CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7
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• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 24
• Publication Date: April 15, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
ger lies in the imports of. foreign produce
mainly from South America and Mexico.
So having agreed to this principle, that it
is most desirable to raise the wages of all
Americans to a decent level, California agri-
culture suggests that the U.S. Gov-
ernment look into its sordid record in the
pay of its servicemen. It pays an ensign at
sea less than a baby sitter. A Navy lieuten-
ant makes less in 60 hours a week than a
New York City policeman or fireman makes
in 40 hours. A Navy petty officer on a Po-
laris submarine earns less, per month than
a man on the public uneployment rolls in
New York State. A recruit in the Army
earns $78.00 per month which figures out to
the princely sum of 441/2 cents per hour for a
44-hour week.
Five thousand families of Air Force per-
sonnel are forced to accept relief checks, and
55,000 more are technically eligible for relief
but are too proud to accept it. One hun-
dred sixty-nine thousand Air Force person-
nel receive basic pay below the poverty
standard set by President Johnson. An un-
derprivileged school dropout will receive
$105 a month in a Job Corps camp, but a
skilled seaman with 2 years naval service
receives only $99.
Having accepted this principle of decent
wages for all, how can our Government re-
main silent on the question of better pay
for our servicemen? Or is it that taxes
would have to be increased, and increased
taxes is not politically popular? As men-
tioried above, agriculture can find no quar-
rel with the principle of decent wages for
all.
The Secretary of Labor has also told agri-
culture that if it paid decent wages, they
would not have the turnover problem and
that workers would be more willing to stay.
For the Secretary's information, the military
has been complaining about this very same
problem, and I would suggest that he con-
tact the military and advise them of his so-
lution to the problem.
California agriculture cannot pay $1.40 per
hour when Texas and Florida are at 90 cents
or less. We would be most happy to pay in-
dustrial. wages as long as our competing
States pay the same. It is they with whom
we 'must compete.
With respect to service pay, with whom
does Uncle Sam compete that it can't pay
Our boys a decent wage?
Sincerely yours,
STEPHEN D'ARRIGO, Jr.
How Niles, Ill., Earned Its New Title of
All America City
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD RUMSFELD
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, every
year the National Municipal League and
Look magazine honor 11 communities
whose citizens have put forth extraor-
dinary effort to solve their problems,
designating. each as an All America City.
It is .a distinct pleasure to me and, I am
sure, to all residents of the State of Illi-
nois, to learn that the village of Niles,
located in the 13th Congressional Dis-
trict which I have the honor of repre-
senting in the Congress of the United
States, has been selected as one of the 11
outstanding communities in the Nation
in 1964. I extend my congratulations to
the citizens of Niles and to their civic
and business leaders on their public
spirit and interest which has brought
them this well-deserved recognition.
The towns selected for this coveted
honor may win because their citizens
survived a natural disaster, ousted a cor-
rupt government, improved economic
conditions, or undertook to solve other
problems that beset American communi-
ties at some time during their history.
The outstanding effort of the citizens of
Niles, Ill., in meeting their problem of
rapid growth during the period from
1950 to 1964 and in replacing their local
government officials who did little or
nothing to provide the necessary com-
munity services to keep pace with this
growth brought the distinguished award
of All America City.
How the village of Niles earned this
distinction is described in the following
article by Richard Hoffman, writing in
the Chicago's American:
How NILES, ILL., EARNED ITS NEW TITLE OF
ALL AME$ICA CITY
(By Richard Hoffmann)
How does a community become an All
America City?
First, you throw the rascals out, especially
if they're part of a political machine in power
for 20 years.
Then you inject helpings of spirit, pride,
youth, dedication, integrity, and efficiency,
all of which mobilize the community in the
pursuit of higher accomplishments.
This, at least, is the formula for success
described by officials in the northwest sub-
urb of Niles, one of 11 communities just
honored by Look magazine and the National
Municipal League as an All America City.
Mayor Nicholas Blase, 36, whose New Era
party swept to victory in the 1961 elections,
feels the crackdown on gambling which had
flourished on. an unincorporated strip of
Milwaukee avenue between Niles and Chi-
cago gave the people confidence in his ad-
ministration.
"Everything seemed to spring from that,"
he said, "and other new projects that fol-
lowed enjoyed public support."
Blase and Police Chief Clarence "Whitey"
Emrikson were both subjected to telephone
threats for their campaign against the strip,
whose gaudy establishments were finally
shuttered when Chicago annexed the area.
Emrikson, also 36, said through 1961 and
1962 he was harassed by anonymous callers
who would utter such threats as, "Leave the
pinballs alone or your kids will never reach
school tomorrow."
"This will be a constant problem," Emrik-
son says. "There are still people who want
the pinballs and the jar games back."
Emrikson is the type of police chief who
turns down annual gifts of liquor with a
polite but firm "no," associates say.
Although to the passerby there is nothing
to distinguish Niles from any of the other
towns which border commercial strips like
Milwaukee Avenue, the community is really
in full throttle now.
Citizens for Better Parks pushed through
a $705,000 bond issue in 1962 which resulted
in two park sites and a new community cen-
ter and swimming pool.
A $575,000 library will open soon because
of the efforts of the Women's Club of Niles,
which started a part-time, volunteer book
lending program.
A new $198,000 village hall will be dedi-
cated Sunday; a second $375,000 fire station
opened in 1982; an $825,000 reservoir opened
2 years ago to increase water capacity by
3 million gallons.
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A $3,840,000 "leaning tower" YMCA is un-
der construction next to a replica of the
famed tower in Pisa, Italy.
The Tower was originally constructed in
1932 by Robert A. Ilg, inventor and electrical
manufacturer, to store water for his private
park and swimming.pools, which he later
donated to the YMCA:
Niles also has changed because of the dedi-
cation of men like Trustee Robert Wente. He
jumped into the swollen waters of the Chi-
cago River to pull out old bikes and bed
springs to speed the river's flow when base-
ments began flooding.
Mrs. Margaret B. Lieske, village clerk, said
when she took office she had to sort out 20
years of records filed in cartons.
While Niles has been able to build, it has
also cut taxes from 0.370 cents per $100 as-
sessed valuation to 0.362.
Village Manager James F. Pryde says one
of the reasons is top personnel.
Blase says the big problem now will be to
live up to the All America image.
With village elections coming up April 20,
Blase's party has also changed its image. It's
now called the Forward Era Party.
The 75th Anniversary of the Inter.
American System
SPEECH
HON. EDNA F. KELLY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
-Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, April 14,
1965, marked the 75th anniversary of for-
mal regional cooperation in the Amer-
icas, but the interest of the United States
in creating an inter-American system
dates far earlier than 1890. In fact,
from the very beginnings of our Republic,
leading political figures urged hemi-
spheric cooperation to preserve the
independence of the New World from
European domination and to resolve
beacefully tensions among the American
nations.
The desire among North Americans
and Latin Americans alike for hemi-
spheric cooperation finally came to frui-
tion at the end of-the 19th century. In
1889 and 1890 the First International
Conference of American States met in
Washington. From this conference
emerged the first hemispheric machinery
for peaceful arbitration of disputes and
the first permanent inter-American
agency, the Commercial Bureau of the
American Republics, later renamed the
Pan American Union.
Cooperative efforts in the Americas
slowly and gradually grew until the Sec-
ond World War tested hemispheric
solidarity: all the American nations
joined forces against the Axis powers.
The basis had been laid; solidarity had
been tested and proven. In a sense the
war was a watershed in inter-American
relations, for it sparked intensified
efforts' at cooperation.
Thus, in the years since World War II
inter-American cooperation has been
consolidated and inter-American insti-
tutions have proliferated into our pres-
ent-day inter-American system. The,
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CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD -APPENDIX April 15, 1965
Rio Treaty of 1947 formalized our
hemispheric defense structure. The
Bogota Charter of 1948 creating the Or-
ganization of American States organized
the hemisphere Into an actively func-
tioning regional political system.
In the years since World War II the
inter-American system has developed
into a dynamic instrument of hemi-
sphere solidarity, successfully preserving
the collective security of the hemisphere
against the No. 1 danger today:
Communist aggression. Recently the
American nations have turned more and
more to a set of problems virtually ne-
glected in the early years of inter-Ameri-
can cooperation: the pressing economic
and social problems of the hemisphere.
The Inter-American Development Bank
and the Punta del Este Charter are cor-
nerstones of a vast cooperative effort to
improve living conditions throughout the
hemisphere.
The first 75 years of the inter-Ameri-
can system have witnessed a remarkable
growth in solidarity, particularly during
the last 20. The focus of cooperation
has changed with the times: from collec-
tive defense against European domina-
tion to collective defense against Com-
munist aggression. Political coopera-
tion has expanded into economic and
social cooperation. But the goals have
not changed: a better life in freedom for
everyone throughout the hemisphere.
May the next 75 years bear witness to
even greater progress through hemi-
sphere cooperation.
Only Man Who Can Arrest a President
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MORRIS K. UDALL
OF ARIZONA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15,. 1965
no task too large or too small for them to
tackle and follow through to a successful
conclusion.
The U.S. Senate is blessed with one of these
rare individuals in the person of their
Sergeant at Arms, Joseph C. Duke, of Ari-
zona. Vice President HuBERT HUMPHREY
calls him the Houdini of Washington be-
cause he can produce the almost Impossible
on short notice.
He is affectionately called "Joe" by all of
the U.S. Senators, his friends, and six Presi-
dents dating from Herbert Hoover through
President Lyndon B. Johnson. He proudly
wears a wrist watch engraved L.B.J., which
the President took off his own wrist and pre-
sented to Joe in appreciation of their long
and pleasant friendship.
Joe's career started in Phoenix where he
attended PUNS and was active in the Young
Democrats of Arizona. He was extremely
bright and was offered a job as teller with
the Gila Valley Bank in Globe, this bank was
the grandpa of the present Valley National
Bank of Arizona). He accepted the job and
was doing quite well when he had a better
offer from Tom O'Brien of the mine. He
accepted this offer and did well.
At this time, in 1930, the depression had
hit and everyone was trying to cut expenses,
even Joe. A good friend asked him if he
would join the volunteer fire department in
Miami where he could get his room free by
sleeping upstairs over the firehouse. He
made his application to join and was ac-
cepted. He moved in but spent most of
his spare time at the police station next door
just visiting and learning the ropes.
One night one of the officers was killed.
This left an opening which was offered to
Joe. The police job paid $188 per month
and he could still live in the fire house.
It was considerably more than he could
make at the mine so he accepted the new
challenge. He might still be an officer or
possibly chief of the Miami Police Depart-
ment if he hadn't tried to keep peace and
order among a bunch of drunk Mexicans. In
trying to do his duty, he was shot through
the stomach. Dr. Nelson Brayton arrived
just in time, and Joe gives the doctor full
credit for saving his life.
While convalescing, he wrote his good
friend, Senator Henry Ashurst"'in Washing-
ton, making an application for a more peace-
ful job on the Senator's staff. The Senator
had just lost one of his most valued assist-
ants by death and this left the perfect open-
ing for Joe. He arrived in Washington in
1931 and worked as clerk and administrative
assistant to Ashurst as long as he was in
office.
He then moved over to Senator CARL HAY-
DEN's office, and later to become the Senate's
bill clerk, a job so important that the Re-
publican Senators requested that he stay on
the job even through the 80th Congress
which was Republican controlled.
Joe decided that he would like to be
Sergeant at Arms of the U.S. Senate when
the Democrats gained control with Harry
Truman in 1949. He started lining up his
votes among the Senators, but it was nec-
essary that he be nominated by his own Sen-
ators, .CARL HAYDEN and Ernest McFarland.
CARr, didn't want to. lose Joe, consented if
McFarland would nominate him.
Mac made a slip of the tongue and nomi-
nated Joe Doaks. He was elected January
3, 1949, and served until the Republicans took
over under Eisenhower. He was out 2 years,
but was reelected January 5, 1955, and is still
there.
His job gives him control of 14 depart-
ments and 900 people. He is the only man
in the world who has the power to arrest a
President, and this must be done on instruc-
tions from the U.S. Senate.
Watch your TV screen, the next time you
see the President going in or coming out of
a joint session of Congress, the dapper,
youngish-looking man with horn-rimmed
glasses immediately in front of the President
is our Joe who has done so much for Arizona
and the c untry as a whole.
President Johnson Looks Beyond the
War
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, President
Johnson's speech on Vietnam last week
clearly pointed out the divergent aims of
the United States and Communist China
in regard to southeast Asia.
President Johnson forcefully stated
this country's commitment to peaceful
change and economic progress. On the
other hand, Communist China has given
no indication that It is willing to aban-
don its policy of aggression In southeast
Asia. The President's offer of extensive
development aid for Asia stands in
marked contrast to China's continuing
role of encouraging and supporting in-
surgency wars in southeast Asia.
A column by Max Freedman, in the
Chicago Daily News of April 10, elo-
quently emphasizes this long-range com-
mitment of the United States. I have
unanimous consent to place Mr. Freed-
man's article in the RECORD:
JOHNSON LOOKS BEYOND THE WAR
(By Max Freedman)
WASHINGTON.--President Johnson, in his
address at Johns Hopkins University, has
done much more than open up a new and
constructive phase to American policy in
Vietnam. He also has proclaimed an Ameri-
can commitment to resist Chinese expansion
anywhere in southeast Asia.
Until now, for what has appeared to be
weighty and sufficient reasons, the adminis-
tration, from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Mr.
Johnson, has steadily identified North Viet-
nam as the aggressor, as she certainly is and
as this administration would never deny.
China's appetite for aggression, however, has
been given far less emphasis.
This technique died at Johns Hopkins.
After weighing all the risks, the President
decided to look beyond the war in Vietnam
and to concentrate attention on China's
threat to southeast Asia.
In this wider context he gave a pledge, an
unlimited and unconditional pledge, to resist
Chinese military aggression, alone if neces-
sary, and as long as may be necessary.
Any country in southeast Asia attacked
by China's power, either directly or through
puppets and guerrillas, and willing to fight
for its freedom and independence, can be as-
sured that American help will be offered
in response to an appeal for assistance.
That is the stark and far-reaching implica-
tion of the principles asserted in the Presi-
dent's address. Washington is ranged di-
rectly against Peiping in a more blunt and
deliberate manner than many of us would
have believed possible before Johns Hopkins.
This firm stand has been taken by the
administration, after long and careful delib-
eration, because it has decided that China
can be deterred from a continued career of
aggression only if she realizes that she must
overcome prompt and massive resistance by
the United States.
Perhaps this warning will fail. In a situa-
tion overflowing with uncertainties, it is
Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, those of us
who represent the State of Arizona are
proud that one of our citizens has risen
to the position of Sergeant at Arms of
the U.S., Senate. Of course, I am speak-
Ing of Joseph C. Duke, of Miami, Ariz.,
who has served the Senate in his present
capacity for the past 16 years.
Recently the Buckeye Valley Journal
Post, of Buckeye, Ariz., published an arti-
cle by Columnist Ralph Watkins review-
ing Mr, Duke's career and praising him
for his accomplishments. In the article
Mr. Watkins pointed out that the posi-
tion ofSergeant at Arms is the only office
In the world given power to arrest the
President of the United States-that is,
on instructions of the U.S. Senate. I
might say that I do not expect my fellow
Arizonan to exercise this power, at least
during the present administration.
Mr. Speaker, without objection, I in-
sert the article referred to at this point in
the Appendix:
IF5rom the Buckeye Valley Journal Post, Apr.
1, 19651
POLITICAL SCENE:
(By Ralph Watkins)
In politics, there are a few public servants
who are known as can do people. There Is
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A1881
quite possible that China will ignore the adventurous Florentine navigator sailed "We must deal with the world as it is, Mr.
warning or will be provoked by it. his ship into New York Harbor and sent Johnson said. "The first reality is that North
now stands on less solid ground. Vietnam has attacked the independent na-
But China a small boat through the Narrows to ex- tion of South Vietnam. Its object is total
Her rulers know that the United States will today Upper New York
forbid easy military conquests, and the plore what we call conquest * * * To abandon this small and
threatened nations of Asia, no longer de- Bay. The name of the navigator was brave nation to its enemy-and to the ter-
fenseless and alone, can have new confidence Giovanni Verrazano. ror that must follow-would be an unfor-
in resisting the encroachments of commu- Long before the voyages of Raleigh, givable wrong."
nism. Hudson, and the Pilgrims, Verrazano and It was on this note that Lyndon Johnson
These must be considered two securities his intrepid companions came to the rose to the pinnacle. His policy is based on
for peace, even though they will be brushed shores of North America, explored these what is right rather than on what is ex-
asIde and will count for nothing if Peking pedient. His firm voice of compassion for
is blind to reason and is covetous of con- shores, and reported their findings to the victims of Communist terror in South
quest and aggression. Then a time of sor- Europe. For centuries, Americans re- Vietnam comes as a refreshing breath of hope
row and upheaval will truly face mankind. mained ignorant of this exploit. The in a world where many people and many
Meanwhile, beginning with Vietnam, the name they gave to their continent evoked co ntrier side all too willing to passssedbyandon
pprpr
President has given fresh hope and oppor- the voyages of Amerigo Vespucci. They tthe he tormented to and leave the their horrible fate.
tunity to all of southeast Asia. set aside a day to commemorate the dis- President Johnson emphasized that "we
The rulers of North Vietnam have a clear coveries of Christopher Columbus. But
or under
choice, they can wreck their country in a neither of these great explorers-who the will not cloak of a withdraw, meaningless either agreemopenlyent."
suicidal contest with American power; and en lnreely to the renown of mhi- R,s n. wen-deserved rebuke of those
China and Russia will then find it much
easier to degrade North Vietnam into a Italian navigation-Came to the shores of
pathetic puppet than to respect its status what today is the northeastern coast of
as an independent country. the United States. It is to Verrazano
That is one choice-ruin, devastation, the that credit belongs for first exploring this
loss of effective independence. It is the fate coast.
that awaits North Vietnam while she follows Belatedly, Americans have come to,
the present course. recognize the achievements of Verrazano."
But President. Johnson gave North Viet- In 1909, a statue of Verrazano was un-
tinned nam by another reason, choice. by justice, It is a and choice by sanc- gen- veiled in Battery Park in New York City.
erosity. In 1964, a suspension bridge across the
North Vietnam cannot only join with other Narrows of New York Harbor was com-
nations in conditions of equality to obtain a pleted, bearing appropriately the name of
fair and honorable and guaranteed settle- Verrazano. It is my hope that one day
1 b fit fro the economic ' t d 1Oth
ene m
t
who clamor for negotiations on any terms.
What they really are seeking is a way to
surrender.
If Hanoi is ready to talk peace, it has an
open invitation. America's terms, as stipu-
lated by Mr. Johnson are eminently fair
and clear: "An independent South Viet-
nam, securely guaranteed and able to shape
its own relationships to all others."
