PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S VIETNAM POLICY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160002-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 18
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: April 9, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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April 9, 7 965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
do .dot work diligently at conserving our
soil.
Cutting a slice of $20 million off the na-
tional conservation program would take 76
people off the Soil Conservation staffs in
North Dakota, about 1 to a district. The
man we would lose would be the technician,
the man who helps install practices, stake
dams, plant trees, and all the on-the-spot
jobs so important, because they must be
done right.
In 1946, Dr. Hugh H. Bennett, Chief of
the USDA Soil Conservation Service said,
`"The area of good cropland is shrinking
everywhere, while population grows. The
day will come when the combination of pro-
ductive land and water will rank second
only to people as the most important of all
resources. Those who would thwart the
progress of conse'rvatlon, for whatever pur-
pose, are in this day and age the enemies of
mankind."
These are strong words, spoken 20 years
ago, but they certainly fit this situation.
North Dakotans all depend upon the soil in
this agricultural State. We not only need
to fight to keep the program of soil conser-
vation we have, we need to work harder to
get every landowner to participate.
If this legislation is passed in Washington
It will reverse the trend, and the progress
our State and the Nation has made will slow
down, in many cases stop and go backward.
Our congressional delegation needs letters
the first part of April to help them oppose
this Budget Bureau proposal.
PRESIL I}1T JOHNSON'S VIETNAM
`~ POLICY
Mr Mr. President, there has
ben t eal of comment in this
body and in the press following Presi-
dent Lyndon B. Johnson's significant
policy statement on Vietnam Wednes-
day night.
The President spelled out-in clear,
concise terms-the goals and aims of
the U.S. foreign policy in southeast
Asia. He made no bones about our in-
tentions and goals in this critical part
of the globe.
One of the more forthright editorials
I have seen in connection with the Presi-
dent's remarks was the one which ap-
peared in the April 8, 1965, edition of the
Washington Daily News. Equally sig-
nificant were the evalations of the
President's remarks by several distin-
guished columnists, William S. White,
Roscoe r)rummond, and Joe Alsop, all ap-
pearing in the Washington Post today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this editorial and these arti-
cles be printed in the RECORD at this time.
There being no objection, the editorial
and articles were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows: ,
{From the Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
Apr. 8, 1965 ]
WHY WE ARE IN VIETNAM-AND THE
ALTERNATIVE
President Johnson's Baltimore speech not
only was a first-class effort to clear away the
persistent fog which unaccountably seems to
hang over U.S. military activities in Viet-
nam-the President also gave the Com-
mu'aist,world, and everyone else, the choice
of an alternative.
He proposed a huge cooperative program
to help southeast Asia to the development
that its resources and population would make
possible if it were not for the constant con-
flict which besets the area. He specifically
invited Soviet Russia to join, and also North
Vietnam "as soon as peaceful cooperation is
possible."
We are not going to pull out of South
Vietnam until that country has its clear
independence-securely guaranteed, free
from outside interference. We will not be
bluffed out, chased out, negotiated out; nor
will we leave because we have grown tired.
We will engage in "unconditional" discus-
sions of any type:
"We will never be second in the search for
a peaceful settlement in Vietnam"-provid-
ing this means a free South Vietnam.
But until South Vietnam is cleared of in-
vaders and its sovereignty riveted, we will
use our power, "with restraint and with all
the wisdom we can command." But-"we
will use it."
The President scrupulously recited again
the objectives of U.S. presence in Vietnam:
We are there because we are keeping a pledge
to help the South Vietnamese; but also to
strengthen order in the whole world, to pre-
vent all the nations of southeast Asia from
being swallowed up.
Be spelled out the nature of Communist
aggression, what it already. had done and
what it threatens. And again, as he has said
so often, we fight not because we like fighting
but "because we have to deal with the world
as it is." Or, he could have said, as the
Communists have made it.
To speed up the alternative to war, Mr.
Johnson proposed that the United States
join in a billion-dollar effort to develop the
southeast Asia area.
That's a lot of money, a billion dollars.
But it is cheap compared to the price of war,
in lives lost on both sides, as well as dollars
spent for bombs and guns and rockets and
warships which the President aptly said are
"witness to human folly."
This put it straight up to the Commu-
nists-in North Vietnam, in Red China, in
Russia. So long as they force violence on
others, we will resist them with all our power.
But if they want to use the knowledge we
now have "to make this planet serve the
real needs of the people who live on it" we
are ready, able and eager.
The Communists, wherever they are, ought
to know by now that President Johnson
means what he says, on both counts. And
that the American people, regardless of small
quibblings which may be heard, are solidly
behind the President's resolution, as well as
his purpose.
This has never been made clearer than Mr.
Johnson made it last night.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Apr. 9, 1965]
VIETNAM SPEECH: POLICY AS FIRM AS EVER
(By William S. White)
President Johnson's so-called new policy
for dealing with Communist aggression in
South Vietnam is not new in fact nor does
it in the smallest way soften his real position.
To the contrary, he feels-and objective
reading of what he said at the Johns Hopkins
University supports him in this-that its
meaning is simply firmly to establish the
two bedrock necessities for remaining in
Vietnam until aggression has been brought
to a halt by self-enforcing peace arrange-
ments that will not and cannot be later
cast aside by the Communists as'other_ agree-
ments have been.
The vital words here are "self-enforcing."
The President will never go along with some
spurious deal resting only on Communist
promises to quit attacking South Vietnam.
For his own part, in short, he considers him-
self more deeply committed than ever be-
fore to ringing those attacks to an end. If
others think he is less committed, as some
seemingly do, the answer is simple: Surely,
he ought to be the best witness of the inten-
tions of Lyndon B. Johnson.
7491
The ffist of the twin bedrock necessities to
staying in Vietnam is a continuing American
military action=which will be carried just
as far as the Communists force it to be car-
ried. The President is astonished, as to
this point, that so much of the interpreta-
tion of his -Johns Hopkins speech has so
stressed his promise in some circumstances
of American economic aid to Vietnam and
southeast Asia generally and so kissed off
these other passages:
"We will not be defeated. We will not grow
tired. We will not withdraw, either openly
or under the cloak of a meaningless agree-
ment. * * * Peace demands an independent
South Vietnam-securely guaranteed and
able to shape its own relationships to all
others-free from outside interferences-tied
to no alliance-a military base for no other
country." How do you get any more com-
mitted than this?
This continued American military action is
not merely to help protect South Vietnam.
It is vital to prevent what has always been
the nightmare of American policymakers, the
nightmare of a total collapse in South Viet-
nam's morale and government which might
make impossible further effective American
assistance of any kind.
The second bedrock necessity is to placate,
so far as may be rationally possible, the end-
less fretful complaint from allied govern-
ments and some sections of responsible
opinion at home that the United States is
offering no constructive alternatives to con-
tinued war.
It is here that Mr. Johnson's suggestion for
a cooperative economic development of
southeast Asia takes its place. Once the na-
tions directly involved begin this develop-
ment in good faith, he is prepared to ask
Congress to authorize a billion-dollar Ameri-
can investment-not by the way, a mere
American gift-in such an enterprise. Here,
again, the President is both disappointed and
surprised at some Republican criticism of
this as an effort to buy peace.
In the first place, we are already spending
far more than a billion a year, in South
Vietnam alone, putting military and eco-
nomic expenditures together. In the second
place, what he is speaking of as a possibility
for southeast Asia generally is already taking
place in South Vietnam. In the third place,
the principles of such a program were in
fact recommended to President Kennedy by
Mr. Johnson as Vice President as early as
1961. He sees it as about what we have done
widely long since in Latin America to pre-
vent chaos and Communist encroachment.
In the fourth place, this problematical
and future American carrot, though sincerely
held out if the Communists will make it
possible to hold it out usefully, weighs far
less than the here-and-now American stick
that accompanies it. No country being at-
tacked has in all history been given a more
profound and more powerful military Ameri-
can guarantee that the guarantee the Presi-
dent has now given to South Vietnam.
A GREAT SPEECH
(By Joseph Alsop)
The President's great speech on the Viet-
namese war was vintage Lyndon B. Johnson.
The man is so mysterious, so outside the
common run of experience, precisely because
qualities are'mingled in him that in most
men are flat., opposites. Noble aims do not
often go together with extreme craftiness;
yet the speech exhibited the President pur-
suing the noblest aims in the craftiest imag-
inable manner.
High aspirations and warmly humane feel-
ings are rarely combined with extreme tough-
ness; yet in this speech, a toughness almost
verging on ruthlessness was placed at the
service of very high aspirations and warmly
humane hopes. Then there is that matter
of Johnson's "corniness," as some people like
to call it.
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7482 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 9, 1965
Read the high point of the speech, the good door, through which the enemy can
quotation from Deuteronomy addressed to pass with honor and with profit, It Is the
North Vietnamese Communists and their al- door defined by the President's quotation
lies: "I call heaven and earth to record this from Deuteronomy. It is the kind of door
day against you, that I have set before you the United States should always leave open,
life and death, blessing and cursing: There- the kind of door the United States should
fore choose life, that both thou and thy seed never be ashamed of offering inducements
may live." If this be corny, one is inclined for others to choose.
to say, make the most of it; for it Is as good
as it is true.
Politics being politics, alas, the craftiness
and toughness must be given pride of place
in further examination of this remarkable
Johnsonlan utterance. Even, the timing of
the speech was crafty.
For many weary weeks on end, the Presi-
dent has been beseeched, urged, even bully-
ragged to announce his war aims, toexplain
his decisions, to declare his willingness to
negotiate. Under this incessant barrage of
advice, he kept obstinately silent; he even
indulged his weakness for downright con-
spiratorial secretiveness-and for a quite sim-
pie reason.
When the first bombing attacks on North
Vietnam were ordered, the situation in South
Vietnam was critical, even acutely danger-
ous. The President had waited almost over-
long. (That is the right lesson to draw, by
the way, from the admirable series of articles
by Richard Dudman of the St. Louis Post-
Dispatch, which is now attracting much at-
tention.) Overlong waiting had left the
President in a position of weakness.
Offering carrots as well as sticks, inviting
negotiations, proclaiming and defining
aims--all these are always the wrong tactics,
when acute danger has forced the adoption
of a tough policy. They make toughness ap-
pear untough. They hint a flaw in the
will. They seem to say, "I'll stop fighting
at once if you'll just give m.e the smallest
excuse for doing so."
The time to offer carrots as well as sticks,
and to indicate willingness to talk, is after
the tough policy begins to get results, Gen-
eral Taylor and the V.S. military staff in
Saigon may perhaps be wrong in thinking
that the results to date are as satisfactor as
they suppose. But no one can doubt that
the President's speech now will carry vastly
more conviction than it would have carried
immediately after the first bombing attack.
Again,, the President's new carrot was as
craftily offered as it was generously con-
ceived. The North Vietnamese Communists
were told, in effect, that they could make
immense gains from a general southeast Asia
development program-if only they would
cease to be the instruments of the Chinese
Communists' aggressive will.
The same must be said for what the Presi-
dent said about negotiations. No one can
any longer say that "Johnson won't even
talk." But "unconditional" discussions
mean discussions in which neither side ac-
cepts conditions, and, therefore, discussions
permitting our side to keep the pressure on
until the desired final results begin to be
in sight.
Finally, one cannot exaggerate the tough-
ness implied by this grim speech-for it was
indeed grim, as well as crafty and tough and
full of high purpose and instinct with deep
humane feeling. All this was stirred into
one improbable mixture like a sort of ora-
L.S.J. SPEAKS OUT: LEFT NOTHING IN DOUBT
(By Roscoe Drummond)
President Johnson's strong and lucid re-
port on Vietnam to the Nation-and to the
world-leaves nothing in doubt.
Three consequences flow from it:
It will, I am certain, decisively unite the
American people behind what is being done
and whatever still must be done to success-
fully defend South Vietnam from aggression.
It puts the onus totally on Hanoi for
refusing to seek peaceful settlement by open-
ing talks with the United States.
It will enlist for the United States mount-
ing support from world opinion-particularly
the 17 unalined nations which have appealed
for negotiation. It will do so because the
President says that he will talk with the ag-
gressors or other nations anytime under any
circumstances without any conditions.
I am convinced that only weakness and
vacillation on the part of the President in
his commitment to defend South Vietnam
could divide the Nation.
There is no weakness, no vacillation in the
actions which Mr. Johnson has taken in
the past 2 months to show Hanoi that aggres-
sion will not pay.
There is no weakness, no vacillation any-
where in the address in which he expounded
those actions.
His message is clear. "We will not be de?
feated. We will not grow tired. We will not
withdraw"-until the aggression ceases.
But the President made it equally clear
that the United States does not put one
single condition, one single barrier, not even
one diplomatic breath in the way of our
willingness to discuss an end to the war.
In his Johns Hopkins speech he told every-
body that the United States stands uncon-
ditionally ready to begin "unconditional dis-
cussions." To the 17 neutral nations he
said, in effect: "Yes, we will talk; see If
Hanoi will, too."
Does this mean that the United - States is
going to negotiate away the independence
of South Vietnam? Does willingness to un-
dertake "unconditional discussions" mean
that there would be no conditions on the
results of such discussions?
I can say with knowledge that it means no
such thing. It means that nothing will keep
the United States from the conference table
except the absence of Hanoi. It also means
that we will have only one objective to take
to the conference table: the independence
of South Vietnam and its freedom from
future attack.
Mr. Johnson makes this vital point: If
Hanoi wants to talk and continue the aggres-
sion, we will talk and continue the pressure
until the aggression is ended either by nego-
tiations or by any other means.
He assures Hanoi-and the world-that we
seek no overthrow of the North Vietnamese
dustry of my State of New Jersey have
long been burdened by an outmoded and
unnecessary quota restriction on the im-
portation of residual fuel oil. As my
colleagues well know, the States of the
eastern seaboard are large users of this
low-cost fuel oil. The State of New
Jersey, for example, has the third largest
residual fuel oil consumption of any
State in the Union; and, on a per capita
basis, it is the largest user.
Residual fuel oil provides more indus-
trial heat and power than do all other
fuels, combined. It heats two-thirds of
all apartment houses, and the majority
of the State's schools, hospitals, hotels,
and office buildings. This fuel must be
readily obtainable at the lowest possible
cost to the citizens of New Jersey, if we
are to keep our economy growing.
I joined my distinguished colleagues
in testifying at recent hearings, held by
the Interior Department, to review the
entire question of residual fuel import
quotas. At that time I made absolutely
clear my opposition to any continuance
of these restrictions. We were most
hopeful that the Secretary of-the Interior
would share this view, as it has long been
apparent to those familiar with the prob-
lem that the quotas served no national
security purpose, and, in fact, only served
to protect the declining coal industry.
The Secretary's-recent announcement
that he intended to maintain the quotas
with an increased allotment was a deep
disappointment. The only thing that
could be said for his decision is that half
a loaf is better than no bread. For-
tunately, the Secretary was persuaded
that his original intention to maintain
the quota in the New York marketing
area, but to eliminate it entirely in other
States, was wrong. Such a decision
would have been the worst form of dis-
crimination against New Jersey, which,
as I have pointed out, relies very heavily
on this fuel. It would certainly have en-
couraged bootlegging oil from nonquota
States to quota States, with the attendant
high costs. It is typical of the fairmind-
edness we have learned to expect from
Secretary Udall that he changed his
mind, and dropped this regrettable
program.
It seems to me that the Secretary is
ready to change his mind entirely on
this question; and I certainly hope he
does. A recent article in the New York
Times states:
Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall
said today that there was no national secu-
rity reason to impose quotas on importing
heavy fuel oil.
This is one statement with which I
heartily concur. The article also stated
that a special Cabinet committee, under
Secretary McNamara, had decided that
there was no national-security basis for
continuing these restrictions. If this
story is true, then we can hope that these
quotas will be done away with, once and
for all. I was glad to note that the Sec-
retary of the Interior had asked the Di-
rector of the Office of Emergency Plan-
ning to make a new study of this prob-
lem. This study must be concluded
swiftly. It should not be used as a device
to stall positive action on a situation of
such critical importance to all the States
torical marble cake. Consider this John- regime, no military base In South Vietnam,
sonian passage: and that we stand ready to give enlarged
"We will not be defeated. We will not assistance to any cooperative effort in which
grow tired. We will not withdraw, either the nations of southeast Asia would collec-
openly or under the cloak of a meaningless tively join.
agreement." The President is saying that defending
That closes all the doors except one. That South Vietnam successfully is not a road to
means that this strange man, who dislikes war: it is the road to peace.
painful decisions and is so clever that he
generally manages to elude them, has made
the grim decision, this time, to go to the
very end of the road if need be, in order to
avoid the terrible defeat that seemed to
RESIDUAL FUEL OIL QUOTAS
BE ELIMINATED
threaten in Vietnam only a little while ago. Mi'. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
But the door that is still left open is a President, the consumers and the oil in-
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April 9, 1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7483
of the eastern seaboard, and to New Jer- portedly found that the future expansion BLUEFIELD, W. VA.-THE ALL
sey, in particular, of coal output in the Appalachia region rested
Mr. President, elimination of these primarily with increased exports to Western AMERICA CITY
quotas will lower fuel costs to"New Jersey Europe. Such an increase would depend, Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
consumers, and industry; it will speed our among other things, on lower rail freight President, it is a pleasure, both to me
great industrial growth; and it will do rates from the mines to the ports. personally, and, I am sure, to the entire
away with an obsolete burden-on our fuel The oil quotas have been imposed under State of West Virginia, to join in the
industry. I am confident that the Secre- a section of the 1954 extension of the Trade
Agreements Acts that was primarily designed well-deserved recognition extended to
tary of the Interior will take this action to curb imports of crude oil and thus give the city of Bluefield, W. Va., as an All
in the near future. protection to domestic oil producers. Abol- America City. Bluefield was among the
I ask unanimous consent that the arti- ishing import quotas an crude oil is not cities selected most recently for this
cle from the New York. Times and my at issue in the current controversy, though honor by the National Municipal League
testimony before the Interior Depart- the annual amounts are a source of con- and Look magazine on the record of
ment hearings be included at this point tinuing dispute. service to the populations.
