p. 387; Time,
origins, 1917-60" (New York: Doubleday, Nov.13, 1050, p. 23.
1961),11,589-661. 8 The Nation, Apr. 16, 1964, pp. 347-48.
York Times service).
5 Fleming, op. cit., pp. 667-706.
e The extreme difficulty of inducing our
proteges to become victorious fighters has
been described many times in the dispatches,
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March 29, A RR
roved For RV8R&JRggJWR>L C i ~7BOSQ
Vietcong rebels are from North Vietnam are killing Vietcong alone, for much larger
and some of them are, but relatively few. numbers of villagers also die. A dispatch
The facts about who the rebels are have of March 22 from Saigon to the Arizona Daily
been stated in an authoritative book by Prof. Star says: "The spectacle of children lying
Robert Scigliano of Michigan State Univer- half alive with napalm burns across their
sity. This university worked in South Viet- bodies was revolting to both Vietnamese and
nam under a large U.S. contract until the op- Americans who entered. the village."
eration fell under Diem's disfavor, It is This is one reason.why the Vietcong are
Scigliano's judgment that only a small part winning the war. They control and govern
of the Vietcong come from North Vietnam some two-thirds of South Vietnam and there,
and that nearly all of these have been south- is small reason to believe that there will be
erners who withdrew to the north after the time to put into effect the plans which we
Geneva agreements. The claim of massive have' for mastering the country and making
infiltration from the north, he says, "does it Into a showcase of contented living. The
not appear to be supported by the available South Vietnamese have been fighting for
evidence." 7 This was verified in the New nearly 20 years, first against French rule,
York Times as recently as July 5, 1964. In then against American control, and they are
other words, even the Vietcong from the desperately tired of the never-ending strife.
north are patriots fighting in the land of their They may turn neutralist at any time.
birth, and this is true even if they were born In these circumstances we hear increasing-
and trained in North Vietnam. ly demands and plans for bombing North
For many years our correspondents on Vietnam, to stop all aid from the north. It
the spot have testified that the Vietcong is wholly righteous for us to pour mountain-
were arming themselves by taking American ous aid, including many troops, into South
weapons from our side. This has not been Vietnam, but diabolically wicked for trickles
too difficult, since there is a false relation- of aid to come in from North Vietnam. The
ship between our officers and the conscripted advocates of victory at any price see these
youth of the towns, often seized forcibly. supply routes destroyed first, then the cities
When two companies in an ambush broke of North Vietnam, if necessary, and finally
and ran, "We beat them back to their posi- those of China, If the Chinese intervene, as
tions with, rifle butts, but finally there was they have already promised to do if we at-
no holding them," said U.S. Capt. Ralph tack North Vietnam. They made the same
C. Thomas. He added that this was the pledge when we invaded North Korea in 1950.
second, time In 10 months that one battalion It is questioned now that the Soviets would
had fallen into ambush by violating the honor their alliance obligations to defend
most elementary rules, and that some Viet- China against us, yet Walter Lippmann
namese officers refuse to discuss battle plans warned us, an July 3, that "we must avoid the
in advance or even to consider American ad- extreme of wishful thinking, which is to be-
vice when it is offered. To most of them lieve that in a war between China and the
the Americans' *cl)ief function is to provide United States the Soviet Union would be
equipment, supplies, and air cover. (AP dis- neutral or on our side." We should remem-
patch from Tra On, Vietnam, by John T. her, too, that on February 25, 1964, the So-
Wheeler. The Arizona Daily Star, Dec. 20, viet Union warned the United States that if
1964.) we extend the war into North Vietnam the
It should have been evident to us from Soviet people would render "the necessary
the start that we cannot go into a far coun- assistance and support" to "the national Jib-
try and teach the youth to fight a deadly eration struggle In South Vietnam." 8 We
war against their brothers for our reasons. might recall thoughtfully also that years of
Failure was surely indicated by the ability bombing everything in sight in Korea did not
of the North Vietnamese and Chinese to filter give us victory there. There, too, we had
arms Into South Vietnam, on the backs of total control of the air,
men and in small boats at night, as they It is quite true that China Is In poor shape
have been doing steadily in recent months. to fight and it is equally true that from our
These supplies are rivulets, when compared bases off her shores we have the power in
to the mighty flood of war machines of every turn China into a vast, helpless morass, or
kind which we pour into South Vietnam, but a desert, with our conventional and atomic
they are sufficient to tighten steadily the bombs. The targets are all pinpointed, ready
Vietcong ring around Saigon. for the death of unlimited millions of Chi-
In its environs one of our supply ships has nese. If it be granted that a nuclear world
been sunk In port, a major airport has been war could be avoided, we have the power to
shelled devastatingly and a hotel full of our work our will upon China. Yet it does not
officers bombed with grievous results. No follow that the Chinese leaders would fail
American is safe, and a returning ship's offi- to go to the aid of North Vietnam if we
cer reports that few Vietnamese shops will attack her. They believe deeply In the kind
sell him anything lest they be bombed by the of war which won them control of China and
Vietcong, which is winning in South Vietnam, There
These rebels have the most vital. things is also strong reason to believe that they
that men can fight for at stake, and it does think we would not risk the worldwide con-
not make them less determined to win when sequences of destroying their country with
h
we destroy t
eir villages and families with our superweapons.
high explosives and napalm and defoliate This Is the alternative to making peace
their countryside with chemicals. We must which faces us. On August 3, 1964, the re-
not think that in using these methods we liable Australian correspondent Denis Warner
but never more clearly than in one from Mal-
colm W. Browne to the New York Times (and
Portland Oregonian) on July 23, 1964. Refer-
ring to the apparently incurable habit of our
trainees of getting themselves massacred in
ambushes, a "high American officer"' said
"We're begging, we're pleading, we're re-
minding them [the Vietnamese troops], we're
cajoling: we cry, we stamp out in fury, we do
everything, we bring them ice cream. But
we haven't succeeded." What more could we
do to make ferocious fighters out of people
who don't have their hearts in it?
7 Robert *c1gliano,_ South Vietnam, Nation.
T)'nder Stress (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1963), p. 148.
5995
Why Are We in Vietnam?
Before we slide gradually into such a hu-
man and moral catastrophe we ought to ask
ourselves very carefully what it is that we are
fighting for in South Vietnam. For "free-
dom," it is most commonly said. That is a
word that comes easily to the tongue and
there is no doubt that the Asiatic Commu-
nists do live under many regimentations and
controls. On the other hand, there is small
reason to believe that we could win a fair
election in South Vietnam and no reason to
believe that we could win an election cover-
ing the entire country. Among other reasons,
the Vietnamese know that degrading poverty
and destitution have been eliminated in
China, and the liberty to eat is an elemental
one. They would vote also for freedom from
war and foreign control.
In the Eisenhower years it used to be said
that we must not lose the tungsten mines
and rubber plantations of South Vietnam.
The latter are still mainly in French hands,
and the French want the war stopped to save
their investments. They still have half a
billion dollars to lose. There is also much
surplus rice in South Vietnam, of which we
too have a surplus. But in the last analysis
our reason for being in South Vietnam, be-
yond economic motives, is a belief that this
peninsula is an extremely strategic spot and
that if it "went" Communist all southeast
Asia and beyond would turn. Red.
This is the domino theory which has been
used to justify every move in the cold war.
In 1947 it was said that if Greece went Com-
munist so would Turkey, the Middle East,
Iran, and beyond. So, too, would Italy and
France in the West. In 1950 the Korean war
was justified in the same way. We have been
taught likewise that if Formosa were lost the
Chinese would soon take the Philippines,
then Hawaii, then Catalina Island, and our
own Pacific coast.
Under this theory any American interven-
tion anywhere in the world can be justified.
If South Vietnam goes, it is said, then a
long set of standing dominoes will fall down
through New Zealand to the south polar
continent, which fortunately has been neu-
tralized. But would they? The Vietnamese
are a tough and patriotic people. They were
ruled by China for centuries and have no
wish to be again. Nor is there any evidence
that Red China has dominated North Viet-
nam or North Korea. On the contrary, she
has helped them both to industrialize, from
her own limited means. China hopes to cut
a big figure politically throughout the vast
underdeveloped Southern Hemisphere.
Would she begin by making colonies out of
her small neighbors? North Vietnam and
China do need the surplus rice of South
Vietnam, but would they take it without
payment?
Of course it is unthinkable to us that South
Korea or South Vietnam should become Com-
munist, but is that automatically involved in
peace settlements which would neutralize
both states by international agreements be-
tween the great powers, including China?
It would be a great gain to establish peace
described the continued administrative and between the divided halves of Vietnam and
military decline in South Vietnam; the re- Korea and permit them to trade with each
Tentless rise of the Vietcong forces to some other. There could be many slow stages in
250,000, including battle-tested reserves; and the drawing together of the north and south
He Chi Minh's ability to send his 15 divisions states. Neither would, or should, give up its
throughout southeast Asia, followed by presently established life quickly or without
"the Chinese divisions that-lie behind." Say- compromises and guarantees. I venture the
ing flatly that victory for the South Viet- belief that we cannot prevent the reunion
nam Government is out, Warner could find of these divided peoples indefinitely, but
no military counter within our capacity ex- that we can decide whether it is to be done
cept nuclear war. In other words, we would gradually and by agreement, by revolution, or
have to destroy Vietnam, at least, perhaps by war.
most of southeast Asia and presumably War with China?
China, to win. "The war," he said, "would Peaceful agreements would of course in-
have to be nuclear or it would be lost." volve moderating our hostility to China, but
is that really impossible? I well remember
The New York Times, Feb. 26, 1964. how we usedto,love -the Chinese, when they
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were ragged, docile heathens, the subjects On March 25, 1964, Senator FULBRIGIST, "It may take 10 years or more of no-win and
of our devoted missionary efforts. But since chairman of the Foreign Relations Commit- no-lose. * * * But with the resources at
they became fighting men and Reds I note tee, made his historic address on thinking hand we can control this thing and bring it
that they have become totally wicked. How- unthinkable thoughts. He did not ask for to a satisfactory conclusion."
ever, I observe also that we have been able our withdrawal from Vietnam, but he did This assumption that the long deteriora-
to start ending the cold war with the equally condemn the "relegating of an increasing tion in South Vietnam can somehow be held
wicked Russians after they gained missile number of ideas and viewpoints to a growing in suspension defies all of the forces which
power capable of destroying us. category of 'unthinkable thoughts.'" He are operating there. As one commenator on
This, too, will happen in China in the noted that when we refuse to believe some- the 1964 CBS Annual World Affairs Roundup
next 10 or 20 years, after which there will be thing because it displeases or frightens us, said about Diem's 10 years as our man in,
no question of our clinging to the fringes "then the gap between fact and perception Saigon, these were wasted years. We sup-
of China and occupying islands in the For- becomes a chasm and actions become irrele- ported an image, an illusion. Shall we now
mosa Strait which she believes to be hers. vant and irrational." He urged us to think waste another decade in trying to support
When China gains the power to destroy us "about the festering war in Vietnam." a kaleidoscope of unpopular rulers?
she will take control of the fringes of east On July 10 a statement signed by 5,000 uni- This is a self-defeating endeavor. As
Asia and leave it to us to convert a locaYwar versity professors was issued in Washington W_ M. Bagby observed in the New York Times
into a world holocaust. The basic choice calling for the neutralization of North and on December 5, "The more overt our inter-
before us is between destroying China with South Vietnam 12 vention, the more Saigon appears to be our
our nation-killing weapons soon or begin- It was doubtless impossible for the John- puppet. We cannot successfully support
ning to make peace with her, as the other son administration to move in the direction dictatorships propped up by feudal lords
nations of the world are doing. We must of making peace in southeast Asia and with and white men," and "China cannot be kept
choose the latter course If we are to remain China until after the 1964 political campaign out of South East Asia by white men." If
our basic purpose is to keep her qut, we would
a civilized people, and we could begin was over. Now it will fall to do so its defeat it by extending the war and bringing
permitting ting China to take the seat in the he peril. A Lou Harris opinion poll has already in Ctroops. Only a negotiated set-
by Nations which Is guaranteed to her shown that more people favored neutralizing in Chinese hi can recs. forestall the entry of
by its charter, before the other members South Vietnam than opposed it, and that tlement
Chinese troops, first into North Vietnam and
seat her anyway. Then we could work for 45 percent opposed expanding the war to e
then se the South-an eventuality and
the neutralization and real self-government North Vietnam and only 26 percent favored Vietnamese dread.
of the people of Formosa, while that is still escalation 33 President Johnson must know, Inevitably, too, by our very presence in
a possible solution. also, that the Republicans won the 1952 elec- Vietnam we are dealing with China. We
it is unreasonable to suppose that we can tion on the frustrations of the Korean war are not dealing simply with the 3 million
much longer control the entire Pacific Ocean, and that they could win in 1968 on the frus- people in the corrupt city of Saigon, but with
including the edges of Asia? against the will trations of another endless war to regulate some 40 million Vietnamese, with about
of the great powers and vast populations affairs on China's borders. Surely the Presi- three-quarters of a billion Chinese, and with
which live there. As in Europe, we shall dent is astute enough to avoid carrying the the Korean people. Each of these three na-
have to accept the fact that world war II albatross onus of a "Johnson's war." On the tions is determined to have unity and free-
did have great and irreversible consequences other hand, he can carry the country with dom from foreign control, including ours.
in Asia. Max Freedman wrote from London him if he exerts strong leadership in making Objections to Negotiation
on May 28 that "it is difficult for any British peace in Asia. The current Republican de-
official to feel that Washington can have any mand for victory and liberty in every part But, it is said, our whole Asian policy
enduring influence over the affairs of Laos of the world is nothing less than a demand would crumble if we turned toward negotia-
and Vietnam, except at a price in men and for American domination of the earth, but tions with Peiping. The reply is, said Em-
money which the American people will re- it is far too late for that. We have learned mett Hughes in Newsweek, January 11, 1965:
fuse to pay" 6 On May 17 James Reston the limits of our power in Europe, and the "We do not seriously possess an Asian policy.
wrote that the French had learned three limitations of our sway in Asia must also Since World War II we have simply rushed-
things: that however much the Vietnamese be learned. This will be very painful, since, or stumbled-toward various ramparts." He
might differ from the . Chinese they hated as George Kennan said recently, the- Ameri- might have added that this is the very
them less than the white man; that they are can tendency is "to view any war in which launched Of
us the Truman a docine, antirevolutionary
could be established against China's bor- achieving limited objectives ' ' * but as a career.
ders." is struggle to the death between total virtue To the objection that we cannot negotiate
We are now learning the same things the and total evil." 14 ' from weakness, Hughes replies that the truth
same, hard way, but fortunately we do have Our greatest investment in Vietnam is in is that one only negotiates from a position
leaders who recognize the inevitable. With prestige, but is our prestige to be conserved of weakness. Victors impose terms. He
his usual courage and candor, Senator WAYNE by making a bad matter steadily worse? It denies also that we have no negotiable assets
MORSE was the first high official to challenge cannot truthfully be denied that the results to employ. We could offer to reduce our
the futility of our adventure in South Viet- of our efforts in Korea and Vietnam have forces in Korea sharply, without eliminating
name. He pointed out that we have always been in both cases: division and tyranny, a tripwire there, and China greatly needs
considered southeast Asia to be beyond our war and desolation, poverty and unhap- trade with us.
defense perimeter and demanded an end to piness for these small peoples. We have also This is one of those rare moments when
our Vietnamese adventure. On March 10, achieved almost exactly the same results in levelheaded men in the Congress and among
Senator ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, made Laos. Is this the way to conserve the prestige our citizens can exert themselves effectively
the same demand. He asked that we stop of the leader of the free world? And is to turn their country from a bankrupt course
wasting billions of dollars 'seeking vainly in wise and courageous action on our part to into one that would bring both honor and
this remote jungle to shore up self-serving end such evils incapable of generating profit to us. Time, too, is short. General
corrupt dynasts or their self-imposed succes- prestige? de Gaulle is almost certainly right In believ-
sors." He considered every additional life The Urgency of Negotiation ing that each succeeding month will see the
sacrificed in this forlorn adventure a tragedy. The first essential is to recognize that our growth of Communist strength in South
He did not say, either, every "American" life. gamble in Vietnam has failed. In the 6 Vietnam. We might remember also that it
On February 19, 1964, Senator MIKE MANS- months since this article was first written was the never-ending losses of French officers
S'IELD, the majority leader in the Senate, made the situation has gone from bad to much that signalized French defeat in Vietnam.
a deeply impressive address in which he de- worse, both militarily and politically. Coup Yet we have already committed enough of
nied that any American national interest has succeeded coup and the military defeats our instructor officers and noncoms to
justified our assumption of primary respon- have grown in magnitude. We tried hard Vietnam to man 4 of our 18 divisions, and
sibility in the Vietnamese war. "We have," to prove that we could learn antiguerrilla we have already suffered 1,800 casualties.
he said, "teetered too long on the brink of war, for application on all continents, and (Bernard B. Fall, in the New Republic, Jan.
turning the war in Vietnam, which is still a we have failed. We could not succeed as alien 16, 1965.) Are we incapable of learning
Vietnamese war, into an American war to be mentors against the will of the Vietnamese from the hard experience of others?
paid for primarily with American lives." 11 people. Now there are almost no moral re- But the warhawks cry in unison: "If we
He was strongly supported by Senator E. L. sources left in South Vietnam for continuing accept neutralization that will certainly be
BARTLETT, of Alaska, who deplored the way in the war. Twenty years of it are more than followed soon by a Communist takeover."
which our policy in southeast Asia was enough. That could be. The longrun probability is
"locked in rigid, inflexible terms." He urged Yet, astoundingly, there are people in that all of Korea and Vietnam may have to
greater support of President de Gaulle's diplo- Washington who now propound the doctrine live through a period of evolving communism,
macy, which calls for neutralizing Vietnam, of going on with the manageable mess. just as the East Europeans are. It is cer-
and a less emotional and less abusive discus- Newsweek reported this development on Jan- tale that peace in South Vietnam would
sion of Communist China. 'nary 11, 1965, quoting a specialist as saying: mean strong participation in the Government
by the National Liberation Front, the pol-
Arizona Daily Star. 12 Portland Oregonian, July 11, 1964. itical arm of the Vietcong. But it does not
10 New York Times. 13 Washington Post, Mar. 30, 1964. follow that a coalition government would
11 Ibid., Feb. 20, 1964. 14 New York Times, July 1, 1964. fail. James Robinson, the southeast Asia
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expert of NBC, said on December 29; "What can still patrol most of the vast Pacific
we are fighting in Vietnam is a historical Ocean with our great sea and air armadas.
evolutio}I. A neutrality there like Cambodia's We can still defend the Philippines from
is feasible. What, we would have would be a invasion, as we should, and perhaps Japan,
coalition government that would last a long though we cannot much longer prevent a
time.", - P. large trade and closer relations between Ja-
Is tliis a worse. prospect that deepening pan and China. We can also help to stabi-
anaro1Iy in South Vietnam and a complete lize the great Indonesia-Malaysia region.