Whether the Communists will consider
these terms acceptable is another matter. It
takes two to negotiate.
, s e can a so
mea
all our citizens will be acqualn a w
and social aid that can quicken southeast the exploits of Verrazano, and that his Senator Dodd's Leadership
Asia with progress I,n many fields now, beyond name will be set alongside those of Co-
its reach.
The President wants the United States to lumbus and Vespucci when the glorious
make an initial contribution of $1 billion to history of Italian navigation is evoked.
that international program in which the
United Nations will exercise an Important
Influence.
While China threatens . aggression, this
country offers massive help. The contrast
will be visibly clear to every government and
people in Asia.
Let us note that the President invited Rus-
With Courage and Reason
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
sia, and other industrialized nations, to unite
in making the international program a great HON. WILLIAM J. GREEN
success.
He was silent about China. That too will
be remembered and appreciated by Asia's
rulers. For China will be welcomed in this
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
international project when she reno'unces' Mr. GREEN of Pennsylvania. Mr.
aggression and abides by the commitments Speaker, under leave to extend my re-
choice of a for good Peiping nto neighbor. make. Once again that is a marks in the RECORD, I wish to include
The President at Johns Hopkins held out the following editorial which appeared in
before the independent nations of southeast the Philadelphia Inquirer on Friday
Asia the chance, with international aid, to morning, April 9, 1965.
root out the'grievances and injustice that The editorial follows:
give Communist guerrillas their sinister op- WITH COURAGE AND REASON
portunity.
He also should take the lead now In build- President Johnson's address at Johns Hop-
kins University-directed to America and the
lug a stronger system
world, replace the discredited SEATO alliance. , to our friends and our enemies-
was a masterful presentation of U.S. policy
Choosing his time well and his words with in southeast Asia.
wisdom, President Johnson has given North It is a policy that calls for continuing cour-
Vietnam a chace to end the war and South-
'n age in the defense of a far-off land against
east Asiaa chance to enter a new age of the. aggression of a brutal invader. It is a supr
the hope. It will be a eme is not amply ful- - policy that summons the forces of reason in
promise of Johns Hopkins is y quest of peace even though the foe is no-
fllled. toriously unreasonable and seemingly com-
mitted to the path of war.
The President balanced a strong pledge to
Verrazano Day 1965 defend freedom in South Vietnam with an
equally strong promise to seek a fair peace
'SIGN' OF REMARKS through "unconditional discussions." He
ETA' = capped it all with a billion-dollar offer of
of
k = i economic development aid to southeast Asia
HON. EDNA F. KELLY that ought to serve as a per'suasive induce-
ment to end the war and reap the harvest
Og NEW YORK of peaceful progress.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES While there were overtones of idealism in
Thursday, April 15, 1965 his speech the President also faced the hard
r - - truths and, the harsh realities-something
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, on or that many of'h`i's' critics have been too timid
about April 17, 1524, 441 years ago, an to do.
SPEECH
HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 10, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 2) to protect the
public health and safety by amending the
Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to
establish special controls for depressant and
stimulant drugs, and for other purposes.
Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Chairman, I am a
strong supporter of the pending drug bill,
H.R. 2, and am very anxious to compli-
ment and congratulate the distinguished
committee for its fine work in bringing
this very desirable, constructive legisla-
tion to the floor of the House for appro-
priate action.
I am also very anxious to compliment
and congratulate the very distinguished
Senator from Connecticut, our former
great and esteemed colleague, the Hon-
orable THOMAS J. DODD, for his tremen-
dous contributions in so ably developing
and pressing for this necessary, vital leg-
islation.
Many of us here know of the long-
sustained interest and effective work of
Senator DODD in this field, and those of
us who know him well and served with
him here in this great body well under-
stand his very high purpose and the
dynamic impact of his great ability,
patriotism, and spirit of dedication upon
many of the great issues confronting the
Congress.
The country and his great State, and
its wonderful people, are fortunate in-
deed to have such a wise, inspired, saga-
cious leader representing them in the
other body, and I believe that this drug
bill, which is to a great extent the product
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`A1888 CONGRESSIONAL. RECS.-~ APPENDIX April 15, 1965
of Tom DODD's deep concern, will do much approval and applause for a Job well
to
ll
i
t
f
a
ev
a
e some o
the shocking con- done.
ditions currently extant in the Nation, Mr. Speaker, the article follows:
i
in
s
e
ra
g
s
p
culation and doubt regarding
the future health, strength, stability, and
soundness of some of our youth and our
people.
I am very proud that I serve in this
[From the Chicago (Ill.) Daily News, Apr. 10,
19651
SCHOOL BILL BIG GREAT SOCIETY VICTORY
(By James McCartney)
great Congress with a brilliant, far- WASHINGTON -We're off on the road to that
sighted, courageous leader like Senator Great Society.
TOM DODD, and that I can call him my dented Suddenly,
victories, NOPres dentg Jand ohnson r has
dear, admired friend. taken giant strides toward achievement of
School Bill Big Great Society Victory
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
his major legislative goals.
Friday night his education bill-after
nearly 20 years of frustrating and often
angry debate on similar measures-went
rocketing through the Senate. The vote was
72 to 18.
Whether it was President Johnson's seem-
ingly limitless powers of persuasion, or a
slow process of educational conversation that
changed his views this year, the public at
present does not know.
He modified his views to the extent that
he became willing to accept a social security-
style system of prepayment. Then he hur-
ried hearings through his committee.
A final touch in the legislation was to add
a package of voluntary provisions which the
aged may sign up for if they wish.
The final package includes, essentially, a
hospital care plan under a social security
style system of prepayment, plus a voluntary
health insurance system to cover doctor bills.
It was only Thursday that the President's Report to Kansas on H.R. 6675
health-care-for-the-aged bill passed over its
gnat, too, was an impressive achievement.
The education bill now requires only a
Presidential signature to become a reality
HON. JOE SKUBITZ
Monday, April 5,, 1965 The health care bill, which is just about
as revolutionary, is not expected to encounter
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, now serious trouble in the Senate.
that the education bill has become the The President was so confident concern-
working law of the land, it is gratifying ing the prospects for the education bill that
to know how greatly our Nation will be he left town before the final vote.
altered in the years to come because of He did not think it was necessary to stay
its enactment. handy to the telephone to apply his velvety
Those of us who worked for final_ technique at persuasion in case it should be
sage of the bill can take particular pride close
he President has done more than simply
in having preserved its main strength- show that he can accomplish legislative feats
direct aid to students. that previously have seemed impossible.
The future of America is limited only He goes one better than that.
by the economic and mental future of He makes it look easy.
her citizens. Tomorrow's problems will Republicans aren't quite sure how to react.
not be solved by reliance on old for- They seem, at times, simply stunned.
mules, old theories, old conceptions of It can't be said that the President is totally
ill onsible for the success of the education
poverty, deprivation and limited abili- bres
ties. Americans today must do more Surely, it is his bill, but there is no evi-
than take their place among the people dence that it was Lyndon Johnson who came
of the world who have learned the rudi- up with the brilliant concept-at least from
ments of reading and writing. the legislative point of view-that made it
President Johnson sees 190 million possible to pass the bill in Congress.
Americans as individuals, with indi- This is the concept, essentially, that the
Aidual capacities for major part of the money in the bill.-$1 bil-hel of the poor,
. He has the need for fa - etaching pro- regardless of whet ertheyilattend public or
grams to help those individuals who, private schools.
through lack of education and training, In terms of historic perspective, the pass-
cannot help themselves. The Presi- age of the bill is simply a marvel.
dent's devotion to this concept of the The first serious effort to pass a general
worth of every individual reinforces our education bill after World War II was made
in 1948. By 1950 the discussion degenerated
ability to see that each of us participates into a' bitter and acrimonious fight over
directly in the wealth and progress of church-state relationships.
our country. Over the years bills foundered in every
The enormous wealth of achievement imaginable way. They were tied up in com-
whieh will be realized as a direct result mittees, boxed in by powerful congressional
of this historic education bill can be felt committee chairmen, sometimes passed in
one House of Congress and stopped in the
in classrooms and communities all over other.
America. But once the magic concept came from
The President has called on us to lend the White House this year, on January 12,
our skills to insuring the freedom of the atmosphere was different.
opportunity to every man, woman and A successful solution had been found
child in the 50 States. Now, in fact and to the church-state controversy. Groups
which had in our lifetime, we can Provide direct pevioushearings iy wereo suddone in
enlynnodding
assistance to those millions less fortu- and smiling.
nate to develop their abilities for the Even Republicans who are famous for
enrichment of all. The wonder is why their conservatism found themselves unable
we waited so long to turn our attention to stand in the way of the bill's passage,
to this great cause. Some finally helped boost it along its way.
- Following is an article written by Mr. Others voted for its passage.
the Chicago Daily News recently about
the education bill and the hope it has
stirred in communities across the length
and breadth of the land. I bring it to
the attention of my colleagues today so
that they may share its reaction of
OF KANSAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 8, 1965
Mr. SKUBITZ. Mr. Speaker, under
unanimous consent, I include in the Ap-,
pendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD my'
report to the people of Kansas on H.R.,
6675:
REPORT TO KANSAS
The House of Representatives, on April 8,
passed the administration's hospital and
medical services bill. Although President
Johnson has recommended that Congress en-
act a limited hospital care program-the
Ways and Means Committee, apparently with
the President's blessing came forth with one
of the most far-reaching medicare programs
ever to reach the floor of the House.
Let's not kid ourselves. When this bill be-
comes law, the soundness of the social secu-
rity pension program will be in real jeopardy.
It has always been my feeling that we have
a responsibility to provide hospital and
medical care for all our people, young, and
old, who are in need of such assistance. We
have a responsibility to assist our senior
citizens who are able to care for their ordi-
nary expenses of living, but who live in con-
stant fear of a major illness, which might
wipe out their savings, and force them to
become public charges-and such assistance
should be given without- embarrassment or
humiliation to those who need help.
Hence, the real issue before the Congress
during the debate on H.R. 6675, insofar as I
was concerned, was not whether we should
provide assistance but how we should provide
assistance.
The administration bill was brought to the
floor under a closed rule which permitted
10 hours of discussion but denied to House
Members the right to offer amendments, to
remove objectional provisos, clarify ambigui-
ties or improve it. Hence, a Member was
required to vote "yes" or "no" on the whole
package. With a single exception, the mi-
nority was permitted to offer one amendment
in the form of a motion to recommit. Under
these circumstances, the minority offered the
Byrnes bill as an alternative proposal.
The administration program and the
Byrnes alternative both included the pro-
visions of H.R. 11865 which passed the House
last year (and I supported it) providing for
(a) an increase in social security benefits, (b)
care bill is nearly as dramatic, although it lowered the retirement age to 60 years for
tends to be more the story of a single man, widows, (c) provided social security benefits
That man is Representative Wn sus MILLS, for those over 72 years of age, and (d)
Democrat, of Arkansas, chairman of the to continued years benefits
age if in dependent
school. Bch-
powerful House Ways and Means Committee. vided for a voluntary y insurance program Both bills bills pro
For years he stood as an opponent of health medical (physicians) dare. Both bills pro-
care for the aged under social security. vided for hospital care. In fact, the Byrnes
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April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
proposal was far more liberal since it pro-
vided for catastrophic illnesses and medic-
inals-these were not included in the ad-
ministration's bill H.R. 6675.
The major difference in the two programs,
was not so niuch in the benefits provided, but
in the method of financing. The adminis-
tration bill provided that hospital care for
those over 65 should be paid through an ad-
ditional payroll tax attached to social se-
curity by those who now pay social security
but who would not be entitled to any bene-
fits until they reach 65. The Byrnes proposal
which I supported provided that those over
65 should pay one-third of the hospital and
medical care insurance premium (average
$6.50 per month) and the Government would
pay two-thirds of the cost out of the general
fund of the Treasury. It was the same pro-
gram provided by the Government today for
Members of Congress and Federal employees.
It was agreed by some that if we could give
aid to the nations all over the world, if we
could pay benefits to labor, industry, and
agriculture, if we could assist Federal em-
ployees, then we could subsidize the medical
needs of the aged to meet their medical costs.
The question has also been raised why should
a worker with two dependents and earning
$3,600 per year be required to pay an income
tax of $214 and also hospitalization costs for
a person'on retirement who has an income
of $3,600, pays no income tax and contributes
nothing toward the hospital care program.
I supported the Byrnes proposal. I could
not in good conscience support the admin-
istration proposal which in my opinion un-
dermines the whole social security structure
and places unnecessary additional burden
on those who now pay social security.
WHAT'S WRONG WITH HOSPITAL CARE UNDER
SOCIAL SECURITY?
Most of us have always considered social
security as a program under which we would
receive a pension at age 65-which combined
with our life savings-would make it pos-
sible for us to maintain a decent standard
of living during our years of retirement.
When the program was first enacted In 1937,
it held out much promise. But since then
what has happened to social security?
Through the years we have so expanded and
enlarged upon the original intent that, like
Government bonds, it is rapidly losing its
attractiveness. We now have on the books
commitments to pay out approximately $625
billion to those on retirement or covered by
social security. We have in assets around
$305 billion. If all payments into the fund
were to stop-we would be $300 billion short
to meet present commitments.
Instead of building up reserves, as private
pension programs do, we have actually been
paying out approximately as much as we
have been taking in. We have continued not
only to increase the social security rate, but
also the earnings base upon which the tax
is paid. In 1954, when disability payments
were added, we were told OASI trust funds
would climb to $28.5 billion by 1965-actually
the fund is now estimated at around $19
billion, $7.5 billion short. And now we are
enlarging the program by adding hospital
care, increasing cash benefits and reducing
the age requirements for widows.
Have pension payments kept pace with
the increased social security payments made
by the worker? The answer is "No." In 1939,
an employee who earned $550 per month
paid $30 per year into the Social Security
fund. He could look forward to receiving
$58 per month on retirement. Today an em-
ployee earning the same amount pays $174
into the social security fund and his maxi-
mum social security benefit is $127 per
ltonI. By 1973, an employee earning $550
per month will pay $358 annually into the
social security fund, and he will receive a
maximum pension check of $168. in other
words while the cost has gone up 480 per-
cent-the workers retirement check has in-
creased only 119 percent.
What is there about social security that
is attractive to the young man who is about
to enter the labor force for the first time?
One must remember that these are the
workers upon whom we must depend to pay
into the fund so that those over 65 may
secure these benefits. A young man, 21 years
of age, entering the labor force next year and
paying the full amount of social security
until 65, could have deposited the same
amount in a building and loan at 41/2 per-
cent, and he would accumulate by retirement
time an estimate of $42,000. If we add the
employer's share, it would be $84,000. His
retirement checks under social security would
total $2,004 per anum. If he invested $42,-
000 at 5 percent, he would earn $2,100 an-
nually and still leave an estate of $42,000 at
his death.
Can we keep expanding the social security
program by adding hospital care, medical
care, increasing benefits to those over 65,
and charge it to social security? Yes, if those
who pay into the fund are willing to stand
for an increase in the payroll tax and the
earning base upon which the tax is paid. It
should be remembered, however, that the
social security tax by 1971 will be as burden-
some as the income tax. For example, take
a man earning $5,000 per year with a wife
and two dependents-in 1971 his income tax
will be approximately $290 and his social
security tax will be $260. These, of course,
will be increased when demands are made
that Congress grant further increases in so-
cial security benefits to meet living, costs,
and as hospital and medical services increase
in cost.
A hospital care program for those over 65
financed by a payroll tax attached to social
security not only does serious damage to the
social security pension program, but it also
inflicts the most unfair tax in our whole
taxing system. The president of the cor-
poration pays on the same basis as the plant
janitor.
In closing may I repeat what I said in the
beginning-I believe in providing hospital
care and medical care for those who are in
need. I want to help those who can care for
themselves, but live in constant dread that
one serious illness will place them on relief.
But I want to do it without wrecking the
social security pension system for those who
are between the age of 21 and 65 and are
required to foot the bill. I do not want to
kill the goose that lays the golden egg, That
is why I favored the financing provided by
the Byrnes alternative and opposed the ad-
ministration bill.
Pan American Day
SPEECH
OF
HON. JOHN BUCHANAN
. OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, I
want to join with other Members in ex-
pressing appreciation for the fine leader-
ship of my distinguished colleague, the
gentleman from Alabama [Mr. SELDEN],
as chairman of the Subcommittee on
Latin American Affairs of the Foreign
Affairs Committee. His fine work has
been a credit to our State and to our
country. Americans of every political
persuasion owe him a debt of gratitude
for his outstanding contribution in this
area of foreign affairs.
' 'A1889
James A. Farley: Truly a Pro's Pro
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH
or NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD, I include the following article
by Frank Conniff which appeared in the
New York Journal-American on April 5,
1965:
JAMES A. FARLEY: TRULY A PRO'S PRO
(By Frank Conniff)
One of the nicer tints brightening the
political spectrum during recent years is the
universal admiration and affection exhibited
toward James A. Farley, a pro's pro who has
been to the wars without losing his integrity
or his self-respect.
Although he scrupulously shuns donning
the toga of an elder statesman, audiences,
especially those of a Democratic Party tinge,
seem intent on communicating their vast
esteem for him at every opportunity. He Is
still much too vigorous to hold still for the
wise man role, but people seem dedicated to
placing him in a niche removed from the less
seemly facets of public life.
Largely by coincidence, this writer has
many times this winter been at affairs where
the introduction of Jim Farley brought a
heartfelt and spontaneous response, The
standing ovation bit is the most overdone
feature of the banquet circuit these nights
a claque of about three stands up and the
rest of the room is ashamed not to follow
suit-but in the case of Big Jim the roaring
tribute strikes one as emanating from a deep
desire to convey the audience's high regard
for the man.
There is something heartening about all
this: a feeling of events coming full circle
to honor the man for his many contributions
devoid of the sniping that marred the un-
happy years. Deep down, we suspect Jim
Farley believes he has never been given
proper credit for the role he played in help-
ing enact President Roosevelt's New Deal
into law.
Not too many years ago, critics dismissed
him as a "conservative." This was in the
days when one's attitude toward Soviet com-
munism determined your classification as a
"liberal" or a "conservative."
Those who viewed communism tolerantly
and believed the United States could ac-
commodate itself to all things Russian auto-
matically were designated as "liberals."
Others who, like Jim Farley, looked at Soviet
Russia witu suspicion, were branded "con-
servatives," although their support of liberal
welfare measures had been a long standing
commitment.
But that's raking over a long-gone ideo-
logical dispute which Josef Stalin settled by
his unabashed aggressions following World
War II. We would do well to bear the old
feud in mind, however, in the current Viet-
nam controversy. Those who believe the
United States has committed its honor to
the defense of South Vietnam are not neces-
sarily trigger-happy reactionaries; nor are
those who call for instant negotiations auto-
matically appeasers of aggressive commu-
nism.