In the RECORD. The McNamara Committee, whose exist- Mayor Henry F. Warden, and the three
There being no objection, the article ence had not been formally announced, was existing members of the city council-established and the statement were ordered to be examine a by the President last summer to
proposal by coal. and railroad in- H. T. Goforth, Paul Hudgins, and WOod-
printed in the RECORD, as follows: terests to reduce the quotas on residual oil row Wilson-deserve great credit for the
[From the New York Times, Apr. 4, 1965] only. This proposal was rejected yesterday. honors bestowed upon the city. City
OIL IMPORT RULING Is ASKED BY UDALL-HE STATEMENT R. G. Whittle and Chiefs Wil-
DISPUTES SECURITY BASIS FOR HEAVY-FUEL BY SENATOR WILLIAMS OF NEW liam J. Winters of the Bluefield police
QUOTAS JERSEY BEFORE THE INTERIOR D5PARTMENT'S department and Gordon Damron of the
HEARINGS ON OIL IMPORTS, MARCH 10-11,
(By Edwin L. Dale, Jr.) 1965 Bluefield fire department and all other
WASHINGTON, April 3.-Secretary of the New Jersey consumed nearly 50 million municipal employees should also share
Interior Stewart L. Udall said today there barrels of residual fuel oil in 1963. This gave in the honor.
was no national security reason to impose the State the third largest residual fuel oil I have recognize; the vital spirit
long
quotas on importing heavy fuel oil. consumption of any state in the Union; and that pervades ades this this city at the southern
Mr. Udall formally requested Buford Elling- on a per capita basis it has, by far, the larg- tip of the Mountain State. I felt it a
ton, Director of the Office of Emergency Plan- est consumption. privilege to join in the city's application
ping, to make a "searching new study" of
this issue. Residual fuel oil heats two-thirds of all for its very forward-looking urban re-
apartment houses in New Jersey, the bulk of newal project, which is now well into ex-
Earlier this, week, Mr. Udall increased the the State's schools, hospitals, hotels and of- ecution. The improvements to U.S.
amount of heavy oil, called residual oil, that fice buildings and provides more industrial Highways 19 and 460 which extend
could be imported into New England and heat and power than all other fuels com-
Florida but did not abolish the quotas alto- bined. In addition, about 28 percent of the through the project will serve the city
gether, as he originally intended. He re- State's electric power is generated by steam well.
frained from d9Wg so because of a legal plants burning residual fuel oil. It is clear, The study of the city's central business
opinion from the. White House that he could therefore, that the availability of residual district, financed with Housing and Home
not abolish the quota so long as there existed fuel oil in sufficient quantities and at the Finance Agency aid, received my suppart
a determination that national security was lowest possible price is of paramount im- from the first announcement that it was
involved. portance to New Jersey's economic welfare. needed.
Coal interests have bitterly fought the lift- At present such availability does not exist Bluefield is also served well by its two
ing of the quotas. Coal competes with resid- in New Jersey nor anywhere else on the east daily newspapers-the Sunset News-
ual oil as the energy source for electric power coast. The imports restrictions on residual Observer and
in the East. the Daily Telegraph. They
fuel oil have raised prices, as the Secretary Today Mr. Udall made public a letter to of the Interior and other Government officials have brought the piercing light of public
Mr. Ellington in which he said his Depart- have freely acknowledged, and created supply interest to many projects that have lifted
ment had made '.'a thoroughgoing review of bottlenecks through inequitable distribution the city to a position of leadership in the
this program and its many inequities." of import quotas. According to industry State.
CALLS FOR NEW STUDY estimates, the cargo price of residual fuel oil The jury of outstanding Americans
"During the course of our analysis, it might decline by nearly 20 cents per barrel if who made the selections of Bluefield and
seemed inescapable that the national se- imports restrictions were lifted. For New others as "All America Cities," noted the
curity determination which forms the legal Jersey this could mean an annual savings of success of the Bluefield Area Develop-
foundation of this program is without sub- $10 million. ment Corporation in hunting new indus-
stance," he said. There is no justification for the continua- tries for the city. One of the most enjoy-
"I hereby request that you make a search- tion of these restrictions, since the produc- able-both as a source of recreation to
Ing new study of the entire issue and make tion of domestic residual fuel oil is rapidly the City's
an explicit finding concerning the national phasing out. We in New Jersey are well Populace and visitors as well as
security basis of this program," Mr. Udall aware of this. About 86 percent of the total a source Of income to the City-is the
said. refining capacity of the 17 east coast States Ridge Runner, billed as the "world's
A study in 1'963 by Mr. Ellington's prede- is located within a 75-mile radius around shortest interstate railroad," and which
censor, Edward P, McDermott, did not reach Trenton. Yet, all of these refineries together travels three-quarters Of a mile along the
a clear cut conclusion on the question of no longer produce enough residual fuel oil to scenic East River Mountain.
whether residual oil imports impaired the meet the demand of just our State. The A total of 44,000 people rode the rail-
national security, reason is that now only 8 percent of the crude
If Mr. oil processed in these refineries is turned into road last year to admire, the scenery.
Ellington decides that there is no residual fuel oil, compared to 21 percent in Bluefield was incorporated in 1889.
national security reason to impose quotas on 1953. At the U.S. gulf coast, from where the Since then its population has grown to
residual oil, they would have to be elimi- east coast gets additional domestic supplies 19,561 and it sees no end to its growth
Hated, not only for New England and Florida of this product, the residual fuel oil yield is potential.
but also for the entire East Coast including even lower-only 4.5 percent per barrel of Once again, let me extend my congrat-
New York. Eliminating the quotas, accord- crude oil.
ing to most analyses of the subject, could ulations to Bluefield, a City in which I
mean lower electric power costs to the con- Hence, our only logical supply sources for once once lived when I Was very young, and
sumer. this product are the export refineries of the to the countless civic and business lead-
CAB 1xET ANEL IN AccoRD Caribbean area where the residual fuel oil
yield is over 50 percent. ern and to each citizen for the public-
In a related development, it became known The only ima spirited progress which the city has made
today that a special Cabinet Committee the supplies from this from thise reason
source is orceiso a and which has now attracted the well-
under the chairmgxiship of Secretary of De_ suppls source s er force some
fense lobert S. McNamara had reached vin- U.S. consumers to shift to alternate fuels, deserved attention of the Nation.
tually complete agreement on a report that usually less suitable for their purposes. This
found no national security basis for impos- is end-use control of fuels, even if the Gov-
ing quotas on residual fuel oil. The existence ernment denies It, and has no room in a- NATIONAL SECURITY DEMANDS
'of this report was denied by official sources competitive economy. We therefore urge the MIX OF MANNED BOMBERS AND
yesterday. Government to restore competition to the MISSILES
fuels sector of the east coast economy by
Whether the study will ever be made public lifting the restrictions on residual fuel oil Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, on April
was not known. But the Committee re- imports.
6, the Senate unanimously adopted S.
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7484
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9, 065
800 which dealt with military procure- for a flexible arsenal of weapons. To
ment authorizations for the fiscal year allow ours defense posture to be depend-
of 1966. I would like to compliment the ent on an all-or-nothing missile policy
members of both the Appropriations and arrived at by default cannot be defended
the Armed Services Committees for their either as a true economy or as sound
usual fine job. Particular notice should tactics.
be taken of the exceptional work done
by the Senator from Mississippi [Mr.
STENNIS], who was required to shoulder
additional burdens as a result of the un-
fortunate illness of the chairman of both
of the committees, Senator RUSSELL.
It is my hope that the Secretray of De-
fense and the administration will take
note of the unanimous approval of the
Members of the Senate on this bill. This
bill again expresses the will of the Sen-
ate that adequate steps be taken to in-
sure that an adequate "follow-on" man-
ned bomber program is started at the
earliest possible moment. This position
is consistent with the course urged by
our leading military minds. Of par-
ticular significance is the unanimous
backing by the Joint Chiefs of Staff of
early action so that the work on this
aircraft should proceed to the project
definition phase in 1966. The $82 mil-
lion added by the committees to the fis-
cal 1966 authorizations will allow this
progress.
Even a cursory glance at long-range
prospects for our strategic capabilities
if such an aircraft is not developed offers
convincing proof of the need for the air-
craft. Gen. Thomas Power, the recently
at
w -- -----
painted this alarming picture:
Even if agreement had been reached on the justification given Congress for clearing
desired characteristics and the decision were square 732 of its businesses and resi-
provide a site
made today to award a contract for the de- del the third Library as t direr.
velopment of this, or any other new strategic
VvBy that time, all B--7's would have been
long retired, the remaining B-52's would be
worn and obsolete and the limited number
of B-58's in SAC's inventory (only 80 at
present) would be obsolescent at best.
Thus, there would be a dangerous gap,
and the gap keeps widening with every day
final decision for bomber replacements is
postponed.
General Power is not the only knowl-
edgeable military man who voices this
warning. This year the new chief of staff
of the Air Force, General McConnell
testified that the decision to proceed on
this matter cannot be put off beyond next
year. In this view, General McConnell
is merely reaffirming what his predeces-
sor, General LeMay, has repeatedly told
both the committees of the Congress and
the Nation. Shortly before his recent
retirement, General LeMay stated:
I am afraid the B-52 is going to fall apart
on us before we can get a replacement for it.
There is a serious danger that this may
happen -
unique.
In this connection, I call to the atten-
tion of the Senate an editorial published
recently in the Machinist, the official
weekly newspaper of the International
Association of Machinists. I ask that
this editorial be printed in full at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Machinist, Apr. 8, 1965]
STUFFING THE MAILBOX
An organized campaign is underway to
deceive Congress about the public attitude
toward those so-called "right-to-work" laws.
The perpetrators of this plot are the ex-
tremist organizations, the John Birch So-
ciety, the National Right-to-Work Commit-
tee, the Young Americans for Freedom and
their allies.
Like everything else they touch, the ex-
tremists are now corrupting the American
right to petition Congress.
Their letterwriting campaign is as phony
as a stuffed ballot box. That's exactly what
the extremists try to do by writing four or
five letters apiece.
EXTREMIST TECHNIQUE
Fortunately, their letterwriting technique
has just been exposed in another campaign.,
that one directed against the Xerox Corp.
It's a remarkable parallel.
I strongly urge my colleagues in the the svabeu liv-
Congress to insure that this necessary argued that President Madison could be As part of a promotional program last year.
money be authorized and appropriated properly honored by naming the Library Xerox contributed $4 million to Telsun
so that there will be no additional delay building after him and by the placement to ndatio a The foundation used ththe e money
in this vital matter. I also strongly urge of some memorial, such as a statue, in a Nations, one of the main targets of the John
the administration to implement this prominent location. Birch Society.
program as soon as possible. Our na- Above all, Mr. President, we sought to The Birchers were called on for a letter-
tional security demands that we main- help secure a building for the Library, writing campaign against Xerox just as they
tain a balanced mix of missiles and under conditions satisfactory to the tax- have now been called on for letters to Con-
manned bombers. payers. I very much regret the delay in gross defending section 14(b) of the Taft-
Surely our recent experiences in Viet- meeting this need for additional Library Hartley Act that makes right-to-work laws legal.
nam have impressed on all of us the need space.
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JAMES MADISON MEMORIAL LI-
BRARY ON SQUARE 732
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I
was delighted to see the introduction
yesterday by Senators HOLLAND, ROBERT-
SON, CARLSON, BENNETT, and JORDAN Of
North Carolina, of Senate Joint Resolu-
tion 69. As I understand it, this reso-
lution would authorize the construction
of the third building for the Library of
Congress on square 732, would name it
the James Madison Memorial Building,
and would provide for a Madison Memo-
rial Hall within it.
The purposes of this joint resolution
are, therefore, identical with the pur-
poses of the legislation which Senators
CLARK, LAUSCHE, and MCCARTHY, and I,
introduced on July 22, 1963-namely,
h C n ress Its our-
88t o
Our proposal was neglected by the
power structure which determines these
developments on Capitol Hill. But the
misuse of square 732 also was prevented.
The first ray of hope was seen when,
several months ago, senior members of
the responsible House committees agreed
with the Widnall approach, and intro-
duced proposed legislation to build the
Library on square 732. I therefore de-
layed the reintroduction of my bill, so as
not to take any chance of interfering
with a similar resolution of the problem
by members of the responsible Senate
committees.
The introduction yesterday of Senate
Joint Resolution 69 apparently represents
the announcement of a satisfactory set-
tlement which will result in consideration
soon of the Library's needs. The Library
of Congress is an outstanding institution,
under excellent administration. I am en-
couraged by these signs that it will soon
secure sufficient space, under conditions
satisfactory to the taxpayers.
S. 1920, of the
poses also are identical with those of Mr. CASE. Mr. President, since the
the proposals made early in 1963 by Rep- session opened, I have received consider-
resentative WILLIAM B. WIDNALL, of New able mail concerning section 14(b) of
the the Taft-Hartley Act. While many have
Square 732 is the very large parcel of written with obvious conviction and sin-
property south of Independence Avenue, cerity, it has also been apparent that
across from the main Library building, some letters are sent as part'of an orga-
which now stands vacant. As I pointed nized campaign against repeal of this
-.. .,.nn .. ,. _W ,..., ?~..,or,nnna is not
and clearing of this property in iaoz,
however, the proposed use for it became
entangled in a proposal for a-memorial
park and statute to honor James Madi-
son. The Architect of the Capitol, who
in the June 17, 1960, hearings described
square 732 as "an ideal location for the
Library," in 1963 began to describe it as
unsuitable and too small. He proposed
instead, the taking of squares 787 and
788, east of the Library Annex. These
blocks contain many restored houses and
a beautiful church, which, I may add, is
frequently attended by the First Family.
The taking of these blocks would have
meant the unnecessary expenditure of
millions of dollars and the unnecessary
destruction of one of Capitol Hill's most
beautiful residential areas.
Representative WIDNALL, I, and others
argued that the original assumption un-
d
der which square 732 was acquired an
cleared should be followed. We showed
that there clearly is sufficient space on
this site for a building which would fill
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rid 9, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
ie purchased at about $200 per acre, and
.hat the remaining 10,000 acres, inclusive of
000 acres not in the single ownership,
uld be acquired for $20 to $25 per acre.
One of the principal functions of the na-
inal forest is protection and management
watersheds such as are exemplified by the
)uth Fork of the Provo River. The water-
Led lands include about 500 acres in stream
Atom lands; about 500 acres in open, high
sins; some 7,000 acres in open sagebrush
id mountain brush located on the steeper
rrain;.and about 3,000 acres in scattered
ands of aspen or mixed conifers generally
cated on northern or eastern ' exposures.
tcessive grazing livestock and wildlife
the past has reduced the quantity and
lality of vegetative cover on steeper slopes
id south exposures to less than is required
rr stabilizing the shallow, gravelly soil.
lspersal of ownership through sales could
ad to accelerated use and damage. Con-
nuing soil losses are evidenced by sheet and
ully erosion. The timber stands have been
eavily cutover and are with appraisable
ammercial value.
iDDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous con-
ent, addresses, editorials, articles, etc.,
iere ordered to be printed in the,Ap-
)endix, as follows:
By Mr. MORTON:
Address by Thomas H. Brigham, Republi
an "State chairman, delivered before Repub-
ican county organization of Winston.
7ounty, Ala.
By Mr. CHURCH:
Editorial entitled "A Call To Hate?", pub-
[shed in the Idaho-Utah Baptist messenger
or September 1984.
By Mr. McINTYRE:
Article on the rescue from Rowland Cave,
.t Mountain View, Ark., published in the
Vashington Evening Star of April 6, 1965.
By Mr. MCGOVERN:
Article on. "One-Room Public Schools,"
)ublished in Time magazine. for April 9, 1965.
By Mr. SALTONSTALL:
Resolutions on voting rights and the sit-
.ration in Selma, Ala., adopted by five Massa-
ahusetts towns and cities.
HENRY H. FORD, AMERICAN
DIPLOMAT
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, Henry H.
Ford, our American Counsel General in
the largest American diplomatic and con
,sular establishment overseas, died March
;9, in the service of his country when re-
,turning to his post at Frankfort, Ger-
many, from a meeting with. our Ambas-
sador McGhee in. Bad Godesberg.
I knew, and worked with Henry Ford
in the old Army Air Corps, in which I
lso was an officer. He was one of our
ost trusted public servants. After our
military service I followed Mr. Ford's
(career carefully. He joined the Foreign
Service of the United States and rose
rapidly to positions of trust and respon-
,sibility. Among other assignments, he
was Consul General in Casa Blanca,
Comptroller of President Truman's point
4 program, Executive Director of the
State Department's Bureau of Near East-
ern, south Asian, and African affairs, and
budget officer of the Department of
State.
Henry Ford was a dedicated soldier
alid public servant. His unfortunate and
accidental death is not only a personal
tragedy to me and his many military,
Federal, and Foreign Service friends; it
is a bell that tolls a loss to our Nation's
service. Henry Ford had the personal
competence and integrity that, in the
Foreign Service, would certainly have
eventually resulted in a Presidential
recognition of his ambassadorial poten-
tial.
The Nation, and the Foreign Service,
will miss a personality not soon forgotten
by his friends.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish to
yield the floor, so that other Senators
may dispose of whatever business they
may wish to dispose of. However, I wish
to have recognition when they have fin-
ished, because, as is always the case, I
have certain technical` things to dispose
of in connection with the bill, and to
mak 'them a part of the RECORD, and'to
makesome brief remarks.
TH 'PRESIDENT'S SPEECH ON THE
SITUATION IN SOt1THEAST ASIA
Mr. DQTIQLAS. Mr. President, on
Wednesday vening, the President of the
United States delivered what was in my
opinion a truly magnificent address. In
it, he properly said that it is the firm
determination of the United States to
prevent a Communist takeover in South
Vietnam and in southeast Asia.
I think this policy is absolutely neces-
sary. If South Vietnam were to fall,
Laos and Cambodia would also fall.
Then Thailand would be three-fourths
encircled and would in all probability
go over to the Communists very quickly.
This would mean that Burma to the
north and Malaysia to the south would
be in grave danger.
I have received advice from Burma
indicating that the situation there is
very grave.'.' In my judgment, Burma,
threatened as it is by a Chinese invasion
down the Burma Road, which it could
keep back only, with great difficulty,
might not have the will- to resist.' ' Ma-
laysia, caught between the Communists
from the north and Indonesia, which is
seven-eighths Communist, from the
south, would be crushed.
Then all of southeast Asia would go
into Communist hands.
Some years ago I had the opportunity
of talking with a distinguished Indian
diplomat, who could not be classified as
pro-Western, but who was certainly not
pro-Communist. He was probably a
neutralist. I asked him whether India
could remain non-Communist if south-
east Asia were to go Communist. The
reply of this diplomat was immediate and
emphatic. His statement was that India
could not remain outside the Communist
fold for more than a year.
If we look at the map of Asia we see
that this would mean that Japan would
in all probability be compelled to depart
from its western alliance and become the
manufacturer and provider for the main-
land of Asia. It would be almost impos-
sible for the United States to hold the
Philippines. Therefore, all of Asia would
go into Communist hands.