Communist takeover? Peter Grose reported A very impressive book by Robert G. Wes-
from Saigon in the New York Times on No- son has demonstrated with great cogency
vember 8 that the National Liberation Front that our economic power base is declining
(which is not entirely Communist) already rapidly, relative to the rest of the world.
has a shadow government which covers all "Already," he warns, "the day is late." Since
of South Vietnam," backed by powerful pro- 1945 our power "to shape events has shrunk
fessional and guerrilla forces and biding its to less than half of what it was" and "the
time for, a_nl,oment when leaders in Saigon next 15 years may well see America's poten-
turn in desperation to request a cease-fire. tfal in the world halved again." Instead of
These parallel hierarchies, wrote C. L. Sulz- opposing the rise of other powers, he urges
berger on January 14, "have spread inexora- us to accept the reality of becoming "one of
bly as Saigon's national administration has several equals" in a multipolar world. The
rotted. The fractional area it still holds is United States, he cautions, "does not have
contested by rival warlords and political leisurely time to become accustomed to a
cliques. The disaster hitherto nibbling at world changing to its detriment." His final
our heels now stares us in the face." admonition Is that "the fixation of the cold
What is feasible? war obscures Yfsion,.but reason can still play
How much longer, too, can we continue to a part in making the best of an unpromising
treat enormous China as something which and worsening situation. With cool thought,
does not exist, but which must be sur- much can be done to bring to pass that civil-
rounded and contained? Surely this is an ization means good, not evil." 1'f
immaturity which we can no longer afford. Clok beyond will' fail to fhe Pacific unless
We need to remember rapidly that the Chi- we
a, to power h friendly relations
the
nese are not only the largest people in the with China, a people, her to improve the
World but by far the oldest in civilization, are ad her great d the, as the Russians have
and perhaps the able,jt. Certainly they have ranks already of improved
the proved more cconont,tente tads joining the
an unparalleled ability to survive. They are d and satisfied
now united and strongly organized to ad- peoples. We have become good neighbors
vance into tog 20th century. It will be in- with the Japanese, whose Hiroshima ashes
n
fi
itely better for us to help them with trade
than to fear and hat-, and fight them. Again
it is left to west.coast leaders to see this,
Gov. Pat Brown, of California, recently said
in Washington: "We have tried to get the
world to join us in rejecting all economic
and political ties .with China." This policy
"has failed, as the steady Increase in trade
with the Chinese Communists demonstrates.
All we have ,left is the vigorous hostility of
the Chinese. which our policy has pro-
vok,ed." 15
It is time we realized that such hatreds
and such adventures as.the Vietnamese war
cannot be afforded., Twice in my lifetime the
world has lived through the long agonies of
world war, In 1914 the big governments
blundered, stumbled, and slid into war. Be-
fore 1939 three raging-tearing aggressor gov-
ernments plunged the world into war-Hit-
ler's Germany, Mussolini's Italy, and Tojo's
Japan. Today we are having our very last
chance to organize all of the governments
and peoples-including the Chinese-into
one, group, the United Nations, for the pur-
pose of establishing law and order and coop-
eration among them, in the atomic age. If
we fail in this, Western civilization, at the
least, will cease to exist. The choice before
us is that simple and plain.
We must therefore shake off the current
dangerous delusion that strong-arm tactics
cannot only seize control of a great political
party but get us anything we want in the
world. We must work instead to establish a
world community of all the peonies, while
there is still time. "Let us," said President
Kennedy more than a year ago, "make the
most of this, opportunity and every oppor-
tunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the
perilous arms race, 'and to check the world's
slide to final annihilation." 16
This is certainly the only feasible course
to take. It means giving up some of our
aspirations for ,power_ on China's borders,
some of ourfix tions that all Communist rule
is wholly vile and that the law of social
evolutign never works in Communist coun-
tries. If.power is what we must live by, we
11 San Francisco Chronicle, Apr. 27, 1964.
I'D. F. Fleming, "The Turn Toward
Peace," the Annals, January 1964, pp. 157-
169.
5997
volved in political falling dominoes is minor
and uncertain when compared to the immi-
nent peril of the escalating military ones.
Our good name in the world is also at
stake. We cannot compensate for losing the
guerrilla war by imperiling everyone on earth.
In the nuclear age there Is no prestige In
making war, or in trying to determine the
internal affairs and civil wars of little nations
everywhere. Nationalism is defeating all
those who make this attempt, and it will
continue to do so. There is prestige in lead-
ing for peace. In the terms of the Times edi-
torial, this is a time to achieve greatness by
restraint. It is also high time for a peace
conference in which the United Nations plays
the healing role for which Secretary General
U Thant is so well fitted.
EXHIBIT 3
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, February 20, 1965.
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: American policies in
Vietnam:
1. Make a "scrap of paper" out of our sol-
emn pledge to "refrain from the threat or the
use of force to disturb" the 1964 Geneva
agreements which prohibited "the introduc-
tion into Vietnam of foreign troops and mili-
tary personnel as well as of all kinds of arms
and munitions" and specified that "no mili-
tary base under the control of a foreign state
may be established."
with China. The same ashes, which we do oI Infamy" with our bombing of North Viet-
not like to remember, should tell us that we nam, with which we are not at war.
too must become good neighbors with China 3. Have kiiled American boys by the hun-
and that this is the best way to be trul dreds and Vetnamese by the tens of thou-
helpful to her small neighbor, who could sands,
become prosperous if we removed from them 4. Are trapping to into another Koree
the grievous burdens of arms, war, and sun- which will slaughter Americans by the
dared nationhoods?B thousands.
5. Have burned alive countless babies and
The escalation course mothers with the napalm we have supplied
As this article is printed, the alternative to drop on peasant villages where Vietcong
is all too clear. No one could read the eight are "suspected" of being.
main articles and leading editorial in the 6. Have saddled on the Vietnamese people
New York Times of February 14, 1965, with- an endless succession of undemocratic, bar-
out knowing that the United States had barous and corrupt governments hated by the
started on a collision course toward a nu- overwhelming mass of the people.
clear world war, one which would kill 100 7. Assert America's right to dictate half
million of us. (McNamara's figure.) the world away what kind of government any
If the Vietnamese war is escalated much people may establish.
further, no man may be able to stop it. 8. Are losing all Asia to us, making Asians
Or, if catastrophe be avoided, we are headed hate and fear us as ruthless imperialists.
11
toward a vast `4i o
i
m
teu
war throughout east
Asia With the North Vietnamese, Chinese, and
North Korean armies, a war which could not
be won. Nor would the responsibility be ac-
cepted or borne-in 1968 or at any time-by
the leading voices now crying for more and
bigger bombings, including China's nuclear
installations. If holocaust or exhaustion are
to be avoided, President Johnson is entitled
to strong and insistent backing by his true
supporters for a policy of making peace in
the Far East. The disaster alleged to be in-
"Robert G. Wesson, "The American Prob-
lem: the Cold War in Perspective" (New
York: Abelard-Schuman, 1963), pp, 6, 276,
280.
"On July 27, 1964, Newsweek (p. 41) pub-
lished a careful estimate of China's readi-
ness for war with us over Vietnam. It de-
scribed modern new Chinese towns along the
border; "about 300,000 troops in the area,
with another 200,000 in reserve"; two full
air force armies with 1,200 jet fighter planes
nearby; and thousands of Vietnamese train-
ing in the hills.
On July 18 Henry Tanner cabled from
Moscow to the New York Times that Soviet
officials have made it plain to foreigners on
many occasions that the Kremlin could not
hope to avoid being dragged into any full-
scale war in Vietnam Involving the United
States. -
---------------1, -r-.-
bling with world war and the destruction of
the human race.
These policies are utter madness and can
only lead America to disaster.
Our security, national interest, and honor
require that the United States agree to end-
ing the war and negotiating peace, by recon-
vening the Geneva Conference In order to
establish a free and independent South Viet-
nam which shall be neutral and without
bases, military forces, or arms of any foreign
state, and with a government democratically
elected by all the people of South Vietnam.
Mr. President, i implore you to take this
honorable way out of the morass in so
th
u
-
east Asia in which we are being engulfed.
Sincerely yours,
FLORENCE H. LUSCOMB.
AMERICA WILL BE PROUD OF
RAMPART DAM
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, last
month the Department of the Interior
finally released a very important report
on the market for power that will be pro-
duced at Rampart Dam on the Yukon
River in Alaska. The massive study of
the Interior Department encompasses re-
search performed by all bureaus of the
agency concerned with. the Rampart
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
project. Participating in preparation of
the report were the Bureau of Reclama-
tion, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the
Bureau of Land Management, the Fish
and Wildlife Service, the National Park
Service, the Bureau of Mines, the Bureau
of Outdoor Recreation, the Alaska Rail-
road and the Geological Survey. The
Department has emphasized that the re-
port, which is approximately 1,000 pages
long and divided into three parts, is a
report of the field offices of the bureaus
involved and does not represent the final
Rempart recommendation of the Secre-
tary of the Interior.
Upon release of the report, Secretary
Udall appointed a six-man task force to
make an analysis of the field reports with
a view to developing the definitive rec-
ommendation of the Department on
Rampart.
Mr. Gus Norwood, executive secre-
tary of the Northwest Public Power As-
sociation, and the organization he serves
have long been strong supporters of the
Ram art project and have given invalu-
prising preface and 10 parts, transmitted
February 9, 1985, by Burke Riley, Department
of the Interior Regional Coordinator for
Alaska to Col. Clare F. Farley, District Engi-
neer, Corps of Engineers, Anchorage, Alaska.
The report was prepared pursuant to the
Army-Interior Agreement of March 14, 1982.
It is a coordinated study prepared by the
Bureau of Reclamation, Bureau of Indian Af-
fairs, Bureau of Land Management, Fish and
Wildlife Service, National Park Service,
Bureau of Mines, Bureau of Outdoor Recre-
ation, Alaska Railroad and Geological Survey.
TASK FORCE TO REVIEW
To assist him in arriving at conclusions
and recommendations for discussion with the
Secretary of the Army, and for a joint recom-
mendation to the President, the Secretary of
the Interior on February 11, 1965, appointed
a six-man task force headed by Henry P. Caul-
field, Jr., Director of Interior's resources
program staff; Joseph M. Morgan, Division
of Water and Power Development; James T.
McBroom, Fish and Wildlife; Joseph C. Mc-
Caskill, Mineral Resources Division; Rod-
erick H. Riley, Bureau of Indian Affairs; and
Eugene Zumwalt, Bureau of Land Manage-
ment.
RAMPART DAM FACTS
The project as designed by the Corps of
Engineers calls for a 530-foot dam with a
head of 465 feet, 280-mile reservoir covering
10,600 square miles, with storage capacity of
1,265 billion acre-feet, 4-foot average annual
drawdown, average annual flow of 113,000
cubic feet per second, reservoir filling period
of 22 years, proposed 18 units of 280,000 kilo-
watts or 5,040,000 kilowatts producing 34.2
billion kilowatts per hour firm energy, with
prime power of 3,904,000 kilowatts. Invest-
ment is estimated at $1.1 billion plus $650
to $1,120 million for transmission plus a
Fish and Wildlife request of $580.5 million.
Physically the dam would be somewhat
smaller than Grand Coulee but produce 21%z
times as much energy.
SCHEDULE
Filling of the reservoir could start as early
as 1972 with first power in 1975 from five
generators at low head operation. Low load-
ing would permit filling the reservoir in 16
years, while heavy loading would delay the
last units to as late as 2020. The report
assumes full reservoir by 1993, but Case II
assume 18th unit in 2010.
CONCLUSIONS
On the basis of a quick review of this
report, the following tentative conclusions
are submitted. Rampart is the lowest cost
power source available to Alaska. The Fish
and Wildlife requests are unreasonable.
Nonetheless, hatcheries and fish spawning
channels and studies to mitigate duck nest-
ing problems are essential.
The assumption of 50-year repayment is
utterly unreasonable. The charge-off of all
costs to power violates the concept of mul-
tiple-purpose development. The report ap-
pears to be on the high side in estimating
construction costs.
The Bureau of Reclamation should be com-
plimented on the outstanding depth and
thoroughness in making the studies of al-
ternative power sources and the five trans-
mission case studies.
The evaluation of possibilities for develop-
ing each mineral appears narrow in view of
the early stage of Alaska's mineral explora-
tion. Under similar assumptions of counting
only the sure known loads, the building of
Grand Coulee Dam would have been delayed
many, many years.
The report as a whole appears to be pre-
occupied with conventional feasibility in a
situation which so obviously calls for a de-
velopment-minded and pioneering-minded
attack. h
One indication of a more positive approach
is the recognition that Rampart Dam would
be helpful in bettering the lot of the natives
d t
able, assistance to those who look forward
eagerly. to its construction. When the
Department of the Interior released its
recent report, Mr. Norwood made a
prompt analysis of the document which
is published in the March edition of the
Pacific Northwest Public Power Bulletin.
As Mr. Norwood's knowledgeable com-
mentary on the report is very useful to
all who are interested in Rampart, I ask,
unanimous consent that the text of the
article "America Will Be Proud of Ram-
part Dam" be included in the record at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
AMERICA WILL BE PROUD OF RAMPART DAM
(By Gus Norwood)
The Nation that built Grand Coulee Dam,
Hoover, Shasta, Fontana, and many other
great works, now approaches the hour of
decision on the greatest clam of all.
In a monumental report, the Department
of the Interior agrees with the conclusions
of the earlier Corps of Engineers report
Rampart Dam is feasible.
The long, rocky road toward construction
of Rampart Dam in Alaska passed another
milestone February 9, 1965, with publiceanti of
of the three-volume, 998-page Dep~
the Interior "field report."
Secretary Stewart L. 1Udall initiated the
next step by appointing a six-man task force
to review the field report and consider the
comments which will be submitted by the
Governor of Alaska, Federal agencies and in-
terested citizens and organizations.
CONSERVATIVE STUDY
,n fact ,.ears
t`--
and
It t
a--gy - -
factors, assumed high construction costs, per mile for ow k~~ov
slow development of markets, and full repay- and $210,000 per mile for wood pole 138 kilo- power would cost about 2 mills at the bus
ment within 50 years. volt. The figures appear too high. bar at 100 percent load factor, and then
The 5-inch thick report is not available Lowest costs are achieved for Case II-B let the power marketing agency take it from
for public distribution. A limited number of at 8.33 mils at load centers assuming $763 there.
copies has been issued to the reviewing agen- million for transmission. This assumes 3 America will be proud of Rampart Darr.
ties, major Alaska newspapers, key libraries, percent interest and 50-year repayment of Let's get with it.
the Alaska congressional delegation and in- each portion of the dam using the first unit
terested associations such as Yukon Power as a spare and then placing 1/17th of the dam
for America and the Northwest Public Power in the payout schedule as each unit is placed TRUTH-IN-PACKAGING
Association. in operation. LEGISLATION
ALTERNATIVE POWER Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, S. 985,
arketd Res Port, Rampart t ofProect, Alaska, rert evaluates
and Inuclearealte natives, and the five which Was amended slightly from its
Market for Resources and Effect volumes, 998 gas Part
Natural January 1965, 2 three plates , and beat hydro, projects pages, oto p 126 tables, inches, that Rampart is thbest. and concludes so-called trS. 387 uthf in-the 88th packaging Congress
2 WES
28 photographs, , 8 by 101/2
us
through a higher standard of living an
saving much money for other programs for
natives.