We are not trying to adjust a halo on Big
Jim's shiny pate, because he operated ac-
cording to the rules of political warfare,
which can be pretty rugged at times. What
he has proven is that you can survive in this
rough game and still abide by the canons
of decency, respect for opponents and trust.
He managed to do it, and it's a shame not
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
enough of the new breed have pondered his
example.
Now he has come into the years of full
recognition and his story reads very pleas-
antly over the long haul. Prestige-wise, we
would say he is ranked only by President
Johnson and Harry S. Truman in the Demo-
cratic Party. Vice President HVMPHRE-r, Sen-
ator BOB KENNEDY, and Franklin D. Roose-
velt, Jr., to mention of a few of the later
generation, have years to go before the ac-
cumulate the record of public service, ad-
herence to ideals and party loyalty built
up by Jim for more than 40 years.
As we say, it's one of the nicer -things
we've seen recently, the spontaneous salute
of admiration and affection showered on
James A. Parley whenever people get the
chance demonstrate how they feel about
him.
Answer. No. There was no civil war in
Cuba. We sent missiles to Cuba at the re-
quest of Chairman Castro. We also removed
them and our men when it looked like they
could cause an all-out war. We are basically
a peaceful nation.
Question. There are signs that Russia is
going capitalist. Can you explain your latest
efforts to increase production by employing
standards long used in this (capitalist)
nation?
Answer. The Soviet Union will never go
capitalist. We have embarked on an incen-
tive program. This is not a profit motive,
just a means to increase our production. It
may interest you to know that our gross na-
tional product has increased 8 to 10 percent
while the United States can boast of only 4
or 5 percent.
Question. Can you explain the split be-
tween your country and Red China?
Answer. Our differences with the Republic
of China are purely ideological. (He never
used the word "Red" in describing a Commu-
nist nation; acting bullish, perhaps?) We
are not nearly as estranged as you are led to
believe. Furthermore, it's obvious that your
government and some of its western partners
don't see eye to eye on many matters either.
Question from this correspondent. What
about the controlled press in your country?
Is there anything like the type of newspapers
we represent--suburban weeklies, semi-
weeklies and small town dailies, who reflect
the attitudes of America's grass roots? We
can and frequently do criticize our govern-
ments and officials and show our editorial
independence to a remarkable degree.
Answer (Comrade Zimchuk bristled a
little. A slight tic on the left side of his
face began a more rapid action). Our press
is not controlled. Yes, we have papers like
yours in our communities, But they carry
mostly social news-something like a com-
pany house organ. Our major papers are
national ones. Remember, we do not have
private ownership of the press.
Question. Can your community papers
criticize?
Answer. Yes, if there's a-grievance toward
a factory superintendent, for example, a
letter to the editor will be accepted to be
printed.
Question. What was behind the ouster of
Khrushchev.
Answer. Chairman Khrushchev sent his
resignation to the Presidium, the same body
which elected him to his high office. (Be-
fore this response could draw a followup
query, the Counsul recognized another out-
stretched hand.)
Question. Do you expect that Russo-U.S.
tensions will ever cease?
Answer. Yes, but it's hard to predict when.
At the present time we are negotiating the
opening of legations in major cities of your
country. This may help you to understand
us better.
Question (this one on the lighter side).
Do you have anyone in Russia who com-
pares with James Bond?
Consul Zimchuk didn't appear to under-
stand the question. He exchanged a few
words in Russian with an aide and then
asked to have the query repeated.
His answer, We're somewhat old fashioned
in Russia, we still believe in Sherlock
Holmes, brought down the house.
The camaraderie was spreading. It was
easy to see that the Russians could parry
with-the best of them.
Question. If I went to Russia, my travel
would be restricted, why?
Answer. I don't know why, my own travel
here is plenty restricted.
Question. How did you react to the U.S.
orbit conquest of Grissom and Young?
Answer. It was a great achievement.
Question. Did you celebrate it in the
embassy?
April 15, 1965
Answer. No, we didn't even celebrate our
own triumph in space a week earlier.
The hour went by rapidly. Most of us
concluded that, these diplomats could not
be embarrassed. Their answers slick, yet
positive, didn't create fury-only sound, It
was the kind of afternoon we would enjoy
repeating. Even though the answers weren't
satisfying, the intellectual vying 1s good
mental therapy.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. FRANK E. EVANS
OF COLORADO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. EVANS of Colorado. Mr. Speak-
er, One of the major concerns of our
country today is our position and atti-
tude regarding the conflict in Vietnam.
I am therefore pleased to insert an edi-
torial from the Denver Post of April 8
on the President's position:
PRESIDENT EXPANDS CHANCES FOR PEACE
President Johnson took the firm, positive
course in his address to the Nation on Amer-
ican policy in southeast Asia. It was clearer
than any previous statement on that diffi-
cult and frustrating subject, and it held
more hope for decent, peaceful settlement in
South Vietnam.
The speech was obviously the product of
thorough analysis and painstaking prepara-
tion. It was not merely the response of a
sensitive political leader angry at his critics,
as some had suggested it might be, but ra-
ther a responsible, detailed policy statement,
framed for world consumption.
There was in It something for all interested
parties. There was, of course, repetition of
the administration's determination to con-
tinue in strong support of South Vietnam.
Military attacks against the North Vietnam-
ese will continue for now, he said, "because
they are a necessary part of the surest road
to peace."
The enemy and his allies, as well as those
at home who feared this determination
might falter at a critical juncture, will mark
this statement well.
But while saying that the United States
would not grow tired and withdraw "under
the cloak of a meaningless agreement," the
President announced his willingness to
enter "unconditional discussions" on a Viet-
nam settlement.
If this was not a radical departure from
previous statements in which he has said
that the government in Hanoi would have
to indicate readiness to cease aggression
against its neighbors before we would talk
about negotiations, at least it was a far more
direct expression of our willingness to seek
peace.
The President for the first time appeared
to be going at least half way in the quest
for peaceful settlement in Vietnam. His
statement was a major effort to gain the
diplomatic initiative in southeast Asia.
At the same time, it was clear that the other
half of the distance would have to be cov-
ered by Hanoi, or Peiping or Moscow, or by
all of them together.
But the willing hand he extended to friend
and foe on the subject of peace also held
the promise of dramatic and massive Ameri-
can aid.
He called for a large-scale cooperative ef-
fort "to improve the life of man" in con-
flict torn southeast Asia while pledging a
Conference at Soviet Embassy
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently Mr. I. E. "Pappy" Schechter, pub-
lisher and editor of the Park Forest
Reporter, Park Forest, Ill., attended the
National Editors Association Conference
held in Washington. As part of the pro-
gram, he and his fellow newsmen had an
opportunity for a press conference at the
Soviet Embassy.
It isn't very often that Communist
diplomats expose themselves to proper
scrutiny by the U.S. press. Mr. Schech-
ter's report of the interview is so fasci-
nating that I felt it deserved widespread
review.
I place it in the RECORD at this point:
"Nyet" may be the most popular Russian
word in the American lexicon, yet in all
candor we must admit that during our 1-
hour news conference at the Soviet Embassy
in Washington recently, Red diplomats were
affirmative, skillful at responses, suave in
their mannerisms. One couldn't help com-
ing away with a feeling that the confidence
they exuded regarding political and eco-
nomic matters was based on their true feel-
ings, not on a false sense of security.
The event was a first in Russo-American
relations. The 130 newsmen who attended
the 4th annual National Editorial Association
Government Relations Workshop were the
first news group of this size to be invited to
the Soviet Embassy to query their diplomats.
In the absence of Ambassador Dobrynin,
his chief aide, Consul Alexander Zimchuk,
undertook to. answer all queries. His com-
ments were firm and even though we sensed
the uselessness of pursuing inquiry, he could
hardly be classed as equivocal. Obviously,
he must have answered similar queries
before.
Here are some random questions and
answers :
Question. Why is your government Insist-
ing that the United States get out of South
Vietnam?
Answer. You are violating the treaty of
1955, when Indochina was partitioned. At
that time a free election was promised in the
nation. Only a dictatorship has existed
since then. The United States. has no right
to arm. South Vietnam and send its troops.
Question. Didn't you do the same thing in
Cuba?
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A1891
$1 billion assistance program. And, signifl- better life and enjoy the fruits of modern The Pittsburgh area has achieved an
cantly, he invited North Vietnam to "take science and invention. They would retain R. & I): balance in scientific disciplines, in-
its place
as peaceful the common 1 ffo prt just as soon their political indepeni'lence. dustrial fields, laboratory sizes, source of
possible." Mr. Johnson has reminded the people of support, and nature of research. It has the
He is soon going ahead to name a special North Vietnam as well as South Vietnam
team to inaugurate Q.S. participation in eco- that they have an alternative to war that
nomic aid programs in southeast Asia-with- would mean more than the end of blood-
out waiting for response from Hanoi. shed-it would mean a better life, better than
This is in the Johnson pattern: expand ever before.
the Great Society, as it were, into the most In offering unconditional discussions, the
trouble-stricken area of the world, and ask President lets it be known that discussions
the enemy to help you. can begin even while the fighting goes on.
It could, in the long run, work. The United States will not accept the Com-
Meanwhile, the speech from the campus in munist condition that the United States
Baltimore answered the President's doubters withdraw troops from Vietnam before any
and his critics about where the nation talks begin. On Wednesday, before Mr.
stands on the issue of South Vietnam. At Johnson talked, Soviet President Anastas I.
the same time it pledged American aid on Mikoyan repeated that the first step toward
an unprecedented scale while expanding on peace was withdrawal of U.S. troops. It may
American willingness "to bring about the be significant that yesterday he did not
bright and necessary d of peace." mention this in discussing Vietnam.
Perhaps Mr. Johnson might have made the
"unconditional discussion" speech a few
Johnson's "Idea War" Weapon
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL D. ROSTENKOWSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. ROSTENKOWSKI. Mr. Speaker,
under leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD, I Include the following editorial
which appeared in the Friday, April 9
issue of the Chicago Sun-Times:
JOHNSON,'S "IDEA WAR" WEAPON
President Johnson has cut through the
confusion of the Vietnamese war and made
a point that must be made clear to every
Communist in southeast Asia, whether he
be a guerrilla in the rain forest or a high
official in Hanoi. Continued warfare is futile
and senseless. Peace will bring a better life
for all. The choice is up to the Communists.
If they choose continued warfare, the United
States has a total commitment-"we will not
be defeated" Mr. Johnson Says.
The United States will stay in South Viet-
nam and continue to slug it out with the
Communists, if that's the way they want
it. But the United States also is willing
to engage in "unconditional discussions" to
stop the bloodshed and to help all of south-
east Asia to a better life.
The billion dollars the President says the
United States is willing to put into the back-
ward area for economic development was
quickly termed a carrot-part of the classic
carrot and stick approach. It also has been
labeled a bribe or an attempt to buy friends
with dollars, to get out of a sticky mess in
South Vietnam.
This is a superficial viewpoint. It ignores
fundamentals. Marshall plan aid could have
been described as a bribe, too. So can all
forms of foreign aid. But they also are
acknowledgments that it takes more than
firepower to fight the Communists.
The battle against communism is also a
fight against an idea. Ideas cannot be fought
with guns. They must be fought with other
ideas. Americans win this part of the battle
when they convince the people in under-
developed countries that capitalism and the
democratic way can do more for them than
communism.
President Johnson once again has put in
perspective both types of warfare against the
Communists.
Communism promises the people a better
i material life. But they would lose the right
to govern themselves.
The V;uited States and other free nations
stand ready to help poorer nations build a
weeks ago and if the Reds had agreed to talk,
have saved many lives. But a few weeks ago,
the United States would have made the offer
from a position of military weakness. To-
day, with the North Vietnamese taking pun-
ishment from the air and the battles in
South Vietnam going against them, the
United States makes its offer from a posture
of strength and has given convincing proof
that it "will not be defeated."
The Soviet Union still prates about the
"aggression" of "American imperialism"
against North Vietnam. But no reasonable
person anywhere could read Mr. Johnson's
speech and conclude- that America wants to
dominate the people of southeast Asia. It
wants to help them govern themselves.
Secretary General U Thant, of the United
Nations saw President Johnson's position as a
favorable response to the recent appeal of 17
nonalined countries to bring about a political
settlement of the Vietnam war, It was "posi-
tive, forward looking, and generous." This
seems to be the attitude of most non-Com-
munist countries.
Mr. Johnson has challenged not only the
Communists but the Cgmmunist system to
show whether they are sincere in their pro-
testations that they stand for peace and for
a better life for the common man. The
world awaits their answer.
The Pittsburgh Story
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 1, 1965
Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, I call
the attention of the House to another
chapter In the story of "Pittsburgh Re-
search: Key to Tomorrow," published by
the Regional, Industrial Development
Corp. of southwestern Pennsylvania.
This chapter is entitled "The Pittsburgh
Story," and I include it as part of my
remarks :
THE PITTSBURGH STORY
The Pittsburgh area has much to offer-
in scientific and technical talents, labora-
tory facilities, and research and development
effectiveness.
The contents of this brochure are con-
vincing evidence of the high level of sci-
entific and technological activities in the
nine-county area. They also point out the
numerous opportunities for interaction
among industrial, governmental, and insti-
tutional organizations in the region.
ment, and supporting services necessary for
creative investigation and enterprise.
Always strong in the materials field, it also
has become the center for nuclear power
research-and is making significant contribu-
tions in a variety of other fields-chemicals,
machinery, electronics, medicine, and in-
struments.
Most of the research is of an applied or
developmental nature, but a surprisingly
large amount of basic research is underway.
Unlike many other parts of the Nation, an
unusually high percentage is funded by in-
dustry, rather than Government, thereby
providing greater economical stability.
The R. & D. activities range from small
one- and two-man operations to some of the
largest research laboratories in the Nation.
The Pittsburgh story, however, is more than
generalities.
Getting to Work and Back.
SPEECH
OF
HON. DONALD J. IRWIN
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 31, 1965
Mr. IRWIN. Mr. Speaker, I recom-
mend for the attention of the House the
third article in Consumer Reports' in-
formative and thorough series on the
cost and convenience of metropolitan
transportation, "Getting to Work and
Back." Since many of our major urban
centers are facing key decisions on mass
transportation, I know my colleagues
will be interested. The article follows:
GETTING TO WORK AND BACK
(By Ruth and Edward Brecher)
Before a new expressway or transit route
can be built, it must be planned. Most of
the planning has been done by highway en-
gineers employed in State highway depart-
ments. The plans have been designed to
get people from place to place in their own
automobiles-with relatively little concern
for the areas through which the roads run
or for other means of transportation. Since
most of the money for new urban express-
ways has come from Washington, and most
of the planning from the State capitols, local
communities have had relatively little voice
in their own transportation futures.
But a change is underway. The 1962
amendment to the Federal-Aid Highway Act
declares that, beginning in July 1965, plans
for new urban expressways shall be drawn up
with "due consideration" of their probable
effect on the cities through which they run,
and shall be "properly coordinated with plans
for improvements in other affected forms of
transportation."
There are teeth in this amendment, more-
over. For the bulk of the money for new
urban expressways-90 percent in the case
of Interstate System routes-is allocated by
the Secretary of Commerce; and, beginning
in July, the Secretary is forbidden to give
approval to new urban freeway routes "unless
he finds that such projects are based on a
continuing comprehensive transportation
planning process carried on cooperatively by
the States and local communities."
In other words, no more freeway funds will
be coming from Washington after July un-
less an areawide. _ planning study is under-
way. Federal funds to assist in comprehen-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 15, 1965
sive regional planning are available through
the Housing and Home Finance Agency.
The new planning studies are being spon-
sored by the U.S. Bureau of Public
Roads, and the BPR has established a laud-
able framework for them. The Bureau is
insisting, for example, that planners give
full consideration to all transportation facil-
ities, "Including those for mass transporta-
tion," instead of, just to new highways; the
factors analyzed are to include "zoning ordi-
nances, subdivision regulations, building
codes, etc."; and area planners are instructed
to consider "social and community-value fac-
tors, such as preservation of open space, parks
and recreational facilities; preservation of
historical sites and buildings; environmental
amenities; and aesthetics."
The boundaries of the new planning areas
are based on Census Bureau maps; in gen-
eral, each city or cluster of cities with its
suburbs is considered a single area. Each
local government within the area is expected
to participate in the planning process. "The
State highway department," the BPR states,
"will be expected to show by suitable evi-
dence that scrupulous efforts have been made
to carry out the intent of the act with respect
to cooperative action by all political sub-
divisions. If there is an unwillingness on the
part of a local political unit within the- en-
tire urban area to participate in the trans-
portation planning process in such area, a
determination shall be made as to whether
the percentage of the urban area affected is
such as to negate an effective planning
process for the whole area"-and thus war-
rant curtailment or withholding of Federal
highway funds.
An exciting feature of both the BPR and
HHFA approaches is that Washington is not
dictating solutions to local problems, but
rather insisting that local machinery be
established to solve them.
WHERE THE CITIZENS GROUPS COME IN
The mere establishment of these new
transportation planning studies, of course,
is no guarantee that urban transportation
problems will be more effectively solved in
the future than in the past. As CU noted
in February, the new planning projects could
prove to be mere facades, behind which the
same old highway engineers will continue
to make the same old highway-oriented de-
cisions from a regional planning office. Here
is where a vigilant citizens group comes In.
It can start by asking questions.
Is your community, for example, properly
represented on the body that is preparing a
comprehensive plan for your urban area? Is
your spokesman an impartial representative
concerned primarily with the community-
or is he a highway contractor, a gasoline
company executive, or someone else with a
personal ax to grind? If your local govern-
ment office can't answer these questions, you
cari get the name and address of the body
making the transportation study for your
urban area from the State highway depart-
ment; and you can then check with the
planning agency itself to learn whether your
community has an authorized spokesman.
If it doesn't, urge your local officials to es-
tablish effective liaison with the agency at
once.
Next a citizens group should ask the local
representative to explain how the planning
agency is going about its task. Planning a
sound transportation network for a metro-
politan area is so complex a job that planners
necessarily make use of electronic computers
to aid them in their work. What counts is
how they are used-what questions are
asked and what data is given the machine
to use in arriving at its answers.
The first primitive attempts to use com-
puters in transportation planning were woe-
fully Inadequate. The planners divided an
urban area arbitrarily into 10-block or 20-
block zones and determined by a survey what
trips were being made by the residents of
each zone. These trip data were fed into
the computer along with population predic-
tions, automobile ownership trends, land-
use trends, travel time figures, and other such
statistics. The computer then produced a
set of desire lines showing how many people
would want to drive from A through B to C
a decade or two hence, and multilane express-
ways were bulldozed through to carry the
anticipated traffic. Local protests were ig-
nored, on the theory that the computer knows
best. This approach may still survive in a
few local projects.