Furthermore, a Communist China and
a Communist Asia would be able to make
a much greater appeal to the people of
Africa than could the Russians, who are
predominantly a white people. The black
people of Africa would find a much closer
tie with the brown and yellow people of
Asia than they would with the white
people of Europe or of Russia. We could
expect, therefore, that nearly all of Asia
and Africa would come under the influ-
ence of the Chinese Communists and
their more reckless anti-Western points
of view.
The democratic alliance would then
consist of North America and Western
Europe and, we would hope, of as much
of Latin America as would be possible.
It would face an aggressive, anti-West-
ern, Communist alliance of nearly all
Asia and Africa.
If we learned anything during the
1930's, it was that aggression should be
checked in its early stages, before it ac-
quires momentum; that once the snow-
slide of aggression starts, it sweeps on
with cumulative force, smothering free-
dom everywhere until it is firmly resisted.
If we fail to check aggression where-
ever it occurs we permit it to gain
strength and momentum until ultimately
we must defend the Nation with an all-
out effort. But if we wait, we must
make this effort after many other coun-
tries and tens of millions of other people
have been sucked into the totalitarian
dictatorship.
Therefore, I think the President was
absolutely wise in saying that we would
resist the Communist takeover.
But the President did not confine him-
self to that. He also said that we would
negotiate and would seek peace.. He did
not set specific, terms, for negotiation.
This is what many Americans have been
urging. It does not imply any weaken-
ing of the American position. It does
indicate that we are ready to sit down
to try to work out a durable peace with
those who at present regard themselves
as our enemies.
It is very significant that Communist
China has rejected this proposal in the
most scathing of terms, and that the
press dispatches out of North. Vietnam
indicate that the North Vietnamese may
do the same. But the door is open and
we hope very much that they will accept.
In the third place, the President
pledged the United States to join with
other countries in an economic and so-
cial program to improve the condition
of the people in southeast Asia, with
special reference to the people in the
great basin of the Mekong River, where
work is already being carried on.
The President pledged himself to de-
vote a billion dollars to this project.
This need not be the ceiling. This is
not an attempt to buy peace, as some
Senators have charged. It is an attempt
to use the constructive resources of the
United States to reach a basis for a
friendly peace in southeast Asia.
I am very happy that this great speech
has been warmly welcomed by those with
open minds. I am pleased that in Lon-
don and in Paris it has been received
with acclaim. I believe that among other
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7468 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE April` 9, 196&
people it will be received with great made. It is now clearly up to them to make [From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 8,
journals of this country, have rallied to ask unanimous consent that there be United States policy toward North Vietnar
the support of the policy which the printed in the RECORD at this point an has been a combination of the stick an
President announced. , the carrot. Without letting last he
editorial from the New York Post. The of the he stick, President t Johnson o lanigh
gYi
I ask unanimous consent that there editorial appeared on Wednesday after- held out a pretty fat carrot-a $1 billio3
be printed in the RECORD at this point noon, before the President delivered his American investment for the economic devel
an editorial published in the New York speech. It is interesting to note that it opment of southeast Asia which North Viet
Times of April 8. In it this great news- declared its support for a statement very nam would share. He sweetened the carro
paper, probably the best newspaper in similar to the one which the President by speaking of an independent, neutralize,
the United States, strongly endorses the gave. South Vietnam, "free from outside interfer
President's position and observes that There being no objection, the editorial no othe ccountry." alliance-a military base fo
his policy is one in which the country was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, o other r cou
"Uncork
Can take pride. as follows: ditional al discussions" this with an offer of settlement of-th
foe
There being no objection, the editorial [From the New York Post, Apr. 7, 19651 conflict. That should dd for a assure friends fri eand foe
d
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, THE PRzsmaNT's CHANCE alike that Washington, far from opposing
as' follows: negotiated arrangement, is ready to proceei
[From the New York Times, Apr. 8, 19851 United President : States goals Johnson's in speech Vietnam can be tonight on immediately to the conference table withou
more
T= Ps>ssioENx OPENS THE Dona effective in shaping the outcome of. .the wax prior conditions by either side-if our op
ponents are.
President Johnson last night projected an than many bombing raids.
American policy on Vietnam in which the Even before Chou En-lai's message to Whether this does or does not represen
country can take pride. He indicated that, U Thant, the United States had growing evi- a change in the U.S. position is hardly a
subject the United States now may begin to apply as dende that the Communists were as spli m
t over maintained t tha hat it t tiwoul ould negotiate when the
much determination and ingenuity to seek- tactics and Assessments as is opinion in the
ing peace as it has to waging war. He has West and in Asia. Moscow, for example, has time was ripe Perhaps the President feel
wisely broken his long silence on American been urging negotiations between North that time has. arrived.
purposes. And, much as this newspaper and Vietnam and the United States as the parties latexHenmayn it very may be well sooner ha. we think--
many h o~
Members of Congress have urged, he. principally ,concerned. and Hanoi will l have ve than
peace
to han sue for peace Peiping has restored the olive branch that balances Chou now says such talk should be with The time must f
the arrows in the eagle's claws. the South Vietnamese 'National Liberation The time must come-if it has not toms
e.
The President's proposal to seek a Viet- Front (Vietcong) and exclude both Hanoi and (never to to others) already-when will r that admit the e game toame t in n Seu i.
nam settlement through unconditional din- Peking. Chou's omission of Hanoi as espe- (n) min
to Nord:
cussions with the governments concerned cially significant in the light of the report the Vietnam is is that the cost of ge to Nmb:
opens the door to peace explorations in a of divergences between Ho Chi Minh acid the venture is prohibitive in erica t
wide variety of forums with Hanoi, Moscow, Vietcong. Vietnam conventional American bumb
even Peiping, although not with the Viet- Apparently there is wide argument in the and in potential damage to Communist China tong directly. He has broken new ground Communist camp over the desirability of venture itself hAmerican
me bombs; that one
as well, in explicitly offering to North Viet- negotiations, who should negotiate, the terms venture itself has ae highly question-
ni
as American-aided regional development, of negotiations, the preconditions for negoti- matted itself Sble since the to the United war States directly rectly co Vietcong
food-for-peace programs, and implying the ations and the extent to which the Viet- against
war against
a
possibility of increased recognition-peace- namese Communists should seek outside North the South, Vietnam, and well w if as necessary a the
against
ful association with others. help. Communist China, air.
In urging Secretary General Thant to ini- Surely it is in the interest of both this C, from the air.
tints a plan Immediately for increased devel.. Nation and mankind to strengthen the hands The problem for both Peiping and Hanoi
cessa-
opment in southeast Asia to aid in the estab- of the group that, for reasons of its own, is is how to pay our price, which is the South
lishment of peace rather than merely to fol- hospitable to the idea of a negotiated settle- tion Vietna vicCommunnist losing aggression face, against
bearing Su
i
low its restoration, he has given wings" to ment-especially when even such crucial mind that Is thing is
long-pending, imaginative proposals by men Asian allies as India and Japan show little minnd at face about t the last t Thhe d the
e
such as Ambassador Chester Bowles and enthusiasm for the line of our "hawks." world that may oriental can lose. The device
Canada's Prime Minister Lester Pearson. On "Meet the Press," Presidential aid in which they mhave En-lai's message mind was indicated
at
The size of the proposed American contri- McGeorge Bundy indicated that the United Premier Chou Thant. It to pretend Se that
to p
bution-$l billion is half the estimated cost States was not putting rigid preconditions they have General had U nothing to o do with
the Viet-
of the initial five-dam program of Mekong on the circumstances of negotiations. That namese Invite the United
i
of development-is less important than is worth saying plainly so that the U.S. posi- conflict and t wthe willingness to participate for the first tion cannot be misrepresented or misunder- the States
namtomunicuncst conclude a settlement directly y with
time in a jointly financed aid program with stood. Vietcong guerrillas in South
the Soviet Union. Bundy also defined the U.S. purpose in Vietnam.
The President's speech has, in short, at Vietnam as designed to uphold the right of This, however, is not what Washington has
last begun the essential process of changing the South Vietnamese people to determine or negotiation mind. The with President the spoke governments "discussion
the context of a problem that, as usually their own destiny. Here again U.S. policy cerned; in large groups or an small
stated, appears insoluble. In proposing a has been open to misunderstanding. Some- ones. ones. * * "" And that is what i and
what Peiping and
South Vietnam tied to no alliance and con- times that policy is portrayed as part of an Hanoi want to avoid because public exposure
taming no foreign military base, the Presi- irreconciliable struggle with Asian commu- would endanger their face.
dent has accepted the concept of ultimate nism, a struggle that requires a U.S. military one side or the other will have to give
American military withdrawal and of an in- presence on the Asian mainland. ground as to the manner in which the Com-
dependent South Vietnam that would be Self-determination is negotiable; a roll- munist retreat is to be negotiated. But the
neutral and yet free to seek outside assist- back is not. manner is not as important as the substance,
ante if threatened. Mr. Johnson's speech can have a momen- and it is the substance which we seek-the
Most Important, the President's speech tous impact on alignments in the Commu- security and independence of South Viet-
nowhere repeats Secretary Rusk's vague and nist world. It could be especially meaningful nam and the rest of Asia not now in Com-
wornout homily about negotiations being in- if it spells out his image of a Marshall Plan munist hands. If Peiping and Hanoi must
conceivable Until the Communists leave for southeast Asia along with a formula for save face, facilities may somehow be pro
their neighbors alone. It recognizes that political conciliation.
negotiations are not only conceivable but vided. Their true face is perfectly apparent
necessary if that desirable purpose is ever to Mr. DOUGLAS. The leading Repub- to all.
be achieved. lican paper of the East Coast, the New Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, finally,
President Johnson has now provided a York Herald Tribune, in its editorial of the Baltimore Sun, the newspaper from
bold answer to the appeal made to him last April 8th, applauded, the President on the neighboring city, which has such
week by the chiefs of 17 nonalined states his effective combination of the stick and high standards, commended the Presi-
and earlier by many of our allies. It would the carrot. I ask unanimous consent dent for the appropriateness of his
be too optimistic to expect a favorable reply that the editorial be printed in the speech, for giving clarity to the discus-
from the Communist countries, at least at at this first. But they are provided with plenty of RECORD point. lion on Vietnam and for his emphasis on
food for thought. ? There being no objection, the editorial peace and development.
Neither they nor anyone else can dispute was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
the fact that a serious peace offer has been as follows: torial be printed in the RECORD.
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7469
There being no objection, the editorial gress to support the determination of men such as Ambassador Chester Bowles and
,as ordered to be printed in the RECORD, this Nation as expressed by the Presi- Canada's Prime Minister Lester Pearson.
s follows: dent, and to persist in that support. The size of the proposed American con-
From the Balitmore (Md.) Sun, Apr. 8, 1965] It was a war in behalf of peace and trlbutiou-$1 billion is half the estimated
Collective security, cost of the initial five-dam program of Me-
THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH I hope that this kong Valley development-is less important
President Johnson struck the right not, in time we have not only support at the than the willingness to participate for the
.is speech last night at the Johns Hopkins beginning, but support in the hard and first time in ,a jointly financed aid program
niversity. He lifted the discussion of the difficult months an possible years which with the Soviet Union.
rar in Vietnam from the purely military follow. The President's speech has, in short, at last
ieasures to the higher ground of an Amer- begun the essential process of changing the
.an policy that puts the proper emphasis EDITORIALS ON RESIDENT JOHN- context of a problem that, as usually stated,
n our desire to search, for the peaceful appears insolube. In Proposing a South
Ittlement and our readiness to contribute SON'$ ADDRESS ON VIETNAM Vietnam tied to no alliance and containing
enerously to a program of economic de- no foreign military base, the President has
elopment.for southeast Asia, which could Mr. MA TIEL . Mr. President, sub- accepted the concept of ultimate American
aclude North Vietnam. , Sequent to nt Johnson's profound military withdrawal and of an independent
The. President thus has supplied what, to address on Vietnam, at Johns Hopkins South Vietnam that would be neutral and
iany Americans, seemed to be a missing University the other night, editorials yet free to seek outside assistance if threat-
lement in previous official explanations of have appeared in many newspapers. ened.
he U.S. policy. His speech does not mean Five which have come to my attention Most important, the President's speech
hat peace will be established at once, since nowhere repeats Secretary Rusk's vague and
he Communist side has yet to show whether seem exceptionally well-balanced and re- wornout homily about negotiations being
t is ready even to discuss a settlement, but vealing of the spirit and import of the inconceivable until the Communists "leave
t widens the approaches to negotiations and President's statement. If these editorials their neighbors alone." It recognizes that
t thus strengthens the U.S. position. stress the humanity and Conciliation in negotiations are not only conceivable but
Mr. Johnson repeated his earlier statement his words, it is not because the editorial- necessary if that desirable purpose is ever
hat the United States would never be,second ists are less aware of the painful fact to be achieved.
n the search for peace and went on to de- that conflict is still the order of the day President Johnson has now provided a bold
lore that "we remain ready-with this pur- answer to the appeal made to him last week
)unconditional discussions." This in Vietnam. They know, as does the by the chiefs of 17 nonalined states and
s )ose-for
important move forward from previous President, that the conflict will continue earlier by many of our allies. It would be
ndlcations that discussions would, be agreed without surcease before peace begins to too optimistic to expect a favorable reply
o only after the Communist side stopped its take form, and that while words can in. from the Communist countries, at least at
Lggression against South Vietnam. still hope, acts and events alone can de- first. But they are provided with plenty
The President was explicit in saying that termine the validity of that hope. But of food for thought.
e will ask Congress to "Join in a $1 billion the writers also recognize that an obses- Neither they nor anyone else can dispute
9merican investment" in the economic de- sive infatuation with conflict and mili- the fact that a serious peace offer has been
,elopment of southeast Asia when peace is made. It is c
now rely up to them to make
fissured, and in expressing his hope that tart' power can obscure reasonable response.
U Thant, the Secretary General of the United which there may be to to the many Ways peace in southeast
nations, will use the prestige of his office Asia. The important point, as I see it, is [From the Washington Post, Apr. 8, 1965]
..nd his own knowledge of Asia to initiate, to bring these ways out from under the Swoso AND OLIVE BRANCH
as soon as possible," with the countries of Smoke of battle, and begin to examine . President Johnson, in his address last
Asia a plan for cooperation in increased de- and to explore them. That, in my judg- night, made it clear that the United States
velopment. This helps to make it clear to ment, was a most significant achieve- is ready for "unconditional discussions" of
Asians, as well as to others, that the United ment of the President's address, and the peace in southeast Asia and he made it
States is concerned first with peace rather
than with editorials which I shall insert in the equally clear that our Government is ready
military action. In the President's speech there is an . in- RECORD very properly focus on it. to carry on the defense of South Vietnam
ducement for the Communists to end the war . Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- until that country's independence is secure.
and an inducement for other governments sent that editorials which appeared in His address at Johns Hopkins does not
to join in the effort to otbain a settlement, the New York Times, the Washington leave much room in which to argue that
The present military action by the United Post, the Baltimore Sun, the Philadel- ican policy. anything ambiguous about Amer-
States will continue, and it should be noted phis icy. He was at great pains to explain
that the President pointed out that patience Inquirer, and the Washington Star why hy we are in Asia and why we cannot leave
and determination will be required to see be included at this point in the RECORD. in disregard of our commitments. And he
it through, but everyone concerned should There being no objection, the editorials took equal pains to explain the Nation's
now have a better understanding of our were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, readiness to discuss, without preconditions,
policy and purpose. as follows : the means of establishing peace. He made
We can all agree with the President's state- even more specific than he has heretofore
[From the New York Times, Apr. 8, 1965] his proposal that the nations of southeast
ment that we have no wish to see thousands THE PRESIDENT OPENS THE DooR Asia turn' from war to peaceful development
of Asians or Americans die in battle, or to see North Vietnam devastated, and approve President Johnson last night projected an under a program toward which we are will-
his promise that our military power will be American policy on Vietnam in which the ing to commit a billion dollars in aid and
used with restraint and "with all the wisdom country can take pride. He indicated that the technical assistance of an American mis-
we can command." the United States now may begin to apply sion headed by Eugene Black.
as much determination and ingenuity to It will be a tragedy for southeast Asia If
Mr. DOUGLAS.. Mr. President, other seeking peace as it has to waging war. He the governments involved disregard either
editorials will be published, and I shall has wisely broken his long silence on Ameri- the sword or the olive branch in the Presi-
seek to insert them in the RECORD if can purposes. And, much as this newspaper dent's address. They go together and they
other Senators do not dp SO. and many Members of Congress have urged, make up the joint elements of our policy.
he has restored the olive branch that bal- The speech, although a response to the 17
However, I hope very much that we antes the arrows in the eagle's claws. nations who addressed the American Gov-
shall not only applaud the President for The President's proposal to seek a Vietnam ernment, was in many ways directed to the.
his speech but that we shall also exhibit settlement through "unconditional discus- Government of North Vietnam. And it is
some staying power to carry the program sions" with "the Governments" concerned from that Government that we hope that
through. I urge this because I remem- opens the door to peace explorations in a some affirmative response may come. There
ber how, when the Korean war first broke wide variety of forums with Hanoi, Moscow, is no insurmountable conflict between the
out, and President Truman made his even Peiping, although not with the Viet- legitimate aims of North Vietnam and the
fateful and, I believe,. courageous and tong directly. He has broken new ground as justifiable aspirations of South Vietnam.
well, in explicitly offering to North Vietnam It ought to be possible for both of them to
correct decision to go to the aid of South American-aided regional development, food- turn from war to the constructive arts of
Korea, there were many who praised this - for-peace programs and-implying the possi- peace which the President presented as an
step at the time but who before a year bility of increased recognition-"peaceful alternative to armed combat. No doubt this
had passed were denouncing our action association with others." country would be willing to send its repre-
in Korea as Truman's war, which it was In urging Seceretary General Thant to sentatives to sit down with those of North
not. initiate a plan immediately for increased Vietnam to discuss the means of reestablish-
The war In Vietnam-though it ap- development in southeast Asia to aid in the Ing peace in southeast Asia. It remains to
establishment of peace rather than merely be seen whether there is in Hanoi any in-
pears to be far removed-is freedom's to follow its restoration, he has given wings clination to negotiate a peaceful solution of
war and I urge the Nation and the Con- to long-pending, imaginative proposals by the kind which the President has suggested.
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7470 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9, 1966.