By resolution and on the basis of the
earlier power marketing report of the De-
velopment and Resources Corp., the mem-
bership of the Northwest Public Power As-
sociation voted to endorse the construction
of Rampart Dam.
The fine-tooth comb study by the Depart-
ment of the Interior justifies the associa-
tion's full endorsement of the start of early
construction.
As the task force and the various Federal
agencies and the Governor of Alaska make
their evaluation, it is suggested that major
weight be given to the ground rules for
this project.
First, the payout schedule should be set
on the TVA basis of actual service life or 100
years, whichever is less.
It cannot sufficiently be emphasized that a
50-year-old hydro project of this scale is
better than. a brand new steam plant. It i:,
ridiculous to pay off such a project as if it,
were an FHA mortgage on a frame house.
FIVE MARKETING CASES
For an assumed dam and transmission cost
of $1.85 billion the cost of power is estimated
at 2.05 mills at bus bar and 3.48 at load
centers.
The most pessimistic Case I, assuming
very slow load growth, would result in de-
livered power at 4.62 to 7.01 mils leaving
out Fish and Wildlife requests.
All five transmission case studies assume
basic use of 500 kilovolts alternating current
with two lines to the Juneau or Haines
area, and either two or three to the Anchor-
age. area.
Case IV includes the dramatic 500 kilo-
volt direct current line 2,000 miles to
Snohomish at a $514 million cost, 1,330,000
kilowatts delivery capacity and a delivery
or transmission cost of 1.91 mils at 100 per-
cent load factor and 2.72 mile at 70 percent
load factor. To this transmission cost would
be added the bus bar cost of 2.1 to 2.4 mils,
thus making the Seattle price about 4 mils
at 100 percent load factor and 5 mile at 70
percent load factor. -.
A major purpose of the project should be
the economic development of Alaska and a
reasonable cost allocation should be made
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,5999
referred- recently to the Senate Coin- Here is what happened: shoppers in the group (40 minutes), she
merce Committee rather than. the Sen- Six teenaged girls and a home economics commented: "If I'd known the store better
ate Judiciary Committee which had teacher were selected at random from York- I could have cut my shopping time in half."
town High School In Arlington, Va., a suburb The students were not told how long a
jurisdiction over said S. 387, In the of the Nation's Ca ital. time
House of R.enresenta.tives three narlra"_ p period to buy for, but most-on their
of this session have been referred to the
House Judiciary Committee. At
the
time of referral to the Senate, Commerce
Committee, the Chair ruled that I or any
Senator could move to have the said S.
985 referred to, the Senate Judiciary
Committee if it were reported out of the
Senate-,Commerce Committee and called
up for Senate action.
I have .made my position clear in this
matter in a released minority report on
the packaging bill. I said it was bad for
the public, bad for the consumer, bad
for the workers-? involved, bad for the
businessmen, and bad philosophy for
Government and also Government's re-
lations with b'American, siness, workers, and con-
sumers. The Legion maga-
zine asked that I state y views in very
brief words. These views may be found
on page 17 of the . American Legion
magazine, April, 1965 issue. Senator
HART. also expressed his views.
Mr. President, for the information of
the Members of Congress and the public,
I ask unanimous consent that the fol-
lowing articles on packaging and label-
ing be placed at this point of the RECORD
in the order noted; "Who Said Shoppers
Are Stupid," in Nation's Business, 1965,
"Let's Keep Politics Out of the Pantry,"
by Charles G. Mortimer, chairman of
General Foods Corp., in Look magazine,
January 26, 1965; and, lastly, Senator
EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN'S views
against a Federal packaging law,, name-
ly, S. 985, in American Legion magazine,
April 1965.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WHO' SAYS SI,soPPERs ARE S'ru ip?
A Nation's Business experiment finds that
even inexperienced teenagers are not at all
confused by packaging, pricing, or labeling.
A heart-tugging melodrama is playing in
Washington these days, starring Connie the
Confused Consumer in the role. of typical
American shopper.
Connie's ordeal takes place in an average
supermarket, where alluring but deceptive
labels leave her dazed and helpless.
In her moment of peril, Connie is rescued
by Uncle Sam, armed with something called
"Truth-in-Packaging."
This melodrama has received rave.notices
from some people in the Nation's capital.
But not. from business. And not from
most consumers. They see the melodrama as
more fiction than . fact.
Political concern about the consumer in
recent years has been channeled into a drive
for enactment of so-called truth-in-packag-
ing legislation. It would give the Federal
Government the power to set up new and
complex controls and standards over the
packaging and labeling of many consumer
items.
This ,would be. in addition to present Fed-
and labelin ..
g "I bought the large jar of instant coffee,
Nation's Btsi3;1es5, conducted its own ex- for example. I can't see buying the small
periment, tq test the, need for. greater con- size or just one can or jar of something, be-
sumt:r protection, The experiment showed cause that means you'll have to come back
that even young, inexperienced students can to shop again real soon. To me, having
be intelligent and resourceful shoppers in something on hand-convenience-that's
today's supermarket, that they are neither what's important."
befuddled nor deceived by what they buy. Although Barbara was one, of the fastest
Does she think that shopping skill is some-
thing a girl can pick up on her own?
"If you've been eating for 17 years you
can't help but learn something about food
and food buying."
Barbara watches the ads for price fluctua-
tions, especially in meat and produce.
Is there anything she doesn't like about
shopping?
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--. 6.,,,.. ?* ?+- ..+ - ..,,+. +?..-v vc-?c4 t, a 4ri1SC4 vi aiJVu4 a
categories of food and household commodi- week, according to Mrs. Nicholas. She says
ties. None of the volunteers was told the the girls generally showed good judgment
purpose of the test. None was told how much and bought wisely. "The way they con-
to spend, how many items to buy in the vari- ducted themselves .indicates that they are
ous categories, or which brands to select, closely observing how their parents shop,"
Two of the students had no previous shop- she adds.
ping experience and none was familiar with WHAT THE LIST INCLUDED
the supermarket used in the experiment. All The shopping lists handed to the six. stu-
shopped immediately after the terse briefing, dents and Mrs. Bain consisted of these ite ms:
after school hours b themsel d t
vas
n
i
h
y
, a
w
- Canned goods: Pork and beans, peas, to-
out consulting with the others. The school matoes, pineapple, plums, peaches, vegeta-
had no official connection with,the experi- hia
nts gi n
i
you
" -may ?
. Packaged goods: Dried beans, dry cereal,
were a homemaker," and "Use your own judg- cocoa, instant potatoes, gelation (flavored),
ment." - -
..a. Frozen products: Lemonade, orange juice,
hearings as fooling or confusing the Nation's fish fillets, broccoli, peas.
housewives. Household and toiletry items: All-purpose
When the students completed their swings cleanser, laundry detergent, dish detergent,
through the supermarket they were inter- paper napkins, paper towels, facial tissues,
viewed separately by a Nation's Business edi- tooth paste, wax paper.
or. In addition, their purchases (bagged The store where the student volunteers
and returned to the school) were carefully shopped is a Kroger Co. supermarket, a typi-
checked over by Mrs. Lucy Nicholas, a teach- cal suburban facility. Its manager, John
er of home economics at Yorktown High. Williams, an 8-year employee of the com-
The experiment results showed that: pany, stocks 10,000 Items in his shelves and
Purchases the girls made were-in the display cases. In laundry detergents alone
judgment of Mrs. Nicholas-intelligent. his customers may choose from no less than
They were able to buy with a minimum of 10 different brands.
wasted motion and with few requests for as- Here's a closer look at the youngsters:
sistance from store personnel. Amber Ingram is a 16-year-old sophomore
None had any difficulty understanding who had never shopped the Kroger store. In
printed Information concerning price, weight fact, she had done no supermarket shopping
or content of the Items she bought. alone prior to the Nation's business experf-
The experiment revealed other things about mt.
the young shoppers. It showed that they' "i saw products I hadn't seen before and
are very much aware of brand names, that . I feel that from now on I'llhave more inter-
they are well informed on new methods of est in the stores and what's in them."
packaging, and that they pick Items off the Amber's bill came to $18.10. She. looked
shelf more on the basis of family Influence for specials, buying three cans of name-
and personal taste than price advantage. brand peaches, two boxes of a two-for-39-
A typical comment: "Sure, I knew that cent facial tissue, for example.
brand A was less expensive than brand B, "I didn't need a pencil and paper to figure
but I bought Brand B anyway because I think out what was the best buy. I did it in my
it's a better product." head. I would just work out which was the
There was nothing In the test results best buy per can," she said.
which indicated that the shoppers found "If it is something you can keep a long
packaging and labeling deceptive. time, something that won't spoil or any-
Mrs. Patricia Bain, another home eco- thing like that, you can afford to buy a
nomics teacher at Yorktown High, also larger quantity."
shopped the Nation's Business list. Any difficulty at all?
Considering the sketchy briefings they got, "No difficulty."
the shoppers turned in surprisingly uniform performances, both as to the time they were Barbara Howe, the 17-year-old senior, had
in the store and the amounts they spent. home economics training only in the eighth
Mrs. Bain shopped the longest-50 minutes- grade. She does do the family shopping
and spent the least. Her bill came to $12.47. sometimes, but admits she's "usually in a
Unlike the students, Mrs. Bain made fat hurry" when she does, which may ac-
mostly single-item buys in all 35 categories. count for her speedy trip through Kroger's.
Married, though with no children, she is She had been in the store only a few times.
accustomed to shopping for only her hus- Her sole difficulty was in locating the frozen
band and. herself-and for the limited stor- fish.
age capacity in their apartment. Barbara's bill totaled $15.22. She looked
"The youngsters really got more for their for multiple buys, too, although she feels
money than Mrs. Bain did," comments Mrs. that quality and brand names play the big-
Nicholas, "but their buying has to be con- gest part in her, shopping decisions. When
sidered in light of the fact that they come interviewed, she tossed around odd-size con-
from larger families. They tended to shop tent figures and number-of-servings data
more for specials and for a longer period." like a seasoned homemaker.
Barbara Howe, a 17-year-old Yorktown Does she think it's deceptive for such
senior, has a family that includes her par- things as cake mixes to depict the finished
ents, ,a 14-year-old sister and a Chihuahau. _ oaks?
She says she definitely had "supply" in mind "I,don't think that's deceptive at all. Who
Approved For ONGRESSIONALI RECORDDP6SpNOA JR000300160 arch 29, 1965
"Waiting in the checkout lines."
Joan Carolyn Welch was the other- senior
in the experiment. She's 17 and is taking a
commercial course in high school.
Joan likes to Shop. "I enjoy looking at
the various brands and products on display.
There's so much you should know. Like
looking for specials. Food stores don't make
much profit on what they- sell, you know."
Her shopping bill was $14.66. Another
bargain-seeker, she scanned the cardboard
sale notices as she moved through the store.
She had no trouble with amounts expressed
in fractions.
Joan says she often doesn't worry about
how expensive an item is if she thinks it
tastes better.
"Shopping is something a girl can pick up
on her own," she said, "but you have to
learn how to put together a nutritious, bal-
anced menu. A home economics course can
help you there."
Her only complaint about labeling: "May-
be more products could indicate the number
of servings on the package. This helps
when you're planning a meal"
Janet Carabin, 16, had never shopped alone
for groceries. She hadn't been in the Kro-
ger supermarket for a couple of years, but
she quickly got her bearings by checking
the overhead signs and aisle markers and
wound up tied with Barbara for fastest shop-
ping time.
Her bill was $19.56, highest of the test.
She bought some sale items, found the pack-
aging information clear and helpful. In
conversation with a Nation's Business editor
she mentioned some of the recent innova-
tions in food packaging. Among them:
vegetables which come in a plastic bag that
can be immersed in the cooking water.
Janet Redmon, another sophomore, is 16
and does all the food buying for her family.
"I go every Friday," she said. "I like to do
it; it's as much fun to me as going to a
movie."
Janet spent $18.25 and chose a variety of
brands,
INFORMATION ADEQUATE
She is guided by name brands and the
amount in a package. Package and label
information? She finds it adequate. (When
she took a can of plums from one shelf she
carefully examined it to determine the water
content.)
One of the items Janet bought was the
"Big Bonus Box" of powder for an auto-
matic dishwasher-"four extra ounces free."
What she likes most about shopping is
"keeping up with all the new changes. I
think they should always be thinking of
new conveniences for the consumer. I say
more power to them."
Carol Simpson, 16, is just starting the food
phase of a home economics class in York-
town High's 10th grade.
She spent $15.45 and kept an eye peeled
for good buys.
She does some of the family shopping and
likes the variety offered in supermarkets.
She finds the package information helpful.
"Sometimes I'll check it closely, espe-
cially if I'm buying for a specific recipe."
Carol thinks brand, color, and appetizing
pictures might influence! her shopping
choices, but she says that her mother's pref-
erences probably have played a big role, too.
Any confusion?
"Only in locating a few items in the store."
To get a seller's-eye view of consumer
savvy, Nation's Business interviewed person-
nel of the Kroger supermarket and other
salespeople at supermarkets in the Washing-
ton, D.C., area.
WHAT THE SELLERS SAY
The portrait of the typical shopper drawn
by these people hardly corresponds with that
painted by those who are calling for more
Federal regulation. Far from being - timid,
confused souls hoplessly adrift in "super-
marketland," most buyers, especially house-
wives, are a flinty band that surveys the
newspaper food sections during the week
and then descends on weekend supermarket
sales with the determination of commandos
hitting the beach, say sellers.
Some people, of course, are always going
to be confused or misled by any system of
competitive pricing and promotion.
But regulations by Uncle Sam or anyone
else aren't likely to help this minority of
shoppers, marketing experts make clear.
"They're getting shrewder all the time,"
said one supermarket manager, shaking his
head. "They come through the door clutch-
ing bargainbuys clipped from our newspaper
ads and the specials from ads by all the
other stores in the neighborhood."
This comparison of one store's offerings
against another's is sometimes called cross-
shopping in the trade. Buyers who care-
fully note only the bargain sales and then
systematically pick them off in one market
after another are sometimes known more
irreverently as gravediggers.
SHARP SHOPPERS
At Arlington's Kroger supermarket, meat
department manager Jack Linkenhoker tells
of finding a shopping list that had been
dropped by mistake into a display of pack-
aged hamburger. On the list the shopper
had scribbled all the sale items being offered
that day by five different stores. "People are
sharp," says Mr. Linkenhoker. "They know
what they want."
Walter P. Margulies, president of Lippen-
cott & Margulies, Inc., a New York industrial
design firm, says: "Every day there is a na-
tionwide vote taken by consumers in the
supermarket and other stores.
"They vote for the products they select
and buy. If they find they've been cheated,
they never buy that product again.
"This is a much more effective form of
regulation than anything the Government
could set up. People have a great variety of
likes, needs, and notions. They don't want
to go back to the era when they could have
any color car they wanted as long as it
was black."
Some of the dangers of Federal regula-
tion are pointed out by designer William
Snaith, president of Raymond Loewy-Wil-
liam Snaith, Inc.
To define the individual character of a
product and make sure the consumer under-
stands its qualitative difference when com-
pared with similar products, the container
industry has in recent years "engaged in in-
creasingly ingenious, economical, and con-
venient container shape developments," Mr.
Snaith says.
"The consumer doesn't buy a 'quantity' in
itself, but rather the benefits obtained
through the very special, different charac-
teristics of a product. Anything that can
be done to project this difference in terms of
package shape, appearance, and function is
of benefit.
"The proposed legislation will, in effect,
deny the consumer this important additional
aid in making an educated selection. It will
tend to encourage an increasing degree of
package uniformity which will effectively dis-
guise important differences in character,
taste, performance and convenience between
different products competing in the same
general area."
WHAT OTHER STUDENTS SAID
After the supermarket experiment, Nation's
Business interviewed 28 other Yorktown High
School students, asking them to answer in
writing such questions as these:
How much experience have you had in
supermarket shopping?
What is it you like most about shopping?
What do you like least?
Do you ever find yourself confused when
you are in a supermarket or ordinary grocery
store? If so, what is it that confuses you?
Do the packages, cans and other containers
displayed tell you what you want to know
about the products?
The young people who answered the ques-
tionnaire are all taking home economics.