A much better approach, however, is now
in common use. The computer no longer
dictates an expressway plan; instead it is fed
alternative plans, and their cost and ade-
quacy are compared. Thus, planners, elected
officials, and local voters can make the final
choice on the basis of the helpful findings
emerging from the computer.
Despite this improvement, there remain
many pitfalls. One results from the fact
that computer estimates of future traffic are
generally based on recent trends toward an
automobile-dominated society. Thus the
worst features of our past decade of urban
chaos are projected into the future on an
inflated scale.
Moreover, many of the planners in control
of the urban planning projects were trained
in automobile-oriented university engineer-
ing schools; and many are former employees
of highway planning departments. Thus
the alternatives with which they are most
familiar are expressway alternatives. They
are less likely to program for the computer
a thoroughly detailed evaluation of a mod-
ern, highspeed rapid-transit system like the
San Francisco BART system, described in the
February Reports (with its 80-mile-an-hour
top speeds, scheduled speeds of 50 miles an
hour including stops, abundant and con-
venient peripheral parking, average platform
waits of only a minute or two at rush hour,
comfortable seats, low noise levels, air con-
ditioning, and other amenities).
Finally, the computer Is generally asked
about getting travelers from neighborhood
A through neighborhood B to neighborhood
C. The rights, wants, and needs of the resi-
dents of neighborhood B are seldom con-
sulted in advance, much less reduced to a
form that the computer can assimilate. But
this lack can be remedied. And citizens
groups can provide the drive if it is not ini-
tiated by the regional planning office. How
they can participate is very well illustrated
by what is now going on in the Boston area.
HOW BOSTON IS DOING IT
Under the Boston Regional Planning
Project (BRPP), a thorough transportation
planning study is currently underway in
the Boston area, comprising the city Itself
and scores of its suburbs. This study is sup-
ported by the Massachusetts Department of
Public Works and Department of Commerce
& Development. Its director is a commu-
nity-minded regional planner, Donald M.
Grams. And its incomparable virtue is that
Graham. And its incomparable virtue is that
community representatives before rather
than after the computers are put to work.
Researchers for this series of reports at-
tended a meeting called by BRPP, one of a
series of 10 for representatives of 6 suburbs
30 miles northwest of Boston. The meetings
were held in the evening so that ordinary
citizens could participate. Graham himself
presided.
The communities represented learn from
one- another at these meetings. "My town
isn't interested in better rail service to Bos-
ton," one representative may remark. "Our
commuters own at least two cars and drive
one in."
A representative from a neighboring town
disagrees. "How do you know your commu-
ters wouldn't be delighted to sell their second
car and take the train if more comfortable,
convenient, and speedy service were avail-
able?"
"My town's a mess every morning and
evening when the trains come in," someone
remarks. "The cars around the station tie
our downtown district up in a knot until it
looks like Boston."
"My town, too. Why not tear down both
miserable old stations and build a new one
in the country halfway between?"
"Good Idea. Then we would have enough
room to park near the station instead of five
blocks away."
Out of such local exchanges, new ideas-
and new projects-are born. BRPP is hold-
ing a similar series of meetings in each of its
18 districts. Later these expressions of local
concern and need can be included among
the data fed into the BRPP computers.
The meetings work in the other direction,
too. The BRPP men bring news of projects
that may affect local interests. A new free-
way is being planned around Boston, for ex-
ample-even further out than the famous
Route 128, once touted as the solution to the
area's traffic snafus but now itself congested.
Where should the interchanges along the
new beltway be located? One suburb may
welcome an interchange because of the boom
in land values It will generate; another may
be horrified by the destruction to a settled
community the interchange will bring. If
neither knows of the plans, neither can speak
up while there is still time.
Some traditional planners are appalled by
Graham's cards-on-the-table approach.
They warn that if plans become known in
advance, land speculators will reap windfall
profits; and they predict that if so much
time is allowed for opposition to mobilize,
nothing will ever get built. Graham dis-
agrees. Windfall profits are only possible,
he point out, when knowledge of plans is
limited to a few insiders who can then prey
upon the ignorance of their neighbors. And
he predicts that if the BRPP plan is devised
from the start with adequate consideration
for community needs and wants, support
rather than opposition will be engendered
through most of the area.
"The way to recognize a sound urban-area
planning program," Graham told CU, "is by
its approach to your own community. Do
the planners come in with a completed plan
and try to sell you on its merits? Or do they
come in with an open ear to learn in ad-
vance your community's needs and wants-
and then try, with the help of their comput-
ers, to reconcile your needs and wants with
those of the rest of the area?"
Where official planning projects fail to do
their work well, a citizens group with suffi-
cient determination-and the necessary
talent-can do a great deal of investigating
and publicizing on its own. A CU subscriber
Ernest Ratterman, has reported one un-
usually comprehensive effort of a few years
ago In Cincinnati.
Concerned with the traffic jams and com-
muter delays that were plaguing the city of
Cincinnati back. in 1957, Ratterman and a
handful of his friends-most of them pro-
fessional engineers like himself-asked why
a high-speed rapid transit system could not
be built with a modest investment to operate
along an existing, little-used railroad right-
of-way into the city. As a contribution to the
city's progress, this citizens group, headed
by Alvin L. Spivak, submitted a study of the
possibility, including "data on costs for
rights-of-way, electrification, new trackage,
purchase price of rolling stock, operating
costs, and income." Then, they organized
themselves as the "Rapid Transit Study Com-
mittee" and published their full report. "We
dug deeply into Cincinnati's transportation
picture both past and present," Ratterman
recalls. "As engineers we were able to pre-
sent well-thought-out plans and ideas to
generate interest in our goals. * * * At no
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time during our many presentations aid we
encounter any dispute about our facts or
questioning of our conclusions about Cin-
cinnati's transit needs. Ordinary citizens
* .* * showed their eagerness for something
new and better in urban transportation.
What they lacked, however, was a strong, co-
herent leadership which could achieve action
on their wants."
Inevitably, the Cincinnati committee came
into conflict with the local highway lobby.
One issue that evoked the clash was a con-
troversial plan to build a four-level under-
ground parking_ garage in the downtown
district.
"Building such an enormously expensive
facility struck us as foolish," Ratterman
writes, "unless it could be planned to accom-
modate mass transit facilities at some future
date. We made proposals to the city council
on this subject and even developed plans for
using the first deck of this garage as a cen-
tral point of a modern downtown subway
system integrated with surface lines to the
suburbs. We studied the downtown park-
ing facilities and their location, cost, utiliza-
tion, rate structure, and financing. These
studies cast grave doubt on the feasibility of
the proposed new structure.
"But we soon learned that politics rather
than facts would decide the parking-garage
issue. Our proposals and recommendations
were graciously received by the city govern-
ment-and blissfully ignored.
"We were handicapped rather seri-
ously * * * by being unable to garner the
support of some business and professional
groups. Individuals in these groups pri-
vately lauded our work and expressed envy
of our freedom of expression; but the groups
themselves were dominated by many con-
scious and some unknowing supporters and
members of the highway lobby. * * * The
expressway and parking plans which the city
had developed, and the ease with which Fed-
eral funds could be secured to finance the
expressways, blocked serious consideration of
more effective approaches to the city's trans-
port problems. One city councilman told
us candidly that, until the Government
passes out transit money as it passes out
expressway money, there would be no rapid
transit in Cincinnati."
The Cincinnati committee broke up in 1961
when Spivak, 'Ratterman, and several -other
key members moved to other cities. Cin-
cinnati still lacks a rapid transit system.
But Ratterman does not regret the effort
expended on the project. "I am sure other
members would agree," he writes, "that it was
a great personal experience."
Such a committee if launched today, it
should be added, would have working in its
favor many factors that the Cincinnati com-
mittee lacked from 1957 to 1961. Among
these factors are:
San Francisco's successful adoption of the
BART plan for high speed, comfortable, con-
venient rapid transit of a quality that should
exceed any now available in the United
States. When it is in operation, the prece-
dent may engender a. demand for better
transportation in other areas.
The likelihood of Federal fuiids for transit
systems (see last month's article in this se-
ries) so that cities will no longer be faced
with a Hobson's, choice between Federtily-
supported freeways and transit systems that
must be financed at home.
The existence of area-wide planning pro-
grams, which at least provide a forum for
presenting ideas.
Finally, even some urban interests that
would noTma form a part of the highway
lobby now reyyalize that mass transportation
must be Improved and expanded to unclog
the expressways. The Jenney gas station
chain with 600 filling stations in the greater
Boston area, to cite one example, has taken
full-page advertisements urging public sup-
port of transit expansion there. The Stand-
and Oil Co. of California and the California
State Automobile Association both endorsed
San Francisco's BART transit plan.
With such new factors affecting the sit-
uation, committees like the one in Cincin-
nati should have a considerably better chance
of success in the future.
Some are already at work. Examples are
the District of Columbia Rapid Rail Citizens
Committee, the Bergen County (N.J.)
Transit Association, the Intermunicipal
Group for Better Rail Service (New Jersey),
the Westchester Commuter Association (New
York), and the Committee for Better Tran-
sit of Greater New York. Also important are
the long-established planning groups such as
the Regional Plan Association of Greater New
York. If there is a sound organization of
this kind in your community or region, by
all means join and support it.
If a city's residents do not value it they
are of course free to move out. But much
of the shift to the suburbs today is not the
result of an innate dislike of the cities.
Rather, it is being forced on families and
business concerns alike by the failure of the
cities to solve their most pressing problems,
including the transportation. Thus, willy-
nilly, we are drifting toward a future of
urban sprawl.
At least four major North American urban
areas-San Francisco, Montreal, Toronto,
and Philadelphia-are bucking this trend to-
ward sprawl by investing in high quality rail
transportation that will link city to suburbs
for balanced growth. The residents of other
areas may prefer different patterns. If so,
they are free to plan differently, but let them
get what they really want, not merely what
the requirements of automobile transporta-
tion dictate..
The new comprehensive planning projects
now underway or soon to be launched in
every urban area make it possible to plan for
the future of people, rather than just for
automobiles. Let us make the most of this
opportunity.
THE STAKES ARE HIGH
Much more is at stake in such local efforts
than merely an opportunity to get to work
and back a few minutes faster or for a few
cents less each day. The entire future of
American cities hangs in the balance.
An increasing number of people today,
looking at our blighted central cities and
traffic jams, have concluded that large cities
are obsolete. They therefore envision a fu-
ture in which all of us will both live and work
in suburbs, surrounded by vast parking lots,
and linked together by multilane freeways
along which we can all whizz in uncongested
private-car luxury.
One objection to such plans is that they
leave out of account the many services that
people want and need but that each sub-
urb cannot possibly supply for itself-a sym-
phony orchestra, to cite a striking example.
Right To Be a Bum
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 25, 1965
Mr. BROOMFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I
would like to call the attention of my
colleagues to the remarks of Mr. Paul
Harvey, made on his news broadcast on
February 27, 1965. I think the emphasis
he has correctly placed on freedom is
one which each of us should consider
carefully in preparing his legislative pro-
gram. There is plenty of security in a
jail cell but I have never heard of any-
body beating down the doors to get in.
[Excerpt from Paul Harvey News,
Feb. 27,19651
RIGHT To BE A BUM
I had meant to confine this next just to
generalities. And embellish it with some fer-
vent plea for the preservation of the Repub-
lic. Then I got to thinking about a parttime
dishwasher I know, who's a bum the rest of
the time, and I tried to figure what's his stake
in all this free enterprise. How about the
ragpicker, or even that good-natured. old
janitor in the North Western train station,
what's his percentage?
If he votes right and puts up a fight for
freedom, what's his cut? "The Government
can't give you anything which it has not first
taken away from you." He's heard that. But
he has nothing anybody can take away from
him. So who's he to worry about whether
the Constitution gets chopped up or the
flag hauled down?
He's got nothing they can tax and nothing
anybody'd want, so why shouldn't he take a
bottle of cheap wine from the precinct com-
mitteeman and just vote the way the man
says.
I. had meant to talk about the American
heritage, and I got to thinking about Joe
the bootblack. What has he inherited? Well,
I've been asking around. And the rest of
you tune out, now. And dial in S pages later.
Because right now I aim to talk just to Joe
the bootblack. And to Lennie, the part-time
bum.
You know, I think that's what's wrong with
the fervent flag wavers in this country. We
spend too much time talking to one another.
But Joe and Lennie and Paul Harvey under-
stand one another, too. Because they've all
been flush and they've each been hungry and
any one of them knows what it's like to work
a hard 17-hour day for $1 packing or sacking
or stacking somebody else's groceries. So
we can speak the same language, and it's
that language we're going to use here. The
kind that'll be understood by Lennie and Joe
and the vast mass of unorganized, unterrifled
human beings whose two-by-four house or
third-floor walkup is as close to the silk as
they're ever going to get. The rest of you just
excuse us for a bit-if you will.
A while back a chap named Dean Russell
made a speech out in. Billings, Mont. Prob-
ably talking to a gathering of folks who al-
ready agreed with him. I'm going to try to
remember how he compared the American
Negro slaves and the American Indians.
For a lot of years now we've been voting
for the men who promise us Government
aid-of all kinds. We figured we wanted
the Government to guarantee to look after us.
Well, sir, in the early American slave States
the law specified that the slaves must be
taken care of. The constitutions of the slave
States generally specified that the slaveown-
ers must provide their slaves with adequate
housing, food, medical care, and old-age
benefits. And the Mississippi constitution
contained this additional sentence: "The
legislature shall have no power to pass laws
for the emancipation of slaves (except) where
the slave shall have. rendered the State some
distinguished service."
Now get this-The slave was guaranteed
food, lodging, medical and old-age care, but
the highest honor the State of Mississippi
could offer a man for distinguished service
was to set him free from this security. The
State's highest reward was to give a man
the personal responsibility of looking after
his own welfare. Freedom to find his own
job or to be a bum if he liked.
Do you see why that's so important, just
the right to be a bum? And so the slaves
eventually found freedom to earn money
they could keep, to save for their own old age
and then they weren't slaves any more.
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Let us, on the other hand, take the Amer-
ican Indians. These we made wards of
Government. These we gave security. We
took away their freedom and gave them se-
curity. So they have become steadily less
self-supporting. I speak of the average, of
cpurse, not the spectacular exception. In
1862, most American Negroes were slaves.
Look at the remarkable progress in just one
lifetime later. Today the average American
Negro is self-supporting, self-respecting, and
responsible. Today the average American
Government wears brass knuckles we're not
trying to get you to fight for any other man's
mansion. We're trying to protect your
equally important right to be a bum.
Listen and remember. The guaranteed
gifts are just bait, nothing more. They'll
offer the rewards of 1864-a free meal, a free
roof, a guaranteed job, and then-
We're trapped into being somebody's slaves
again.
Indian, it is said, will actually die of starva--y
tion unless he is fed by the Government. 5?
So we have to hire 13,000 Federal employees 'Z?
to take care of 380,000 reservation Indians.
That's one Federal employee for every 30
Indians. This has nothing to do with the
color of a man's skin or the shape of his
cheekbones. The Negro was free to work
or loaf; to starve or to win a potfull. The
Indian was secure. There was no reason for
him to educate himself or learn to man-
age his own affairs or to be productive. It's
no fault of his; it's ours. Just as it's going
to be our fault, Joe and Lennie, our fault if
we let them repeat this tragic error on us.
Simply because some arrogant would-be
masters are convinced that today's Americans
are too ignorant or too worthless to be
trusted with their own destiny. They actu-
ally think that we would literally starve in
the streets unless the Government looked
after our welfare. Welfare! Man, this is
where we came in. They're on the way to
buying and selling us again!
Now- maybe you see what :l started out to
say. You-you're a gaudy dancer, you're a
hod carrier, a trolley pilot, or you take tickets
at the ball park. What have I got to lose,
you say? Why shouldn't I take their offer of
free medicine, money for work I don't do or
crops I dont' grow? Why not?
Here's why not, and don't ever forget this.
"If' your Government is big enough to give
you everything you want, it is big enough to
take away from you everything you have."
And don't tell me you've nothing to lose.
That's what they thought In Britain, too.
But already in Britain, elected leaders can
force the citizen to work wherever the gov-
ernment decrees they are most needed.
Force!
In Russia, where this kind of security got a
slight head start, they'll make him work-
If necessary in leg irons.
You've nothing to lose, you say, because
you're a bum? That, sir, Is a priceless privi-
lege. In Russia you would be whipped or
shot for it. It is your American right to be
a bum. That is part of being free.
So for Heaven's sake don't let then peddle
this absurd security idea as something new.
It was written into the Code of Hammurabi
over 4,000 years ago. The Romans called it
"bread and circuses" to keep the crowd paci-
fied while their sons died.
Karl Marx called it "socialism." It's where
the state makes laws for your own good
whether you like them or not. And Russia
will imprison those who object.
It can't happen here?
Wait a minute, mister-it has happened
here. Don't tell me you're still 100-percent
free or I'll tell you about the owner of a
small battery shop in Pennsylvania.
They told him he had to kick in money
for his own social security. He didn't like
the idea of being forced to buy insurance,
and resisted. The State confiscated his prop-
erty.
Still he refused to obey.
So the State preferred criminal charges
against him. And the Government gave him
the choice of conforming or going to prison.
An enemy of the State because he had re-
fused to pay social security. He paid. His
6-month prison sentence was suspended.
From now on, Lennie and Joe, get this
straight. You do have plenty to lose. When-
ever some of us try to warn you that big
New Vietnam Blueprint
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE M. RHODES
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April L. 1965
Mr. RHODES of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, an interesting editorial on the
situation in Vietnam and southeast Asia
was published in the Philadelphia Eve-
ning Bulletin on April 11.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
include this informative editorial: -
NEW VIETNAM BLUEPRINT
(By Melvin K. Whiteleather)
What Is your primary interest, to better
the lot of the people or to make revolution
for revolution's sake?
This is the question President Johnson put
to He Chi Minh, the North Vietnamese Com-
munist boss, with last Wednesday's proposal
to end the was in Vietnam and embark on
an imaginative effort to lift up the whole of
southeast Asia.
U.S. effort to bring the struggle in Vietnam
to a close has centered on Ho Chi Minh, rath--
er than on Peiping or Moscow. To bombing
north of the 17th parallel is now brought
the additional pressure of the cooperative
scheme benefitting all of North Vietnam's
neighbors.
North Vietnam can be included if it is
willing to stop attacking South Vietnam.
But if it doesn't, President Johnson gave
emphatic notification that Ho Chi Minh
stood to see his territory and people injured
rather than improved.