Those who have been clamoring for negotia- his own knowledge of Asia to initiate, "as [From the Washington Evening Star, Apr
tions now have their opportunity to direct soon as possible," with the countries of Asia 8, 65]
their message to North Vietnam, upon whose a plan for cooperation in increased develop- VIETNAM PEACE TArxs
willingness to participate In discussions the ment. This helps to make it clear to Asians, A great deal of emphasis has been put ox
realization of the President's peaceful pur- as well as to others, that the United States President Johnson's use of the word "un-
poses depends. It is to be hoped that they is concerned first with peace rather than conditional" in connection with discussion,
will be successful. If they are not success- with military action. looking toward a settlement of the Vietnan
ful, even this country's severest critics will In the President's speech there is an in- war. And the administration evidently want
hardly be able to maintain the fiction that ducement for the Communists to end the war ed it that way.
the war is being prolonged by American un- and an Inducement for other governments to When read in context, however, this phrasr
willingness to negotiate. join in the effort to obtain a settlement. The does not seem to mean anything greatly dif
North Vietnam, the Vietcong and China present military action by the United States ferent from what has been said in the past
simply must be persuaded that the President will continue, and it should be noted that For Mr. Johnson also emphasized that t
was in dead earnest when he said: "We will the President pointed out that patience and peaceful settlement "demands an independ
not be defeated. We will not grow tired. determination will be required to see it ent South Vietnam-securely guaranteed an(
We will not withdraw, either openly or un- through, but everyone concerned should now able to shape its own relationships to al
der the cloak of a meaningless agreement." have a better understanding of Our policy others-free from outside interference-ties
Only the thinnest edge of American military and purpose. to no alliance--a military base for no other
power has made itself felt in Vietnam. There We can all agree with the President's
settlement Thesse .are are If the he esssseenbtials ans of an: the mean
is more where that power came from. statement that we have no wish to see thou-final country.
And alongside this expression of deter- sands of Asians or Americans the in battle, or this, and we believe and hope that he does
mination must be put the President's as- to see North Vietnam devastated, and ap- his reference to unconditional discussion
surance that the United States wishes north- prove his promise that our military power presumably is nothing more than a statement
ing for itself but asks only an independent will be used with restraint and "with all the to discuss such a peaceful set-
South Vietnam "free from outside inter- wisdom we can command." of of willingness
t without insisting upon an end tc
ference-tied to no alliance-a military base
for no other country." [From the Philadelphia (Pa,.) Inquirer, Apr. the Communist aggression or upon some "sig?
nal" from the Reds before we will even dis-
cuss in Hanoi, judged by the state- 9, 1965] cuss peace. Thus, the use of the term "un-
ments that have been emerging In the offi- WITH COURAGE AND REASON conditional discussions" may be new in a
cial press and radio, are still very hard. Yet President Johnson's address at Johns semantic sense, but the President has said
the President was right to disregard these Hopkins University-directed to America and essentially the same thing privately on many
uncompromising assertions of hostility and the world, to our friends and our enemies- occasions in the past.
he was wise to indicate the willingness of was a masterful presentation of U.S. policy The great danger lies in the possibility
the United States to discuss without pre- in southeast Asia. that the stated readiness to enter into "un-
conditions the means of securing peace. In it is a policy that calls for continuing conditional discussions" will be interpreted
the form that the President made his gesture, courage in the defense of a far-off land as a hint that we are weakening or waver-
It could hardly be construed as a sign of against the aggression of a brutal invader, ing in our commitment to freedom for South
weakness. Even if the offer of discussions It is a policy that summons the forces of Vietnam. We do not think that the Presi-
Is rejected, nothing has been risked or lost reason in quest of peace even though the foe dent meant to convey any such impression
by making it. is notoriously unreasonable and seemingly and other portions of his speech support
If the North Vietnam government is not committed to the path of war. this belief. For example, he said: "We will
ready for discussions now, the fight will have The President balanced a strong pledge to not be defeated. We will not grow tired
to go on until they are ready. For the sake defend freedom in South Vietnam with an We will not withdraw, either openly or un-
of the people of both North Vietnam and of equally strong promise to seek a fair peace der the cloak of a meaningless agreement.'
South Vietnam let us hope they will be ready through unconditional discussions. He cap- And again: "Our resources are equal to any
soon so that an end may be put to a destruc- ped it all with a billion-dollar offer of eco- challenge. * * * We will use our power with
tion of lives and resources needed desperately nomic development aid to southeast Asia restraint and with all the wisdom we can
for the reconstruction of a country torn by that ought to serve as a persuasive induce- command. But we will use it."
war for more than a decade. ment to end the war and reap the harvest It is hard to see how the case could be
of peaceful progress. stated in plainer language. We are in Viet-
[From the Baltimore Sun, Apr. 8, 19651 While there were overtones of idealism in nam, as Mr. Johnson said, because if the
THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH his speech the President also faced the hard battle is not fought there to a satisfactory
President Johnson struck the right note truths and the harsh realities--something conclusion, It will have to be fought on some
in his speech last night at the Johns Hop- that many of his critics have been too timid other r ground a d 9ilita tfco munito the
kins University. He lifted the discussion to do. the long d States is hardly
than l Asia.
of the war in Vietnam from the purely xnili- "We must deal with the world as it is," So this is a speech which should, and which
tally measures to the higher ground of an Mr. Johnson said. "The first reality is that American policy that puts the proper em- North Vietnam has attacked the independent of course will be, read with care in every
phasis on our desire to search for a peace- nation of South Vietnam. Its object is capital of the world. The headline empha-
fill settlement and our readiness to contrib- total conquest. To abandon this small and sis on unconditional peace talks and the
ute generously to a program of economic de- brave nation to its enemy-and to the terror hope for a brighter economic future, which
velopment for southeast Asia, which could that must follow-would be an unforgivable the President also outlined, deserve close at-
include North Vietnam. wrong." tention. But the same thing Is true, if not
The President thus has supplied what, to It was on this note that Lyndon Johnson more true, of the tough sections.
many Americans, seemed to be a missing ele- rose to the pinnacle. His policy is based
ment in previous official explanations of the on what is right rather than on what is ex-
United States policy. His speech does not pedient. His firm voice of compassion for
mean that peace will be established at once, the victims of communist terror In South
since the Communist side has yet to show Vietnam comes as a refreshing breath of
whether it is ready even to discuss a settle- hope in a world where many people and
ment, but it widens the approaches to ne- many countries are all too willing to pass by
gotiations and it thus strengthens the United on the other side and leave the oppressed
States position. and the tormented to their horrible fate.
Mr. Johnson repeated his earlier state- President Johnson emphasized that "we
ment that the United States would never will not withdraw, either openly or under the
be second in the search for peace and went cloak of a meaningless agreement."
on to declare that "we remain ready-with This was a well-deserved rebuke of those
this purpose-for unconditional discussions." who clamor for negotiations on any terms.
This Is an important move forward from pre- What they really are seeking is a way to
vious indications that discussions would be
agreed to only after the Communist side surrender.
Is ready to talk peace, it has an
Vopped its aggression against South If
open Hanoi
invitation. America's terms, as stipu-
ietnam. lated by Mr. Johnson, are eminently fair and
The President ess explicit in saying that clear: "An independent South Vietnam, se
Aiask Congress "join in a billion curely guaranteed and able to shape its own
Ammererican investment" " in the economic de- -
velopment of southeast Asia when peace is relationships to all others."
assured, and in expressing his hope that U Whether the Communists will consider
Thant, the Secretary General of the United these terms acceptable is another matter. It
Nations, will use the prestige of his office and takes two to negotiate.
THE LATE GENERAL JOHN HESTER
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, it
was with deep regret that I learned
yesterday of the death of Gen. John
Hester, an outstanding officer and a
fellow Montanan. His death came as
a result of injuries suffered when his
parachute failed to open properly during
a practice jump in West Germany. Gen-
eral Hester, in keeping with his strong
sense of responsibility and dedication
to duty, had gone to jump school in order
to gain a better understanding of the Air
Force's role in providing support for the
Army. This jump which led to his death
was the last of his series of five.
General Hester has had a long and
distinguished career in the service of his
country. His death, therefore, is a loss
to the country as well as a heavy per-
sonal loss to his family and friends.
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Affil 9,"1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
From his first assignment as second
lieutenant in 1938, to his last duty as
commander of_ the 17th Air Force,
he served with great devotion and
ability. In -China, during World War
II, he flew 50 combat missions in fighters
and bombers. His staff work ranged,over
a wide variety of assignments, including
that of aide to the then Secretary of the
Air Force, Stuart Symington, the Sen-
ator from Missouri.
Mr. President, I am sure that I speak
for many others when I express my deep
sorrow at General Nester's death and
extend my sympathy to his family.
EAST COAST MODEL UNITED
NATIONS CONFERENCE
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
this weekend, April 9 to 11, Newburyport
High School, in Newburyport, Mass., will
act as host to 750 students and faculty
members from 8 east coast States who are
participating in the 8th annual east
coast model United Nations conference.
The program of the conference will
be patterned after the United. Nations
itself, and will include committee meet-
ings and a plenary session. The par-
ticipants will hear talks, by foreign-
affairs experts, on several issues of timely
importance. Speakers include George C.
Enninful, the bureau chief of the Ghana
News Agency, whose topic will be "An
African Looks at the World"; and Leon
Vokov, the Soviet affairs expert of News-
week magazine, whose topic will be "The
Great Schism Between Russia and
China."
I ask unanimous consent that an ar-
ticle describing the conference,- which
was published on April 4 in the Boston
Sunday Herald, be printed in the REcoiw
at the conclusion of my remarks.
The interest being shown by these
young people in the problems of interna-
tional relations is certainly worthy of our
praise. The issues with which they will
be concerned are important to all of us.
In developing this program on the ac-
tivities of. the United Nations, the stu-
dents are presented with an excellent
opportunity to increase their awareness
of the domestic problems faced by the
countries they have chosen to represent
and to gain a broader understanding of
the basic causes of international tensions
and the machinery which the U.N. or-
ganization has set up to deal with them.
Furthermore, they can become better
acquainted with the agencies within the
framework of the U.N. which work to
alleviate human suffering and to raise the
standards of living in the developing
nations.
. As a Senator from Massachusetts, I am
proud that Newburyport High School has
been chosen as the locale for this year's
conference. I extend my congratula-
tions to all of the faculty members and
students From the participating high
schools for undertaking this worthwhile
project. 'I know it will be most informa-
tive and. interesting for all who attend.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
[From the Boston Herald, Apr. 4, 1965]
NEWBURYPORT HIGH TO HOST EAST'S MODEL
U.N. MEETING
NEWBURYPORT: EaSt Coast Model United
Nations Conference will be held at New-
buryport High School on Friday and Sunday,
with 750 students and faculty members ex-
pected to attend from eight east coast States.
This will be the Eighth Annual East Coast
.Model U.N. Parley. Principal Francis T.
Bresnahan of Newburyport High said the
school is probably the smallest one to host
the gathering and Newburyport itself is the
smallest place. But he said wonderful sup-
port is being given by the community.
Families from Newburyport and immediate
area responded fast to an appeal to provide
Friday and Saturday.. night lodging, and
Saturday and Sunday breakfasts for the
visitors. _
The conference will be modeled after the
United Nations, with committees and a plen-
ary session.
The opening committee session will be at
_3 p.m. Friday. At the evening program, an
address on "An Afrlc,an Looks at the World,"
.will be given by George C. Enninful, bureau
chief of the Ghana News Agency, the first
African journalist accredited to the United
Nations.
Saturday night at the National Guard
Armory, Leon Vokov, Soviet affairs expert of
Newsweek magazine, will talk on "The Great
Schism Between Russia and China."
Chris McGillivary, senior at Newburyport
High, is secretary general of the conference.
Newburyport will represent two countries,
Malawi and Finland.
Last year's host school, Mount Vernon,
N.Y., will represent the Soviet Union. First
choice of a country goes to the host of the
preceding year.
The conference won't be all serious busi-
ness. One highlight will be a barbecue in
World War Memorial Stadium Saturday
afternoon. The plenary session of the model
General Assembly will be held Sunday morn-
ing.
. Two schools not in the conference were
given permission to send observers who will
be from "countries outside the United Na-
tions." Oxford Hills High School of Norway,
Maine, will be the Peoples Republic of China,
Paul D. Schreiber High School of Port Wash-
ington, N.J., will be the Palestinian Govern-
ment-in-exile.
The States represented are Delaware,
Rhode Island, Maryland, Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, and
New York with the. District of Columbia.
Some preparatory and private schools are
participants. Some Bay State schools in the
model United Nations are Needham High,
representing both Yemen and Saudi Arabia;
Newton South High, Australia; Weymouth
High, Cyprus; Haverhill High, Dominican
Republic; Noble and Grennough School,
Hungary; Dana Hall School, France.
Beaver Country Day School, Laos; Newton
High, Netherlands; Cardinal Cushing Acad-
emy of West Newbury, Bolivia; Hingham
High, Ghana; Lawrence High of Falmouth,
Tanzania and Zambia; Governor bummer
Academy, Sudan; Winchester High, Tunisia.
SENATOR 138.BW$TER'S ADDRESS TO
THE 20TH -ANNIVERSARY REUN-
ION OF THE OFFICERS OF THE
6TH MARINE DIVISION
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President., on
April 1, 1945, the 6th Marine Division
landed at Green Beach, on Okinawa.
One of our colleagues, the Senator from
Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER], commanded
7471
Twenty years later, on last Saturday,
Senator BREWSTER addressed the 20th
anniversary reunion of the officers of the
6th Marine Division, _ at Quantico, Va.
Although, many years had passed, I think
it still serves a useful purpose not only
to recount campaigns of World War II,
but also to review the status of the
armed services of the United States to-
day.
Our distinguished colleague, Senator
BREWSTER, was the youngest commis-
sioned officer in the entire Marine Corps
in the earlier days of World War II.
He commanded a company in battle be-
fore he was 21; he was wounded some six
or seven times in four different engage-
ments; he received the Purple Heart, the
Gold Star in lieu of a second Purple
Heart, and the Bronze Star.
Senator BREWSTER'S words and his
toast to Gen. Lemuel Shepherd, then
the commanding general of the 6th Ma-
rine Division, and later the Commandant
of the Marine Corps, have particular sig-
-nificance now, when two reinforced Ma-
rine battalions are committed in South
Vietnam, and perhaps other Marines may
be on the way.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD, Sen-
ator Brewster's remarks at the 20th an-
niversary reunion of the officers of the
6th Marine Division. They do credit to
our brave colleague and to the morale of
the Marine Corps.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SPEECH BY SENATOR BREWSTER, FOR 6TH D'vi-
5ION HETTNION, QUANTICO, VA., APRIL 3,
1965
Gentlemen, I'm sure you find it as difficult
as I do to believe that 20 years have passed
since the memorable Easter Sunday morn-
ing when our division landed over Green
Beach and captured Yontan Airfield. It is
with a lump in my throat that I recall the
events that followed our landing as L Com-
pany, 3d Battalion, 4th Marines, moved up
the Ishikawa. Our company, led by Capt.
Nelson C. Dale, moved at the head of the
column up a ravine west of Yontan. Lt.
Marvin Plock had the platoon on the left.
Lt. "Swede" Hedahl had the platoon on the
right, and my platoon moved up the center.
-I had hardly cleared the neck of the ravine
when the whole hillside above erupted with
enemy fire. Captain Dale was hit and mor-
tally wounded. "Swede" Hedahl was hit
and had to be evacuated. I was hit twice
and found myself and my platoon almost
hopelessly pinned down. Lt. Marv Perskie,
our executive officer, took command of the
situation at this point. "Let's go, men."
With this command, Perskie battled his way
forwaLd, using rifles, hand grenades, flame
throwers, and guts. Marv's sudden, devas-
tating attack overran the Japanese position
and permitted what was left of my platoon
to walk out of a mighty tight spot. This
was the beginning of the battle for Okinawa,
a battle which lasted for 100 days, a battle
-which took us from the landing beaches
opposite Yontan to the northernmost tip of
the island.
From the north, this tiger's cub of a divi-
sion was called upon to turn south, where it
fought across the Asa Gawa River. After
many days of bloody battle, it captured
Sugar Loaf Hill, where we lost 2,260 officers
and. .men, killed or wounded, in a 10-day
;period of time. This battle is already re-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -i- SENATE April 9, 19'J5
corded in history alongside Iwo's Mount tion elements required to support a Marine
-Surabachi, Peleliu's Bloody Nose Ridge, division, consisting of a wing headquarters,
Tarawa's Betio Beach, and the Battle of fixed wing, helicopter, . and antiaircraft
the Tenaru, on Guadalcanal.
l: would like at this time to pay special
tribute to the memory of such men as Major
Courtney, Rusty Golar, "Fighting Irish"
Murphy, and Lt. Bob Nelson, all of whom
chose Sugar Loaf for a valiant last stand,
and who gave their all for corps and country
on this hallowed ground. From Sugar Loaf,
the division captured Naha, made an am-
phibious landing in Colonel-about to be
brigadier general-Metzger's amphibious ve-
hicles, and captured Oroku Peninsula. Our
division ended the campaign by raising the
American flag on the southern tip of
Okinawa.
There can be no doubt about the place the
fighting 6th Marine Division holds in history.
Formed in the field-composed of battle-
tried veterans, and brilliantly led by our dis-
tinguished division commander, Gen. Lemuel
C. Shepherd, Jr., it will hold a place, not only
in history but in our hearts, for all times.
As we reflect not only on the exploits of our
division, but on the pain, the tears, the suf-
fering of marines under fire, as they watched
their comrades fall, die, with bodies shat-
tered, and who, doubtless wounded them-
selves, had too much pride and devotion to
corps and country to lay down their rifles
and leave the battle, it is with respect that
we pay tribute tonight to those men who are
no longer with us on this occasion of the
20th year after our landing on Okinawa.
We are all quite familiar with our Marine
Corps that ended World War II 20 years
ago-the Marine Corps of which our division
was a part. What about the Marine Corps
today? The thought occurred to me that
many of us would like to know what has hap-
pened in these past 20 years--years in which
we have been engaged in a so-called cold, or
limited, war environment. In fact, I am
sure that many of us have wondered what
effect, if any, the age of thermonuclear war-
fare has had on our corps. During the next
few minutes I want to bring you up to date
by highlighting the mission, organization,
and activities of the Marine Corps. The role
of the Marine Corps today is specified in law.
It is charged with providing landing forces
of combined arms, both air and ground, for
service with the Navy's fleets. It is also re-
quired to devote primary attention to the
advancement of tactics, 'techniques, and
equipment used by.any landing force in an
amphibious operation. In less formal termi-
nology, its real reason for being, then, is to
provide Marine air-ground teams, capable,
on short notice, of being projected ashore at
any place-it is indeed a force-in-readiness-
ready to land either by small boat or heli-
copter any place in the world today that the
situation requires.