They range in age from 15 to 17. Most of
them have shopped in supermarkets and sev-
eral indicated they do the regular buying for
their families. Most reported that they enjoy
shopping. Adverse comments centered
largely on time spent waiting in checkout
lines and the hustle-bustle of aisles crowded
with shopping carts.
Reaction to packaging information was
generally favorable. Few reported any diffi-
culty in understanding information on labels,
though there were several who suggested that
more food processors include information as
to number of servings. Said one 16-year-old:
"I like to shop because practically all of your
needs are displayed by one company or an-
other and the conveniences of the modern
supermarkets are most helpful."
Many young homemakers in the United
States today have had special training in pur-
chasing. Nationally, an estimated two and
a half million teenagers are enrolled in junior.
and senior home economics courses. Many
of these.courses include specific instruction
on how to shop intelligently for clothing and
food items.
In Arlington, according to home economics
supervisor, Katherine R. Conafay, the food
Instruction gets into such details as how to
vary menus, how to read labels, how to dif-
ferentiate package sizes, quality and
quantity.
Companies in the food and clothing indus-
tries make mountains of information on their
products available to teachers of home eco-
nomics. Some of this information is, in turn,
passed on by the teachers to their students.
Some of it is specifically designed to help
young people make intelligent purchases, re-
gardless of brand.
The availability of such literature (many
States also publish consumer aids) is a fac-
tor which merits noting in the present con-
troversy over the consumer.
Most people agree that business must
fairly and clearly identify its products. Ar?-
guments arises over how well this is now
being done. Groups and individuals who
oppose more Federal regulation argue that
existing laws and industry practices have
produced packaging that is both honest and
understandable.
LET'S KEEP POLITICS OUT OF THE PANTRY
(By Charles G. Mortimer, chairman,
General Foods Corp.)
The typical American housewife is intel-
ligent, experienced, and better informed
about running a home than her counterpart
in any preceding generation. Let's call her
Mary Jones. Right now, she's shopping at
her favorite supermarket. Because it, too, is
typical, its shelves are lined with some 8,000
different items. Yet Mary Jones knows just
what she wants, and she gets it. Into her
cart go the prepackaged meats, quick-frozen
vegetables, canned soups, frozen juice con-
centrates, prepared cake 'mixes, heat-and-
serve rolls and all the other good things the
Jones family will have served up to them at
their dining room table in the week to come.
As she leaves the supermarket, Mary Jones
takes it for granted that what she has bought
is the purest, most nutritious, easiest-to-
prepare food the world has ever seen. Hav-
ing spent 40 years in the food business, I
can attest to the fact that her assumption
is correct and, what's more, that the prices
she has paid are the most reasonable to be
found anywhere on earth.
But what Mary Jones probably does not
know-and what disturbs me deeply-is that
the machinery of free competition which
has made ours the best fed nation on earth
Is in danger of being tampered with. It Is
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!arch 29, 1PTT' RESSIONAL RECORD SENA' E
Frank J. O'Neill, Anchorage; Bernice Henry Burton; Mr. and Mrs. Herbert
Jordan, Anchorage; Florence C. Brown, Hancock, Anchorage, Alaska; Mr. and
Anchorage; Mr. W. C. Dueharl, An- Mrs. Merrill Gilmore, Anchorage; Mr.
chorage; Mrs. Fannie Masduchari, Ella Goldin, Spenard, Alaska; Louis G.
Anchorage; Mary D. Totten, Anchor- Howard, Anchorage; Rev. J. L. Steward,
age; Irene E. Ryan, Anchorage; John Anchorage; Mr. and Mrs. John C. Kelly,
B. Ryan, Anchorage; Jerome Murphy Anchorage; Sjlady S. Funkhouser,
Jr., Anchorage; Neill Caffel, Anchor- Anchorage; Walter L. Wathe; Mrs.
age; Laura O'Malley, Anchorage; Tracy Martha Fair; Mrs. David Ruskin, An-
Bushue, Anchorage; Peggy O'Malley, chorage; Herbert D. Soil, Anchorage;
Anchorage; banna Povich, Anchorage; Patricia Soll, Anchorage; Cecil J. Lewis,
William Van Alen, Anchorage; Juanita Elmendorf; Cleosta L. Lewis,, Elmen-
Runestad, Anchorage; Jewel Berger, dorf; Jacqueline N. Sewell, Spenard;
Anchorage; Grace Ormand, Spenard; Norman Burnside, Fort Rise; John A.,
Will, SGeryard, Anchorage; W. Allen, Murray, Harrison.
Anchorage; John Bedford, Anchorage; Kathleen Owens; Robert E. Massy; Mrs.
Katrina StQnorov, Anchorage; Bill Robert E. Massy; Mrs. L. H. Johnston,
Smith, Anchorage; Mary P. Brudie Jr.; L. H. Johnston, Jr.; E. S. Lott,
and children, Anchorage; Helen W. Thomas; Nancy H. Rice;
Eddie Berkley, Anchorage; James Vester- Alberta Pennywell; Edna Rifter, Mrs.
felt, Anchorage; S. Walker, Cincinnati, Carroll Colvin; Mrs. Kittie Cherry;
Ohio; Robert Patterson, Anchorage; James Stewart; Willie Edward; Carl M.
Harry E. Bates, Elmendorf, A.F.B., Hendersen; Inez Buxton; David M.
Alaska; Ann Brown, Anchorage, Sims; Blanche G, Brown; E. R. Mc-
Alaska; Mattie McGuire, Anchorage, Donnell; Mickey McLaughlin; Thomas
Alaska; Alvin F. Browder, Clinton, Ala- J. Moore; R. C. McFarland; Mr. O. F.
ska; Phyllis Argo, Sepnard; Janie Agee; Greg Simon; Cora Bogan; Peter
Year~sley
Year ley, Rhonda; Gamble, Anchorage; Hattie e Mae Baines; Delduke; Mrs. Future M. Walton,
Mrs,, Toby nchorage Donald Toby J. O. Rice; James Parker, Jr., Elemendorf
Holton, AFB; Henry Atkins, Jr., Elemendorf
Anchorage; Corinne Jones, Anchorage; AFB; Ronald L. Moore; Leroy J. Smith,
S. Armand Michell; David M. Sims, EAFB; M. E.. Reese, Anchorage; Roberta
Shiloh Baptist Church; Rodney I. Bur- Smith, Anchorage; Gregory W. Govan,
ton, Shiloh Baptist Church; Margaret ' Anchorage; Herbert J. Turner, EAFB;
Burton, Shiloh Baptist Church; D. S. Russell L. Flood, EAFB; Arlin G. Rose,
Osbourne; James T. Smith, Anchorage; Anchorage,_ Alaska; Lillie M. Wright,
Albert T. Martin, Anchorage; Alan Anchorage, Alaska.
Merson, Unitarian Fellowship; Bessie
M. Youngbloc4; Mrs. Betty Lou EXHIBIT 2
(Charles) Stevens, Anchorage; Charles
Stevens, Anchorage; Shelby J. Fall,
Anchorage; Harriett C. Jones, Anchor-
age; Clarence O. Coleman, Anchorage;
Mervis Bowman, Spenard; Annie P.
Zimmerman;
Fred Zimmerman, Anchorage; Claude A.
Mitchell, U.S.A.F.; Leo A. Josey, Sr.;
Rev. B. E:, Rodgers; Merlyn M.
Runestal, _ Anchorage; Mary E. Hall,
Fairbanks, Richard E. Hall, Fairbanks;
Emma Stokes; Pink Stokes; Mrs. E. L.
Berkley, Anchorage; Cammie L.
Watkins; Jesse L. Jones; Kermit L.
Matthews; Bennie B. Burton;, E. M.
Johnson; John L. Maakestad, nchor-
age; Bill M. Lark; Cora Bogan, Anchor-
age, Alaska; Antoinette Chubb,
Anchorage; Alice S. Green, Anchorage;
Marie Murray; Lois Simon; Greg Si-
mon; Anne M. Lockhart, Anchorage;
Parnell Lockhart, Anchorage; Jessie
Lockhart; Marian Lenys; Rufie Payne,
Spenard Nathaniel Leale; Janes Walk-
er, Elmendorf; Shirley Cody,
age.
Edward B. Smith, Anchorage; Mrs. Ollie
E. Smith, Anchorage, Alaska; Bill Mad-
den, Anchorage; Pat Coleman;, Rev.
Clarence W. Davis; Ernestine Burdilte,
Anchorage; Robert J. Davis, Sr.; Louis
0. Howard; Bessie Higgins; Les Camp-
bell; H. C. Wiley; R. C. McFarland;
J. Smith; T. E. Jarman, Elmendorf;
H. Jackson, Elmendorf; J. L. Clark;
E. E. Clark; Linda Lake; Dennis nis P.
P. Lee; L. Anderson; Jean Elaine,
Anchorage; Katie M. Bates, Anchorage;
E. A. Kennedy, Anchorage; Mr. and
Mrs. 'Dan Hawkins; Nellie Harrison,
Anchorage; Percy B. Bell, Seattle,
Wash.; Eva Duncan, Anchorage; Abra-
ham Hopen; Eddie Hawkins, Anchor-
a'e; `Ida Mae Patterson, Anchorage
Mike, Fresh, Anchorage, Alaska.
Arthur Nukllinei Laura O. Joyce, Anchor-
ale; George M. Parkzo :Anchorage;
ndz M, Part ko, Anchorage; Roscoe
>`3atte, Anchorage; Jun e Robinette;
Laura M. Adams, Metlakatle, Alaska;
Wm. Adams, Metlakatla, Alaska;
Thomas J. Walkee, Jr.; Mr. and Mrs.
THERE ARE SOME THINGS WORTH MARCHING
FOR
Why hold a civil rights march in Anchor-
age? Why not?
Are the people of Anchorage any less
concerned with or involved in the current
struggle for individual liberty in the United
States than Americans elsewhere?
There were no "Incidents" during yester-
day's march. But in the days preceding it
many had questioned the wisdom of holding
such a demonstration.
The day is long past due when we should
consider what is taking place in Alabama
or Mississippi or elsewhere in the United
States as local disturbances.
There are more Negroes in Selma, Ala.,
than whites. Yet the white voters of Selma
outnumbered the Negroes more than 90 to 1.
The power of the State, enforced through
local government, has been used to deny
American citizens the right to vote. Two
weeks ago, Alabama State troopers beat and
tear gassed unarmed men, women, and chil-
dren.. They did so with the full authority
of the State behind them.
Is this a local problem? Does a State have
the right to strip from some of its people
rights and protections guaranteed them by
the Constitution of the United States?
Certainly not. The Governor of Alabama,
in taking the oath of office swore to uphold
the U.S. Constitution as well as that of the
State of Alabama.
That is why people marched in Alaska
yesterday. They wanted to demonstrate
their concern. They wanted to express the
conscience of America. They wanted to pay
tributed to some people who have died so
senselessly in a battle that should have been
decided within our Nation's boundaries a
century ago.
- What is taking place today is not an Ala-
bama problem. It is not a southern prob-
lem. It is a problem-and concern-of free-
men protesting State-imposed injustice.
As the director of the Anchorage Council of
Churches so clearly put it yesterday, we
march to call attention to Memorial Day
and St. Patrick's Day and Fur Rendezvous.
Who can seriously object to men marching
in favor of human rights?
6029
The PRESIDING OFFICER. What is
the will of the Senate?
Mr. GRUENING. I suggest the ab-
sense of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative -clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so dered.
THE MESS IN VIETNAM-VIII
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the
news from Vietnam continues to be
highly disturbing but not unexpected in
view of the facts underlying our engage-
ment in that area.
The Washington Post for March 27,
1965, contained a story from Saigon by
Jack Foisie which begins as follows:
The United States is rapidly reaching the
day it must ask South Vietnam to surrender
some of its sovereignty-at least tempo-
rarily.
Little by little the facade surrounding
our involvement in South Vietnam
crumbles.
First we clung to the fabrication that
our military men were in South Vietnam
only as "advisers" teaching the South
Vietnamese how to fight a jungle war.
But little by little that fabrication er-
roded until it became apparent that our
advisers were frontline troops. With
the air strikes into North Vietnam by
U.S. Planes, manned solely by U.S. mili-
tary personnel, the truth stood out
plainly for all to see.
We have repeatedly stated that the
United States is militarily involved in
South Vietnam only at the specific re-
quest of the duly constituted South Viet-
namese Government. Mr. Foise's article
indicates that we may soon "go it alone"
and take over the war in the ngw role as
a "cobelligerent." This certainly means
we are coming out into the open.
For 2 months now we have steadily
escalated the war in Vietnam, carrying
our air strikes into North Vietnam. -
As the New York Times put it in its
lead editorial entitled "Something More
Than Bombs" on March 28,,1965:
.
Military pressure alone-which implies a
demand for unconditional surrender-is un-
likely to win the balance in the Hanoi lead-
ership toward a negotiated settlement. Posi-
tive American proposals, which suggest a way
out and a viable future for North Vietnam,
are the essential complement,
The time has long since passed for
rethinking our position in Vietnam. The
continued escalation of the war in Viet-
nam-carrying the war further and fur-
ther into North Vietnam-can only have
disastrous consequences for the world.
Unbiased observers of the scene have
repeatedly pointed out that the war in
Vietnam can be settled only by political
means. It is a political struggle which
we have erroneously assumed could be
settled by bombs alone.
It is a basic struggle of South Viet-
namese against South Vietnamese. One
side is aided by men and weapons from
the United States. The other side is
aided by men and weapons from North
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 29, 196
Vietnam. But, as has also been repeat-
edly pointed out, while the Vietcong are
aided and advised by Hanoi, that does
not. necessarily mean that Hanoi can
press a button and cause the Vietcong to
desist from their fight to gain control
over South Vietnam. Even if Hanoi
agreed to stop aiding the Vietcong, the
latter would still continue to fight even
as many of the South Vietnamese whom
we are aiding would continue to fight if
we withdrew every fighting man and
every last piece of U.S. military equip-
ment.
I have long proposed that the war in
Vietnam be brought to the conference
table. That will inevitably be done-why
not now?
Without adequately explaining our ul-
timate aims, we have escalated the war
by air strikes into North Vietnam.
Do we seek the overthrow of the gov-
ernment of Hanoi? Our actions seem
to indicate this.
Do we seek to destroy and conquer all
of North Vietnam? Our actions seem
to indicate this.
We have ignored the proffers of inter-
cession by the Pope, the Secretary Gen-
eral of the United Nations and others-
all of whom-have counseled against fur-
ther escalation of this conflict. We
should promptly accept one of these of=
fers of assistance to arrange for an im-
mediate cease-fire in all of Vietnam.
Once the shooting has ceased-once men
are no longer being killed and maimed-
we should offer to negotiate the issues
and to arrange for supervised elections
in Vietnam, offering the people of Viet-
nam at those elections the various
choices open to them as to the type of
government they desire.
The image of the United States has
become badly tarnished in the past
months. We should work as hard as we
can to regain our position in the world
as a peace-loving, peace-seeking nation.
Our present posture as a war-seeking na-
tion is not at all in keeping withthe will
of our own people. We should change
that posture and change it now.
In his article yesterday in the New
York Times entitled "The Taylor Mis-
sion on Vietnam," Mr. James Reston
stated :
The President's decision to bomb North
Vietnam has not achieved its objective. It
has not persuaded the Communists to stop
their infiltration and military subversion in
South Vietnam. It has committed the
prestige and power of the United States in
a war against the North Vietnamese Com-
munists without success, and the question
now is whether to increase the pressure or
withdraw.
I ask unanimous consent that the news
story by Mr. Jack Foisie in the Wash-
ington Post for March 27, 1965, and the
editorial entitled "Something More Than
Bombs", and the James Reston column
entitled "The Taylor mission on Viet-
nam" in the New York Times for March
28, 1965, be printed at this point in my
remarks.
There being no objection, the articles
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Mar. 27,
1965]
UNITED STATES MAY ASIC SOUTH VIETNAM To
GIVE UP SOME SOVEREIGNTY
(By Jack Foisie)
SAIGON.-The United States is rapidly
reaching the day it must ask South Vietnam
to surrender some of its sovereignty-at least
temporarily.
America's involvement here is becoming
too substantial for its representatives to re-
main junior partners in all aspects of the
conduct of the war. As American troop
strength continues to grow, and it now in-
cludes combat troops such as the Marines at
Da Nang Air Base, the need will increase for
American command of the operations to
which they are committed.
This will involve not only direction of U.S.
units but some higher command positions,
it was learned. Eventually, the Vietnamese
may remain supreme only at the very high-
est staff levels, where grand strategy is made
and where American advice is needed.
Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara
and others in the Pentagon prefer to say that
American units now here are not committed
to combat. But, as a matter of fact, the rule
of shoot only when shot at has gone out
the window.
The 4,000 marines of the 9th Expeditionary
Brigade are guarding the Da Nang Base-but
they are doing so in the most aggressive way
possible, for that is their order.
Intheory theirorders come from the Viet-
namese joint general staff. But actually
they come from Gen. William Westmoreland,
America's four-star adviser in Vietnam.