AN ALTERNATIVE TO WAR
The United States no longer is just bomb-
ing; it has put its weight behind a construc-
tive plan and those around the world who
have been calling for an alternative to de-
struction, now have one. There was wisdom
in choosing the Mekong River development
skeleton plan already in existence and in
inviting U.N. Secretary General U Thant to
take the initiative in getting the plan off the
ground and expanding it. The 21 countries
already contributing to that development
plan and the authority of the U.N. are
brought into a direct relationship to the
struggle in Vietnam. Thus it is not just a
raw U.S. "imperialist" plot.
Except for countries with a revolutionary
bias, this relationship should lean toward a
settlement suitable to the Saigon govern-
ment. The 17 nonalined countries, led by
Yugoslavia, which made a plea for peace
negotiations to all parties concerned, can
hardly be opposed to a development scheme
that would touch a whole section of Asia
and 50 million persons. The 17 need not ac-
cept at 100 percent face value the claim that
the Vietcong is a tool of Hanoi in order to
press for a settlement of the struggle that
would leave the Saigon government in con-
trol of its own territory.
PRESSURE PUT ON OTHERS
The Johnson proposal definitely has put
the pressure on the other side, relieving the
United States of onus that had been building
up over the bombing in North Vietnam. Un-
important as the whole affair was, there is
no doubt that the use of nonlethal gas by
the South Vietnamese army, supplied by us,
sharpened world opinion against us. British
Prime Minister Harold Wilson's path in de-
fending our purposes and practices has now
been eased and the critical Japanese have
been given something else to think about.
The President's proposal hit Red China
hard and Peiping is striking back with the
full force of its propaganda machine. South-
east Asia blooming under other than Chinese
influence is the last thing Peiping wants to
see happen. The region is regarded as a Chi-
nese preserve, and beyond that, for such a
plan to get moving with U.S. dollars and
moral backing would be a far cry from bring-
ing U.S. imperialism to its knees, as Peiping
says it must be brought. For the United
States to put the United Nations and a coop-
erative plan to the forefront cuts straight
across Communist propaganda.
MOSCOW'S DILEMMA CONTINUES
Peiping in its fury is losing sight of its
only recent adoption of the Russian argu-
ment that any settlement in Vietnam must
be between the United States and the Viet-
cong's political arm, the National Libera-
tion Movement. It seems that after all, Red
China does have a stake.
M:r. Johnson has not eased Moscow's dilem-
ma a bit. On one hand the Russians might
be pleased to see southeast Asia developed
independent from China, and the President
suggested that the Soviets should contribute
to the scheme, but on the other hand there
is the commitment to helping all revolutions.
Russian irritation over its dilemma has been
manifested the past few days by the worst
cold war polemics that have been heard in
the U.N. in a long time. These took place in
an obscure committee where ordinarily noth-
ing ever happens.
Peiping will do its utmost to prevent Ho
Chi Minh from nibbling at the President's
proposals. No one expects Ho to run up
a white flag in broad daylight, but he has
been given an opportunity to work his way
out of his box with a certain amount of face
saving.
The signals are still warning that a big
attack on a Dien Bien Phu scale is in the
making with the expectation that the South
Vietnamese and Americans can be done in
with one big swoop. If this is tried and fails,
Hanoi may be ready to listen to U Thant.
Manned Space Flight's New Phase
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 8, 1965
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas, Mr. Speaker,
Mr. Robert IT. Hotz' editorial in the April
12 issue of Aviation Week & Space Tech-
nology aptly describes the new era that
our space `program is entering. Mr.
Hotz' analysisclearly describes the value
of the Gemini program to our national
security and to the Apollo lunar landing
in this decade. He compares the current
status of the Soviet and United States
space programs and his reflections con-
cerning this are important to all Ameri-
cans:
MANNED SPACE FLIGHT'S NEW PHASE
The flights of the U.S. Gemini and the
U.S.S.R. Voskhod spacecraft herald a new
phase of manned space flight.
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The Vostok and Mercury flights were aimed OPERATIONAL GOALS posal. Diversion payments are neces-
at determining man's ability to survive dtir- If the United States had gone directly from sary to reduce surplus production, but
ing prolonged space missions. The era be- Mercury to the Apollo program, there would many say that a strategic resurge of
gun by Gemini. and Voskhod will determine be no chance to thwart this possibility of wheat, based on 50 percent of our annual
his ability to operate spacecraft for a variety disaster. Fortunately, the Gemini program
would be wise.
of useful. purposes, many of them not even was conceived and properly expanded to ComesticoritinuaaCe and of the export feed needs grain program
dimly discernible at present. This period provide not only a spacecraft system for de-
In manned. space flight is similar in many veloping the vital earth-orbital techniques is regarded as a very important element
respects to the early years of World War I, but also, for applying them to achieve opera- for equitable farm returns, but the elimi-
when the airplane was suddenly transformed tional goals. Gemini has been severely criti- nation of oats and rye from the base very
from the stunt and racing machine of the cized in the daily press and the Congress for adversely and inequitably affects many
prewar era into the fighters, bombers and its rising costs and lagging schedules with- farmers in my area. Overall, I think
observation aircraft that dominated the out much understanding of how the goals the observation of a very astute farm re
western front. of this effort have been extended and its
The Voskhod and Gemini spacecraft are scope broadened. We think that in the years porter is accurate:
aimed at similar goals to extend the capabil- just ahead these same critics will switch The present provisions of the farm bill
ity of manned space vehicles to a series of to praise and thanks for the existence of will probably be condemned by faint praise.
basic functions, such as: the Gemini hardware and operational con-
Maneuvering in space: The technical feasi- cepts as the national need for them becomes
bility of this has been demonstrated in the painfully apparent to all.
flight of Gemini 3, but a major effort re- Now, the U.S. space policy planners are
mains to develop this maneuverability into facing a decision on how best to develop
an operational capability. fully and swiftly an earth-orbital operational
Extravehicular activity: has
Soviet cos- been capability during the same period that
successfully demonstrated d: Apollo needs the hardest push to achieve
Voskhod o ho2 2. . It It is s a Leonov, during
keystone the
in the the process pressss an early lunar landing.
by which large structures can be erected for Because of the existence of the Gemini
functioning in space. program it is still possible to do both with-
Rendezvous and docking: Both Gemini out serious danger of being confronted with
and Voskhod are scheduled to demonstrate a major military surprise by the Soviets in
this function soon, using different tech- the next few years. But some hard decisions
niques. are required almost immediately if this op-
BROAD CAPABILITY portunity is not to slip from this Nation's
In this area, the achievements of whoever
is first to accomplish a new feat in space
will continue to attract major public at-
tention. But the real significance of this sec-
ond phase of manned space flight lies not so
much in short chronological gaps between the
first and second achievements, but rather in
the broad capability being developed and
the speed and certainty with which it is ap-
plied to specific operational tasks. For ex-
ample, it is relatively unimportant that
Cosmonaut Leonov did the first extrave-
hicular, maneuver in space if a Gemini astro-
naut expands this operational technique
within a few months. Nor will the historic
first maneuvers-both in changing orbits
and changing orbital plane-of Gemini 3
retain much significance if the Soviet Vosk-
hod accomplishes these same feats later this
year. The interval between these two types
of spacecraft demonstrating rendezvous and
docking is not likely to be long or particu-
larly significant.
Although both the United States and
U.S.S.R. are committed to an attempt to
land the first men on the moon, we believe
that the most important aspect of this sec-
ond phase of manned space flight, and of the
third and operational phase that will cer-
tainly follow, will be in near-earth orbits.
With the heavy U.S. commitment of re-
sources to the Apollo lunar landing mis-
sion, it may appear to be both expedient
and safe to defer the development-of earth-
orbital operational capabilities until after
the financial and technical peak loads of
Apollo have passed. We think this procedure
could be a dangerous mistake.
The Soviets obviously have chosen the
earth-orbital approach to their lunar land-
ing mission. Therefore, they necessarily
must develop rather fully their hardware
and operational techniques In this area as a
vital prelude to their lunar landing at-
tempts and not as a postlude, in the manner
of current U.S._ planning. They also have
t to conceal their primary
made litt e l atteni
grasp. National Aeronautics and Space Ad-
ministration can contribute to this goal by
pushing developmental testing of Gemini
systems as a top priority. The Air Force
should be able to develop the required op-
erational capability by pushing its military
orbital laboratory program based on Gemini
hardware as fast as technically feasible. But
nothing can be achieved without some swift
decisions in the Pentagon and White House
on the course of a sound military space pro-
gram. The time is growing late.
ROBERT HoTz.
Farm Legislation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. COMPTON I. WHITE, JR.
OF IDAHO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 23, 1965
Mr. WHITE of Idaho. Mr. Speaker,
the farmers, businessmen, and commu-
nity leaders in the First District of Idaho
anxiously awaited the announcement of
the agricultural message and recom-
mendations of President Johnson. In the
past years, they have been plunging
deeper into debt, hoping for better pro-
grams and prices. Since the date of
H.R. 7097's introduction, I have received
-many letters about the wheat provisions
of that bill, most of which could be called
"less than enthusiastic". All are in ac-
cord with the stated objective of putting
farm income into balance with that of
other industries, but many are skeptical
about the success of H.R. 7097 toward
p
military 'interest in the ddvelopment of that end. One-hundred percent of parity
manned. spacecraft operations in the earth- for wheat domestically consumed is ap-
orbital area. plauded widely, and most farmers would
Thus,' it is entirely possible that unless like to be assured of this absolutely. The
U.S. policy is drastically changed soon, the discontinuance of export subsidies and
Soviets may have an opportunity to achieve certificates is not opposed, but nearly
the technical surprise in space that they
so 'narrowly missed in the race to an inter- every one agrees that a 4-year program
A good analysis of the present provi-
sions of the farm bill were made by a very
highly regarded newspaper editor in my
district. Under unanimous consent I
included it in the RECORD:
[From the Lewiston (Idaho) Morning Trib-
une, Apr. 7; 1965]
MR. JOHNSON'S NEW FARM BILL
President Johnson's first major farm bill
presented to Congress Monday offered no
sweeping changes in philosophy-simply
higher support prices for wheat and rice, with
citizens paying more of the costs in grocery
bills rather than taxes.
Despite prompt and vigorous criticism from
the heads of two major farm organizations,
the President's proposal is likely to be fairly
popular with wheat and rice farmers. It
probably will be accepted without much com-
plaint by most consumers-who tend to ob-
ject more to taxes than to higher prices for
goods. And it will help ease the strain on
the Federal budget, if Congress approves it-
which seems likely for that reason alone, if
no other.
The new bill did not develop an earlier
hint by the President that farm legisla-
tion might be offered which would empha-
size benefits to small farmers, rather than
across-the-board subsidies to small and large
producers alike.
Such an arrangement is economically feas-
ible, perhaps under some variation of the
controversial plan once presented by former
Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan.
That plan called for direct Federal subsidies
to farmers proportioned on the basis of
need, with consumers getting the benefit of
lower costs of food products sold on an open,
unsupported market.
However, this approach probably is not
politically feasible. The "family-sized farm,"
which for many years was the foundation of
American agriculture, is fast becoming a rar-
ity. Farmers who work sections instead of
acres also have their economic troubles these
days-and vigorously insist upon their full
share of any benefits provided by Govern-
ment through direct subsidies or price sup-
ports.
Mr. Johnson's farm bill naturally did not
satisfy the quarreling leaders of two of the
Nation's big farm organizations.
James G. Patton, president of the National
Farmers Union, which generally represents
small farmers looking to Government for aid,
declared that "the major deficiency is the
failure of the bill to provide the income that
farm families and rural Americans need if
they are to survive * * * It is high time
that the direction of agricultural policies be
given back to_the Department of Agriculture
or to people with experience in farming."
Charles B. Shuman, president of the Amer-
ican Farm Bureau Federation, which gen-
erally reflects the big-farmer view that the
law of supply and demand should be allowed
to function in agriculture, whatever the
results to "submarginal" farmers was even
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A189.6. Approved LFRV
The President's bill, he said, was "a hoax
designed to trap both farmers and con-
sumers." The proposals, he said, "would
make farmers more dependent on Govern-
ment 'subsidies for their livelihood, and at
the same time raise the price of food to con-
sumers, especially those with low incomes."
The gulf between these spokesmen ob-
viously is too great for any farm bill to bridge.
One wants higher price supports or sub-
sidies to insure the survival of small farmers,
with taxpayers footing the bill. The other
wants an open market in agriculture without
Federal subsidy and with many small farmers
liquidated if necessary in a drastic "readjust-
ment" based on survival of the fittest.
Neither alternative is politically acceptable
to most farmers or consumers. As long as
the wide gulf exists in farm opinion, any
administration will be forced to seek some
middle ground. Despite his earlier hints, this
is what the President did.
Under the proposed bill, wheat grown for
domestic use would be supported by Govern-
ment at full parity prices-at about $2.50 a
bushel instead of the present $2. Other-
wheat grown within acreage allotments would
be supported at about $1.25 per bushel-
which is about the world price.
The Government would eliminate present
export subsidies on wheat to be sold abroad.
It would require millers to pay $1.25 a bushel
for domestic-use wheat, or 50 cents more
than the present price. Millers and bAkers
would pass the extra cost on to consumers.
While the price of wheat has had little
relation to the price of bread in recent years,
the change probably would increase bread
prices about a penny a loaf. A similar pro-
gram would increase retail prices of rice from
5 to 7 cents a pound.
Thus, the wheat and rice growers would
earn substantially more. Consumers would
pay more at the supermarkets. The Federal
Government would save some $200 million
per year.
Wheat and rice farmers might gain more
than additional Income from the arrange-
ment. They might be exempted from some
of the irate complaints from taxpayers about
the cost of Federal price support programs-
even though the taxpayers would be paying
farmers more as consumers.
The Federal Government would save sizable
sums in an arrangement which once again
illustrates Mr. Johnson's tendency to shift
Federal expenditures from long-established
agricultural programs to some of the newer,
long-neglected problems of the Nation's pop-
ulation centers and poverty pockets.
The consumers would pay prices for wheat
and rice which would be artifically high in
terms of world markets, but still a bargain
as compared with other products they buy.
The new wheat-rice program proposed by
the President isn't a dramatic new approach
to the chronic problems of agriculture. Per-
haps no such approach is possible unless
farmers unite behind common objectives or
until population pressures or wider world
trade abolish the problem of crop surpluses.
The new bill does seem to represent a po-
litically shrewd innovation to offer some re-
lief to wheat and rice farmer-and the
Federal Treasury-with consumers paying
the bill in pennies instead of tax dollars.-
B. J.
A New Look at Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, in the April
22, 1965, issue of the New York Review
of Books, the Washington journalist, I. F.
Stone, has written an incisive review of
two new books on Vietnam: "The New
Face of War" by Malcolm W. Browne,
and "The Making of a Quagmire," by
David Halberstam. Mr. Stone's review
is a welcome addition and insight into
the complex problems facing this war-
torn area. I urge all my colleagues to
read the following review:
From the New York Review of Books,
Apr. 22, 1965 1
VIETNAM: AN EXERCISE IN SELF-DELUSION
(By I. F. Stone)
("The New Face of War," by Malcolm W.
Browne, Bobbs-Merrill, 284 pages, $5; "The
Making of a Quagmire," by David Halber-
stam, Random House, 312 pages, $4.95.)
The morning I sat down to write this re-
view, the Washington Post (March 25) car-
ried the news that Malcolm W. Browne had
been arrested and held for 2 hours by South
Vietnamese Air Force officers at the big U.S.
air and missile base at Da Nang. The inci-
dent is symbol and symptom of the steady
degeneration in the conduct of the Vietna-
mese war. These two books by two newspa-
permen who won Pulitzer Prizes last year for
their coverage of the war, Browne for the
Associated Press, David Halberstam for the
New York Times, record the agony of trying
to report the war truthfully against the op-
position of the higher-ups, military and ci-
vilian. The books appear just as the war is
entering a new stage when honest reporting
is more essential than ever, but now restric-
tion and censorship are applied to black it
out. Da Nang, the main base from which the
was is being escalated to the north, was offi-
cially declared "off limits" the day before
Browne's arrest and newsmen were told they
could not enter without a pass obtainable
only in Saigon, 385 miles to the south.
"Newsmen," the dispatch on Browne's arrest
said, "doubted such a pass existed." The in-
cident occurred only a few days after the
highest information officer at the Pentagon
claimed that its policy on coverage of the
war was "complete candor."
What makes these books so timely, their
message so urgent, is that they show the
Vietnamese war in that aspect which Is most
fundamental for our own people-as a chal-
lenge to freedom of information and there-
fore freedom of decision. They appear at a
time when all the errors on which they throw
light are being intensified. Instead of cor-
recting policy in the light of the record, the
light itself is being shut down. Access to
news sources in Vietnam and in Washington
is being limited, censorship in the field is
becoming more severe. Diem is dead but
what might be termed Diemism has become
the basic policy of the American Government.
For years our best advisers, military and
civilian, tried desperately to make him under-
stand that the war was a political problem
which could only be solved in South Viet-
nam. Three years ago the head of the U.S.
mission spoke of the war as a battle for the
"hearts and minds" of the people, and pri-
marily the villagers, whose disaffection had
made the rebellion possible against superior
forces and equipment. To win that battle
it was then proposed to spend $200 million
to bolster the Vietnamese economy and raise
living standards. Though much of this
money seems to have been frittered away,
it was at least recognized that the military
effort was only one aspect of the problem.
Now we have adopted Diem's simple-minded
theory that the war is merely a product of
Communist inspiracy, that it is purely an
invasion and not a rebellion or a civil war,
and that all would be well-in Secretary
Rusk's fatuous phrase-if only the North let
Its neighbors alone. This is the theory of the
white paper and this is the excuse for bomb-
ing North Vietnam.
While the war expands, the theory on
which it proceeds has narrowed. Washing-
ton's "party line" on the war has been shrunk
to rid it of those annoying complexities im-
posed by contact with reality. The change
becomes evident if one compares the white
paper of 1965 with the blue book of 1961.
The blue book was issued by the Kennedy
administration to explain its decision to step
up the scale of our aid and the number
of our "military advisers" in South Vietnam.
The white paper was issued by the John-
son administration to prepare the public
mind to accept its decision to bomb the
north and risk a wider war. The change
of policy required that rewriting of history
we find so amusing when we watch it being
done on the other side.
Four years ago the blue book told us that
the basic pattern of Vietcong activity was
"not new, of course." It said this followed
the tactics applied and the theories worked
out by Mao Tse-tung in China. It said much
the same methods were used "in Malaya, in
Greece, in the Philippines, in Cuba, and in
Laos." If there is "anything peculiar to
the Vietnam situation," the blue book said,
"it is that the country is divided and one-
half provides a safe sanctuary from which
subversion in the other half is supported
with both personnel and materiel." This im-
plied a conflict which was doubly a civil
war, first between the two halves of a di-
vided country and then between the Govern-
ment and Communist-led guerrillas in one-
half of that country.