To be certain that it can perform this task,
at any time, the Marine Corps believes in
deploying and training as many of its units
as far forward as possible.
The Marine Corps is composed of 193,000
officers and men and is exceedingly proud of
the fact that 60 percent of this number are
serving in the operating forces, the combat
units of the Fleet Marine Force.
There has been only one major organiza-
tional change to the corps structure since
you and I knew it years ago. The major
combat force today is the division/wing
team-Marine expeditionary force (MEF).
This organization integrates a Marine divi-
sion and Marine aircraft wing under a single
commander. This is in contrast to having
a wing in support of a division as you and
I knew it during World War. II. This means
that we now have within a Marine expedi-
tionary force a division headquarters, three
infantry regiments, an artillery regiment,
and necessary ground support units. In ad-
dition, we have the integrateds tactical avia-
Sault helicopter, aerial reconnaissance, and
antiaircraft protection for the force. The
Marine Corps has the capability today to
field three such teams, together with the
necessary command and support units. In
case of all-out war, it will constitute a fourth
division/wing team from Reserve units. Al-
though the structure of each division/wing
team encompasses a force of some 38,000
troops, and appears to be large, the Marine
Corps retains the capability of task organiz-
ing smaller units for specialized mission. In
other words, the corps has the capability to
effect combat on a large scale, or on, a small
scale, as the situation requires.
I am sure that many of you have won-
dered, as I have, what effect the thermo-
nuclear capabilities of the major combatant
forces of the world have had on our corps
past and present. For one thing, the corps
met the challenges of a possible nuclear war
by developing the vertical envelopment con-
cept. That is the use of helicopters to gain
greater dispersion of both ships and person-
nel. We have amphibious assault ships
LPHS (all helicopter carriers) in the fleet
today that carry a battalion of marines and
the helicopters required to land, them. In
addition to dispersion and greater safety,
helicopters permit our marines to outflank
obstacles in most instances rather than to
meet them head on in a frontal attack as
we had to do so often during World War II.
I would say that the threat of nuclear war-
fare has created an even greater need for
the corps today than ever before. The United
States must be able to operate under this
nuclear umbrella to meet emergency situa-_
tions as they arise short of all out nuclear
war. The deployment of Marine Corps forces
since World War II has been designed to do
just that. For example, the Marine Corps
has had a battalion landing team afloat in
the ships of the 6th Fleet in the Mediter-
ranean since before the Korean war. The
call for marines to land at Inchon in 1950
made it necessary for one of these battalions
to proceed eastward through the Suez to join
its parent regiment off the Korean coast.
The Lebanon crisis of 1958 brought this seg-
ment of the Marine Corps team, and others
from the east coast of the United States, into
action. Last October, this unit participated
with other stateside navy and Marine forces,
and the Spanish Marines, in a major am-
phibious exercise in Spain.
In the Western Pacific, aboard ships of the
7th Fleet is another special landing force.
Its home base is Okinawa, and it can be
rapidly reinforced by other units of the 3d
Division. This has often been required in
the recent days of unrest in the Far East.
At the request of the Thai Government, in
the spring of 1962, this afloat battalion
landed in Thailand, these marines remained
there for several weeks, until national in-
tegrity was no longer In jeopardy, and the
crisis had abated. This same force landed
two battalions in Vietnam only last month.
The third afloat unit is deployed in the
Caribbean, ready on extremely short notice
to effect any one of several contingency plans.
This battalion was, of course, one of the first
to reach Guantanamo in October 1962.
Other potential troubles in any one of sev-
eral countries touching these waters keep
this unit at the constant ready.
The varied capabilities of today's Marine
Corps team-in-readiness, as exemplified by
these particular units, give the United States
a priceless strategic option. When trouble is
brewing, a force can be blended together to
meet the threat. The amphibious task force,
without concern for overflight or base rights,
is a flexible, usable instrument of national
policy, available for quick reaction and pos-
sible commitment along vast areas of
shoreline.
I think we can all take pride in the fact
that Marine Corps posture is good and its
readiness is excellent. Even so the corps
continues to train to seek improvements.
During tbp past year air-ground teams, to-
gether with the amphibious forces of the
Navy, conducted amphibious assault exer-
cises almost all over the world-excluding
only those shores where they are obviously
not welcome. There exercises varied in size
from battalion landing teams to division-
wing teams, organized for the purpose into
a Marine expeditionary force. One of the
latter, called back pack, involved the third
MEF, made up of elements from the 3d Divi-
sion and 1st wing. From their home bases
in Okinawa and Japan, these units landed
in Taiwan last March. Marines from the
east coast and from the MED landed, as I
mentioned earlier, in Spain, in October.
The corps has just completed a corps-size
amphibious landing, called Silver Lance.
This exercise was under the command of Lt.
Gen. Victor H. Krulak-former G-3 of the
6th Marine Division-who now commands
the Fleet Marine force, Pacific. The primary
test objective of this exercise was the em-
ployment of Marine Corps forces in a coun-
terinsurgency environment.
Of course, one of the largest operations, in
terms of time and manpower expended, has
been going on in southeast Asia since April
1962. It was then that the 1st Marine Corps
Helicopter Squadron arrived in Vietnam and.
began providing support to the South Viet-
nam forces, in their struggle against the
Vietcong. These marines and their helicop-
ters have given a means of transportation.
that goes over the jungle rather than.
through it. Marine Corps helicopter units
and Marine Corps advisers to Vietnamese
Marine and Army units were joined in Febru-
ary by Marine Corps Hawk antiaircraft weap-
ons, and again in March two battalions of
Marine Corps ground troops landed at
Danang in Vietnam. Some people have ex-
pressed surprise that our Marine forces in
Vietnam are for defensive purposes only.
However, I know of no other means that
could be more forceful in impact than to
have U.S. marines reinforce the policies of
the United States.
The fact that our marines are continuing
to uphold the traditions of our corps, of
selflessness and self-sacrificing service, is at-?
tested to by their actions as exemplified by
Major Koelper, who, as a military adviser to
the Vietnamese, and while on leave from
his front-line combat unit, gave his life to
aid in saving a large number of theater pa..
trons in Saigon. Major Koelper's citation,
for which he was awarded the Navy Cross
posthumously, reads as follows:
"For extraordinary heroism in connection
with the bombing of the Capitol Kinh-Do
Theater in Saigon, Republic of Vietnam, on
the evening of February 16, 1964. Upon be-
coming aware of a bomb being placed in the
lobby of the theater, Major Koelper, who
was standing nearby with a companion, un-
hesitatingly entered the main area of the
theater and shouted to the occupants, U.S.
servicemen and their dependents, to take
cover. This warning provided the time for
numerous unsuspecting individuals to ob-
tain cover by lying between rows of seats.
Seconds later the bomb exploded, fatally
wounding Major Koelper and another per
son, and injuring approximately 50 others.
Through his prompt and courageous actions
in warning the theater patrons of the im-
minent explosion, Major Koelper undoubtedly
saved many Americans and Vietnamese from
serious injury or possible death. His self-
sacrificing efforts were, in keeping with the
highest traditions of the U.S. naval serv-
ice."
You may say this is a strange way to die
for your country, for an ideal, and yet Major
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Koelper died for what he believed In just
as much as did any American in any war
in which the Nation has been involved. The
attitude of Major Koelper's wife is a touch-
ing and as heroic as his deed. She said, "If
my husband had to die, I'm glad he died as
a marine in the service of his country for
what he believed in,"
In the face of an unsettled world, with
crisis after crisis in Cuba, Panama, Cyprus,
and Vietnam, and in all the-shadows where
there lurks the ugly threat of communism;
in the face of those who say the vital values
have been relegated to the scrap heap; to
those who say that the courage of our peo-
ple-proved again and again from Valley
Forge, and, yes, through Gettysburgh,
through the trenches in France, through the
islands of the Pacific, through the mud and
cold of Korea-and now in the pest holes
of Vietnam; to those who say that all this
has been squandered in fear and appease-
ment and in international cowardice-I
say-That so long as we have men like Major
.Koelper and people who believe as his fam-
ily does-and so long as there are those who
are ready and willing to act on these be-
Ilefs-we have nothing to fear.
HARD CHOICES AT THE UNITED
NATIONS
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, recently
I had the pleasure of reading a speech
delivered at Southern Methodist Univer-
sity, in Dallas, by Joseph J. Sisco, Dep-
uty Assistant Secretary of State for In-
ternational Organization Affairs. In his
.speech, entitled "Hard Choices at the
U.N.," Mr. Sisco reminds us that skep-
tics have been predicting the failure of
the United Nations ever since it was
founded. Yet, that organization contin-
ues to play an indispensable role in world
peacekeeping and economic develop-
ment. I ask unanimous consent that this
fine speech be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the' RECORD,
HARD CHOICES AT THE U.N.
(Address by Joseph J. Sisco, Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for International Orga-
nization Affairs, at the Dallas Regional
Foreign Policy Conference at Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, Tex., Feb. 27,
1965)
I happen to be married to a Texan, and I
find she Appreciates plain talk. So do I. So
I am going to do some plain talking about the
U.N. here today.
For weeks the newspapers have been re-
porting on the latest crisis at the U.N. Just
last week the 114-nation General Assembly
adjourned until September without dealing
with its annual agenda-an agenda loaded
with new issues and hardy perennials. The
news weeklies and cartoonists have had time
to size up the situation and again raise the
question: Will the U.N. survive?
This is not the first time this question has
been asked in the 20-year history of the
'United Nations. And it won't be the last.
Just the other night, for example, I was
checking something in the 1948 volume of
"United States and World Affairs," published
nnually by the Council on Foreign Affairs.
annually"
Chapter 10 was entitled "Crisis at the U.N."
That.,was after, the first 2 years of the life
of the Organization.
.SInce then the United Nations has been
sanctified and lluried more times than any
institution in history. Somehow we Ameri-
cans seem to have an affinity for character-
izing problems as crises. At the same time,
we tend to expect each problem and crisis
to be resolved by some single convulsive
act-a summit meeting-some kind of a
showdown with a yes-or-no, fish-or-cut-bait
answer. We tend to expect the U.N. to usher
in perpetual peace or collapse to the ground.
.We oversold the U.N. at its birth; and to-
day we tend to understimate Its resilience
and adaptability as it faces new problems.
But usually the world doesn't work that
way. The showdown doesn't necessarily
come. The fish-or-cut-bait situation does
not too often arise. We. keep saying that
this or that situation cn't continue any
longer-and somehow it manages to continue
for quite a bit longer. The U.N. neither rises
to, heights of greatness nor crumbles to
ashes. In other words, it's a political orga-
nization.
In the past 20 years the United Nations has
faced a whole series of external and internal
crises. It is a reflecting of our times. In one
way or another, it has survived them all.
And in the process we have learned that
neither the U.N. nor any other instrument of
diplomacy can provide a quickie answer to
our international problems. The job of peace
is a hard day-by-day nuts and bolts process
that requires patience and prudence, firm-
ness and resolve.
None of this Is meant to deprecate the
fact that the United Nations is, in fact, in
the throes of a constitutional crisis. Criti-
cal decisions lie ahead for the United Na-
tions. The mere fact that it has survived
crises in the past does not in itself prove
that the present issue will be resolved in a
satisfactory way.
Obviously the United Nations could
falter-could slip back on the road toward a
workable system of world order which we
and most of the members have been trying
to construct out of the concepts and prin-
ciples of the Charter and out of the insti-
tutional framework it established. This
would not be in our national interest. So
plain talk requires us to say that the United
Nations is once again in trouble.
NOT A LIFE-OR-DEATH IsgVE
But the point I want'to make here is that
the present crisis at the United Nations is
not presently and need not be a life-or-death
affair for the Organization.
Twenty years after World War I the League
of Nations was dead. Twenty years after
World War II the U.N, is in difficulty but far
from dead.
I believe we have learned the lesson of
the failure of the League of Nations. But
it is well to remind ourselves that this lesson
must be constantly relearned-it must be
nurtured by the day-to-day effectiveness of
the Organization or the U.N. may well be-
come less relevant to our times.
The disability at the U.N. today is in the
General Assembly. The Assembly is an im-
portant part but by no means all of the
Organization.
The Security Council, which the charter
says is the "primary" organ for dealing with
peace and security problems, is still func-
tioning. As a matter of fact, the Council
had one of its busiest years in the life of the
U.N. In 1964. In those 12 months, it had
over 100 meetings, about one for every 3 days
in the year.
It successfully organized the difficult
peacekeeping operation in Cyprus. As a re-
sult, we have avoided, for the time being at
least, a direct military confrontation be-
tween two of our closest NATO allies, Greece
and Turkey.
The Security Council gave the Secretary-
General a mandate to assist the United
Kingdom and Yemen to resolve their differ-
ences over the Yemen Aden border.
It sent a commission to look into the
Cambodian-South Vietnam situation.
It recently called for a stop to outside in-
terference in the Congo and is trying to help
promote a peaceful solution there.
7473
It let some steam out of the Kashmir.dis-
pute and the question of apartheid in South
Africa by handling two new rounds in these
bitter disputes.
Meanwhile, those U.N. soldiers of peace in
the blue berets are on. duty right now be-
tween warring ethnic communities in
Cyprus-and on the truce line in the Gaza
Strip-and on the borders between Israel and
its Arab neighbors-and In Kashmir between
India and Pakistana-and on the armistice
line at the 38th parallel in Korea. These
important field operations of the U.N. remain
largely unaffected by the U.N. crisis. And
we can all sleep more securely tonight be-
cause they are there.
What's more, about 80 percent of all-the
personnel of the U.N. and its affiliated agen-
cies are working in the economic and social
and technical fields in a range of specialized
agencies and commissions and projects in
over a hundred countries and territories.
Many of these agencies are deeply involved
in the long-term task of helping the lesser
developed nations move toward modern
societies-by surveying resources, developing
teaching skills, and transferring technology
and know-how in agriculture, fishing, in-
dustry, transportation, public health, educa-
tion, administration and other fields.
And still others are engaged in operations
and regulatory work which is either done at
the international level or not at all-like
creating safety standards for international
aviation and allocating radio frequencies for
international use-like the global elimination
of malaria and the design of a world weather
watch.
However, the General Assembly sorts out
its present problems, these extensive parts
of the United Nations system are going on
without interruption.
In an interdependent world in which
peace-politically, economically and soci-
ally-is indivisible, such activities continue
to serve the national interest of the United
States. An inactive Assembly does not mean
the end of such activities.
So In plain fact the United Nations is not
dead. And its demise is not in our interest.
What, then, is going on?
'A PERIOD OF PAUSE
On the surface, the crisis in the United
Nations is about money. But only on the
surface. Arrearages up to $133 million, of
which the Soviet,Union owes $62 million, are
nothing to be sneezed at.
But the issue is primarily political. It's
been our view, not entirely' shared by a num-
ber of other U.N. members, that the issue is
not primarily between the Soviet Union and
the United States. It is an issue between
the Soviet Union, France, and a few other
countries on one side, and the rest of the
members who have shared a general view
about world order and the role of the United
Nations in creating and sustaining a system
of world order.
At first blush the problem is as simple
as this:
1. The charter says in perfectly plain
language, in article 17, that "the expenses of
the Organization shall be borne by the mem-
bers as apportioned by the General
Assembly."
2. The charter says in perfectly plain
language, in article 19, that any member more
than 2 years in arrears in its assessments
"shall - have no vote in the General
Assembly."
3. For several years the Soviet Union has
refused to pay for the Middle East or the
Congo peacekeeping operations. Later the
Soviets said they did not have to pay because
,peacekeeping expenses are not proper ex-
penses of the organization and therefore the
Assembly does not have the authority to levy
assessments to pay for them. Thus they
raised a constitutional issue-a question of
law.
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4. This constitutional question was put to
the constitutional court of the United - Na-
tions-the International Court of Justice:
the question was asked whether costs of
peacekeeping in the Middle East and the
Congo were "expenses of the organization"
within the meaning of the article 17 of the
charter? The Court said yes: these peace-
keeping expenses are expenses of the Organi-
zation within the meaning of the charter.
5. By an overwhelming majority, the Gen-
eral Assembly formally accepted the opinion
of the Court-thus explicitly making the
statement of law the policy of the Assembly
as well.
Most members Who were within the reach
of article 19 accepted this and paid up their
back assessments-or at least enough to re-
move them from the penalty of losing their
votes in the Assembly. But not the Soviet
bloc, France, and a very few others.
It was up to the General Asembly to decide
whether to apply the loss of vote sanction of
article 19 against the delinquents or whether
to abandon the sanction and thus under-
mine the authority of its own assessment
function.
Yet this is precisely what-the General As-
sembly declined to do. The General Assem-
bly decided not to decide-at least for the
time being.
Clearly the General Assembly did face a
fork in the road. If the Assembly moved
down one branch and applied article 19 - to
the delinquents, two major powers might
get up and walk out of the Assembly with
unforeseeable consequences and possible
damage to the Organization. Looking down
this road, it seems fair to say that a number
of members did not like what they saw ahead.
If the Assembly moved down the other
road and set aside article 19 to allow the
delinquents to vote, this would undermine
its assessment authority. Looking down
this road, it seems fair to say that most
members did not like what they saw in that
direction either.
It was a disagreeable, hard choice, like so
many in international politics today. , No
one interested in the future of the Assem-
bly could face it with any relish. -
The Assembly could not bring itself to
make a choice. It neither applied article 19
nor relinquished It. It was neither willing
to enforce the concept of collective financial
responsibility in practice nor abandon it in
principle. While the Assembly retains its
residual right under the charter to organize
and finance peacekeeping operations, it has
not been willing to date to force two major
powers to pay for peacekeeping operations
which these powers disapprove. It did what
limited business it could without taking a
vote. Then it decided to put the Assembly
on ice for the time being-to recess, to buy
more time for further negotiations.
So, the plain fact is that there is now
a period of pause in the affairs of the General
Assembly of the United Nations.
A pause is not a retreat--nor yet an ad-
vance. It is time-time that has to be used
well if it is not going to work against the
building of an effective, operational United
Nations. What Emerson said about saving
money can be adapted to the pause in the
U.N.'s affairs: "Economy does not consist in
saving the coal, but in using the time while
it burns."
SOME HARD DECISIONS ABOUT CONFZICTING
PRINCIPLES
Yet the issue remains. Some time has been
gained to work on the critical constitutional
and financial problems but the shape of the
problem is unchanged.