The next step is to formalize this chain
of command. It will provide the fast reac-
tion time the marines may need someday.
Many in the Vietnamese hierarchy under-
stand that the United States has become a
cobelligerent with the right to demand the
command of American troops. In some cases,
Americans will command Vietnamese units
as well.
The war is about at that stage.
The United States already has assumed
virtual command of the air war. It is an
open secret that for months American-flown
Skyraiders have been as active as Vietnamese
Skyraiders in strikes against the Vietcong.
In a recent meeting with correspondents, an
Air Force spokesman admitted this..
Since American jets went into action
against Vietcong targets a few weeks ago,
the need for quick decisions and coordina-
tion found the Vietnamese unready for so-
phisticated air operations. So the Ameri-
cans took over to plan and execute jet bomb-
ing strikes.
Occasionally there are ruffled feelings. A
Vietnamese unit commander may want a
strike to soften up the enemy. The Ameri-
can adviser overrules him, saying the target
is not suitable. But generally the new re-
lationship is being worked out very well at
the field level. The same accord at the staff
level is yet to come.
The American mission here also needs to
ask the Vietnamese to surrender sovereignty
in another field-censorship of foreign press
reports. There is none now. But an Ameri-
can meeting of high government press officers
last week considered the adoption of such
press censorship.
The immediate block to such a plan is the
Vietnamese Government. Its censorship of
Vietnamese newspapers is severe and is im-
posed on political as well as military grounds.
The American involvement, and the pre-
dominance of U.S. reporters on the scene,
has caused our own military to provide press
facilities and assistance.
Can the American command talk the Vie
namese into letting the Americans cens(
their own press?
If the government of Prime Minister Pha
Buy Quat agrees, it represents another crac
in the sovereignty which the prideful Viet
namese regard so highly.
[From the New York Times, Max. 28, 1965
SOMETHING MORE THAN BOMBS
The limited American air war agains
North Vietnam is now entering its eight:
week. It is not too soon to ask what it ha
accomplished--and why it has not accomp
lished more.
The aim of the continuing air offensive
accompanied by threats of further escala
tion, was to persuade the North Vietnames
Communists to halt their armed Infiltratioi
into South Vietnam. When it was under
taken, one of President Johnson's highes
advisers predicted privately that the Corn
munists' will to fight would be weakened in
2 months. So far, there is no indicatior
that he was right; on the contrary, there
clearly has been a stiffening of Communist
positions, as Secretary Rusk has admitted.
The Soviet Union has announced that
arms aid is on its way to North Vietnam.
More important, a direct Soviet-American
confrontation in southeast Asia through the
use of Soviet "volunteers" in North Viet-
nam has been publicly threatened by the
top Soviet leader, Communist Party First
Secretary Brezhnev.
The Vietnamese and Chinese Communists
have stiffened their positions even more.
Hanoi, which a few weeks ago privately indi-
cated agreement to French and United Na-
tions proposals of negotiations-while refus-
ing a cease-fire-now rejects such proposals.
Backed by Moscow, the North Vietnamese
insist that there can be no talks while
American bombing continues. Peiping has
taken the most extreme position of all. It
insists there can be no negotiations before
the "complete, unconditional" withdrawal
of American troops from South Vietnam.
The Vietcong, which shows some signs of
independence from Hanoi, has enthusiasti-
cally adopted the Peiping line.
Meanwhile, the American bombing-not tc
mention use of nonlethal gas-has signift
cantly alienated world opinion. Concert
about the danger of a major war is wide
spread. Equally important, there is pro
found puzzlement about Washington's ob
jectives and tactics.
The trouble is that President Johnson,
master of domestic politics, had until lac:
week seemed to forget that war is politic:
too, even if pursued by "other means." El
launched a military offensive, but neglecte
his diplomatic offensive.
Now the President has promised America
aid for "wider and bolder programs" of re
gional economic development benefiting al
of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam
Despite its vague terms, this promise indi
Cates that Washington is beginning to fac
up to the need to offer its opponents in
southeast Asia a diplomatic, political, anc
economic exit from the military cul-de-say
In which we as well as they are now en.
trapped.
Persuasive peace proposals can be a politi-
cal weapon not only toward world opinion, al
a time when Americans are bombing Asians
but in presenting moderate Communists
with an alternative they can support within
the Communist camp. That camp is di-
vided, not only along national lines but
within each national capital. And nowhere
are the divisions more critical than in Hanoi.
Neither the Vietcong nor the Chinese Corn-
comunists can be swayed by the bombing of
North Vietnam, which causes them no direct
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"CONORIMP NAL TIRCO15'= S t ATE..--- - _____ _ 6031
ain. They are pressing to intensify the war.
'he Vietcong, particularly, has made major
ailitary gains in recent months and sees
very successive Saigon coup as another nail
n the coffin of .its enemies. It will not be
asy for Hanoi, in these circumstances, to
hift course and seeka negotiated settlement,
even with Soviet backing.
.Military pressure alone-which implies a
iemand for unconditional surrender-is un-
ikely to swing the balance in the Hanoi
eadership toward a negotiated settlement.
?ositive American proposals, which suggest
~ way out and a viable future for North Viet-
nam, are the essential complement.
President Johnson's statement last week
;ould be the precursor of proposals offering
Hanoi, once peace is restored, access to the
.rice of South Vietnam, trade with the West,
an end of the embargo and diplomatic boy-
cott that Washington and Saigon have im-
posed since 1954, and entry to international
development assistance. Area development
schemes covering the entire Mekong Valley
could be pushed. These, linked with con-
crete proposals for negotiations and firm
offers of a phased American withdrawal from
South Vietnam in accordance with the Ge-
neva agreements, could not fail to influence
events.
An immediate Communist response might
not be forthcoming. But the words would be
heard both within the Communist regimes
and outside. World opinion would be rallied.
That support will be needed, especially if the
war in Vietnam is about to enter a new and
more virulent phase.
[From the New York Times, Mar. 28, 19651
WASHINGTON: THE TAYLOR MISSION ON
VIETNAM
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, March 27.-In the next few
days, President Johnson will go through an-
? other critical review of his policy on Viet-
nam. It is one of those moments in history
when the decisions taken by a few fnen here
In Washington could have a profound effect
on the history of the net generation.
The immediate question is clear enough.
The President's decision to bomb North Viet-
nam has not achieved its objective. It has
not persuaded the Communists to stop their
infiltration and military subversion in South
Vietnam. It has committed the prestige and
power of the United States in a war against
the North Vietnamese Communists, without
success, and the question now is whether to
ncrease the pressure or withdraw.
THE RRCALL OF TAYLOR
Gen. Maxwell Taylor, the U.S. Ambassador
a Saigon, and former head of the Joint
;hiefs of Staff in Washington, has been
)rought home to participate in the decision.
fe will be in consultation here next week on
At number of critical questions. Should the
United States begin attacking the transporta-
tion system-the bridges and tunnels on the
railroads closer and closer to the North Viet-
iamese capital of Hanoi? Should the U.S.
aombers go farther north to destroy the new
worth Vietnamese industries around Hanoi
and Haiphong?
If such raids bring the American bombers
into the range of the North Vitnamese Mig
fighters, shoulfl the United States attack the
bases from which these bombers come north
of Hanoi and. even in South China?
General Taylor's mission to Washington is
described officially as "routine," but there is
nothing "routine" about the decisions to be
made, for 'they involve the risk of war with
China which controls one-quarter of the
In the face. ,of this difficult situation .there
has been a lot of talk about the wisdom of
negotiating a compromise settlement over
Vietnam, but the capitals of the world have
little encouraging information.
The British explored the prospect of a Viet-
namese settlement with Soviet Foreign Min-
ister Andrei A. Gromyko in London, but he
brushed them off. The administration has
made many more private inquiries about a
negotiated settlement than it cares to admit,
but these have been rebuffed.
President Johnson has been in touch with
Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson of Canada,
who has a representative on the International
Control Commission in Vietnam, on the pros-
pect of useful negotiation; but Mr. Pearson
has had to report to the President that the
North Vietnamese are not interested, at least
for the present.
Even the French,' who have been leading
the campaign for a negotiated settlement in
Vietnam, concede privately that they re-
ceived no encouragement either in Hanoi,
or in Peiping.
The issue, therefore, is not whether Presi-
dent Johnson is ready for negotiations. The
North Vietnamese Communists have been re-
jecting a negotiated settlement for months.
As long ago as last July the North Viet-
namese official daily newspaper Hoc Tap
said:
"The liberation of South Vietnam can
be settled only by force. To that end it is
necessary to smash the reactionary adminis-
trative machinery and the imperialists' mer-
cenary army. This revolution can and
should be decided only by revolutionary ac-
tion, using the force of the masses to defeat
the enemy forces; it cannot be settled by
treaties and agreements."
COMPLICATED ISSUE
The issue before the President and his as-
sociates, including General Taylor, is there-
fore much more complicated than the na-
tional argument about negotiations would
make it seem. In fact, the North Viet-
namese insist on seeing the struggle as a test
of the cold war all over the world.
For example, North Vietnam's Premier
Pharr Van Dong recently was quoted in a
Hanoi newspaper as follows:
"With rudimentary equipment, the popu-
lation of South Vietnam is victoriously fight-
ing the U.S. imperialists armed with the
most modern weapons. This experience of
our compatriots in South Vietnam attracts
the attention of the world, especially the
peoples in South America. Our South Viet-
namese citizens are teaching other peoples
that they are certainly capable of defeating
the U.S. Imperialists and can rely on their
own strength to liberate themselves."
. GENERAL GIAP'S VIEWS
The leader of the North Vietnamese Com-
munist army, General Giap, has been even
more specific. He is the man who defeated
the French army in Vietnam in the fifties,
with a loss of 176,000 French casualties. He
recently commented:
"South Vietnam is the model of the nation-
al liberation movement of our time * *
If the special warfare that the U.S. imperial-
ists are testing in South Vietnam is over-
come, this means that it can be defeated
everywhere in the world."
On this point, incidentally, the Johnson
administration tends to agree. They see the
war in Vietnam as a critical test of the Com-
munist technique of military subversion,
which must be defeated now or faced in
many other places`' in the world, including
the Western Hemisphere. This is what the
return of General Taylor is all about. The
bombing of North Vietnam is not achieving
its objectives. The Communist attack on
South Vietnam is not subsiding. So new de-
cisions have tp, be made in the next few days,
and they may be among the most important
political and military decisions since the last
world war.
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MEETING OF . THE JOINT COMMIT-
TEE ON ORGANIZATION OF THE
CONGRESS
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, ni
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the body of the RECORD, the minutes
of the meeting held on Wednesday,
March 17, 1965, by the Joint Committee
al1 the Organization of the Congress.
There being . no objection, the min-
utes were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
MINUTES OF THE MEETING OF THE JOINT COM-
MITTEE ON ORGANIZATION OF THE . CON-
GRESS
The organizational meeting of the Joint
Committee on the Organization of Congress
was held at 10 a.m, on March 17, 1965, in the
old Supreme Court chambers of the Capitol
Building. All members of the committee
were present.
Motion was duly made, seconded and
unanimously adopted that Senator A. S. MIKE
MONRONEY be elected chairman to represent
the Senate membership of the joint com-
mittee. Motion was duly made, seconded
and unanimously adopted that Congressman
RAY MADDEN be elected chairman to represent
the Members of the House of Representatives
on the joint committee. Senator MoNRONEY
and Congressman MADDEN shall act as co-
chairman for purposes of conduct of subse-
quent committee meetings, committee hear-
ings and the like.
It was called to the attention of the joint
committee that under the terms of Senate
Concurrent Resolution 2, a chairman must
be designated for the committee for purposes
of handling disbursements from the Senate
contingency fund and other administrative
matters. On motion duly made, seconded
and unanimously adopted, Senator MoN-
RONEY was elected chairman of the joint
committee for these purposes and Congress-
man RAY MADDEN was elected vice chairman
to act as cochairman of the committee.
The committee then discussed staffing re-
quirements and the necessity of obtaining
office space for the staff and space for sub-
sequent committee hearings and meetings.
Senator CLIFFORD CASE and Congressman
JACK BROOKS were appointed a subcommittee
to Obtain space for these purposes.
It was agreed that the cochairman of the
committee would call another committee
meeting and recommend an agenda for hear-
ings and committee work after the staff had
been selected.
The cochairmen of the committee were au-
thorized to insert the minutes of the organi-
zational meeting in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD as notice of the formation of the
committee and the appointment of officers as
set forth herein.
There being no further business to come
before the committee, it was on motion duly
made, seconded, and unanimously adopted
adjourned at 11:05 a.m.
A. S. MIKE MONRONEY,
Cochairman.
RAY J. MADDEN,
Cochairman.
JOHN SPARKMAN,
Acting Secretary.
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL THURSDAY
AT NOON
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, if
there is no further business, I move, pur-
suant to the order previously entered,
that the Senate adjourn until Thursday
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE arch 29, 1961
The motion was agreed to; and (at 1
o'clock and 26 minutes p.m.) the Sen-
ate adjourned, under the previous order,
until Thursday, April 1, 1965, at 12
o'clock meridian.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate March 29,1965:
POSTMASTERS
ALABAMA
Walker E. Morris, Cherokee.
L. D. Stapp, Epee.
ALASKA
Lester Suvlu, Barrow.
ARKANSAS
Dee R. Robbins, Norman.
CALIFORNIA
Patrick F. Chevreaux, Elverta.
Frank J. Noll, Madera.
Gerald J. Stephens, Stirling City.
Mary E. Rogers, Summit City.
Thomas J. McCaffrey, Vallejo.
CONNECTICUT
Wilfred O. Racicot, Dayville.
DELAWARE
Albert B. Carter, Camden-Wyoming.
Alfred R. Smith, Greenwood.
FLORIDA
Robert H. Wetzel, Sr., Babson Park.
Philip A. Crannell, Titusville.
GEORGIA
Jack B. Smith, East Point.
Lillie T. Boswell, Greensboro.
Edward P. Anderson, Grovetown.
Lowell D. Morgan, Springfield.
Ralph C. Martin, Uvalda.
ILLINOIS
Walter J. Malackowski, Calumet City.
Stanley H. Cowan, Dundee.
John B. Reis, Fairbury.
Robert T. Elgin, Fairmount.
Maurine C. Brown, Gardner.
William L. Parker, Genoa.
Harold, L. Morrison, Hoopeston.
William F. Knobbs, La Harpe.
George B. Murphy, Odin.
Edward A. Schroeder, Pekin.
Roman J. Mazurowski, Tinley Park.
Glenard E. Miller, Willow Hill.
INDIANA
Harold L. Shepard, La Porte.
Rex L. Tobias, Warren.
Stanley P. Switt, Westville.
IOWA
Evelyn P. Lupkes, Kesley.
Wallace L. Sheehy, Lawler,
Lawrence G. Phillips, Stratford.
KANSAS
Willena J. Martin, Chase.
Raleigh J. May, Haven.
Loyd L. Baughman, Longton.
Paul W. Wade, Mayfield.
Charles H. Seller, Mulvane.
Earl D. Medlen, Rantoul.
Myron L. Van Gundy, Reading.
Robert A. Franken, Troy.
KENTUCKY
Bobbie T. Hunter, Providence.
James P. Edwards, Russellville.
Doris K. Burns, Sanders.
LOUISIANA
Roger Frere, Madisonville.
Henry L. Parham, Mangham.
MARYLAND
Albert A. Phillips, Hampstead.
Margaret A. Stotler, Hancock.
Hilda B. Free, New Market.
Nicholas S. Price, Sparks.
Thomas H. Wallace, Street.
Evelyn F. Lednum, Tilghman.
MASSACHUSETTS
Frank Zalot, Jr., Hadley.
James I. Keyes, Sharon.
Lawrence B. Connelly, Sherborn.
John J. Kelley, Jr., Truro.
MICHIGAN
Robert L. Hunsberger, Bloomingdale.
Kenneth G. Kienitz, Ithaca.
James M. Stubbert, Mason.
Theodore Russ, New Buffalo.
John L. May, Paris.
George E. Smith, Sand Lake.
Gerald A. Farnan, Shepherd.
Donald F. Gillard, Spruce.
MINNESOTA
Hjalmar Hulin, Aitkin.
Michatel C. Rooney, Benson.
Marcellus J. Simonson, Wood Lake.
MISSOURI
Emmet R. Carey, Brookfield.
Wilson S. Tally, Clinton.
Robert F. Reddick, Crystal City.
Janet K. Lewis, Des Are.
Edward C. Grimes, Gallatin.
Martha F. Mead, Harrisburg.
Thomas G. Williams, Lathrop.
Robert W. Burford, Leeton.
V. Wayne Shroyer, Mercer.
Don O. Baker, Newburg.
William J. Blanton, Norwood.
George T. Lipscomb, Wellsville.
NEBRASKA
Ella E. Jackson, Crookston.
Robert D. Nealon, Wolbach.