The white paper disagrees. It abandons
complexity to make possible simpleminded
slogans and policy. It declares the conflict
"a new kind of war * * * a totally new
brand of aggression * * * not another
Greece * * * not another Malaya * *
not another Philippines * * * Above
all * * * not a spontaneous and local re-
bellion against the established government."
[Italic in the original.] The "fundamental
difference," the white paper says, is that
in Vietnam "a Communist government has
set out deliberately to conquer a sovereign
people in a neighboring state." This im-
plies that there is no popular discontent in
the south to be allayed, no need to negotiate
with the rebels. The war is merely a case,
of international aggression and the aggresor
is to be punished by bombardment until he
agrees to call off the invasion. The rebellion
can be shut off, all this implies, as if by
spigot from Hanoi. The truth about the
war has been tailored to suit the Air Force
faith in "victory by airpower." This was
Goldwater's theory and this has become
Johnson's policy.
Browne's book sheds some sharp light on
the white paper's thesis. The white paper
says the war is "inspired, directed, supplied
and controlled" by Hanoi. But Browne re-
ports that "intelligence experts feel less than
10 percent and probably more like 2 percent
of the Vietcong's stock of modern weapons
is Communist made." He also reports that
"only a small part of Vietcong increase in
strength has resulted from infiltration of
North Vietnamese Communist troops into
South Vietnam." An astringent examination
of the white paper and its supporting appen-
dixes will show that it really proves little
more than this, despite the sweeping head-
line impressions it was intended to generate.
Browne also tells us that "Western intelli-
gence experts believe the proportion of Com-
munists (in the National Liberation Front)
is probably extremely small." He describes
It as "a true 'front' organization appealing
for the support of every social class." Browne
declares the front a "creature" of the Viet-
namese Communist Party and says it has
"strong but subtle ties" to the Hanoi regime.
For many Vietnamese, nevertheless "the
front is exactly what it purports to be-the
people's struggle for independence." This
is what our best advisers tried to tell Diem.
This is what our bureaucracy now refuses to
see rather than admit past error and defeat,
preferring to gamble on a wider war.
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April 15, 1965 C S IONAL h2100
The really terrible message in these books
is not that the bureaucrats have tried to de-
ceive the public but that they have insisted
on deceiving themselves. The Vietnamese
war has been an exercise in self-delusion.
David Halberstam tells us in "The Making of
a Quagmire" that when the first Buddhist
,burned himself to death, Ngo Dinh Diem was
convinced that this act had been staged by
an American television team. The Buddhist
crisis, as Halberstam describes it, "was to
encompass all the problems of the Govern-
ment: Its inability to rule its own people;
the failure of the . American mission -to in-
fluence Diem. * * * Observing the Govern-
ment during those 4 months was like watch-
ing a government trying to commit suicide."
The stubborn insistence of the South Viet-
namese dictator on.insulating himself from
reality spread into our own Government. The
most important revelation these two books
make is the unwillingness of the higher-ups
in Saigon and Washington to hear the truth
from their subordinates in the field.
South Vietnam swarmed with spies, but
apparently they were only listened to when
they reported what their paymasters wanted
to hear. Ialberstam says that at one time
Diem had 13 different secret police or-
ganizations. Browne provides a vivid pic-
ture of how our own intelligence agencies
proliferated. The CIA, Special Forces, the
AID mission, the Army, the provost marshal,
the Navy, and the U.S. Embassy each had its
own operatives. But they were not, in
Browne'e words, "one big happy family." On
the contrary they "very often closely con-
cealed" their findings from other agencies
"because of the danger that the competitors
may pirate the material and report it to
headquarters first, getting the credit."
All this fierce application of free enter-
prise, to the collection of information seems
to have been of little use because of a top
level political decision. "Ever since Viet-
namese independence" (i.e., 1954), Browne
reveals, "American intelligence officials had
relied on the Vietnamese intelligence system
for, most of their information." This was
"because of Diem's touchiness about Ameri-
can spooks wandering around on their own."
In the interest of preserving harmony,
"somehow the intelligence reports always
had it that the war was going well." We
circulated faithfully in orbit around our own
satellite. Diem's men told him what he
wanted to hear, and ours passed on what
he wanted us to believe. Halberstam eon-
firms this. In those final months before
Diem's overthrow, "CIA agents were telling
me that their superiors in Vietnam were
still so optimistic that they were not taking
the turmoil and unrest very seriously."
John Richardson, then CIA chief in Viet-
nam, displayed a kind of infatuation with
Diem's brother Nhu and his wife. Halber-
stam describes a lunch with Richardson in
1962, shortly after the New York Times sent
him to Saigon, in which the CIA chief
dismissed Nhu's notorious anti-American re-
marks as simply those of "a proud Asian."
As for the tigerish Mme. Nhu, Richardson
thought her "sometimes a little emotional,
,but that was typical of women who entered
politics-look at Mrs. Roosevelt."
A persistent Panglossianism marked our
entire bureaucracy up to and including the
White House. General Harkins, our military
commander in South Vietnam, said "I am
an optimist and I am not going to allow my
staff to be pessimistic." Halberstain de-
scribes a briefing at his command post after
the battle of Ap Bac in January 1963, the
kind of set -piece battle for which our mili-
tary had long hoped and which they first
described as a victory though it turned out
to be a disastrous defeat. With "the gov-
ernment troops so completely disorganized
that they would not even carry out their own
dead," "a province chief shelling his own
men" and "the enemy long gone," General
Nb 0?50024-7
Harkins told the press a trap was about to be
sprung on the enemy!
The enemy was the press. When the facts
about Ap Bac could no longer be concealed,
headquarters became angry "not with the
system" that brought defeat, Halberstam
writes, nor with the Vietnamese'commanders
responsible for it "but with the American
reporters who wrote about it." Adm. Harry
Felt, commander of all U.S. forces in the Pa-
cific, gave classic expression to the bureau-
cratic attitude toward the press when he was
angered by a question from Browne. "Why
don't you get on the team?" the Admiral de-
manded.
When Halberstam, Browne, and Neil
Sheehan; then with the UPI, visited the
Mekong Delta in the summer of 1963 and
saw for themselves the deterioration of the
war, their reward for reporting it was a cam-
paign of denigration. Rusk criticized Hal-
berstam at a press conference. President
Kennedy suggested to the publisher of the
New York Times that Halberstam be trans-
ferred to some other assignment, a suggestion
Mr. Arthur Hays Sulzberger, to his credit,
rejected. The bureaucracy counter-attacked
through Joe Alsop, who insidiously com-
pared the reporters on the scene to those who
a generation earlier had called the Chinese
Communists "agrarian reformers." The New
York Journal-American wrote that Halber-
stam was soft on communism. A friend in
the State Department told Halberstam, "It's
a damn good thing you never belonged to any
left wing groups or anything like that be-
cause they were really looking for stuff like
that." Victor Krulak, the Pentagon's top
specialist on guerrilla warfare, was vehe-
ment in his criticism of the press:
"Richard Tregaskis and Maggie Higgins
had found that the war was being won, but
a bunch of young cubs who kept writing
about the political side were defeatists." The
official attitude was epitomized by Lyndon
Johnson, then Vice President, on his way
back from Saigon in 1961. He had laid the
flattery on with a shovel, calling Diem "the
Churchill of Asia." Halberstam reports that
when a reporter on the plane tried to tell
Johnson something of Diem's faults, Johnson
responded, "Don't tell me about Diem. He's
all we've got out there." A brink is a dan-
gerous place on which to prefer not to see
where you're going.
The hostile attitude toward honest report-
ing is made the more shocking because re-
porters like Halberstam and Browne, as their
conclusions reveal, were critics not of the
war itself but only of the ineffective way in
which it was conducted. The forces for
which they spoke, the sources on which they
depended, were not dissident Vietnamese but
junior American officers. Their books dis-
close little contact with the Vietnamese. The
battle between the press and the bureaucracy
arose because the newspapermen refused to
report that the war was being won, but there
was not too much reporting of why it was
being lost.
For Halberstam the war was a lark, a
wonderful assignment for a young reporter;
his pages reflect his zest and, are full of
graphic reportage, though also marked by
some egregious errors, such as locating Dien-
bienphu in Laos and attributing the origin
of the agrovilles to the French whereas they
really sprang from Nhu's mystical authori-
tarianism. For Browne the war was less ro-
mantic. The life of a wire service reporter on
call 24 hours a day in so tense a situation is
no picnic. His book is written in flat agency
prose. Both men acquitted themselves hon-
orably, in the best tradition of American
journalism, which is always to be skeptical
of any official statement. But both books
are marked by that characteristic intentness
on the moment; the idea that the past may
help explain the present appears only rarely.
There is no time for study, and American
editors do not encourage that type of jour-
nalism in depth which distinguishes Le
Monde or the Neue Zuricher Zeitung.
This defect is most damaging in reporting
on the origins of the revolt against Diem.
The average American newspaper reader got
the impression that this was brought about
by esoteric and long-distance means, by
Communist plotters activated from Hanoi
to engage in that mysterious process re-
ferred to in our press as "subversion." This
is the closest modern equivalent to witch-
craft. Halberstam's account of the origins
is better than Browne's, but the real roots of
discontent are touched on only peripherally.
We get a glimpse of them in Halberstam's
report that General Taylor after his first
mission in 1960 recommended "broadening
the base of the Government, taking non-Ngo
anti-Communist elements into the Govern-
ment; making the National Assembly more
than a rubber stamp; easing some of the
tight restrictions on the local press." The
prescription was for a little of that democ-
racy we were supposed to be defending, but
Diem would not take the medicine. The
accumulation of grievances, the establish-
ment of concentration camps for political
opponents of all kinds, the exploitation and
abuse of the villages, the oppression of the
intellectuals, the appeal of the 18
notables in 1960, and the attempted military
coup that year, "the longstanding abuses"
which finally led to the revolt, are not
spelled out as they should be 2 and would be
if U.S. reporters had more contact with the
Vietnamese. In a flash of insight Halber-
stam writes:
"Also, though we knew more about Viet-
nam and the aspiration's of the Vietnamese
than most official Americans, we were to some
degree limited by our nationality. We were
there, after all, to cover the war; this was our
primary focus and inevitably we judged
events through the war's progress or lack
of it. We entered the pagodas only after
the Buddhist crisis had broken out; we wrote
of Nguyen Tuong Tam, the country's most
distinguished writer and novelist, only after
he had committed suicide-and then only
because his death had political connotations;
we were aware of the aspirations of the peas-
ants because they were the barometer of the
Government's failure and the war's progress,
not because we were on the side of the popu-
lation and against their rulers."
This accounts for how poorly these re-
porters understood the central problem of
land reform, how few realized that from the
standpoint of the peasants, particularly in
the delta, Diem's land reform policy, like
his hated "agrovilles" and our equally un-
popular "strategic hamlets," seemed to be
mechanisms for reinstating the rights of
the landlords who had fled during the long
war against the French. Diem's downfall
and the rebellion's success were largely due
to the fact that he tried to. do what even the
Bourbons in France after the Revolution
were too wise to attempt. He tried to turn
back the clock of the revolutionary land
seizures. In the name of land reform, many
peasants found themselves being asked to
pay rent or compensation for land they had
long considered their own.
This lack of contact with the Vietnamese
people and this fellow feeling for the junior
officers who were sure they could win the war
if only headquarters were different, also ac-
counts for the weak way both books fizzle out
when the authors try to supply some con-
clusions. Both oppose negotiation and neu-
tralization. Halberstam is indignant with
the indifference to Vietnam he encountered
I See the vivid account in his preface to 2 The best account is by the French his-
JulesRoy's agonized and eloquent "The Bat- torian, Philippe Devillers in "North Vietnam
tie of Dienbienphu," Harper, $6.95. Today" (Praeger, 1962) edited by P. J. Honey.
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CONGA ESSI(iNAL 1EdORb - -= API'fNtIX April 15, 1965
on his return home. He believes Vietnam a
legitimate part of our global commitment.
He feels we cannot abandon our efforts to
help these people no matter how ungrateful
they may seem. For the ungrateful major-
ity, the American presence had only succeed-
ed in polarizing the politics of the country
between authoritarian Communists and au-
thoritarian anti-Communists; the former,
at least, have the virtue of being supported
by native forces. The anti-Communist mi-
nority was grateful, of course, and feared
that with American withdrawal they would
be treated as mercilessly by the National
Liberation Front as Diem had treated veter-
ans of Vietminh after 1954, although a spe-
cific provision of the Geneva agreement
forbade persecution of those who had fought
against the French.
The files of the International Control Com-
mission from 1955 onward were full of com-
plaints that ex-Vietminh had been thrown
into concentration camps or executed with-
out charge or trial. In any eventual settle-
ment in Vietnam, the future of minorities
must certainly be a matter for concern, but
the notion that we have a mandate from
Heaven to impose on an unwilling people
what we think is good for `them will strike
few Asians or Africans as an object lesson
in democracy. Browne's feeble ending is
even worse. "Perhaps in the end," he writes,
echoing the cliches of the counterinsur-
gency experts at Fort Bragg, "America will
find it can put Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Giap
to work for it, without embracing commu-
nism itself." This was the delusion of
French military men like Colonel Lacheroy
and Colonel Trinquier, who returned from
Indochina thinking. they could apply Com-
munist ideas in reverse to the pacification
of Algeria. When frustrated, they tried to
turn their borrowed techniques of con-
spiracy and assassination against De Gaulle
and the French Republic. To apply Com-
munist methods in reverse, the favorite
formula of our counterinsuragency experts
does not make them any less unpalatable or
dangerous to a free society. The basic tactic
confuses the effect with the cause. To see
wars of liberation, the Pentagon's domi-
nant nightmare, simply as a reflection of
conspiracy, to overlook the social and eco-
nomic roots which make them possible, to
prescribe counterconspiracy as the cure, is
not only likely to insure failure but it tends
to shut off debate on peaceful alternatives.
Here the growing tendency of the Johnson
administration to make it seem disloyal to
question the omnicompetence of the Pres-
idency is reinforced by the natural tendency
of the Pentagon to see doubts about resort
to force as unpatriotic. There is the danger
here of a new McCarthyism as the adminis-
tration and the military move toward wider
war rather than admit earlier mistakes.
LAWS AND RULES FUR PUBLICATION OF
THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
CODE OF LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES
TITLE 44, SECTION 181. CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD; ARRANGEMENT, STYLE, CONTENTS,
AND ILsDExES.-The Joint Committee on
Printing shall have control of the ar-
rangement and style of the Co;voaEs-
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it shall be substantially a verbatim re-
port of proceedings shall take all needed
action for the reduction of unnecessary
bulk, and shall provide for the publica-
tion of an index of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD semimonthly during the sessions
of Congress and at the close thereof.
(Jan. 12, 1895, c. 23, ? 13, 28 Stat. 603.)
TITLE 44, SECTION 182b. SAME; ILLUS-
TRATIONS, MAPS, DIAGRAMS.-NO maps, dia-
grams, or illustrations may be inserted in
the RECORD without the approval of the
Joint. Committee on Printing. (June 20,
1936,. c. 630, ? 2, 49 Stat. 1646.)
Pursuant to the foregoing statute and in
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and delivery of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
the Joint Committee on Printing has adopted
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April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
there is such a demand, the public must be
awakened to the seriousness of the threat
presented by the current plans of the port
authority. It is for this important educa-
tional task that we ask your support.
The responsibility belongs to all of us.
I Directors of the World Trade Corp., under
ch. 928, New York Laws, 1946; 1st report,
Dec. 31, 1946; 2d report, Feb. 27, 1948; 3d
report, Dec. 31, 1948.
2 Port authority, "A World Trade Center in
the Port of New York," Mar. 10, 1961, p. 25.
8 The . New York Times, Mar. 21, 1961," p.
1: 2. ,,
Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p.'13: 4.
Ibid., Nov. 2, 1961, p. 41: 4.
4 The. New York Times, Mar. 24, 1981, p.
25:1.
Ibid., Mar. 28, 1961, p. l : 1.
Ibid., Oct. 20, 1961, p. 20: 5.
Ibid., Nov. 2, 1961, p. 41: 4.
c S..Sloan Colt, in a statement reported in
the New York Herald Tribune, May 25, 1962,
under the headline, "The Declining Port of
New York"; Austin J. Tobin, in a speech be-
fore the Pordham University School of Busi-
ness afid Alumni Association, Dec. 24, 1962,
reported in the Christian Science Monitor
under the headline, "New York Port Takes
Inventory."
8 Ibid.
7 Ralph W. Goshen, WCBS radio editorial
No. 310, "WCBS Questions Feasibility of
World Trade Center Proposed for Lower
Manhattan," Apr. 15, 1964.
8 Sam J. Slate, WCBS radio editorial No.
182, Oct. 4, 1962.
8 Ch.,.209, New York Laws, 1962, pp. 31, 32.
:14 The editors of Fortune, "The Exploding
Metropolis," Doubleday Anchor, 1958, p. 82.
11 Edward T. Chase, "How To Rescue New
York From Its Port Authority," Harper's,
June 1960, p. 67.
1 Edward T. Chase, "How To Rescue New
York From Its Port Authority," Harper's,
June 1960, p. 69.
38 Ch. 209, New York Laws, 1962, p' 28.
x4 The editors of Fortune, "The Exploding
Metropolis," Doubleday Anchor, 1958, p. 64.
HON. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. BINGHAM, Mr. Speaker, under
leave to revise and-extend my remarks,
I should like to call to the attention of
my colleagues and readers of the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD generally two ex-
cellent articles that appeared recently
in the New York Herald Tribune, com-
menting on President Johnson's great
speech at Johns Hopkins University.
The first, an editorial, very properly
reJects the charge that the President was
trying to "buy peace" with his advocacy
of a vast development plan in south-
east Asia. The second article, by David
Lawrence, is ' the more remarkable be-
cause it comes from a writer who has,
to put it mildly, not always been in agree-
merit with Democratic Presidents.
I believe, Mr. Speaker, that the validity
of the points made in these articles will
be established by history, and that the
President's address at Johns Hopkins
University will go down as one of the
most statesmanlike of our era.
The articles follow:
[From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 11,
1965]
DAMS-NOT DOLLARS
The assertion by some Americans, in and
out of Congress, that President Johnson was
trying to buy peace with his advocacy of a
vast development plan in southeast Asia is
very wide of the mark. Yet it is the familiar
charge leveled at the foreign aid program.
Because the programs are generally stated,
for simplicity, in dollars, Congressmen and
the public both tend to forget that what
foreign aid means to the recipient is not
dollars but dams-and roads, factories, har-
bor works and irrigation projects.
As President Johnson said: "The vast Me-
kong River can provide food and water and
power on a scale to dwarf even our own TVA."