Both sides of this dispute insist that they
stand on principle. And this is important
to understand because the conflicting prin-
ciples involved stem from conflicting views
about the United Nations-which is to say
conflicting views about the elements of in-
ternational order.
The U.S. view is that the Charter of the
United Nations is a treaty obligation and
affords the framework for an evolving sys-
tem of international law and order which
should be upheld and expanded by custom
and by extension as world conditions permit.
Our view is that while the Security Council
is the primary organ for keeping the peace,
this overriding duty of the Organization must
not be limited to occasions when unanimity
prevails among the five major powers and
that the General Assembly therefore must be
free to exercise its residual rights in the
peacekeeping field in emergency situations
when the Security Council is unable to act
because of the veto. In our view, the charter
did not intend to have the veto inhibit volun-
tary peacekeeping operations of the kind the
U.N. undertook in the Congo and in the Mid-
dle East-where troops were supplied by
members voluntarily and deployed on the
territory of a member with its consent.
Our view is that the road to a workable
system of world order is lined with interna-
tional institutions with independent execu-
tive capacities for carrying out operations
authorized by their memberships according
to their owh agreed procedures. Our view is
that in any healthy International institution
all the members must be willing to apply
the ground rules-whatever they may be-
consistently and impartially to all.
The Soviet view is, and has been, quite
different. It contends the United Nations
should act to keep the peace only when the
five major powers agree on what to do and
how to do it and how to pay for it; that
the Security Council therefore has exclu-
sive authority in the peacekeeping field, that
the function of the General Assembly should
be limited to the role of static conference
machinery; and that the rest of the U.N.
system should do very little by way of op-
erational programs or acquire executive ca-
pacity.
For 20 years the United States and the
Soviet Union and the United Nations and its
members have been able, one way or another,
to live with conflicting views and conflicting
principles about the proper role of interna-
tional organization In creating and maintain-
ing a system of world order. The issue has
been circumvented or submerged or put off
during all this time; now It has been joined
in a serious way.
If there was only one principle involved,
it wouldn't be such a difficult problem-but
then it wouldn't be world politics either.
But there is another problem-how torecon-
cile the almost sacred principle of one na-
tion, one vote with the earthly reality of vast-
ly unequal resources and responsibility for
what happens in the world. As a prominent
statesman from a small country said recent-
ly, "arithmetic power must not be mistaken
for actual power."
The United States is continuing through-
out the entire U.N. system to seek ways to
assure that the major supporters have a com-
parable voice in the management of its
operations, whether they are political or eco-
nomic in nature.
We have suggested, for- example, that a
finance committee be established by the As-
sembly on which the major resource con-
tributors would have a greater proportionate
representation than they have in the As-
sembly as a whole. Under this plan, the As-
sembly could decide how to apportion ex-
penses for future U.N. peacekeeping opera-
tions only upon the recommendation of this
committee.
The Soviets have been unwilling to ac-
cept this. They continue to insist on the
Security Council's exclusive role. We can-
not accept this negation of the Assembly's
power. The Assembly's escape hatch must be
available if the Council is hamstrung by the
Soviet veto. On the contrary, our aim is not
to cancel the Assembly's power but to work
for procedures which will promote the most
responsible exercise of that power.
For this reason, also, we welcome the ac-
tion recently taken by the Assembly which
encourages the new U.N. trade machinery,
whose job will be to deal with the trade prob-
lems of the less-developed countries, to pro-
ceed by conciliation rather than by voting
on issues dividing advanced and newly
emergent countries.
If used in good faith, this procedure should
further the interests of both the advanced
and developing countries. For the resolu-
tions of the new trade machinery will be
recommendations only. And it serves no-
body's interest to pass resolutions by a ma-
jority of less-developed countries addressed
to a defeated minority with the real economic
power which is not prepared to carry them
out.
So in plain fact the U.N. is faced with a
double constitutional problem. One involves
the principle of collective financial respon-
sibility. The other is an apportionment
problem: how nations with highly unequal
capabilities for dealing with world problems
can effectively work together on those prob-
lems on the basis of sovereign equality.
In any event, the General Assembly cannot
stand forever-or for long-at this complex
intersection looking at the road signs. Per-
haps negotiations will show the road to take.
For its part, our Government stands reedy-
as it has for months-to work toward an ac-
ceptable solution of the issue.
THE VNITED NATIONS IN TRANSITION
This rather painful but professionally fas-
cinating exercise is forcing a lot of people to
think hard about the system of world order
we have been trying to create-about the role
of the United Nations and the meaning of its
Charter-and about how well this organiza-
tion has served the fundamental aims of our
foreign policy as it was rushed into the dan-
ger spots to put the lid on explosive conflicts,
as it has begun to work at the job of knit-
ting together the developed and underdevel-
oped areas of the world in constructive and
common enterprise, as it has performed es-
sential international functions in an age
made international by our science and tech-
nology.
And as we ponder all this, let us remember
that the United Natiorus system of agencies,
like national societies and institutions, in-
evitably is caught up in a process of tran-?
sition-the main question being the direc-
tion in which it is going to evolve in the
near future.
Remember, if you will, that the United Na-
tions has taken on unprecedented tasks--
and that many of them represent the most
difficult and intractable problems which the
world has inherited over centuries of less
than perfect management.
Remember, if you will, that the United
Nations and its family of agencies has for.
20 years been in the process of very rapid
and sustained growth-an experience which
often leads to periods of pause for reassess-
ment and adjustment.
Remember, -too, that the United Nations
includes within its membership an extremely
disparate range of societies-disparate in
power and wealth-in size and experience-
in political, social, and economic systems--
in cultural heritage and the value systems
by which they live. This is inevitable in a
near-universal organization and it just
makes life that much more difficult in it.
Finally, remember that this organization is
not a world government. It is an organiza-
tion of governments participating by con-
sent. It can move forward only as fast as
its members want it to move. It can move
only in the direction in which its members
want it to move.
So the plainest thing I can say to you
about the United Nations is that it is in an-
other crisis; that the stakes are important;
that the General Assembly is now in a period
of self-imposed pause; that hard choices may
still have to be made between conflicting
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE
principles; that the organization is some-
how involved in a process of transition; and
that we cannot know at this point how fast
or in what direction it will move in the near
future but the pace and the direction will be
limited and controlled by a will of its
members,
It is too early to draw any stark conclu-
sions.q Both the overzealous admirers and
critics of the U.N. tend to state their con-
clusions in boldface type. One group re-
gards any criticism of the U.N. as desecration
of a religious shrine; the other never, fails to
point out the yawning chasm between aspira-
tions and accomplishments. Neither, group
looks at the U.N. for what it is-a reflection
of a turbulent and divided world, an arena
for the Interplay of national power and na-
tional interests.
We have been the firmest supporters of
the United Nations because, whatever its
weaknesses, it has promoted our interests and
the cause.of peace. Two World Wars, I hope,
have taught all of us that world organiza-
tion is a vital imperative. Peace-political,
economic, and social-is too interconnected
to do away with international machinery.
The problems are worldwide. They require
a worldwide attack.
Our influence in the U.N. will be exerted
on the side of steady progress within the
framework of the charter-under a single set
of ground rules impartially applied-by
reasonably orderly procedures-and in the
direction of workable agencies with reliable
capacity to act; for this is the way to pro-
mote and protect our national interests, to
move toward world order and the world
peace which President Johnson has char-
acterized as the "assignment of the cen-
tury."
THOUGHTS 0
Mr. C MMr. rent, Prof.
Fariborzml has written an excel-
lent article oil "U.S. Policy in Vietnam."
The article was published in the March
18 issue of the Wayne State University
newspaper. I ask unanimous consent
that his thoughtful appraisal be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
"HOPE FOR STALEMATE IN VIETNAM"-FATEMI
(By Fariborz S. Fatemi, professor of political
science)
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following article on
Vietnam is the fourth in a series prepared by
university faculty members.)
To those who think that every problem or
crisis can be solved by military solutions or
by "bombing our way to peace," I call atten-
tion to Clemenceau's reputed statement that
war was too important to be left to soldiers
and generals.
I might add that peace is too precious to
be left to amateur columnists and writers of
letters-to-editors, who glibly tell us that the
issue of the Vietnamese conflict is "freedom"
and, therefore, we must "go all out."
FREEDOM '
Yet, none of these pundits have defined
their meaning of this often overused over-
abused word-"freedom." Do they mean
freedom in the style of Governor Wallace?
Stalin? Hitler? Diem? Mao? Etc.
Has anyone ever polled the Vietnamese
about- their desires or views on freedom?
Or for that matter, have they ever been
allowed to make a free choice?
In fact, former President Eisenhower tells
us in his book, "Mandate for Change," that
had the Vietnamese been given a free choice
through elections, "80 percent of the popu-
lation would have voted for. Communist Ho
Chi Minh as their leader,"
Therefore, my advice to these self-
appointed "defenders of freedom" is what
Ed Murrow used to say, "When you are un-
sure of your facts, admit it. When you have
no solution to offer, don't pretend you have."
SUPPORT
At this juncture, I would like to indicate
that I support the administration's objec-
tives in Vietnam which to me seem to be the
bringing about of meaningful negotiations.
Seen in this light, the bombings of the
North can be called an escalation of diplo-
macy and not of the war. The United States
is forcefully telling the Vietcong, the North
Vietnamese and the Chinese that they can-
not win this war and the United States will
not be forced out. -
Our hope is that a stalemate would de-
velop and then a ceasefire agreement could
be negotiated. Thereby, we would neither
have to leave nor would we have a face a
wider war.
DANGERS
But these are obvious dangers inherent in
the present course. First, the basic criteria
for a stalemate is stability in Saigon, and as
long as the game of musical chairs continues
among the South Vietnamese military for
leadership, there is little hope that this can
be accomplished.
Second, we could be heading down a one-
way road which, if followed to Its bitter
end, could involve the United States in either
a major war of attrition or a nuclear war
with China and the Soviet Union.
From the beginning of our involvement in
South Vietnam, the policymakers-following
what Walter Lippmann has called the "Dulles
system of Asian protectorates"-committed
the often-made tragic mistake of subordi-
nating political considerations to the mili-
tary and their solutions.
We proceeded quickly to solve the problems
of Vietnam by making the country an armed
garrison state headed by the corrupt, des-
potic Diem and his feudalistic officials in the
countryside who were completely out of
touch with their own people.
FRENCH
We simply failed to accept the fact that
the French suffered their Dienbienphu be-
cause of the corruption of their unpopular
puppet, Bao Del, and his regime.
The United States has been unable to
grasp the fact that, in Vietnam, important
as the military factors are, the political
factors are even more important in the long
run. A people, who fear and even hate their
own government, will not serve either their
government or the free world by battling
against communism.
Indeed, they will not know that the world
is free; they will only see that the United
States has fastened a police state upon them.
As the attacks at Pleiku, the enlisted men's
housing at Qui Nhon, and Bein Hoa Airbase
2 months ago showed, the people in sur-
rounding areas either collaborated with the
Vietcong or chose to turn their backs on us
and the Saigon government.
GREAT WEALTH
There is no doubt that we can continue the
current war effort. indefinitely for our great
wealth will sustain us as long as there is
need, and we can even escalate the war to
North Vietnam.
But one thing is certain, that is, unless a
stable, liberal, and progressive government
can be found which will rally the people of
South Vietnam behind it, we cari hardly hope
to see the end of the war.
Therefore, we seem to have two options
available besides our present efforts toward
creating a stalemate. The first is to strive
for a negotiated settlement which would
guarantee the neutralization of all the area
and protect it from a possible takeover after
our withdrawal.
7475
The French are favoring an "International
accord excluding all foreign intervention in
southeast Asia."
NAVAL POWER
They point out the war cannot be won no
matter how much air and naval power the
United States commits or what reprisals the
Chinese may take. This is an internal war
that cannot be decided by an outsider,
whether it is the United States or China.
The key argument against negotiation is
our experience with the 1954 Geneva accord.
For we see neutralization as a cover plan for
the eventual takeover of the whole area by
the Communist forces directed from Hanoi
and China. This is the so-called domino
theory. But the fallacy of that theory is
that countries are not dominos.
REGIMES
Given stable and popular regimes--not
necessarily our client rulers, nor those of
Hanoi or Peiping, but neither "hostile to
Hanoi or Peiping" or us, in the words of Sen-
ator FULBRIGHT-the chances for a reasonable
settlement may be good.
The other option would be to escalate the
conflict by attacking North Vietnam. But
no knowledgeable person would admit that
this would in any way solve the political and
insurrectionary problems in. the South. -
As a U.S. general recently said in Vietnam,
"If we could cut those supply lines from the
North, it would help. But nobody pretends
that it would end the war. This is a war
in South Vietnam. It is here that the war
has to be decided."
NUCLEAR AGE
In the nuclear age a great power demon-
strates its greatness by restraint, not by
rashness. Every strike and counterstrike
vastly increases the danger to world peace.
It also intensifies the pressures on Peiping
and Moscow to become actively Involved.
The New York Times editorial of Sunday,
February 14, said, "The United States has
made its point very forcefully with bombs
during the last few weeks. Its power is in-
disputable. In the light of the strength
this country has shown, it can now offer to
continue its arguments over a conference
table where its power will be undiminished.
But the outcome mi ht then be peace in-
stead of war."
5
APPOINT NT OF KENNETH E. BE-
LIEU AS UNDER SECRETARY OF
THE NAVY
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, re-
cently it was my pleasure to join Mem-
bers of the Senate in confirming the
nomination of Kenneth E. BeLieu as
Under Secretary of the Navy.
Under Secretary BeLieu is well known
and genuinely admired by Members of
the Senate and all others who have had
the privilege of working with him. As
his many friends expected, his promo-
tion to higher responsibilities by Presi-
dent Johnson and Secretary McNamara
has already resulted in further recogni-
tion of the high standards of leadership
which Secretary McNamara has brought
to the upper echelons of the Department
of Defense. Secretary McNamara's wis-
dom in promoting Ken BeLieu was the
subject of the Hearst Headline Services
article entitled "Washington Parade,"
written by Milton L. Kaplan, chief of
the Hearst Publications, Washington
Bureau. In this widely read column,
Mr. Kaplan pointed out how Secretary -
BeLieu's presence in this high civilian
position within the Department of De-
fense is further evidence that Secretary
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9, 1965
McNamara has, contrary to some unjus-
tified criticism, brought those with com-
bat experience into his team.
Because of the importance of this ar-
ticle and the manner in which it sets
forth the soundness of Secretary Mc-
Nam.ara's selection of Ken BeLieu for
higher responsibility, I ask unanimous
consent that the article, entitled "Navy's
BeLieu Knows War," which was pub-
lished on April 6 in the New York Jour-
nal American, be printed in the RECORD.
[From the New York Journal.-American,
Tuesday, Apr. 6, 19651
WASHI.NGTONI PARADE: NAVY'S BELIED KNows
WAR
(By Milton L-Kaplan)
WASHINGTON.-The man in civvies looked
down at the ensign in the San Diego Naval
Hospital bed and said, "I know exactly how
you feel." A look of skepticism crept over the
ensign's face, not surprisingly, for he had lost
a leg in a shipboard accident a few days
before.
"I know," said the civilian, "because I lost
my leg in an explosion in Korea."
Assistant Secretary of the Navy Kenneth
E. BeLieu leaned over, unbuckle his right
leg and handed it to the injured man. En-
sign Leroy G. Hudson examined the artificial
limb, equipped with sock and shoe, grinned
and said: "How about that!"
BeLieu went on to assure the ensign, "You
can do everything with it, including horse-
back riding, and you aren't as susceptible to
colds-you have only one foot to get wet."
The land mine in Korea ended BeLieu's
combat experience-in the Army-but the
former Army colonel has proved that an
artificial leg is no handicap. At 51 he has
just been moved up to the No. 2 Navy job,
Under Secretary.
Defense Secretary McNamara can, if he
chooses, point to BeLieu to answer the famil-
iar complaint that there aren't enough men
with combat experience at the top in the
Pentagon. BeLieu's World War II record
includes the Normandy landings, Battle of
the Bulge, the campaigns in Germany and
Czechoslovakia. He was awarded the Silver
Star, Legion of Merit, Bronze Star, Purple
Heart, and Croix de Guerre for gallantry in
action.
The elevation of BeLieu has also helped
McNamara's relations with Congress, which
have rarely been better than correct. BeLieu
won wide respect on the Hill in the career
he launched after leaving the Army in 1955.
BeLieu became a staff member of the Sen-
ate Armed Services Committee in November
1955 (he had served as executive officer to
two Secretaries of the Army after his Korean
service): In January 1959, he was named
staff director of the Senate Committee on
Aeronautical and Space Sciences, whose
chairman was Senator Lyndon B. Johnson.
BeLieu also won distinction as staff direc-
tor of the preparedness investigating sub-
committee of the Senate Armed Services
Committee. With Johnson as chairman and
Edwin L. Weisl, New York lawyer, as chief
counsel, the committee made possible a cool-
headed appraisal of American defenses at a
time when cries of anguish were heard over
Soviet space achievements.
In 1961, BeLieu was named Assistant Secre-
tary of the Navy for Installations and logis-
tics. And after he was sworn in recently as
Under Secretary, he said, "I think this is the
best career ladder an Army type ever had.,,
FREIGHT CAR SHORTAGE beginning to recover from one of the
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, it gives
me a great deal of pleasure to support
S. 1098, by my good friend, the Senator
from Washington, Senator MAGNUSON, in
which I was joined as a cosponsor.
The diminishing supply of freight cars
has been a matter of considerable con-
cern for many years. Critical shortages
of increased duration and severity have
become almost commonplace on the na-
tional transportation scene. As of Jan-
uary 1, 1965, the number of freight cars
owned by class I railroads had fallen to
1,550,477, a loss of one-quarter of a
million cars since 1947. It is imperative
that we end the recurring shortages
that have been a national problem for
several decades, and which have become
progressively worse.
Critical shortages of freight cars have
occurred almost every year, especially
during peak loading periods. These
shortages adversely affect the timber and
grain industries as well as many others
which are so vital to our Nation's growth
and economy. The railroads serving
these industries attempt to maintain ade-
quate supplies of equipped rolling stocks,
but once these equipped cars are off-line
the owning roads have difficulty getting
them back. As a result of this practice
the timber industry, for example, has
been unable to avail itself of the special
wide-door freight cars that they must
have to send lumber to market.
The primary cause of the freight car
shortage, is the per diem structure which
governs the use of our Nation's freight
car stock.