NEW JERSEY
Jeanne L. Tamplin, Hewitt.
Warren T. Moulton, Rahway.
NEW YORK
Philip J. Dittmeier, Manorville.
Francis P. Secor, Otego.
Louis P. Kriss, West Islip.
NORTH CAROLINA
Howard Young, Bakeraville.
Paul E. Buck, Burnsville.
Ann F. Watts, Germanton.
Anne B. Collins, Laurel Springs.
Elma P. Drew, Magnolia.
Mildred A. Crowder, Peachland.
James W. Jenkins, Pendleton.
Sybil M. Biconish, White Oak.
NORTH DAKOTA
Thelma A. Hovet, Buxton.
OHIO
Miles S. Snyder, Jr., Brookfield.
Thomas R. Armstrong, Mendon.
Thelma M. Schneider, Middle Bass.
C. Thomas Sharp, Pleasant Plain.
Harold W. Kinney, Richmond.
OKLAHOMA
Ruth M. Phillips, Gore,
Beatrice H. Jones, Porter.
OREGON
Mabel E. Pounds, Adrian.
Max E. Gardner, Springfield.
Lavonne H. Moe, Sweet Home.
Elizabeth A. Barber, Ukiah.
PENNSYLVANIA
Ernest E. Roberts, Bechtelsville.
Harry P. Snyder, Columbia.
Paul B. Robinson, Concordville.
Phares C. Cramer, Conestoga.
Arthur E. Smith, Crooked Creek.
Abram B. Lauver, Dalmatia.
Raymond G. Mathews, Doylestown.
Charles C. Kerlin, Falls.
Walter E. Lucas, Fleming.
Ruth L. Funk, Glenwillard.
Harvey A. Baddorf, Halifax.
James J. Kelly, Herminie.
Charles L. Gilmore, Lahaska.
William E. Nolan, Lake Ariel.
Herbert A. Hall, Lakewood.
Warren B. Stapleton, Lewisburg.
Edward B. Henning, Mehoopany.
Alice H. Bustin, Milan.
Ernestine C. Buttorff, Millmont.
Althea M. Best, Neffs.
Raymond E. Hausman, New Tripoli.
Norma A. Stoudt, Palm.
Ralph S. Meyer, Pocopson.
George Novak, Sayre.
Robert L. Clink, Snow Shoe.
Lloyd S. French,Starrucca.
Walter H. Hoffman, Strasburg.
Everett A. Holmes, Thompson.
Walter P. Quintin, Thornton.
George P. Kraft, Washington Boro.
SOUTH CAROLINA
Douglas E. McTeer, Early Branch,
Farrell E. Rodgers, New Ellenton.
John W. Rogers, Pelzer.
Vertie Lee Salley, Salley.
Milledge D. Penn, Ward.
SOUTH DAKOTA
Leonard H. Nelson, Miller.
TENNESSEE
Joe F. Corlew, Bruceton.
Avos B. Halsell, Moss.
TEXAS
Sam A. Kelley, Alvarado.
Annie M. Whittley, Barksdale.
Edwin Zajicek, Buckholts.
Robert L. Baldridge, Jr., Clifton.
Walter Kutzer, Comfort.
Evaline W. Bartlett, Glen Flora.
Leonard W. Pierce, Gordon.
Katherine B. Carter, Hawley.
Ramon G. Amaya, San Diego.
O. C. Sewell, Jr., Sulphur Springs.
Sammie O. Smith, Telephone.
VERMONT
Francis H. Eddy, East Wallingford.
James D. O'Brien, Shelburne.
VIRGINIA
Agnes M. Allen, Goshen.
Norman J. Hogge, Hayes.
Charles R. Jordan, Haymarket.
Stuart M. Petke, West Point.
WEST VIRGINIA
Charles G. Robison, Fairview.
Glenn W. Hammer, Weston.
George A. Fahey, Wheeling.
WISCONSIN
Lawrence J. Vandehey, Aburndale.
Vernon A. Plamann, Greenville.
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March 29, 7595
Who is my brother?
He is the man who finds life good,
Who knows great joy
CONGRESSIONAL ? RECeOR D APJENDIy
In man's response to faith and truth,
Who recognizes beauty in the meanest place
Aid to Education: A Mandate From
tale People
SPEECH
HON. HERBERT TENZER
of NEW YORK
IN, THE ROUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, March 26, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 2362) to
strengthen and improve educational quality
and educational opportunities in the Nation's
elementary and secondary schools.
Mr. TENZER, Mr. Chairman, I am
,;Pleased to lend my support to the Ele-
mentary and Secondary School Educa-
tion Act of 1965, With our expanding
and growing economy, we must continue
to improve the education of the Ameri-
can People. We must build more class-
rooms, improve the quality of teaching,
and equalize educational opportunities
for every American child.
, The youth of our country is pur most
important national resource. As a na-
tion we have a... vital interest in their
education. For this reason I fully sup-
port the goal which the Education Act
seeks to attain-_tilat of bringing better
education- to millions of disadvantaged
youth who need .it most and to provide
Incentives for everyone. who wants to
learn.
I oppose across-the-board aid to pri-
vate schools on constitutional grounds.
I do favor categorical aids which in my
opinion would not be unconstitutional.
This bill does not violate the principle of
separation, of church and state. America
has accepted her role as the defender
of human liberty and democracy. Now
we must realize the fullest educational
potential. of all American children-the
underprivileged as well as the affluent--
to strengthen our position as the d
We implore you to vote against any ef-
forts to amend or recommit (H.R. 2362).
HARRY VANHOUTEN,
Executive Director City Teachers Asso-
ciation of New York, Time Life Build-
ing, New oYrk City.
Please be advised.tllat the Executive Coun-
cilToffthe American Federation of Teachers,
A1491
Hatch Act Liberalization
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HERVEY G. MACHEN
OF MARYLAND
dent Johnson's elementary and secondary Thursday, March 25, 1965
school program. In support of this position
our union is , Mr. MACHEN. Mr. Speaker, a new
now conducting a nationwide
referendum. publication, the Federal Times, contains
':CS ASLE,S.CoaEN, an editorial in the March 10 edition
President American Federation of Teachers. about liberalization of the Pernicious Pb-
litical Activities Act, otherwise known as
We appreciate the courtesy shown to our the Hatch Act. I have introduced a bill,
representatives by you and your office last H.R. 4959, to strike out the restrictive
week. We are happy that House Education passages of the act and allow Govern-
and Labor Committee approved H.R. 2362, ment employees to play active political
the Elementary and Secondary Education Act roles.
of i965
We urg
.
e your lull support to H.R.
2362 as approved by the committee. This is
a good education bill and should be passed
by the House now.
CLAYTON E. ROSE,
New York State Teachers Association.
As chairman of the Hewlett Woodmere
Teachers Association i urge that you oppose
all amendments to H.R. 2362 the Elementary
and Secondary Education Act of 1965. Vote
against any motion to recommit. Vote for
and please urge your colleagues to vote for
the final passage of this long overdue bill.
Yours respectfully,
JOEL RINDLER,
Hewlett High School, Hewlett, N.Y.
That you oppose all amendments to H.R.
2362 the Elementary and Secondary Edu-
cation Act of 1965. Vote against any motion
to recommit. Vote for and please urge your
colleagues to vote for the final passage of
this long overdue bill.
Yours respectfully,.
NICHOLAS A. GIROLAMO,
Chairman, Federal Legislative Commit-
tee, South Nassau Zone Teachers As-
sociation, Forest Lake School, Wan-
tagh, N.Y.
As chairman of the Valley Stream North
High School Faculty Association, I urge that
you oppose all amendments to H.R. 2362, the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act of
1965; vote against any motion to recommit;
vote for, and please urge your colleagues to
vote for the final passage of this long over-
due bill.
Yours respectfully,
ALPHONSE P. MAYERNIK.
Valley Stream North High School.
fender of liberty and democracy. The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congrega-
Among the malty telegrams and letters tions of America has gone on record in favor
which I received urging my support of of President Johnson's bill providing for
the education bill were the following ten- Federal aid in education opportunity for
egrams from educational organizations America's underprivileged children, regard-
and schools: less of whether they attend public or re-
We urge full support schools.
of President John- MOSES I. FEUERSTElx,
son's education bill. Urge opposition to any National President, The Union of Ortho-
amendments and urge you to vote against dox Jewish Congregations of America.
recommittal. ,.te r,, ,
WILLIAM RYNACK, Entire Orthodox Jewish community Metropolitan Association of ly opposed to any amendments to education
Higher Education of the National
Education Association, Time and Life aid bill especially judicial review amend-
E
Build, duc ang, New York City. ment which would torpedo every possibility
of bills hoped for enactment, Strongly urge
"r- you to vote against judicial review and other
The city teachers association of New York crippling amendments for which you will
urges you to'vgte in .favor of the Elementary earn our deep gratitude.
and Secondary Education Act of 1965 H.R.
2362) in its present form. ( RABBI Moaxra SHERER,
Mr. Speaker, my bill would not open
a floodgate of political activity by Gov-
ernment employees. It would be a sense
of Congress measure under which the
Civil Service Commission and other Fed-
eral agencies could relax restrictions.
More civic and political leaders are
realizing every day that certain restric-
tive provisions of the Hatch Act are
keeping Government employees in a sort
of iron maiden in which they are penal-
ized if they move in any direction.
The increasing number of nonpartisan
political groups can be directly attributed
to the Hatch Act. This is causing a
situation in the Washington area which
is almost unique In the United States.
We in Congress and the man in the
White House exemplify the highest tradi-
tions of partisan politics. Yet
not 5
,
miles away in the Washington suburbs,
we are being surrounded by political
jurisdictions replete with nonpartisan
political parties composed mostly of Gov-
ernment employees which have been
"hatched" from the two-party system. I
submit that this ridiculous situation
must be changed.
With this in mind, I offer the follow-
ing editorial from the Federal Times:
RESTRICTION OR PROTECTIONI
Several proposals have been made to
amend or repeal the Hatch Act. This is the
1939 law which bans partisan political ac-
tivity or campaign participation by Govern-
ment workers.
One proposal would ease the restrictions,
thus permitting employees to engage in po-
litical activity within limits set by their
agencies. The other would eliminate all re-
strictions.
Any plan which expands the freedom of
action for individuals is welcome. However,
Government employees need to realize that
complete freedom has its price.
The Post Office currently has a mailb
ag
full of trouble as it investigates charges of
political pressure during fund solicitations in
the recent campaign,
The complaints are based on charges that
postal regional offices designated one man to
receive campaign contributions. The money
reportedly was collected from postmasters
and mail carriers. Funds raised were then
said to have been channeled to political can-
didates.
This is the second investigation of a Hatch
violation during the last election. The first
case dealt with sale of $100 tickets to the
Democratic gala by officials in the Rural
Elec cation Administration. Investigation
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A1492
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX March 29, 1965
on this has been completed but no findings
have been announced.
It is easy to conjure up the problems that
could arise if all restrictions on political ac-
tivity of Government employees were re-
moved.
A request for a political contribution would
be difficult to refuse-if the request Came
from the boss. A flood of propaganda leaflets
could pile up on desks. Briefing sessions
could turn into political rallies as partisan
presentations colored the reporting of facts.
Whether the problems envisioned ever
would develop is an academic question. The
point to be made is this: If the Hatch Act
is to be modified, then guidelines must be
clearly established to insure that the new
freedom granted will not destroy the protec-
tion provided under the old rules.
Joseph McCaffrey Commentary
HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 4, 1965
Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, mur-
der is an appalling act no matter where
it occurs, on Route 80 in Alabama or on
the streets of Pittsburgh, my own city.
One is sometimes tempted to believe
that it is a less shocking act today for
many people than it was only a decade
ago. But are we really so hardened to
violence?
Joseph McCaffrey spoke about this
last Friday evening in a very perceptive
WMAL-TV broadcast. I think his words
should be carefully read and pondered
by all Americans.
JOSEPH MCCAFFREY COMMENTARY,
WMAL-TV, MARCH 26, 1965
We have learned nothing since the murder
on November 22, 1963.
The Two Faces of the Opposition to broaden the scope of the administration
measure and at the same time mesh its ma-
chinery more smoothly into the Constitu-
tion. By already retreating from support of
h President's bill
ft
HON. CHARLES E. G00DELL
OF NEW YOBS:
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
e
one major provision o
that has the effect of flagrant discrimina-
tion,among the States, DIRKSEN has tacitly
acknowledged the value of a far more thor-
ough inspection than he gave the text before
he stamped it with the label of the official
Monday, March 29, 1965 Senate Republican leadership. The major
amendment he now will support is directed
Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, under at an enforcement formula by which elec-
the leave to extend my remarks in the tions in four States-Arkansas, Florida, Ten-
RECORD, I include the following article nessee, and Texas-where the statistics of
by Mr. Arthur Krock which appeared in Negro vofrom ting denote Federal discriminati
ton by are rmsoe
the Sunday, March 28, 1965, edition of of the fact that they impose no literacy test,
the New York Times: though their voting percentages in Novem-
IN THE NATION: THE Two FACES OF THE ber 1964, were below the 50 percent require-
OPPOSITION went of the bill for this immunity.
(By Arthur Krock) FORD'S STAND VALIDATED
WASHINGTON, March 27.-EVERETT McKIN- It was on the sound presumption that
LEY DIRKSEN, of Illinois, the leader of the revolutionary, legally controversial legisla-
Senate minority, defined the- clasic role of tion drawn in such haste would develop
the political opposition as an obligation to fudamental flaws that Representative FORD,
support the party in power when it is right the House minority leader, declined the invi-
tation from DIRKSEN and the Democratic
the formula is that the opposition should leadership to introduce (and thereby spon-
always seek first by thorough inspection to sor) the administration text. He wanted to
eliminate what it considers wrong in an preserve flexibility to the House Republicans,
otherwise constructive piece of legislation. and the time to make a sound evaluation
But DIRXSEN'S immediate method of as- of how and in what respects, this flexibility
Press g the opposition's role toward the should be used to improve the legislation,
President's voting rights bill gives scant sere- from the minority standpoint. FORD finds
ice to the corollary. And this has pointed up sufficient evidence of the soundness of his
the dilemma in which the small Republican position in DIRKSEN'S rapid persuasion that
minority in Congress finds itself painfully the bill needs clarifying language to assure
involved. it- will not protect, in four or more States,
The dilemma is: should their leaders join the discriminatory practices against Negro
the responsible majority party in drafting voting that it is precisely designed to forbid.
legislation, especially measures whose objec- Such are the two concepts of Republican
tive has been a traditional Republican pol- opposition. And thus far, with the Fresi-
icy? Or should minority leaders await the dent's measure in the committee hearings
final formulation by the majority before de- stage, and under heavy political pressure for
tiding what their party position is to be on rapid translation to a similar truncated ex.
the details of the draft? DIRKSEN, as leader amination by the whole congressional body,
of the Senate Republicans, grasped the first FORD's theory of the role and responsibility
horn of this dilemma. The House minority of an opposition has justified itself better
leaders grasped the second. than DIRxsEN's. Furthermore, he is initiat?-
OPPOSITION PARTICIPATION ing changes on which his party can lay claim
DIRKSEN volunteered for the job of co- to having made improvements In a text from
author of the President's voting rights bill, which its Senate leader originally precluded
an offer which the administration was very himself by coauthorship.
as a way of life here in the United States. Republican coresponsibility with the Presi-
It may be that our population of almost dent and with MIKE MANSFIELD, the Senate
200 million people has precluded us from majority leader, for the bill as a whole.
abiding by that old philosophy of "live and Representative GERALD FORD, of Michigan,
let live" * * * we can't seem. to adjust to liv- the House minority leaders, backed by such
ing in close proximity with our neighbors. prominent Members of his rank and file as
That is, if our neighbor is not an exact Representatives JOHN LINDSAY, of New York
copy of ourselves. City, reserved the opposition function of try-
The recent violent deaths in Alabama in- ing to amend the text where his group might
dicate that we want those copies to think as find this essential to the constitutional and
we do, too. It is not enough that they be practical attainment of the objective. The
ur own color-they must also have our difference between tl.ese concepts of the re-
f
o
o
prejudices and our hatreds, quired role of a constructive opposition is
Peace on earth to men of good will, fundamental where a matter of domestic
But men of good will seem to be harder policy is concerned.
to find these days. It may be that television REPUBLICAN CORESPONSIBILITY
contributes to this blood thirst we are now When congressional action proposed by the
If the witnessing. in power involves war, or the presence
the Old West was as It is portrayed on party
television, today the West would have under-. of an emergency that could lead to war, the
takers as the wealthiest men, and the States classic role of the opposition is to participate
of the West would be populated with gun- actively of with dthe ents majority F. D. Rat all stand True
toting Idiots.