Studies and preparatory work for the plan
have been underway for years, under the aus-
pices of the U.N. To complete so grandiose
of scheme will, of course, require dollars-
and, one may'hope, pounds, francs, marks
and even rubles. It will also require peace,
and a degree of political stability in an area
running from Burma to the South China
Sea. But above all, it will require coopera-
tion, among the nations of southeast Asia
and among the industrialized countries that
can give reality to the plan.
It is this complex of needs, rather than
any simple purchase of peace with dollars,
that gives real meaning to the Mekong River
project. For by bringing many nations to-
gether for the purpose of raising the living
standards of millions of underprivileged hu-
man beings the plan could accomplish much
for the region and for the world. It would
help the Burmese, the Thais, the Laotians,
Cambodians and Vietnamese in very practi-
cal ways. And by setting up an example of
genuine international collaboration, it would
reduce tensions and hold up common goals
for them and for those who would supply
the aid. It is a great concept, difficult of
achievement, certainly, but offering hopes
far beyond any mere diplomatic horse trade.
[From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 9,
1965]
THE PRESIDENT'S VIET SPEECH
(By David Lawrence)
WASHINGTON.-President Johnson's latest
speech on the Vietnam situation is one of
the best exposition of American foreign pol-
icy that has been presented since the "cold
war" began. The advisers who helped to
compose it also deserve credit because they
acurately assembled the facts that make up
the consensus of American thinking today.
The President avoided the mistake made
by the United Nations in Korea when consent
was given to participate in a cease-fire which
never was followed by the signing of a peace
treaty.
This time there is no self-imposed restric-
tion upon the United States to withhold
military action while peace talks are pro-
ceeding. The Communists cannot with im-
punity, therefore, string out peace discus-
sions year after year while at the same time
conducting clandestine violations of a cease-
fire agreement.
So when Mr. Johnson declared that he
would enter peace talks unconditionally, it
means that the United States retains its free-
dom of action and can punish the enemy
and retaliate whenever there are aggressive
acts.
The key words in the President's speech
are these: "We will not be defeated. We will
not grow tired. We will not withdraw, either
openly or under the cloak of a meaningless
agreement."
A1879
Having said this, however, the President
made a constructive suggestion along an
entirely different line when he called for
an international program for development
of southeast Asia, starting with a coopera-
tive effort by the countries of that area. He
urged Secretary General Thant of the United
Nations to use his prestige to initiate such
a plan and invited "all other industrialized
countries, including the Soviet Union," to
become participants. He added: "For our
part, I will ask the Congress to join in a bil-
lion-dollar American investment in this
effort as soon as it is underway."
This move has been wrongly interpreted
by some as merely a kind of sop to those who
have been criticizing the continuing of the
war. Its significance is deeper. This is the
first time that the United States in recent
years has publicly declared a policy that goes
beyond governments and into the hearts and
minds of the peoples themselves.
Whether because of timidity or indiffer-
ence, the United States has not carried on a
campaign directly to the peoples of the
Communist-dominated countries. It has not
endeavored to show them how much better
off they would be if they had a free govern-
ment.
The President's speech doesn't necessarily
imply that there is any intention to drive
a wedge between the peoples and their
totalitarian governments. But the United
States, in its information programs overseas
and in its policy speeches broadcast abroad,
has too long neglected the importance of
telling the peoples of the Communist and
"neutralist" countries of the willingness of
the American people to help them seek a
life of individual opportunity and improved
economic conditions.
In countries where the hand of the op-
pressor is stern there is no way to attain
the kind of living conditions which prevail
in the free countries except by the concerted
will of a determined populace.,
Too often the idea of revolution is scoffed
at in the belief that armies are controlled
by the dictators. But, as was evidenced in
1917 in the revolution against the czar, even
the army participates in the revolt when pub-
lic opinion definitely desires it.
President Johnson rightly discussed the
need in southeast Asia for homes for millions
of impoverished people. He said:
"Each day these people rise at dawn and
struggle through until the night to wrestle
existence from the soil. They are often
wracked by diseases, plagued by hunger, and
death comes at the early age of 40.
"Stability and peace do not come easily in
such a land. Neither independence nor hu-
man dignity will be ever won, though, by
arms alone. It also requires the works of
peace.
"The American people have helped gener-
ously in times past in these works, and now
there must be a much more massive effort
to improve the life of man in that conflict-
torn corner of our world."
This is a welcome note in the outline of
American foreign policy. It needs to be
followed up by radio and every other form
of communication. For history has proved
that, if ideas are conveyed to a few, they
spread to many by word of mouth, which
indeed is the most effective form of com-
munication in ' existence today. The Com-
munist governments will, of course, reject
the proposal for economic aid, but the seed
will have been planted among the people.
The President wisely did not discuss de-
tails. But he made it clear that the United
States wants peace-not war. He also
pledged American cooperation to achieve a
better life not merely for the free peoples but
for those whose rights have been so elegantly
abused by their rulers.
The speech was remarkable because of its
forthrightness and its scope. Sooner or later
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX April 15, 1965
peace talks will begin, and it looks now as if
the advantage then will be on the side of
the United States.
A Gratifying Example of Dedication by
Another Peace Corps Member
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES S. JOELSON
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I am
pleased to insert in our RECORD the in-
spiring story of another ambassador of
good will in shirtsleeves. The news
item is from the Paterson Evening News
of April 13, 1965, and deals with a
constituent of whom I am proud, Roy H.
Elsenbroek, a member of the Peace
Corps.
The closing paragraphs of the article
so ably written by Bert Nawyn were par-
ticularly pertinent in the week before
Good Friday and Easter, as they indi-
cate the fact that religious principles
can be translated into meaningful ac-
tions.
The article follows:
(By Bert Nawyn)
HAWTHORNE.-If anybody can change the
American image abroad it will be Peace
Corps members such as Roy H. Elsenbroek,
who returned home last week from east
Pakistan.
Elsenbroek, a handsome young man of
20 years, tells of his experiences in east
Pakistan with enthusiasm changing into
a somber mood as he reflects on the priva-
tions of the population in that country.
GRADUATE OF EASTERN CHRISTIAN SCHOOL
ASSOCIATION
Young Elsenbroek is the son of Mr. and
Mrs. Henry Elsenbroek, 122 Westervelt Ave-
nue, and a graduate of the Eastern Christian
School Association. He entered the Peace
Corps on February 28, 1963, and ended his
service 2 years later.
Renewing acquaintances, he plans to be-
come either a missionary to bring spiritual,
moral, and physical assistance to deprived
people or to enter the U.S. Foreign Service.
Although they have the same government,
East Pakistan is separated from West Pak-
istan by over 1,000 miles. In between them
is India.
PRIMITIVE CONDITIONS
A comparatively small area, east Pakistan
is about the size of the State of Minnesota.
But there the similarity ends. While Min-
nesota has a population of 3.5 million
persons, there are 57 million people crowded
into east Pakistan, most of whom have no
modern conveniences, no telephones, no
television or radio, no sanitary conditions,
people who live in villages and hunt leopards
with bow and arrow when they prowl too
close to the thatched huts.
East Pakistan is on the Bay of Bengal.
About 90 percent of the population are
Moslems. West Pakistan, where the Gov-
ernment seat is located, is a modern area
compared to east Pakistan, where in the
larger cities the major products are burlap,
jute, fertilizers, and tea crops.
Young Elsenbroek had nothing but praise
for the Peace Corps and what it is attempt-
ing to accomplish. He said "We came into
the country, were welcomed by statesmen
and high officials, and then took our place
with the lowest class of people, to help them
and show them how they could live a better
life."
Elsenbroek emphasized, "There are 7,000
Peace Corps members from 18 years to grand-
parents. I met one man who was 76 years
old, doing a good job.
"The Peace Corps in such countries as
east Pakistan is changing the American
image abroad. We used to send tractors and
equipment to people who are illiterate. Many
times they were told that this equipment
was the gift of a Communist country. Now,
thesesame people find Americans willing to
give of themselves to plan a better life. This
impresses these people."
Elsenbroek was accepted in the Peace Corps
shortly after graduating from Eastern Chris-
tian High School, North Haledon. After
a 4-day stay In New York City for orienta-
tion, lectures, and instructions, he left with
102 other volunteers for Camp Radley, Areci-
bo, P.R. Camp Radley was named after the
first Peace Corps member who died abroad.
SURVIVAL STUDY
At Camp Radley, a month was spent in a
rigid survival course which included rock
climbing and instruction in survival methods.
The main objective of the course was to
strengthen physical, mental, and emotional
resources upon which the Peace Corps mem-
ber can draw to achieve the tasks which lie
ahead.
From Puerto Rico, Elsenbroek left with 48
other volunteers for Brattleboro, Vt.,
where a -course in "Experment in Interna-
tional Living" was given.
It was here that Elsenbroek learned to
speak Bengali, the east Pakistan language.
The program for that country was divided
into nine parts, consisting of the language
program, area studies, international affairs,
communism, American studies, technical
skills, training, the psychology of effective
functioning overseas, and Peace Corps
orientation.
At Brattleboro, 20 Peace Corps volunteers
dropped out. Disqualification of volunteers
went on during the entire training course,
which lasted 240 hours.
Elsenbroek left June 11, 1963, for a new
life of service to others and adventure, arriv-
ing at Dacca, in east Pakistan, on June 14.
"It was like coming into a different world
which could not be compared with anything
in this country. On a corner intersection
was a man selling meat. He had just slaugh-
tered a cow in an open market and was
slicing the meat as the people came up to
to purchase a piece. Millions of flies swarmed
about. The temperature was over 100? and
the stench was sickening."
SHORT LIFESPAN
Elsenbroek said that because of the high
mortality rate of infants the average life is
from 28 to 35 years. He remarked, "These
people live on a daily menu of curry and rice.
Vegetables are extremely hard to grow be-
cause of flooded conditions and the extreme
heat, which almost every day climbs up to
120?."
At Chittagong, where he spent most of his
time, Elsenbroek worked with engineer Grant
Wells, of Michigan. While at Chittagong he
received a citation from the Pakistan Gov-
ernment for devising and erecting a cy-
clone shelter.
East Pakistan each year is devastated by
cyclones, with thousands losing their lives.
The two Peace Corps members built a 150
person cyclone shelter which was approved
by the government. More are now being
built.
Peace Corps members in east Pakistan
helped the natives build roads, schoolhouses,
and other types of buildings. All these were
constructed without modern machinery.
For extracurricular activities, Elsenbroek
started ball clubs with the children, with
whom he soon became a favorite. While in
Jamalpur, he started a basketball team for
the natives.
What struck Elsenbroek as most impres-
sive is that natives of east Pakistan are con-
cerned with nothing but eating, sleeping
and having children.
NO TAXES
He remarked, "People in the villages are
not concerned over taxes because they don't
pay any, they have no social life, no PTA's,
no television, no religious organizations.
They lead a very simple life, one of the
simplest in the world. They don't complain,
because they know of nothing better. Chil-
dren have wooden carved toys. This truly is
primitive life."
Peace Corps members are volunteers who
are not paid for their tour of duty. Accord-
ing to Elsenbroek, some are disappointed
when they arrive at their destination. He
said, "A few of those coming to east Pakistan
took the next plane back to the States."
Peace Corps members do not sign up for
any specific length of time. Neither does a
stint in the Peace Corps exempt anyone for
service in the Armed Forces.
Elsenbroek said Saturday that he felt his
Christian parental, church and school train-
ing was largely responsible in his decision to
devote 2 year of his life in the service of
others.
He concluded "Throughout the world, the
American is pictured as being Interested in
materialism and what he can get for himself.
The Peace Corps shows the World that the
American is willing to give himself so that
persons in underdeveloped nations might
have a better chance in life.
When a Christian enters into this phase of
activity, he has before him the sacrifice of
one who gave His life on the cross of Calvary.
This is why I want to continue in a life of
service to others."
Johnson Proposal for Peace in Southeast
N
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CARLTON R. SICKLES
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, on the
editorial page of the Baltimore Sun this
week, there was an interesting and il-
luminating editorial regarding Commu-
nist reaction to President Johnson's pro-
posals for peace in southeast Asia. The
text of the editorial follows:
REJECTIONS
The initial rejection by North Vietnam,
Communist China, and the Soviet Union of
President Johnson's proposals for peace in
southeast Asia were about should have been
expected. They should not be allowed to
rule out the possibility of peace discussions-
but approached in a more roundabout way
than a public acceptance of the President's
proposition-nor should they be allowed to
obscure the point that the President was
moving in the right direction.
Communist doctrine, in the capitals of the
oddly matched triumvirate of North Vietnam,
Red China and the Soviet Union, requires
the government officials to pretend that
there Is no North Vietnamese aggression
against South Vietnam, and to claim that
aggression is being committed by the United
States in its effort to help South Vietnam to
maintain its independence. There is reason
to believe that the real policy of each of these
countries-policy that is affected by old na-
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April -15, A
tionalist concerns as well as by the present
split between the Chinese and Russian Com-
munists over the leadership of the Commu-
nist Parties around the world-may impel
each of them to a different approach to the
possibility of ending the war in Vietnam. It
is possible that these differences will figure in
the diplomatic explorations which will con-
tinue.
It must be kept in mind, too, that the Com-
munist side will not give up its effort to over-
run South Vietnam as long as there is a
prospect that it will succeed and will not
cost too much. To suggest, as some have,
that Mr. Johnson was trying to buy peace
by his suggestion for a great economic de-
velopment scheme, Including the Mekong
River program, is to turn the facts upside
down. The President was suggesting that
an investment in peace is better than an in-
vestment in war, and that if peace is estab-
lished all of southeast Asia, including North
Vietnam, will benefit. At the same time he
was insisting that, while the door is open to
peace discussions without preconditions, the
United States intends to press its present
military effort. Nothing decisive is likely to
happen soon. Patience and firmness are
essential.
Pan American Day
SPEECH
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
Mr. MAT$UNAGA. Mr. Speaker, I
rise in support of the resolution which
designates this day, April 14,' 1965, as
"Pan American Day."
Today marks the 75th anniversary of
the first Conference of American States
which was held here in Washington and
from which has developed the bulwark of
democracy and freedom in our own
hemisphere-the Organization of Amer-
ican States.
Throughout the long life of this orga-
nization, which is the oldest of its kind
in the field of international relations,
we have seen the wisdom of its founders
and the need for, its stated purposes.
Among the essential purposes pro-
claimed by the charter of the Organiza-
tion of American States are two which
are most familiar to us. These are, first
that the Organization is to strengthen
the peace and security of the continent,
and, second, that it is to prevent possi-
ble d'auses of difficulties and to insure
the pacific settlement of disputes that
may arise among the member states.
In the, effective accomplishment of
these purposes, this Organization of 21
American Republics has in recent times
presented a solid front against the en-
roachment of any subversive political
philosophy, particularly communism,
which has threatened and continues to
threaten its member states.
Threats to our continental security
and solidarity have taken other forms.
The Cuban missile crisis and the situa-
tion at Panama, of course, were epic
examples.
As we rededicate ourselves on this Pan
American Day to the principles which
affirm the necessity for peaceful, cooper-
ative action through the Organization
of American States, let us resolve to
bring to the attention of each of its
member states the need for legislation
such as that which was recently con-
sidered within these very Halls. I refer
to legislation which provides aid to edu-
cation of children, born to poverty and
which promotes the health and economic
welfare of older persons. It seems to
me that this would advance in a mean-
ingful way one of the least known pur-
poses of the Organization of American
States, and.that is, the member states
shall "promote, by cooperative action,
their economic, social, and cultural de-
velopment."
It is within the Pan American frame-
work of peace, security and an en-
lightened and healthy citizenry that the
member states, individually and collec-
tively, can continue to observe Pan
American Day with ever-increasing sig-
nificance.
A Call to National Conscience
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MORRIS K. UDALL
OF ARIZONA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, on Jan-
uary 25 and 26 of this year the city of
Tucson, Ariz., was the scene of a National
Conference on Poverty in the Southwest.
Here, for the first time, we saw some of
the extent of the poverty suffered by
Mexican-Americans, Indians and other
minority groups in the States comprising
the Southwest.
A number of participants in the. con-
ference have prepared a report entitled
"A Call to National Conscience." Be-
cause of its great importance and
relevance to our country's current anti-
poverty program I want to call this re-
port to the attention of my colleagues.
Mr. Speaker, without objection I shall
insert the report in the Appendix at this
point:
A CALL TO NATIONAL CONSCIENCE
The undersigned were invited to sit as
a "jury" while spokesmen for the poor and
representatives of both private and public
agencies aired their views on the causes of
and cures for poverty in the vast area of the
American Southwest. The speakers had-as-
sembled at the recent National Conference
on Poverty in the Southwest-and their testi-
mony dramatically underscored the delin-
quency of leadership in and for this area.
THE NATURE OF SOUTHWESTERN POVERTY
We were convinced by the testimony pre-
sented there that poverty in the Southwest
has characteristics that are unique in the
national American scene. The great dis-
tances in the Southwest .and the economic
expansion attendant on two decades of post-
war prosperity and population explosion
mask poverty in the rural areas, in the cities,
in the mountains, and in the desert. The
economic expansion of these decades has
given few benefits to the poor. In New Mex-
ico an Indian lives on a reservation on less
than $400 a year, speaking little English,
growing up in a culture that never developed
concepts of competition, baffled by the white
A1881
man's world of aggression and materialism.
In Texas a Mexican-American family of 12
subsists on a diet consisting principally of
beans and corn, trying to maintain a mar-
ginal existence on the fringe of an affluent
but hostile society.
We were told of the poverty of hope for the
white "Anglo" migrant farmworker who, sys-
tematically and deliberately exploited by the
big agricultural growers, ekes out a family
existence on $1,100 a year. He tries vainly
to understand why a nation permits-in fact,
invites-foreign laborers to compete under
deliberately favored conditions. California
growers were described as consistently pre-
ferring Mexican bracero labor.
We heard of the poverty of education and
opportunity haunting the Arizona Negro
who assumed he was escaping discrimina-
tion and inadequate schooling in the South-
east, only to encounter them again under
more hypocritical circumstances in an area
which exhorts its citizens to "stand on their
own two feet."
Poverty in the Southwest is represented
by some of the Nation's most abysmal
housing, and it is perpetuated by an educa-
tional system that makes no provision for
the special needs of its different ethnic
populations. For in the Southwest, as
elsewhere in the country, the most acutely
impoverished are the ethnic minorities.
They include 3.5 million Spanish-surnamed
people whose backgrounds may be a blend
of Indian, Spanish, Mexican, and Latin-
American origins; seeking identity among
the recently arrived "Anglos," these people
find themselves regarded as aliens. Of the
area's 2.2 million Negroes, only those in
California have found anything of the better
life they sought when leaving the "old
South," and even there this. "better life"
consists largely of better ghettoes and slowly
improving education for equal job oppor-
tunities. The Southwest includes some
200,000 Indians of varied tribes, nations, and
reservations who are shuttled back and forth
from rural to urban life by a confusing series
of Federal policies.