Since the average daily return of a
freight car greatly exceeds the per diem
"rental" charge, many roads have found
it more economical to operate someone
else's equipment than to invest in their
own stock. The provisions of S. 1098
would authorize the Interstate Commerce
Commission to set per diem rates at
levels that in the Commission's judgment
will encourage the acquisition, mainte-
nance, and efficiency of an adequate
freight car fleet.
It is essential that the freight car fleet
be increased. The supply has dimin-
ished to the level that when freight cars
are sent to one area to alleviate a short-
age, it creates a shortage in another area.
Greater car utilization is certainly de-
sired, but no matter how efficient it be-
comes, it cannot offset the present short-
age in the number of cars. Thus, there
must be an economic incentive for pur-
chasing new cars. S. 1098 would pro-
vide this incentive.
Many Oregon lumbermen and lumber
shippers have communicated with me
indicating that the car shortage this
year is particularly acute. The lumber
industry of my State was hurt enor-
greatest natural disasters in decades.
S. 1098 has my enthusiastic support
and I hope that it can be enacted before
our freight car shortage becomes worse.
FLOOD DISASTER IN THE STATE OF
MINNESOTA
Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, I rise
today to call the attention of the Senate
to a major disaster which is now develop-
ing in the State of Minnesota and in sur-
rounding States.
Heavy snow on top of a very heavy
frost penetration has caused the accu-
mulation of a substantial water pack on
the surface of the ground. Recent heavy
precipitation with more forecast today
and tomorrow, coupled with high tem-
peratures, has caused an advanced run-
off and breakup of ice in our major riv-
ers, the Minnesota and the Mississippi.
Indications now are that the record high
water of 1952 will be equaled or exceeded
throughout much of the State. For ex-
ample, the Minnesota River near Man-
kato, Minn., is expected to reach a maxi-
mum flood stage of over 30 feet. Normal
flood stage in Mankato is 18 feet. The
highest stage ever recorded at Mankato
was 29.9 feet in 1881 and more recently
in April 1952, at 26.2 feet.
At St. Paul, Minn., our capital city,
predictions are that the Mississippi Riv-
er will crest as high as 27 feet or higher
on the 16th of April. The highest previ-
ous stage at St. Paul was 22 feet in April
of 1952. Five feet over this record stage
of 22 feet would very likely result in
tremendous damage and severe flooding
in the St. Paul area, and especially in
South St. Paul's stockyards and packing
plants.
Other rivers in central, west central,
and southern Minnesota, in the State of
Wisconsin, and in the State of Iowa
will also be cresting at record propor-
tions.
The warning signs of this impending
disaster were clear to me several weeks
ago. Knowing as we did that normal
higher temperatures and spring rains
could cause severe flooding, Senator
MCCARTHY and I called together repre-
sentatives of several Federal agencies to
discuss their activities in preparation for
the potential danger from floods. Agen-
cies represented in my office at that time
were the Office of Emergency Planning,
Department of Agriculture, Small Busi-
ness Administration, Public Health Serv-
ice, Army Corps of Engineers, and the
Red Cross. High level officials of those
agencies gave us detailed reports on
preparations, personnel already in Min-
nesota, and assistance available through
particular laws governing their opera-
tions. We expressed to the representa-
tives at that meeting our very deep con-
mously by the catastrophic floods of De- tern over the plight of those residents
cember 1964 and January 1965. The in the threatened areas and received
railroad car shortage adds tremendously assurances that all possible preparations
to the burdens of an industry that is just were being made.
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April 9,1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
they do the substance of thePresident's
address and refusing to perceive its' vision
and its statesmanship.
It was a statement not of retreat but of
steadfast determination, all the more stead-
fast for being reasonable. In proposing dis-
cussions without preconditions, Mr. Johnson
was emphatically not announcing a cessa-
tion of military pressure against North Viet-
nam; but he was coupling with continued
pressure the sensible idea, advanced by Sec
retary General U Thant, by representatives
of 17 unalined nations who met last week in
Belgrade, and by others, that the chance of
negotiation might be increased somewhat
if rigid conditional positions could be
dropped. It is by no means a certainty, per-
haps not a probability, but it is a hope; and
in any case the United States has now boldly
taken the initiative.
As to buying peace and friends with dol-
lars, that is far from what the President
said, and far frorh what he meant. He seeks
to offer southeast Asia a program of rehabili-
tation from which might develop the condi-
tions of peaceful security. Nor is this a
proopsed dole: for one thing, it involves the
development of the Mekong River Valley, a
vast project already underway through
United Nations sponsorship but moving too
slowly, and a project which has for 20 years
excited the imagination of the region with
its promise of cheap power and of two or
three rice crops a year in paddies where one
crop now grows. To help with such work is
not bribery; it is investment in stability.
Finally, as to the notion that the aim of
Mr. Johnson's address was to placate critics
calling for negotiations: this is to charge
him with hypocrisy, and it is a false charge.
He did concede the validity of some of that
criticism, but up to a point only, and a point
far short of weakness or retreat. He was ex-
plaining, clarifying, delivering a broad state-
ment of national policy.
In a situation of immense danger, com-
plexity and difficulty-made no less difficult
by new Chinese expressions of lack of interest
in a settlement-a firm and generous Amer-
ican policy has now been put clearly before
the world, and before the American people.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S SPEECH
ON VIETNAM
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
PresideYlT,-=-=n-encouraging and sig-
nificant development on the interna-
tional scene was announced Wednesday
night by President Johnson, in his
speech at Johns Hopkins University, in
Baltimore. That speech, of course, is
well known to all of us.
The President has, in my estimation,
developed a masterly policy on the one
hand, he has announced, once again, this
country's firm and total commitment to
the self-determination of nations, sup-
ported by persuasion, where possible,
and by force, where necessary. On the
other hand, he has opened the way
for constructive peacekeeping efforts,
through his proposals for unconditional
discussions and an American investment
in the economic development of south-
east Asia.
Nowhere, I think, have I seen a more
thoughtful or accurate assessment of
the President's newly announced policy
than in an editorial entitled "More Car-
rot, Same Stick," published on April
8 in the New York Herald Tribune. Be-
cause of its timely nature, I ask unani-
mous consent, that the editorial be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
Approved
[From the New York Herald Tribune,
Apr. 8, 1965]
MORE CARROT, SAME STICK
U.S. policy toward North Vietnam has been
a combination of the stick and the carrot.
Without letting up on the use of the stick,
President Johnson last night held out a
pretty fat carrot-a $1 billion American in-
vestment for the economic development of
southeast Asia which North Vietnam would
share. He sweetened the carrot by speaking
of an independent, neutralized South Viet-
nam, "free from outside interference-tied
to no alliance-a military base for no other
country."
He combined this with an offer of "uncon-
ditional discussions" for a settlement of the
conflict. That should assure friends and
foes alike that Washington, far from oppos-
ing a negotiated arrangement, is ready to
proceed immediately to the conference table
without prior conditions by either side-if
our opponents are.
Whether this does or does not represent a
change in the U.S. position is hardly a sub-
ject for fruitful argument. Washington
maintained that it would negotiate when the
time was ripe. Perhaps the President feels
that time has arrived.
He may very well be right. Sooner or
later-and it_ may be sooner than we think-
Peiping and Hanoi will have to sue for peace.
The time must come-if it has not come
already-when they will admit to them-
selves (never to others) that the game in
South Vietnam is up; that the cost of con-
tinuing the venture is prohibitive in damage
to North Vietnam by conventional Ameri-
can bombs and in potential damage to Com-
munist China by nuclear American bombs;
that the venture itself.has become highly
questionable since the United States directly
committed itself to the war against the
Vietcong in the south, as well as to a war
against North Vietnam, and if necessary
against Communist China, from the air.
The problem for both Peiping and Hanoi
is how to pay our price, which is the cessa-
tion of Communist aggression against South
Vietnam, without losing face, bearing in
mind that face is about the last thing in the
world that an oriental can lose. The device
which they may have in mind was indicated
in Premier Chou En-lai's message to Secre-
tary General U Thant. It is to pretend that
they have had nothing to do with the Viet-
namese conflict and to invite the United
.States to conclude a settiment directly with
the Communist Vietcong guerrillas, in South
Vietnam.
This, however, is not what Washington
has in mind. The President spoke of "dis-
cussion or negotiation with the governments
concerned; in large groups or in small ones."
And that is what Peiping and Hanoi want to
avoid because public exposure would en-
danger their face.
One side or the other will have to give
ground as to the manner in which the Com-
munist retreat is to be negotiated. But the
manner is not as important as the substance,
and it is the substance which we seek-the
security and independence of South Viet-
nam and the rest of Asia not now in Com-
munist hands. If Peiping and Hanoi must
save face, facilities may somehow be pro-
vided. Their true face is perfectly apparent
to all.
A PROFILE OF JOHN CARVER
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President,, one of
Idaho's most distinguished sons has been
the subject of recent biographical articles
in several of the newspapers in my State.
By virtue of his capability and qualities
of leadership, John Carver has moved
steadily upward in the field of public
service to the position he now holds as
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I feel' that these attributes are well
portrayed in the profile on the Under
Secretary that was published in both the
Lewiston, Idaho, Morning Tribune, and
the Boise, Idaho, Observer.
Therefore, Mr. President, I ask unani-
mous consent that the profile of March
21, 1965, as published in the Lewiston
Morning Tribune, be printed in the REC-
ORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IDAHO'S CARVER FLYING HIGH AND HEADING
EVEN HIGHER
(By Bryce E. Nelson)
Idaho's John A. Carver, Jr., has several
titles; one of his less known is "Tch-aa,"
which means "High Eagle," given to Carver
when he was made Bear Prince of Alaska's
Eagle tribe. But, he is better known as the
new Under Secretary of the Interior, probably
the highest position in the executive branch
ever attained by an Idahoan.
Carver's rapid rise through the ranks of the
Federal Government has been unusual, but
even more unusual is the high regard in
which he is held by informed sources, both
Democratic and Republican, in Washington
and throughout the country. COMPTON I.
WHITE, JR., Congressman from Idaho's First
District, often calls Carver "the most effi-
cient man in-Washington."
"The best red tape cutter I ever found in
Washington is John Carver," explain Sena-
tor FRANK E. Moss of Utah.
Idaho's Republican Senator LEN JORDAN
said recently of Carver, "He is a man of great
competence and high integrity, knowledge-
able in the land and water resources, and has
that innate fairness that commands the re-
spect of users of the public lands and public
domain, as well as the theorists, the admin-
istrators, the wildlifers, and all."
Carver was-born at Preston, Idaho, April 24,
1918, the eldest of seven children. (His
brother, Dr. Terrell Carver of Boise, is Idaho's
State director of health. His sister, Mrs.
Harold C. Howell, lives at Pocatello; the
others live in other Western States.)
Carver's father, now deceased, played a
great part in influencing his children's de-
velopment. The senior Carver, an attorney,
was blinded at the age of 5; his wife served
as his "eyes" for their long married life, both
in his legal practice and in reading all the
books necessary for his legal education at
the University of Idaho.
In 1928 the family moved to Pocatello,
where the senior Carver became prosecuting
attorney. "We never had much money," ac-
cording to the son. "Life was pretty much
asubsistence proposition. I don't mean we
ever went hungry. Food used to come to
us in sacks from my mother's family and my
father's family on the farms." The Carvers
spent their summers on the family ranch
on Mink Creek east of Preston.
In 1933 the family moved to Boise, where
John A. Carver, Sr., became U.S. attorney, a
position he held for the next 20 years. In
1936, he took his eldest son with him to
Washington, D.C., where he was to attend a
conference.
"I was 18 and I looked about 14," Secre-
tary Carver remembers. "Some people in
Senator Pope's office said that I could easily
get a job at Washington. After pounding
the pavement for weeks, I finally found a
job at Marriott's Hot Shoppes, where I
worked 6 weeks until I got a job as a mes-
senger for Senator Wheeler's Committee on
Railroad Financing. I finished my sopho-
more year of college at George Washington
University at the same time. My father came
back again to Washington the next year and
decided that my work at the Senate was in-
te,rfering with my studies. So I went back
west. For transportation, I helped the late
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7494 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 9, 1965
C. C. Anderson of Boise drive a new Cadillac "Second, this administration has better
from Detroit to Boise." relationships with the users of the public
HACK TO WASHINGTON lands than anyone would have thought pos-
After returning west, Secretary Carver
compiled an almost straight A average at
Brigham Young University; where he received
an. A.B. degree in 1939. He attended law
school at the University of Montana and the
University of Idaho and then returned to
Washington to work as a Federal civil service
personnel executive.
He had a meteoric rise in the civil service,
advancing from grade 4 when he entered in
July of 1940 to grade 13 in May of 1943,
when he entered the military. He was later
commissioned in the Air Force and served in
England and Japan.
In 1942 he married Ruth O'Connor, a wo-
man of serene beauty and kindness, who is
highly respected by all who. know her. The
Carvers have three children: John A. Carver
III, 19, a student at University of Wisconsin;
Craig Roger, 16, and Candace Elaine, 13.
Secretary Carver Is a warm family man, who
treasures the moments he can spend at home.
After the war, Carver came back to Wash-
ington to finish law school at Georgetown,
where he received his LL.B. in 1947, the same
year he decided to return to Boise to set up
a law practice.
"I guess a person would have to be crazy
to have done what I did. I had a good job
In the Defense Department, but I decided I
didn't want to be a personnel clerk, no matter
how well paid. I had a little money saved,
enough to eat for 6 months, and I used about
all of it in Boise before I really got going."
In addition to opening a law office, Carver
obtained a position as assistant attorney
general for Idaho, a job he enjoyed and which
he held for 18 months.
It was in that post where he first became
well acquainted with the present Governor
of Idaho, Robert E. Smylle. "He's a very
capable guy, and was a good man to work
for when he was attorney general," Carver
said.
Carver built a successful law practice at
Boise before he left in 1957 to become ad-
ministrative assistant to the newly elected
Democratic Senator from Idaho, FRANK
CHURCH.
CHURCH recently commented, "As my ad-
ministrative assistant, Mr. Carver quickly
demonstrated that he had the intuition to
locate the jugular vein of a difficult problem;
that he could organize an office staff ? * *
and perhaps most of all, that he was dedi-
cated to the public welfare."
After the Democratic victory in 1960, Presi-
dent Kennedy appointed Carver. Assistant
Secretary of the Interior Department, where
he supervised the Bureaus of Land Manage-
ment, Indian Affairs, Outdoor Recreation, and
also the National Park Service, the Office of
Territories, and the Alaska Railroad.
Carver's recent promotion to the position
of Under Secretary of Interior indiciates that
he has the confidence of President Johnson
and of the Secretary of the Interior, Stewart
Udall, whom Carver respects and with whom
he has a close working relationship.
Asked what had surprised him most about
his service in the Interior Department, Car-
ver commented, "On a personal level, I was
surprised by the breadth of the interests and
groups which reacted favorably to my promo-
tion to Under Secretary. I have always
thought that there was more to any job than
getting your name in the papers, and I tend
to forget about public relations. I guess I
was unconscious of the fact that the word
had spread around that we were getting
things done in the public lands sector."
Asked what achievements he most values
In his service in the Department, Carver an-
swered, "First, I would like to list the ter-
ritories area. We have done better than any
other administration In giving the U.S. ter-
ritories the substance of self-government
rather than just the form.
Bible, better than the Eisenhower administra-
tion, which was supposed to have been busi-
ness oriented.
"We have this relationship because we
start with the philosophy that the users have
a legitimate interest in the public lands and
we take this into account. We have been able
to do this without offending the conserva-
tionist groups. But after all, there's more
and more interrelationship between these
groups-a cattleman for instance, is likely
to be a hunter and want our wildlife
preserved.
"In some people's minds I have come to be
regarded as a champion of the users of the
public lands against the conservationist im-
pulses of the Department of Interior. I cer-
tainly havegiven generously of my time and
energy to the users of the public lands, but
I don't think this categorization is accurate.
"I am in complete accord with the con-
servationist aims of this Department; I don't
think the two interests are incompatible."
As might be expected, one of the prime in-
gredients of Carver's success is that he is an
energetic and. diligent worker. He averages
a busy 80-hour week and always works a full
day on Saturday. This willingness to put
in long hours does not characterize all high-
level administrators at Washington.
NO REn CARPETS
As the official who commands the National
Park Service, Secretary Carver could receive
the red-carpet treatment at any national
park or monument; he has often preferred
to visit these parks with his family as an
ordinary tourist to see how the park's facili-
ties seem from the viewpoint of the user.
One technique Carver thinks Is essential
for a good administration is "the self-disci-
VIin.e of writing your own speeches. This
forces you to sit back and examine your job,
and to think harder about what you are do-
ing. I don't mean that I do all the drafting
on every statement I make in public, because
I don't, but it is very important for me to
continually think over the premises on which
I operate and to be able to articulate them
in my own language."
They also demonstrate Secretary Carver's
great interest in and knowledge of the his-
tory of the United States, especially that
which concerns the American West.
Because of the quality of his public ad-
dresses, Carver receives many speech invita-
tions every month from groups throughout
the country. His speeches seem to be well
received; his address to the State Democratic
convention at Idaho Falls in 1962 received
a rousing ovation.
Other qualities which make John Carver
a popular administrator are the personal
honesty and concern he demonstrates to all
those around him.
As one former associate commented, "John
is so interested in getting the job done that
he is sometimes brusque. Actually, he is
one of the most compassionate, tender-
hearted people I've ever met in my life. He's
also a little shy, which few people realize."
Carver has been known to send money
from his own pocket to the povertystricken
who have written to his office. Carver is de-
scribed as "very considerate" and "quick to
applaud if you do a good job," by those who
work with him. Another associate com-
ments, "John has a great respect for human
dignity."
Carver has represented the Department of
Interior in Secretary Udall's absence at Cab-
inet meetings called by the President on sev-
eral occasions. Carver is probably the only
Idahoan ever to attend Cabinet meetings in
an official capacity.
Although Carver is now exercising his tal-
ents on a national scale, he still is much
concerned about the welfare and develop-
ment of his own State, which he thinks has
a great deal of undeveloped potential. "Of
all the States in our area," Carver explained,
"Idaho is unique-first, in our remaining
unappropriated water; second, in our unde-
veloped land; and third, in our richness of
forage and timber.
'The main task of political leadership in
Idaho is to educate and encourage our State
to develop Its great potential of physical and
human resources.
"We could do much more to encourage
tourism and camping in Idaho. As for in-
dustry, although we don't have coal or other
fossil fuels, we have plenty of water. Name
a place that has the water resources we have.
We have been more emotional than sensible
in our attitude toward our uses of water.