B
But the Old West wasn't like that. The man to make a partner of the Republican mi-
winners were the men who could think and nority in such situations evoked the famous
did think-the gun slingers were on the complaint of Harold E. Stassen: "They come
periphery. . to us for counsel," he said, "not at the take-
Yet today we dignify them, via television., offs but after the crash landings." And
as the men who won the West. If the West seldom if ever has a titular minority leader
had depended on them for its development, committed his party, as DIRKSEN did, to the
it would be as barren today as the moon. extent inherent in his status, to full part-
the
coop r tion of heritage neighbor with neighbor, with drafting of major domestic legislation.
help in return for help, and with a respect His reasons were substantial. But the
for the other man and his beliefs. price of minority leadership as DIRKSEN is
For these things violence can never be a required bytthis preclusion f e opposition the flexibility
instance
substitute.
EXTENSYON OF REMARKS
of
HON. BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, for
some time now I have been very much
disturbed and uneasy over the situation
in Vietnam, and about the possible es-
calation of the conflict in southeast
Asia-both frightening threats to our
goal of a peaceful world.
I was therefore tremendously encour-
aged and impressed by President John-
son's recent proposals for economic as-
sistance to that region when peace has
been restored; and I am hopeful that
from this positive approach we may be
able to effect a prompt and responsible
solution to the problems which now face
us in that area.
In addition, I was certainly heartened
by the endorsement by the New York
Times of such proposals, in Its editorials
of March 27 and March 28.
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March 29, 1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
Under leave to extend, my remarks in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, I ,am taking
the liberty of inserting these two edi-
torials, which speak for themselves.
[From the New York (N.Y'.) Times,
'ivlr. 27, 1965]
A VITAL STEP TOWARD PEACE
President Johnson has taken a major step
forward by offering to help in wider and
bolder programs of regional economic de-
velopment in southeast Asia once peace is
restored,. In effect,,he has begun to open the
long-awaited diplomatic track with which
some of his advisers had hoped the bombing
of North, Vietnam would be accompanied.
The President's statement, vague and
guarded as it is, begins the vital process of
defining the kind of settlement the United
States is prepared to accept in Vietnam.
Much more, definition will be needed, along
with concrete proposals for bringing about
the honorable negotiation the President
has just evoked as an objective. For each
passing day makes it clearer that military
measures alone will neither defeat the Com-
munist guerrillas nor attract their political
masters to the conference table.
The regional approach is essential. A set-
tlement within the confines of Vietnam it-
self will be difficult to achieve. If compro-
mises are to be found, they will be found
only over a wider region that covers the four
successor states of Indochina and, perhaps,
much of southeast Asia.
A regional development plan that would
enable southeast Asia to produce a huge rice
surplus for North Vietnam and mainland
Chinas-both critically short 'of food-could
not fail to play a positive part in peace dis-
cussions. The Communist effort to seize
the rice-surplus areas of southeast Asia by
war would appear less attractive once it be-
came clear that vastly larger supplies could
be obtained through peace.
Such a prospect exists in the United Na-
tions plan for an international Mekong
River development that would outshadow
the Tennessee Valley Authority in size and
scope. The urgent common interest that
Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and South Viet-
nam have developed in this project has taken
precedence over their ancient national rival=
ries.
Presumably this is the kind of project
President Johlisgxl,. has in mind, It can help
lead the way not only to a settlement in
Vietnam but to a stable peace in Asia. It is
the route the United States failed to take in
1953 and 1954 when fighting was ended in
Koree, and Indochina.
From 1953 to 1964, the United States has
plowed almost $15 billion into military aid
and defeWe support in the Far East, but less
than $1 billion into development loans and
technical assistance. The armistice with
Communist. China and North Vietnam did
not bring peace, in part because both sides
were less interested in organizing coopera-
tion than in, pursuing the cold war. The
opportunity that was missed it decade ago
may be recovered again if the United States
pushes forward now with Imaginative pro-
posals for Asian development which, at the
same time, may help bring about the peace
negotiations that will make development
possible.
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times,'Mar. 28,
1965]
SO,A'IFsr'stINC. MORE .T114N.. ]~QI4I$
The lilliited Ain?ricau air war against North
Vietnam Is ,pow entering its eighth week. it
is not. toQ soon to ask what it has, accom-.
pushed-and why it has not' accomplished
more,
The aim of the continuingt air offensive,
accompanied by threats of further escalation,
was to persuade the North Vietnamese Com-
monists to -bait their armed infiltration into
South Vietnam, When it .was undertaken,
one of President Johnson's highest advisers
predicted privately that the Communists' will
to fight would be weakened in 2 months. So
far, there is no indication that he was right;
on the contrary, there clearly has been a
stiffening of Communist positions, as Sec-
retary Rusk has admitted.
The Soviet Union has announced that arms
aid is on its way to North Vietnam. More
important, a direct Soviet-American con-
frontation in southeast Asia through the use
of Soviet volunteeers in North Vietnam has
been publicly threatened by the top Soviet
leader, Communist Party First Secretary
Brezhnev.
The Vietnamese and Chinese Communists
A1493
crete proposals for negotiations and firm of-
fers of a phased American withdrawal from
South Vietnam in accordance with the Ge-
neva agreements, could not fail to influence
events.
An immediate Communist response might
not be forthcoming. But the words would
be heard both within the Communist re-
gimes and outside. World opinion would be
rallied. That support will be needed, espe-
cially if the war in Vietnam is about to enter
a new and more virulent phase.
have stiffened their positions even more. The 1967 Centennial of the Alaska
Hanoi, which a few weeks ago privately in-
dicated agreement to French and United Na-
tions proposals of negotiations-while refus-
ing a cease-fire-now rejects such proposals.
Backed by Moscow, the North Vietnamese in-
sist that there can be no talks while Ameri-
can bombing continues. Peiping has taken
the most extreme position of all. It insists
there can be no negotiations before the com-
plete, unconditional withdrawal of Ameri-
can troops from South Vietnam. The Viet-
cong, which shows some signs of independ-
ence from Hanoi, has enthusiastically
adopted the Peiping line.
Meanwhile, the American bombing-not to
mention use of nonlethal gas-has signifi-
cantly alienated world opinion. Concern
about the danger of a major war is wide-
spread. Equally important, there is profound
puzzlement about Washington's objectives
and tactics.
The trouble is that President Johnson, a
master of domestic politics, had until last
week seemed to forget that war is politics
too, even if pursued by other means. He
launched a military offensive, but neglected
his diplomatic offensive.
Now the President has promised American
aid for wider and bolder programs of re-
gional economic development benefiting all
of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam.
Despite its vague terms, this promise indi-
cates that Washington is beginning to face
up to the need to offer its opponents in
southeast Asia a diplomatic, political and
economic exit from the military cul-de-sac
in which we as well as they are now en-
trapped.
Persuasive peace proposals can be a polit-
ical weapon not only toward world opinion,
at a time when Americans are bombing
Asians, but in presenting moderate Commu-
nists with an alternative they can support
within the Communist camp. That camp is
divided, not only along national lines but
within each national capital. And nowhere
are the divisions more critical than in Hanoi.
Neither the Vietcong nor the Chinese Com-
muhists can be swayed by the bombing of
North Vietnam, which causes them no direct
pain. They are pressing to intensify the
war. The Vietcong, particularly, has made
major military gains in recent months and
sees every successive Saigon coup as another
nail in the coffin of its enemies. It will not
be easy for Hanoi, in these circumstances,
to shift course and seek a negotiated settle-
ment, even with Soviet backing.
Military pressure alone-which implies a
demand for unconditional surrender-is un-
likely to swing the balance in the Hanoi
leadership toward a negotiated settlement.
Positive American proposals, which suggest
a Way out and a viable future for North
Vietnam, are the essential complement.
President Johnson's statement last week
could be the precursor of proposals offering
Hanoi, once peace is restored, access to the
rice of South Vietnam, trade with the West,
an end of the embargo and diplomatic boy-
cott that Washington and Saigon have im-
posed since 1954, and entry to international
development assistance. Area development
schemes covering the entire Mekong Valley
could be pushed. These, linked with con-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH J. RIVERS
OF ALASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 22, 1965
Mr. RIVERS of Alaska. Mr. Speaker,
I hereby offer for the attention of my
colleagues and others the second part of
"An Event of National Significance," as
depicted in the 1964 Annual Report of the
Alaska Centennial Commission. I refer
to the projected observances in Alaska in
1967 celebrating the 100th anniversary
of Alaska's existence under the American
flag.
The Commission is made up of 16
prominent Alaskans. They are Vernon
Forbes, its chairman from Fairbanks;
Mrs. Alice Harrigan, its vice chairman
from Sitka; Claire O. Banks of Anchor-
age; William R. Cashen, of College; Jack
Farnsworth, of Soldotna; Bill Feero, of
Skagway; Mrs. Genevieve Harmon, of
Juneau; Jack R. Peck, of Anchorage;
Donald E. Perkins of Nome; Robert
Powell, of Anchorage; Mrs. Doris Volzke
of Ketchikan; Arthur F. Waldron, of
Anchorage; Edward M. Wolden, of An-
chorage; Frank P. Young of Fairbanks;
George Sharrock, of Anchorage; and
and Mrs. Helen Irick, of Kodiak. Staff
for the Commission consists of an execu-
tive director, Herb Adams, and a secre-
tary, Mrs. Beverly Swanson.
This part concerns projects and pro-
grams of the Alaska Centennial Com-
mission that aim at enhancing Alaska as
a tourist destination, and with the task
of carrying out other programs of com-
memoration :
AN EVENT OF NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE-PART 2
ENHANCING ALASKA AS A TOURIST DESTINATION
In its planning for 1967, the Alaska Centen-
nial Commission is seeking not only to stage
events that will attract attention and audi-
ences in 1967, but also is seeking to enhance
Alaska as a tourist destination in that year
and years hence.
PERMANENT PROJECTS
Toward this objective, permanent centen-
nial projects are being adopted by local
centennial committees across the State. To
quality for 25-cent-per-capita grants, which
were approved by the 1964 legislature, such
projects must meet a community need, be
commemorative of the centennial year, and
have a reasonable prospect of completion by
1967. Such grants also must be matched by
the local committee. .
At the centennial exhibition site in Fair-
banks a 40-acre exhibition of Alaska and
Alaskan history is planned by 67 North, the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX March 29, 1965
Fairbanks Centennial Committee. In part clean-up campaign that will be conducted
aided by centennial per capita grants, the across the State. Sponsorship of the project
exhibition will also be financed by city and is being proposed to a number of statewide
building housing Huerlin paintings, and an Local histories are being compiled by sev-
Indian village. ? eral centennial committees and they are be-
In Anchorage, permanent centennial prof- ing assisted by the commission. In some
ects being planned are three geodesic--domed cases, this basic information will be utilized
buildings and a monument to William Henry for a local history guide or map; in others it
Seward. Projects being explored by groups will be published as a community history.
other than the committee itself are an Alas- Labor and business groups and associa-
kan animal zoo and a sports arena.
In Sitka, an authentic Russian tearoom is
being established near the Ferry Terminal
by the Sitka Centennial Committee. Re-
construction of a native fish camp of the
19th century is also planned.
Illustrations of other permanent centen-
nial projects are restoration of two gold-rush
buildings by the Skagway Centennial Com-
mittee, reconstruction of Fort Kenay by the
Kenai Centennial Committee, construction
of museums by the Homer Centennial Com-
mittee and by the Wrangell Centennial Com-
mittee, and establishment of an aquarium
and forest products display by the Peters-
burg Centennial Committee.
Permanent centennial projects being ex-
plored include the construction of a replica
of an early log church by the Gastineau
Channel Centennial Committee, establish-
ment of a salmonboat tourist attraction by
the Ketchikan Centennial Committee, es-
tablishment of a library by the Metlakatla
Centennial Committee, construction of an
auditorium by the Sitka Centennial Com-
mittee, preservation of an aboriginal site by
the Soldotna Centennial Committee, crea-
tion of a memorial to Vitus Bering and his
voyage of discovery by the Cordova Centen-
nial Committee, and purchase of museum
cases for the library by-the Kotzebue Cen-
tennial Committee.
In addition to adopting permanent proj-
ects for themselves, local committees and the
State Commission are encouraging similar
action by other organizations. An illustra-
tion is the Sitka Historical Society's fund-
raising effort, endorsed by the Sitka Centen-
nial Committee, to preserve the Russian
mission, a registered national historic land-
mark. On the State level, the commission
is inviting State societies and associations to
give thought to projects they will sponsor
as contributions to the centennial year.
HISTORIC SITES
Another important means of enhancing
Alaska as a tourist destination is through
erection of historical markers and placement
of historical plaques. More than 80 high-
way markers are now in place, and this pro-
gram of the department of highways is con-
tinuing. Fifty bronze plaques to identify
sites and buildings important in the history
of Alaska have been purchased and will be
mounted on buildings such as the Elk's hall
in Juneau (where the first elected legislature
met) and at sites such as Kasilof (where the
Russian colony of St. George was estab-
lished). Sites and buildings important in
the histories of communities will be marked
by local centennial committees.
Interpretive markers are slated for erection
in 1965 at Old Sitka and Castle Hill, both
State-owned historic sites. Funding for
physical improvements at the flag-raising
site of Castle Hill is. being sought by the
commission.
At the same time the commission is pro-
ceeding to identify sites for marking, it is
carrying out an inventory of sites now
marked. With this information, two publi-
cations-a guide to historic sites in Alaska
and a history map-will be issued in advance
of 1967. Based upon these, history-land
trails, growing in importance as tourist at-
tractions, will be organized.
CIVIC IMPROVEMENT
Another means of enhancing Alaska as a
tourist destination is the planned paint-up,
tions of all kinds are being urged to mark
centennial year by producing their histories.
Being compiled by the Alaska Council of
Churches to mark the centennial is a history
of religious groups in Alaska.
SCHOOLS, CHURCHES
Schools are expected to participate by pre-
senting Alaska, past and present, through
assemblies and special programs. Together
with churches, schools may participate in
the organization of symposia for reflection
upon culture and civilization in Alaska.
CARRYING OUT OTHER PROGRAMS OF COMMEM-
ORATION
During 1967, pioneers-the builders of
Alaska-will be honored in ceremonies. And,
organizations are being urged to pay especial
recognition to their members who have
played significant roles in the public life of
the State.
PUBLICATIONS
A series of monographs dealing with se-
lected aspects of Alaska's history and people
is being planned in conjunction with the
University of Alaska. Aimed at making good
accounts of important developments widely
available, all titles in the series would be in
similar format.
Issuance of publications by others is being
encouraged by the Commission. Tentatively
slated for publication by 1967 are: "Alaska
History" and "Alaska Aboriginal Culture"
(National Park Service), and "Geographic
Dictionary of Alaska" (U.S. Board on Geo-
graphic Names).
A new biography of Seward (Oxford Uni-
versity Press), a new history of Russian-
America (Viking), the story of the Alaska-
based Russian attempt to gain Hawaii (Uni+
versity of California), and an account of
19th century American exploration of Alaska
(Yale)-all scheduled for publication in ad-
vance of the centennial year, will call atten-
tion to the approach of the centennial.
MEDALS, STAMPS
The centennial of the purchase will be
commemorated by bronze and silver medals
bearing the centennial emblem on one side
and, on the reverse, a profile of the man
whose vision resulted in the purchase, Wil-
liam H. Seward. The medals will be sold by
local centennial committees with all profits
going toward their projects.
A commemorative postage stamp will also
be issued. The U.S. Post Office Department
is being urged to designate Sitka as the
place for first-day issue.
Visitors to Alaska in 1967 will receive cer-
tificates noting the centennial, and they will
be able to purchase privately produced
souvenirs of much variety.
Progressive Growers' Association
Survey
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. GUBSER` Mr. Speaker, the Pro-
gressive Growers' Association in my con-
gressional district has just completed a
survey of its,membership of 700 farmers.
This survey shows that a drastic curtail-
ment of planted acreage in tomatoes,
strawberries, miscellaneous vegetables,
brussels sprouts, cucumbers, and beans
bvill result if supplemental foreign labor
is not available for California farmers.
Obviously, this will create extreme hard-
ship for the employees in canneries and
other allied industries, many of whom
are Mexican-Americans. It is ironic that
certain propaganda groups are fighting
the realism that crops simply will not be
planted without supplemental labor and
in so doing are hurting the minority
groups they profess to be helping.
Below is a table showing the planting
intentions of 700 farmers with or with-
out supplemental foreign labor:
with
supple-
mental
foreign
labor
Without
supple-
mental
foreign
labor
Percent
Percent
Tomato-----------
3, 579
3,
94.8
33.3
Strawberry -------------
234k
66.2
25.7
Miscellaneous vege-
tables________________
674%
102.4
51.7
Brussel sprouts ------___
1,218
99.7
35.3
____ __ ______
Cucumbers-------------
Beans ------------------
Beans------------------
157
65
67. 5
69.2
19.1
34.7
it should be pointed out that though
the survey indicates that one-third the
usual tomato acreage, 3,579, will be
planted for a total of approximately
1,200 acres that these plants are pred-
icated in 98 percent of the cases upon
the possibility of harvesting by machine.