Several Southwestern cities have trebled
in size in the historic population explosion
of the past two decades. But Southwestern
civic and community leaders have ignored
the fact that this population growth would
necessitate preventive action against the
multiplying economic and social problems
confronting the region. And so the same
civic leaders have neglected the aggressive
social improvisations which the development
of a modern, urbanized society makes im-
perative.
With the spread of technology and the
growth of business and industry, the orig-
inal occupant of the Southwest, still rooted
in his native and different culture, has been
completely left behind. Educationally un-
prepared for the technical complexity of mod-
ern America, barred by racial, social, and eco-
nomic discrimination from participation in
the very society to which they belong, the
poor of the Southwest remain overlooked,
unwanted, and ignored-by the Southwest
and by the Nation.
THE ATTITUDES
The testifiers at the conference in Tucson
revealed conflicts, distrust, and intense com-
petition between the relatively prepared
"Anglos" on the one hand and the severally
disadvantaged Indian, Negro, and Spanish-
surnamed citizens on the other. This situa-
tion, aggravated by the widespread apathy
of the responsible members of the power
structure toward the problem of poverty,
seems to us to portend serious social disor-
ders in the future unless extensive social re-
forms occur. Here, in a five-State popula-
tion of 30 million, are over 8 million living on
annual family incomes of less than $3,000.
Possibly only the ethnic insularities and mu-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX. , April 15,-1965
tual distrusts of the minority groups have
so far prevented the coalescence of thought
and action necessary to force social reform.
Apparently a Southwestern power elite of
mining, oil, cattle, real estate, and agricul-
tural interests tends to sweep social prob-
lems under the rug. Testimony indicates
that the weight of this elite is arrayed
against the economic and political weakness
of minority groups and of the poor gen-
erally. The press, with certain exceptions,
reflects the views of the elite and reinforces
its dominance. The press also exhibits a
persistent suspicion of social causes and the
people involved in them, thus promoting a
regional antagonism to coordinated family
assistance, suspicion of private philanthropy
for social causes, and resistance to public
planning. It proclaims that social planning
properly resides in the private sector, but it
supports only minor endeavors by private
agencies. These factors may account for the
apparent indifference of private agency di-
rectors toward much-needed private and
public social reforms. They may also ac-
count for the fact that welfare adminis-
trators seem to thwart the will of the Con-
gress and of the Nation through welfare pol-
icies that, even charitably, can only be de-
scribed as inhuman.
REGIONAL INFLUENCES
Poverty in the Southwest differs from
poverty in other parts of the Nation because
the Southwest itself is different. A major
factor of this difference is the existence of a
1,500-mile border shared with a nation
whose, economic standards are 30 years be-
hind ours--a border far more open than most
Americans realize. As many as 3,000 immi-
grants per month enter to become perma-
nent residents. More than 30,000 commuters
swarm across the border on a regular basis
to work at wages which, while substandard
for the United States, make them compara-
tively well paid residents of Mexico. Many
employers, particularly agricultural grow-
ers, profit handsomely from this cheap
source of labor. This foreign labor force,
willing to work at 60 to 90 cents an hour,
depresses the southwestern economy which
is already suffering from growing automation
and excess job applicants.
The relative openness of the border has
created another problem-that of "semi-
citizens," Mexicans who have lived in the
Southwestern States, particularly Texas, for
decades. For various reasons they have not
become citizens. Many of them have now
lost track of the personal papers or witnesses
who could establish the vital statistics pre-
requisite for citizenship applications. Many
are old and incredibly poor. Lacking citizen-
ship, they are ineligible for most public wel-
fare or any kind of assistance except charity.
They have no homes to return to In Mexico;
in this country their lot is a form of aged
peonage.
We come then to some suggestions, both
general and specific, for attacking poverty in
the Southwest. National attention to this
region is obviously overdue.
SUGGESTIONS
First, the openness of our international
border must be reviewed. Steps must be
taken to regulate and reduce the flow of
"border commuters." Congress must enact
appropriate legislation and the State Depart-
ment must effect international wage, agree-
ments with Mexico. The Labor Department
needs its administrative hand strengthened
so that it can halt commuters when there is
a demonstrably adverse affect on the
U.S. labor force. State-and, where neces-
sary, Federal-legislation is needed to apply
fair labor standards to the international
worker as well as our own citizen. For pov-
erty in the Southwest cannot be separated
from poverty in Mexico while the inter-
national border reniains no more than an
inconvenience to commuters. The problem
is international in scope and should be ap-
proached internationally, even to the extent
of contemplating some kind of specific joint
Mexico-United States aid to northern Mexico
and establishing a minimum wage to the
Mexican citizens' service here. It is not
enough to treat the symptoms. We must en-
deavor also to cure or at least ameliorate
the sickness, which, in this case, Is the per-
petual depression that exists in the north of
Mexico and spreads into our vulnerable
Southwest.
We urge that public welfare agencies,
instead of wasting dollars trying to ferret out
chiselers, apply that energy and more to
rehabilitating the poor and reducing their
dependency. The Federal Government must
insure that the will of Congress is honored,
particularly in Texas and Arizona.
We call upon the Southwestern agricul-
tural States, notably California, Arizona, and
Texas, to bring farmworkers under the pro-
tective canopy of State labor laws. These
should include minimum wage laws; laws
securing workers in their rights to organize;
laws against discrimination and the like.
We urge grower participation in conquer-
ing the age-old problems of seasonal crops
and wages while laborers have year-round
family needs. We advocate total abandon-
ment of the bracero immigrant labor con-
cept. We request an interstate study of
education for those to whom English may
be the foreign or second language.
We appeal to the States of the Southwest
to reduce the varying harsh residence re-
quirements for old-age assistance eligibility
and to achieve some uniformity in their
welfare and other assistance programs.
Perhaps most important of all, we plead
for a new regional attitude toward social
programing not only for, but subject to the
ideas of the less fortunate. Perhaps a pri-
vately funded regional entity should be cre-
ated to give voice to the impoverished. The
various social agencies of the Southwest both
public and private-agencies concerned with
health, family planning, education, prepara-
tion for employment, and housing-must
abandon their aloofness and yield a major
portion of their planning and decisionmaking
process to the disadvantaged themselves.
United funds, community councils, and
other similar organizations should concen-
trate most of their time, funds and attention
on the problems of the poor and, as they
do so, involve these same poor at the highest
levels of policymaking. We believe that a
show of patience with the neophyte social
planner from depressed areas will produce
unheard-of dividends. It is not now being
done.
Finally, there should be national respect
for the cultural' differences of the great
Southwest. As one of the participants at the
Tucson poverty conference so eloquently
stated: "We have given too little awareness
to the history of this land which has made
us so affluent. In our haste we tend to equate
material poverty with spiritual and cultural
poverty * * *. The 'Anglo' must realize that
many who are poor in the Southwest have
rich and priceless traditions-a cultural kind
of affluence which we need badly to share.
As we undertake to rid the Southwest of
poverty * * * we'll be working in a land of
great beauty among peoples of great beauty.
We must be sure that our efforts in no way
erode the great gifts of diversity which we
enjoy here-diversity of language, art, dance,
ceremony, religion. And the 'Anglo' perhaps
must learn better to place himself properly
in the history of this region-the last to ar-
rive here-in a sense, the newcomer. We
owe to ourselves the obligation not to try
to overcome differences but to preserve and
honor diversity. For the 'Anglo' affluence it-
self badly needs the cultural enrichment of
the ancient peoples of the Southwest."
Respectfully submitted.
Leonard Duhl, M.D.; Mr. David Danzig;
Mrs. Grace Montanez Davis; Mr.
D'Arcy McNickle; Dr. Laurence
Gould; Mr. Henry Saltzman; Paul
O'Rourke, M.D.; Mr. Steve Allen; Mr.
Henry Talbert; Dr. Julian Samora;
Mr. Bernard Valdez.
MARCH 1965.
One of the Most Charming Institutions
of the Great Society
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. J. PICKLE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
Mr. PICKLE. Mr. Speaker, one of the
most charming institutions of the Great
Society is the incomparable Liz Car-
penter. The wife of newspaper corre-
spondent Les Carpenter, and a former
president of the Women's National Press
Club, Liz Carpenter is a delightful and
effective press expert for Mrs. Lyndon
Johnson and for the White House in
general.
Few women in America have the
genuine charm and spark which Liz
possesses, and an article which appears
in the New York Times, April 11, 1965,
and is printed below is an indication of
the recognition this lady so justly
deserves:
FIRST LADY'S LADY BOSWELL
(By Nan Robertson)
(NOTE.-Nan Robertson is a member of
the Times Washington bureau who regu-
largly reports White House News.)
WASHINGTON.-It was November 22, 1963,
in Dallas. Elizabeth Carpenter, executive
assistant to Lyndon Baines Johnson, was
riding in a black limousine from Parkland
Memorial Hospital to Love Field. Emerging
from a daze of horror and shock, she re-
calls: "I was aware suddenly I was riding
along with the Vice President. I started
scribbling what he might have to say when
we got to Washington. I gave it to him."
President John Fitzgerald Kennedy was
dead. Mr. Johnson was about to take the
oath of office as 36th President of the United
States in a hushed, desperately hurried cere-
mony inside a jet plane parked on a dirty
runway.
When the plane reached Washington,
President Johnson read the brief speech
Mrs. Carpenter had drafted (This is a sad
time for all people * * *. I ask fpr your
help-and God's"), then turned to her, "Liz,
go with Lady Bird and be of any help to
her you can," he said. He left for the
White House.
In the car on the way home to the Elms,
the mansion the Johnsons had bought from
Perle Mesta, the shaken First Lady asked
her companion what to expect. "There will
be reporters there. They'll want to know
your reaction," Mrs. Carpenter said.
"The way I feel about it? It has all been
a dreadful nightmare, but somehow we must
find the strength to go on," Mrs. Johnson
blurted out.
"That is your statement," Mrs. Carpenter
said.
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 Approved For F1 M IMA4.: -OR $ 000300150024-47pril 15, 1965
to the effect that incendiary leaflets had For more than 13/4 centuries this Na- We have passed a bill which will allow
been dropped over Selma, Ala., from a tion has played a dangerous form of the transitions of power to move to the
Confederate Air Force plane. brinkmanship with the highest office in Vice President and back to the President
Nothing of the kind happened. our land, the office which today is with- in case of the latter's disability. The
The Confederate Air Force has no out a doubt the most powerful and in- finalizing of this plan will lend conti-
affiliation whatsoever with any of the fluential in the democratic world. nuity of power and leadership to the
white supremist 'groups, or with any This bill, we have passed, will rectify office of the Presidency. The past his-
civil rights group. It does not have even previous inconsistencies and lack of con- tory of our country has illuminated se-
one member in the Alabama area, nor cise planning in the following important quences in which this country was stag-
does it have any aircraft within 1,500 processes: discharging the powers and nated due to a President's disability. I
miles of Selma, Ala. duties of the President in the event of implored this House to act, and they
Immediately upon hearing of the false his disability or incapacity; and assuring have, to prevent the possibility that this
charge, I asked the Federal Aviation the continuity in office of the Vice Nation will be encumbered with an
Executive who cannot act. ^,
t to
ff
t
id
l
\!
or
en
.
Pres
e e
Agency to make every possib
learn the identity of the pilot respon- It can readily be seen that hesitation
ction in the above areas
FAA
di
k
re
of
and lac
sible for dropping the leaflets. The
FARLEY ON
the Selma area lead to potential paralysis of our form of
t
r
o
s
sent two inspecto
from its southern regional office in At- government. Surely none can deny the (Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
lanta, Ga., and they worked throughout seriousness of these voids in conjunction ALBERT) was granted permission to ex-
the night running down leads. with the position our country assumes in tend his remarks at this point in the
and to include extraneous mat-
The FAA has reported to me: the free world. That we have escaped RECORD
Our inspectors talked to U.S. marshals, the possible tragic repercussions of these ter.)
Mr. Speaker, undoubt-
border patrol, National Guard, and FBI peo- omissions have, as the President has said, Mr. been
ple; however, none was able to tell us from "been more the result of providence than edly members PEPPER. of both Mr. parties have nd
which aircraft the drop was made since there any prudence in our part." fondly aware of a great American and
were several aircraft in the vicinity. I am happy that we have acted with patriot, Mr. James A. Farley, former
If the pilot can ever be identified, tie diligence and speed to pass this bill. Democratic National Committee chair-
Confederate Air Force is prepared to file This was a bill which cut across party man and Postmaster General, whom we
charges against him for falsely repre- lines; partisan politics must and were affectionately call "Jim." Mr. Farley
senting himself as a member of that relegated to extinction so that we could was in my district last week and was in-
organization. concentrate on the most sacred of legis- terviewed by an outstanding reporter,
Mr. Speaker, I deem it highly proper lative pronouncements-the amendment Mr. Jack Kofoed of the Miami Herald
to make this known to you and to the of our Constitution. on April 7. On April 6, Mr. Farley's
Members of this House, that there is no The importance of the office of Presi- wisdom appeared in the Miami Herald
finer group of men, and no more dedi- dent need not be dwelled on; the impor- strongly supporting the present admin-
cated Americans, who cherish and love tance of the office of Vice President has istration's current policy toward Viet-
this country and the principles on which been indelibly written by the tragic nam. i am happy to have this appear
it was founded, than the men who com- events in November 1963. The Vice in the body of the RECORD for my col-
pose the Confederate Air Force. President, outside of his increased au- leagues' information:
thority, participation, and responsibility [From the Miami (Fla.) Herald, Apr. 6, 19651
as an elected official, must be a position FARLEY LAUDS VIET POLICY
(Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. which allows instantaneous transition to Jim Farley, former Postmaster General and
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- the powers of the Presidency. Under Democratic National Committee chairman,
tend his remarks at this point in the this bill we have a significant departure declared here Monday he wholeheartedly en-
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- from previous law on the subject. It dorses the Johnson administration policies
ter.) declares that when the Vice-Presidency in Vietnam adding that "we have no other
[Mr. GONZALEZ' remarks will appear becomes vacant, the President shall choice in the matter."
nominate a candidate who shall take "We're in there and it's our fight whether
hereafter in the Appendix.] office after confirmation by a majority we like it or not," Farley told reporters dur-
ofvote of both Houses of Congress. One ing a brief stopover in Miami. The thing
I'm sorry about is that other nations are not
(Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. of the principal reasons for filling the giving us more assistance.
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- office of Vice President when it becomes "I thoroughly approve of what President
tend his remarks at this point in the vacant is to permit the person next in Johnson and the administration are doing
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- line to become familiar with the prob- in Vietnam and I think this is the attitude
ter.) lems he will face should he be called of a vast majority of the American people,"
GONZALEZ' remarks will appear upon to act as President. If we are to Farley sasaid.
[Mr. he sees no danger of Vietnam
id
into World War III "because
hereafter in the Appendix.] achieve this end, must assure that accelerating He
the position will be e filled by a person of the potential nuclear strength we have."
who is compatible to the President. Cog- The 76-year-old Farley, who just com-
(Mr. 'GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. nizance of this principle has led to major pleted a 2-week business trip to the Carib-
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- political parties to allow the presidential bean area as board chairman of the Coca
tend his remarks at this point in the candidate to choose his own candidate Cola Export Corp., said he believes "Lyndon
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- for Vice President. In this way, the B. Johnson will undoubtedly go down as one
country would be assured of a Vice Presi- of the truly great Presidents of our country."
ter.) dent of the same political party as the
[Mr. GONZALEZ' remarks will appear [From the Miami (Fla.) Herald, Apr. 7,
President, someone who would presum- 19651
hereafter in the Appendix.] ably work in harmony with the basic
JACK KOFOED SAYS "THANKS" I5 A WORD NOT
policies of the President. Too OFTEN USED
CONTINUITY IN THE OFFICE OF The incapacity or disability of the The phone jangled. I answered. The
PRESIDENT President has also been resolved by this voice was strong, vigorous. It said: "Hello,
bill. The Constitution while offering Jack. This is Jim Farley."
(Mr. WOLFF (at the request of Mr. procedure to fill the vacancy of Presi- Jim was chairman of the New York Ath-
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- dency, in case of death or our Chief letic Commission when I went to work in
tend his remarks at this point in the Executive, is silent on the procedure Big Town. He was a man of Irish charm,
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- when the President is incapacitated by keen intelligence, an unsurpassed knowl-
injury, illness, senility, or other inflic- edge of politics, and an amazing memory.
ter,) Farley went on to maneuver Franklin De-
-Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, in accord- tion. The country's security and move- lano Roosevelt Into the Presidency, and get
ance with my vote to pass the President's ment must not be entrusted to the im- him reelected by the greatest landside of
succession bill, I wish to make my views mobilized hands or incomprehending votes ever known in our history until Lyn-
on this subject clearly written in the mind of a Commander in Chief, un- Jidon m has oh son's lCooo lass year. Forv sear.
RECORD. able to command.
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 QJ141-DnP67B0046~R000300150024-7
April 15, 1965Approved Fore?SR
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
7
Mr. Speaker, under permission year, Massachusetts is slated to get a rela-
granted, I insert in the RECORD With my tively small portion, about $19.6 million.
remarks two editorials in support of the The reason lies in the distribution formula
,
[Mr. BRAY'S remarks will appear Elementary and Secondary Education which primarily aids schools in areas Of
hereafter in the Appendix:.] Act of 1965, taken from the Springfield poverty. The Bay State's percentage of chil-
of (under
dren Union, in my home city, and the Boston $2,000) from low-the en to west families
e u s o, thhe State the
Globe, both printed on April 13: l is
percent. among
(Mr. BRAY (at the request of Mr. [From the Springfield y The upshot t that ors
RLTMSFELD) was granted Union, Apr. 13, 1985] bulk of the "educational poverty" dollars
permission to NEW SOURCE or SCIiooL FUNDS will go to the rural Southern States. It may
extend his remarks at this point in the Is President Johnson's new aid-to-educe- help their attitude in education for Negroes.
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- tion program the doorway to the Great So- out A in more years rs to oable e. But may be worked
ter.) ciety or the keyhole through which the Fed- o come. But most Massachu-
eral Government will assume control of the setts residents will be content for now that it
(Mr. BRAY'S remarks will appear Nation's public schools? major general aid . education measure has
hereafter in the Appendix.] Conceivably it could be either. But those at last been passed. They will recall the
-~.. who fear the evil of Federal control may be acrid row in 1949 over aid to parochial
reacting too strongly too soon. The weight schools in the late Senator Robert A. Taft'zc
MILESTONE IN EDUCATION .,r a.,; ao o --- -- n.. .. _ hill mhP h;+ror e~~ e H w_