We can make our system in Idaho accoanmo-
date industrial development."
What does the future hold for this man
of great administrative capability, incisive
intelligence, broad interests, and concern for
human welfare? Is John Carver destined
to sit in the Cabinet In his own right, or will
he answer the call to seek high elective
office in Idaho?
There seems to be a sizable number of
Idahoans who think that John Carver might
be persuaded to switch his emphasis from
conservation to politics and run for an elec-
tive office. Judging from the number of
Idaho Republican newspapers that have
published favorable editorials on Carver's
appointment, lie might be one Democrat
who would attract Republican support.
One leading Idaho Republican businessman
Is reported to have said: "John Carver is
one Democrat I could support for Gov-
ernor."
Carver's Idaho admirers have made them-
selves vocal. The Lewiston Morning Tribune
recently editorialized: "Sooner or later, we
suspect, Carver will consider turning from
an appointive role in the National Govern-
ment to seek elective office in his own be-
loved Idaho. Certainly he would be a su-
perbly qualified candidate for Governor
should his interests turn in this direction."
But whether Carver's interests turn to-
ward seeking elective office or not, it is
likely that the Idaho State Journal of Poca-
tello struck a prophetic note when it com-
mented: "Carver is a man for succeeding In
his assignments. His position will give him
more of a chance to demonstrate his ability.
He is still a young man, and Idahoans and
the Nation are bound to hear a lot more of
John Carver in the years to come."
OUR CONSERVATION RECORD RE-
VIEWED BY ASSISTANT SECRE-
TARY HOLUM
Mr. MCGOVERN. Mr. President, a
'very fine review of the great strides we
have made in the past few years in the
conservation field is contained in the
address made at the biennial convention
of the National Farmers Union, in Chi-
cago, on March 17.
We are tackling the need for open
spaces, recreational areas, and wilder-
ness. We have made 25 new starts on
water and power development projects in
the West. An electric power grid is tak-
ing shape. Water pollution and atmos-
pheric pollution are getting the atten-
tion they merit. We are studying saline
water conversion and weather modifica-
tion. We have started moving forward
on many fronts where early answers to
-resource problems are essential.
I wish to preface Assistant Secretary
Holum's address with the comment that
he has had a very considerable part in
the encouraging progress we have made
In the past 4 years in resources fields. A
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April 9,'1965 CONGRESSIONAL
''Smears, character assasslnations,and the
scattering of irresponsible charges have no
place in this Nation. They create division,
suspicion, and distrust among loyal Ameri-
bans-just what the Communists want-and
hinder rather than aid the fight against
communism" (p. X90).
Yet, Mr. Welch and the society contend
that frog 50 to 70 percent of American poli-
tical and economic life is under Communist
control. This might be loosely interpreted
as meaning that more than half of us pre-
sent tonight are dupes of the Communist
conspiracy.
If Mr. Welch and the society have in mind
the defeat of Communism as their goal-Why
is conspicuously less time spent denouncing
Communists than is spent denouncing pa-
triotic Americans as Communist or pro-Com-
munist? It is my belief that most far-right
extremist action programs are, as irrelevant
to the real threat of international commu-
nism as the Communist philosophy is to the
promotion of freedom, peace, and justice.
And what about the political aspects of
the John Birch Society-this defender of
Americanism? Mr. Welch laid down the
guidelines in the Blue Book. "Finally, and
probably most important of all these courses
of action, we would put our weight into the
political scales in this country just as fast
and far as we could. For unless we can
eventually, and in time, reverse'by'political
action the gradual surrender of the United
States to communism, the ultimate alterna-
tive of reversal by military uprising is fearful
to contemplate" (p. 110).
Now, over the last few months we have
repeatedly been told that the John Birch
Society supports no candidate-yet, Mr.
Welch states, "We shall have to use poli-
ticans, support politicans, create politicans"
(p. 121), I do not deny their right to do
this-for to me, to deny it would be un-
American. But let us look at Mr, Welch's
philosophy of government? "The form of
government is not nearly so Important as its
quality" (p. 134). "The greatest enemy of
man is, and always has been, government"
(p. 138). "Government is frequently evil.
And we do not mean by this that they are
merely dishonest. For all governments, with
very rare exceptions indeed, are thoroughly
dishonest" (p. 129). And last-
"Yet I had rather have for America and I
IBM convinced that America would be better
off with,a government of 300,000 officials and
agents, every single one of them a thief, than
a government of 3 million agents with every
single one of them an honest, Honorable
public servant" (p. 136).
Is this the philosophy we wish to guide
and produce our future politicians?
Recently, in the news, we have heard of the
attempts of the John Birch Society to infil-
trate the police forces of various major cities.
We also know that one of the cherished rules
of communism whenever and wherever they
became strong enough to exert some force
in a government-that one of their first ob-
jectives was to take over the police force.
Even Mr. Welch alerts us to thg "greater
temptation to criminality on the part of
those who control or influence, the police
power of a nation" (p. 130).
Mr. Welch, I agree. * * * But I ask you, is
it less dangerous for a far-out rightist group
to attempt control of the nations police
power-than it Is for a far-out leftist organi-
zation?
The past president of the Idaho Congress of
Parents and Teachers attacked the John
Birch Society as anti-American in its at-
tempts to take over the PTA. She. charged
that the society literature instructs its mem-
bers on how to gain control of PTA's-by
heckling the President, stalling meetings un-
til other members have gone home, and then
taking over, and by gaining appointment to
the program and publicity committees,
RECORD- SENATE 7491
In the September 1960 Bulletin of the John
Birch Society,. Robert Welch wrote, "Join
your local PTA at the beginning of the
school year '* * * and go to work to take it
over * * * when you and your friends get the
local PTA groups straightened out, move up
the ladder as soon as you can to assert a
wider influence * * * and don't let the dirty
tactics of the opposition get you down."
And what about the society's pleasant
sounding cliche-Let's do away with big
government and big government controls?
Lessening of restrictive governmental con-
trols does have merit-but is it true conserv-
atism which we hear from the far right?
I say no. Let's take for example the pro-
posal we most frequently hear from the
rightwing, the liberty amendment. How
righteous and, patriotic that sounds-the
liberty amendent-but what would this so-
called liberty amendment do? It would re-
peal the Federal income tax and prohibit
the Federal Government from engaging in
"any business, profession, or industrial enter-
prise except as specified in the Constitution."
If we are to be concerned with the threat of
international communism-how would you
propose to maintain sufficient military force
to repel the international Communist con-
spiracy if you did away with the income
tax-the source of revenue so necessary to
support any military operation? Excluding
the international Communist threat that
would be present from the lack of military
security, what would this liberty amend=ment really' mean to you and me as citizens
of this great land?
It would mean the elimination of all pres-
ent Federal activity not mentioned by the
Founding Fathers in 1783. Out would go the
Veterans' Administration, Patent Office, Sail
Conservation Service, Corps of Engineers,
Bureau of Public Roads, Central Intelligence
Agency, Security and Exchange Commission,
Federal Communications Commission, and
almost 700 other agencies. Out would go
Federal grants-in-aid to States for old-age,
survivors, and disability insurance-unem-
ployment insurance, workmen's compensa-
tion, maternal and child health services, vo-
cational rehabilitation, school lunches, child
welfare, protection of fish and wildlife.
All Federal money would be cut off which
is now used for land-grant colleges and ag-
ricultural extension services, public housing,
Federal insurance on crops and home mort-
gages. None of these activities were men-
tioned in the Constitution.
Let's get the Government out of the busi-
ness of government? True conservatism is
necessary to the continuance of this Nation-
but true conservatism has always been re-
sponsible. I ask you, who would grow and
prosper under the provisions set forth in the
liberty amendment? In 1783, at this coun-
try's birth, most children didn't have the
opportunity of schools as, we know them
today. Children worked in factories for 50
cents a week, women couldn't vote and in
Idaho when our Constitution was adopted,
orientals and members of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints were denied
the right to vote. Is this what we wish to
go back to?
Let me not infer that a situation exists
where we can lesseI}? our concern for the
atheistic communistic movement. We must
not underestimated the dedica ion and de-
termination of communism. We are told
that there are from 10,000 to 15,000 active
Communists in the 14ation today.
I personally have awakened to the clatter
of Communist machinegun fire across the de-
militarized zone in Korea. , I have seen with
my own eyes Communist soldiers preparing
fortifications and working on agricultural
projects. I was trained and served as an
Army anti-Communist intelligence officer. I
know the Communists and their methods.
We do have to fear what would happen to
this Nation If it were to go Communist. For
where communism prevails-faith, freedom,
morality, and religion wither.
However, we are also informed by a recent
poll that there are about 2 million Amer-
icans who aline themselves with the extreme
rightwing-many of whom I think are well
meaning, respectable individuals who actual-
ly believe they are fighting communism but
are in reality aiding communism by creating
division, suspicion, and distrust among loyal
Americans.
For as J. Edgar Hoover stated before the
Warren Commission: "I think the extreme
right is just as much a danger to the free-
dom of this ? country as the extreme left.
There are groups, organizations, and indi-
viduals on the extreme right who make these
very violent statements, allegations that Gen-
eral Eisenhower was a Communist, disparag-
ing references to the Chief Justice. * * *
Now, I have felt, and I have said publicly in
speeches, that they are just as much danger.
at either end of the spectrum. They don't
deal with facts. Anybody who will allege
that General Eisenhower was a Communist
agent, has something wrong with him." (P.
'595.)
Too often we find many citizens who are
completely out of touch with public affairs.
Their professions and their home lives, it
seems, have absorbed them almost totally.
The normal news media holds little or no
interest for them. They are conscientious,
'hardworking, well-meaning citizens, but they
seem to feel that they are in a separate com-
partment of the public that need not con-
cern itself with the rest of the Nation. To
them, concern for. public affairs should be
left to those individuals being paid in the
various echelons of government.
It seems hard to believe that so many in-
telligent, responsible adults could be so dis-
interested in the world about them. But
perhaps, in some measure, this is an inevi-
table byproduce of freedom-that when a na-
tion is free and strong and responsibly
governed, the people become unconcerned
with the functions of government because
they have become accustomed to expect that
all will go well. Their interest is aroused
only when something directly affects their
daily lives.
Yes, the burdens of government and of
life itself today are heavy. But as President
Kennedy once stated, "It is the fate of this
generation to live with a struggle we did not
start, in a world we did not make. But the
pressures of life are not always distributed
by choice. And while no nation has ever
faced such a challenge, no nation has ever
been so ready to seize the burden and the
glory of freedom."
It would be so refreshing to turn back the
clock to the days of old. To their easy life
and simplification-but the days of old are
past and gone forever. We cannot return
even if we wished. So let us not flounder
on the rock of reason. Let us go ahead as
pioneers, remembering we are Americans, re-
membering our tried and true American prin-
ciples, and Insuring that historians of the
future will not write that these were the
years when the tide ran out for the United
States.
And as President Eisenhower once stated,
"I don't think the United States needs super-
patriots. We need patriotism, honestly
practiced by all of us."
God bless you all.
THE VOTING RIGHTS BILL
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I
wish to issue a warning against the Sen-
ate's plunging headlong into a revision
of the voting rights provisions of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, which amended
and made more stringent the provisions
of the acts of 1960 and 1957.
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7492
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9, 1965
Hasty legislation based on the racial
emotionalism of the hour is not a sen-
sible or advisable course to follow.
The various civil rights enactments of
recent years have been passed over my
vigorous protests; but the fact remains
that since 1957 Congress has given more
time and attention to the subject of vot-
ing rights than to any other civil rights
subject. We have the laws, but they
have not been used sufficiently for an in-
telligent observation to be made as to
whether they are adequate.
Less than 9 months ago, we passed title
I of Public Law 88-352, the voting rights
part of the Civil Rights Act: of 1964. This
act has not been used, except Inciden-
tally, by the agitators and demonstrators
who constantly cry for more and more
legislation, irrespective of what they al-
ready have.
What is to be gained by writing new
legislation, when.existing laws are not
used?
I believe in law and order and in re-
spect for the law and the courts. We
shall never attain that end by constantly
writing new laws just because demon-
strators want us to do so.
We should keep in mind that by no
means have the courts assumed the at-
titude that present voting rights laws are
weak and unenforceable. On the con-
trary, and only most recently, the Su-
preme Court has applied these laws strin-
gently. In the two cases decided on
March 8, 1965; namely, Louisiana and
others against the United States, and
United States against Mississippi and
-others, the Court made clear that voting
patterns and registrations that indicate
racial discrimination in the right to vote
will not be permitted under existing leg-
islation. At the same time, the Court
opened .the way for the present laws to
be applied against States themselves, not
only against localities or counties and
the officials thereof. Therefore, State
laws and statewide practices that, on
their face or by proof in court, show a
denial of the right to vote on racial
grounds can be nullified under existing
"laws and procedures.
It is unusual, to say the least, that we
are now told by proponents of more and
more civil rights legislation that we need
a Federal police force of Federal regis-
trars who will just walk in and take over
the registration and voting process,
which under our form of government is
inherently and essentially a matter to
be handled by the States. This radical
and harsh method of enforcement is not
justified by the status of present law.
Enactment of the present proposal
would be action reminiscent of recon-
struction days, when Federal officials
were empowered and directed to rule and
govern by individual edict. Such a sys-
tem is repulsive to the concept of decent
government and respect for the law
which we have fostered and developed in
this great Nation through a genuine and
balanced respect for sound government
that is not based on individual edicts and
the emotionalism of mass demonstra-
tions.
In 1964, voting rights provisions of the
law were strengthened so as to,give Gov-
ernment aid to aggrieved individuals who
did not care to go into court alone, or
who could not afford to do so. More-
over, it permits a three-judge court to
hear the matter and to act promptly. In
fact, it places voting rights cases in a top
priority for immediate consideration,
even if a large and important matter is
then pending in the courts.
Is it not far preferable to pursue this
course and to utilize it fully, rather than
to resort to the theory of more legisla-
tion, year after-year, based on the emo-
tionalism and heated feelings generated
in mass demonstrations? I believe that
It is; and I will fight against a system
of Federal registrars and against any
further expansion of the Civil Rights
*
er
\4 L.B.J. ON VIETNAM
Mr.,,C]_ii7RCl Mr. President, I am
delighted most Americans seem to
share my high opinion of President
Johnson's speech on Vietnam. Only a
few bleary bugles from the Republican
side of the aisle struck the note that the
President's message might have con-
tained "the trumpets of defeat." The
peace of the world depends on rational
handling of the Vietnam issue, of the
kind reflected in this morning's New
York Times. In the lead editorial, enti-
tled, "New Policy, New Phase," this news-
paper correctly points out:
So long as the objective was to force
Hanoi to give in and openly accept defeat
before any discussions could take place, the
policy was proving futile as well as danger-
ous. There was no mention of this demand
In Mr. Johnson's address Wednesday; and
it seems clear that this aspect of American
policy has been dropped. Neither side will
accept total defeat and neither side can
hope for total victory. The President now
wisely repeats-but with new meaning-"we
will use our power with restraint."
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Apr. 9, 1965]
NEW POLICY, NEw PHASE
The applause of the free world and-
surely-of a great majority of Americans re-
flects the fact that in his Johns Hopkins
speech on Vietnam, President Johnson has
enunciated a new policy and therefore
opened a new and hopeful phase of the
conflict.
An offer to negotiate without prior condi-
tions, coupled with an offer of vast economic
aid, coupled further with a restatement of
support for South Vietnam until it Is safely
independent-these are basic Ingredients for
an honorable peace. This does not mean
that peace will automatically or quickly
follow. Hanoi is silent and Peiping has al-
ready summarily rejected the Johnson pro-
posals. In Moscow the published account
of the speech glaringly omitted the offer of
unconditional negotiation. The United
States has won a moral battle-mainly with
itself-but the war continues,
The Vietnamese conflict is complex and
deeply rooted. Vast forces are in motion and
there are wheels within wheels-the confron-
Eativu of Communist China and the United
States, the quarrel between China and the
Soviet Union, the -struggle between North
and South Vietnam and between the Viet-
cong and Saigon.
Not the least of the elements is what
the United States does, as well as what
President Johnson says. Mr. Johnson, for
instance, said: "We will try to keep the
Conflict from spreading." This has been said
becfore in the much discredited and often
repeated phrase that "we seek no wider
war." But then it was accompanied by an
obvious widening of the war in territory and
intensity. The dangers inherent in escalat-
ing solely the military and not the political
offensive was responsible to a large degree
for the mounting opposition to administra-
tion policy in the United States and among
our allies.
So long as the objective was to force Hanoi
to give in and openly accept defeat before
any discussions could take place, the policy
was proving futile as well as dangerous.
There was no mention of this demand in
Mr. Johnson's address Wednesday; and it
seems clear that this aspect of American
policy has been dropped. Neither side will
accept total defeat and neither side can hope
for total victory. The President now wisely
repeats-but with new meaning-"we will
use our power with restraint."
Eloquent passages of the speech were de-
voted to the theme that independence and
human diginty will never be won "by arms
alone." This, is what the Times, among
others, has long argued. What was needed
was an offer of unconditional discussion
from a basis of strength, together with a
positive, concrete, and large-scale program of.
economic aid for the entire region. This
is now being done.
Merely- negative responses from the Com-
munists-should Hanoi and Moscow follow
Peiping's lead-will only make crystal clear
where the responsibility lies for pushing
southeast Asia and all the world to the
brink of the abyss.
Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, to-
day the al more Sun devotes its second
lead editorial to President Johnson's
speech at John Hopkins University.
In today's editorial, the Sun rebukes
those who have unjustly criticized the
President's imaginative proposal.
The President's position, as the Sun's
editorial clearly points out, is steadfast
and reasonable. The President seized
the initiative by making an offer to nego-
tiate unconditionally at the same time
that we continue to respond to military
aggression from North Vietnam.
This position, coupled with the offer
to assist in the economic development of
the Mekong River Valley, is an excellent
one, and deserves the support of all
Americans.
I ask unanimous consentthat this fine
editorial be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows :
THE REACTION
Senator DiRKSEN, in runaway rhetoric,
asks If this is "another case where American
trumpets sound retreat." Representative
FORD wants to know if President Johnson
thinks ee can buy "peace, friendship, se-
curity, and solid international relationships"
with dollars. Abroad, adverse reaction to
the President's speech ranges from sug-
gestions in Saigon that its purpose was to
'placate those, in the United States and out-
side, who have been urging peace negotia-
tions to the expected Moscow charge that
Mr. Johnson was trying to divert attention
-from American aggression in Vietnam.
While the last of these requires no answer,
the others invite correction, misreading as
Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160002-0