Thus, jobs for human beings will be sac-
rificed in favor of the inferior quality
which will result from machine picking.
This, too, will have an adverse effect up-
on Mexican-Americans and other domes-
tic workers.
The 47th Anniversary of the Byelorussian
Democratic Republic
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM B. WIDNALL
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, on
March 25, the courageous people of the
formerly independent Byelorussian Dem-
ocratic Republic marked the 47th
anniversary of the Proclamation of In-
dependence. In the United States, a
convention of Americans of Byelorus-
sian descent was held on March 21, 1965,
to commemorate this date. Although
their former compatriots remain under
the iron rule of Communist Russia,
there is no doubt that the citizens of
present-day Byelorussia joined silently,
but forcefully, in this observance.
For the flame of freedom burns deep
within the Byelorussian people. The
successful effort at independence in 1918
was the culmination of many attempts
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to secure for themselves a national
identity over the years. But self-deter-
mination is a word that is not in the
Communist lexicon, and this independ-
ence was shortlived. Despite this fact,
the traditions, customs, and spirit of a
Byelorussian nation continues on. The
importance of this national group, and its
ability to identify as a national group,
is underscored by the fact that their
Communist masters feel the need for a
separate "puppet" state within the bor-
ders of the Soviet Union.
By marking the anniversary of the
Independence movement of these brave
people, we expose the fiction of this pup-
pet regime and encourage the legitimate
aspirations of Byelorussians everywhere
for self-determination in their home-
land. Those of us who have the benefits
of freedom can do no less than this,
Residual Oil Quotas Should Go
SPEECH
or
HON. JAMES C. CLEVELAND
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 17, 1965
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, on
March 10, 1965, I addressed the House
concerning the continuing problems im-
posed on New England by unfair residual
oil quotas, see page 4613 of the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD, March 10, 1965. As I
pointed out, these quotas are extremely
unfair to New England and indeed the
entire eastern seaboard. Hopefully, they
will soon be abolished by this adminis-
tration which is doing so much for the
coal mining regions of this country and
the all producing regions of this country,
and so little for the consumer and so
little for New England. It is encourag-
ing to me that the message is getting
through to the people in my district.
William Rotch, the editor and publish-
er of the Milford Cabinet, recently wrote
a perceptive editorial on the subject.
The Littleton Courier, whose editor Jack
Colby has frequently spoken out against
the injustices of the residual oil quota,
has also commented perceptively on the
subject.
Because even now the decision by this
administration on residual oil quotas is
pending, I insert these editorials in the
RECORD in hopes that their message will
be read by those charged with this im-
portant decision.
[From the Milford Cabinet & Wilton
Journal, Mar. 25, 1965]
WHY GET EXCITED ABOUT RESIDUAL OIL?
Chances are that most people in New
Hampshire have never seen any residual oil
and would not recognize it if they did. Yet,
in Washington their Congressman is urging
the administration to lift quotas on the
amount-of residual oil that can be imported
and charging that New England industries
are bleeding to death in order to subsidize
the coal interests of the Appalachian States.
The residual oil story would appear to
shed some light on how politics can replace
the laws of supply and demand, of how
world trade can affect New Hampshire, and
why it makes sense to have Jim CLEVELAND
stand up in Congress and make speeches
calling for fewer restrictions on imported
fuels. What is it all about?
The Cleveland version of the story Is ex-
plained in the adjoining column. But a few
days before we read his remarks we were
chatting with an engineer for one of the big
New York power companies. We asked him
to explain in simple language the problem of
residual oil and why we should get excited
about it. This explanation may be oversim-
plified, but for what It is worth we pass it
along.
In the United States petroleum is refined
in huge technically sophisticated plants that
break down the crude oil into a variety of
products. In some countries, Venezuela for
one, the refining process is not carried so far,
and after the gasoline is extracted what re-
mains is a heavy black substance known as
residual oil and valuable principally as an
industrial fuel. Most residual oil comes
from these foreign refineries and the amount
that can be imported into the United States
is limited by quota.
"My company's plants are equipped to burn
either residual oil or coal," our engineer
friend explained. "The oil Is much cheaper
and we would prefer it, but we cannot get
enough. The Government quotas bear no
relation to our needs, or to the increasing de-
.nmands for electricity.
"The result is," he went on, "that we burn
more and more coal. This is nice for the coal.
companies, and perhaps it helps Appalachia,
but never forget that the cost is passed right
along to the consumer, and if the coal inter-
ests are being helped it is only at the expense
of the people who use our electricity."
This explanation ties in with what JIM
CLEVELAND has been saying in Washington.
By limiting imports of residual oil the ad-
ministration forces New England industries
to use a more expensive fuel. Chances are
the consumer never knows what is hitting
him; he just knows that prices keep going up.
So we elect a Congressman to go down to
Washington where we hope someone listens
when he declares that New England is will-
ing to pay its full share of the costs for the
national welfare, but it deeply resents the
constant and silent tribute it has to pay to
the special interests of the coal-producing
States.
[From the Littleton (N.H.) Courier, Mar. 18,
1965]
TRIBUTE TO SPECIAL INTERESTS
"We in New England are more than ready
as we have always been, to pay our share of
costs for the national welfare, but we deeply
resent and deplore this silent exaction of
tribute to special interests."
Making this statement on the floor of the
House in Washington recently was Congress-
man JAMES C. CLEVELAND, and reference was
being made to restrictions of residual oil
coming into New England. These controls
on a fuel so basic to our economy "are slowly
bleeding us" for the benefit of coal-produc-
Ing areas, Congerssman CLEVELAND charged.
The coal industry today is vigorous and
healthy, with even brighter prospects ahead,
and the residual oil quotas could be dis-
carded completely without affecting the coal
areas. Yet it is these areas, representing
powerful economic and political blocs, that
are responsible for the continued mainte-
nance of the quotas that place a heavy finan-
cial burden on the consumer of fuel in New
England-with no relation to the economic
problem of our coal-producing areas.
"These same coal-producing areas have
won a huge Federal subsidy in the form of
the Appalachian bill," Congressman CLEVE-
LAND pointed out. "Let me say that we in
New England are most sympathetic with the
economic problems of Appalachia. We, too,
are part of the Appalachian chain and we
know what it Is like to lose whole industries
A1495
on which the economic life of our communi-
ties depends. We are fighting back and mak-
ing a good fight. We do not ask the rest of
the country for special favors. But we do
ask for terms of fair competition.
"While our taxes will be taken to help fi-
nance this tremendous Appalachian program
for 11 States, we are also paying additional
tribute to the coal States in the form of high
fuel costs, unnecessarily imposed, through
the discriminatory residual oil quota system.
"New Englanders are being asked to sup-
port the Appalachia program, yet at the same
time we are being forced to endure hardship
through the fuel policy imposed largely by
the power of the Appalachian coal States."
As the Congressman points out, it is high
time that controls on a fuel so basic to the
New England economy be removed once and
for all. There Is no room for discrimination
of this or any other kind.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
ON. LIONEL VAN DEERLIN
OF
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. VAN DEERLIN. Mr. Speaker, the
current furore over gas warfare has_ a
curious sidelight which could encourage
distrust of official statements. This con-
cerns the manner and timing of "reve-
lations" that gas was used 2 years ago
against villages in Yemen.
My special Interest in this matter
stems from the fact that first accounts
of the Yemen incident came- as a news
scoop by a husband-wife foreign cor-
respondent team, my friends Tom and
Harle Dammann of San Diego, Calif.
That scoop, for which Mr. and Mrs.
Dammann were nominated for a Pulitzer
award, is referred to in the following
editorial carried Thursday, March 25, in
Chicago's American:
GAS WARFARE: A SWITCH
The worldwide reaction to the use of riot-
control gases against Communist forces in
Vietnam has up to now followed a highly
predictable pattern. The United States is
being bitterly denounced for allowing the
use of gas in warfare-any gas, even the
nonpoisonous types used against rioters in
many countries-and the Communists are
wringing all the propaganda value out of it
they can, which is plenty.
A remarkable twist has been given the sit-
uation, however, by the Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee-perhaps by accident,
perhaps not. It indicates that Washington
may have outsmarted itself, not for the first
time, and is now taking the heat that should
have been directed against President Nasser
of the United Arab Republic.
Senator BOURNE B. HICKENLOOPER, Of Iowa,
senior Republican on the committee, late last
week said he'd concluded that the United
Arabic Republic had been using gas warfare
against villages in royalist-held territory of
Yemen. This was not exactly news in itself.
In June 1963, Chicago's American carried de-
tailed reports from Saudi Arabia on the gas
warfare charges made by the Imam Moham-
med el-Badr, deposed King of Yemen.* The
stories were filed by our Middle East corre-
spondents, Tom and Harle Dammann, who
had checked them out with representatives
of the International Red Cross and American
and British military observers.
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According to eyewitness reports passed
along to the Dammanns, bombs that had
fallen near the Imam's headquarters in Ye-
men had killed some victims and caused
hemorrhaging or severe blistering in others.
There were charges, unsubstantiated, that
"radioactive weapons" had been used. The
Red Cross was asked to investigate, and for
a time Saudi Arabia planned to bring up the
charges in the United Nations.
Subsequently, though, the story dropped
out of the news. The official bodies con-
cerned joined in damping it down, even
though the reports of gas warfare never
were disproved and seemed to have been
confirmed all down the line.
Evidence is that the hush-up was the re-
sult of pressure from Washington. Whether
it came from the White House, the State De-
partment, or the Pentagon is not clear, but it
appears that publicity for the poison-gas
charges would have conflicted with the Ken-
nedy administration's then-current policy of
backing Nasser. It might, moreover, have
endangered disarmament talks then going on
with the Soviet Union, since there were hints
that the gas bombs had been supplied by
West Germany.
HicxENLooPEa's statement, coming so con-
veniently before the announcement that gas
had been used in Vietnam, may indicate that
the wraps are coming off, and. we'll now hear
a lot more about the Yemeni charges.
That, of course, would help direct world
censure against Egypt and away from us.
This kind of maneuvering may be "smart,"
but it's also repellent. The whole story indi-
cates managed news is still current policy
in Washington-that public opinion is still
regarded as something to be turned on and
off at will and directed where the government
wants it. That belief needs to be fought, now
and always.
Department of Agriculture's Opposition to
Cargo Preference Act
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD A. GARMATZ
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. GARMATZ. Mr. Speaker, as a
sponsor of the Cargo Preference Act,
better known as the 50/50 Act, I was very
much interested in An article in this
morning's Baltimore Sun.
The purpose of the above-mentioned
act is to assure that 50 percent of the
shipments made under the AID program
are shipped in U.S.-flag vessels when
they are available. Several of the Gov-
erment agencies do everything they can
to avoid this law but the Department of
Agriculture has been the greatest of-
fender. This is borne out in the article
which follows:
DEPARTMENT of AGRICULTURE CALLED HOSTILE
To U.S. FLEET
NEW YORK, March 28.-The Department of
Agriculture was charged today with display-
ing "overt hostility" toward the American-
flag merchant marine.
The denunciation, directed primarily
against Charles S. Murphy, Under Secretary
of Agriculture, came from the Seafarers In-
terllational Union.
Signed by Paul Hall, president of the SW,
the letter charged that the Department of
Agriculture has consistently been hostile to
the merchant marine "and that, while ex-
pending billions of dollars annually to sup-
port a small segment of our farm population,
has never missed an opportunity to wail
loudly about the high cost of using Ameri-
can ships."
COPIES SENT OUT
The original letter was sent to Murphy.
Copies were sent to all members of the Mari-
time Advisory Committee, which was created
by Executive order of President Johnson last
June to consider the problems of the Amer-
ican maritime industry.
Hail represents the SIU on that Committee.
Copies of the letter were also sent to the
chairmen of the Senate Banking and Cur-
rency Committee, House Banking and Cur-
rency Committee, House Agriculture Com-
mittee, Senate Commerce Committee, and
House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Com-
mittee.
Hall's letter strongly criticized Murphy's
recent testimony before the International
Finance Subcommittee of the Senate Com-
mittee on Banking and Currency.
MURPHY IS QUOTED
On March 16, Hall said, Murphy told the
subcommittee members, in essence, that the
use of American-flag merchant ships is detri-
mental to the export of U.S. farm products
to Russia and other Communist countries.
Murphy has also been severely criticized
by the American Maritime Association and
the American Tramp Shipowners Association.
The two associations have assailed him for
saying that America has lost wheat sales to
Russia because of the Cargo Preference Act.
The legislation assures that part of any U.S.-
financed agricultural product sales be
shipped by American vessels.
The letter sent by Hall noted that the
amount spent by the Agriculture Depart-
ment for farm subsidies is 12 times the
amount spent for all programs of assistance
to the merchant fleet, and that 3 subsidies
paid on cotton alone cost American tax-
payers $800 million a year.
This figure is 10 times the annual cost of
the entire cargo preference program, it added.
INTENTION CALLED CLEAR
"We have been told by representatives of
the Department," Hall added," "that Agricul-
ture has no wish to thwart the clearly ex-
pressed intention of Congress that this. Na-
tion shall have a strong merchant marine.
"Yet we are continuously being confronted
with new evidence of Agriculture's antipathy
toward the merchant marine. Certainly your
attempt, before the International Finance
Subcommittee, to again downgrade and de-
valuate the role of our merchant marine, in
our Nation's commerce, is a striking case in
point."
The SIU president also noted that his
union had detailed a series of specific charges
against the Agriculture Department in a
40,000-word presentation to the Maritime
Advisory Committee November 16. In the
presentation, the union had called for the
replacement of the Secretary of Agriculture,
Orville Freeman.
"Although 4 months have elapsed," Hall
continued, "Agriculture has not seen fit to
respond to this document, but instead has
continued topursue thesame policies which
gave rise to the charges therein."
A Responsible Republican Opposition
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. CHARLES E. GOODELL
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 29, 1965
Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, under
the leave to extend my remaks in the
RECORD, I include the following article
which appeared in the Friday, March 26,
1965, edition of the New York Times:
WASHINGTON: A RESPONSIBLE REPUBLICAN
OPPOSITION
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, March 25-The Republicans
in Congress are proving to be a constructive
opposition. They are working against over-
whelming odds-32 to 68 in the Senate, 140
to 294 in the House-but they have main-
tained a sense of purpose and even a sense
of humor.
This is not an easy exercise. When a party
has been overwhelmed at the polls, as the
Republicans were in 1932 and again in 1964,
the task of reconstruction seems almost
hopeless. Its leaders are scattered, its num-
bers reduced in the Congress, its power un-
dermined In the States, its organization dis-
rupted and its party workers demoralized.
Yet the Republican, though they have been
out of power for 24 of the last 32 years, are
not acting like a bitter or obstructionist mi-
nority. They are supporting President John-
son's foreign and domestic programs when
they think he is right and trying to put for-
ward constructive alternatives when they
think he's wrong.
THE VOTING RECORD
The voting rights bill is a dramatic illus-
tration of the point. The Republican leader
in the Senate, EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN,
not only worked with Attorney General Kat-
zenbach in drafting the bill, but Is now help-
ing guide it through the Judiciary Commit-
tee against the opposition of the southern
Democrats.
The Republican leader in the House, GER-
ALD R. FORD of Michigan, along with Repre-
sentative JOHN LINDSAY, of New York, Rep-
resentative WILLIAM M. MCCULLOCH, of Ohio,
and other Republicans, are leading a cam-
paign to strengthen the voting rights bill
and extend its provisions to many thousands
of deprived Negroes not covered by the ad-
ministration's proposals.
There Is no evidence that the Republican
Party stands to gain, at least in the short
run, by a vast increase in Negro voting. On
the contrary, all indications are that the new
Negro voters will side overwhelmingly with
the Democratic Party, and could even help
win back for the Democrats in the 1988 pres-
dential election the Southern States won by
the Republican last year.
Yet the Republican leaders In this Congress
are quite consciously trying to remove the
charge leveled against the party in the Gold-
water campaign-that it sought to win by
appealing to the anti-Negro elements in both
the North and the South.
THE VIETNAM RECORD
The controversy over policy in Vietnam
also illustrates the constructive attitude of
the Republicans in Congress. The Demo-
crats are highly vulnerable to political at-
tack for their record in that peninsula.
They underestimated the power of the North
Vietnamese, and helped destroy what little
political unity existed under the Diem
regime in South Vietnam.
It is quite fair to say, as the Democrats
constantly do, that they are merely carry-
ing on in that country the policy started by
the Republicans under President Eisenhower.
They,.liave changed the whole character of
the war in the last 3 years, yet the Republi-
cans have supported the President more con-
sistently than some of the leaders of his own
Party.
Seldom in the history of the Nation have
the Executive and the Congress managed to
find a working arrangement in which the
President had adequate power and the legis-
lature had adequate control, and this is
certainly not the case now.
The administration has the votes and the
political skill to work its will on the home
front-even on such controversial issues as
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