Congressional Record Senate

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150015-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: May 11, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

May 11, 1965
Puerto Rico and -gone to Santo Domingo to
raise once more tile flag of his cause.
. That might have given a fighting unity to
Ina scattered ..and dispirited followers. As
yet, however, he has not appeared where the
bullets axe flying and the issue is being
cleelded, - (
The supreme point, which should be un-
derStood. by everyone, is that the United
States is riot trying to overthrow the present
government or keep it in power. It is not
trying to restore Bosch as President or keep
him in exile in Puerto Rico. It is not inter-
fering in the internal polities of tlig Domini-
can Republic. Its politicalfate is to be set-
tled by the Dominican people themselves.
NO is the United States practicing inter-
vention or imperialism in the sense so famil-
iar to Latin America and so resented by it.
It is a strange sort of intervention whose de-
dared and single purpose is evacuation. The
United States wants to get, its citizens out of
the Dominican Republic, not to get more
troops in there.
But growing anarchy, the rising threat to
American citizens, and the sinister designs
of Communist power may give the United
States no choice but reluctantly to increase
its rescue operations.
-Meanw/alle every forward-looking leader in
Latin America Is being urged by the United
States to use his influeiice to keep the Do-
minican Republic from sliding into anarchy
or communism. The Organization of Ameri-
can States has decided to grapple with the
The Johnson administration seeks nothing
for this country in the Dominican Republic
mid it stands ready to prove this, once con-
ditions of law and order are restored and--
the Dominican people can shape their own'
national course without Communist domi-
nation,
(From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
May 5, 1965]
IrrrEnvEN77oN HAS OAS BASIS
(By David Lawrence)
Whether or not some of the countries in
Latin America disapprove of the sending of
U.S. military forces into the Dominican Re-
public, the realistic fact is that basic inter-
national law approves such rescue measures
when the lives of foreigners are endangered
and no other police force to protect them is
available.
The Charter of the Organization of Amen-
can States States provides, in effect. that, where
? there is an established government capable
of' discharging its international obligations,
"No state or group of states has the right
to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any
reason Whatever, in the internal or external
again of any other state." But this does
Rot exclude intervention when the local gov-
ernment has broken down. The United
States has openly declared that it has no de-
sire to participate in the political affairs
of the Dominican Republic.
There are indeed, even more pertinent ar-
ticles in the Charter of the Organiation of,
American States on this point. Articles 7
and 8 say:
"Every American state has the duty to re-
spect the rights enjoyed by every other state
in accordance with international law.
"TIle fundamental rights of states may not
be impaired in any manner whatsoever."
These provisions are in complete accord
with, precedents of international law, which
have always held that the-lives of foreigners
resident in a coUntry Must be protected
against any violence and that, if the existing
government is incapable of giving such pro-
tection, the state or states whose nationals
are threatened may take appropriate action
in defense.
? Another article in the Charter provides
"te territory of a state ie inviolable"
anck that "wIlitary occupation" or other
Measures of force must rhit be taXeu 4alnst
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CONGAESSIONAL itECORto ? SENATE
it even temporarily. The plain objective of
such a provision, however, is to prevent ter-
ritorial acquisition. The United States has
no hostility toward the Dominican people
and, of course, has no intention of annexing
a single foot of territory or of interfering
with a government once established.
Among the principles affirmed in the Char-
ter of the Organization of American States
are the following:
"International law is the standard of con-
duct of states in their reciprocal relations;
"An act of aggression against one Ameri-
can -state is an act of aggression against all
the other American states."
In the present instance, the United States
had detected an effort on the part of the
Communist imperialist regimes to take over
the Dominican Republic. This has precipi-
tated a situation which not only endangers
the lives of all foreigners, but also could
extinguish self-government altogether in the
Dominican Republic.
This means that the United States was
obligated by the Charter of the Organization
of American States to exert military as well
as moral force against the aggressors.
There will always be a dispute as to how
much evidence was available beforehand to
the American Government concerning Com-
munist infiltration. But there can be no
doubt that a state of anarchy developed in
Santo Domingo and that it was a wise pre-
caution for President Johnson to order
American marines to land, not only to pro-
tect American citizens but to prevent the
injury of many innocent persons in the Do-
minican Republic who were in no way par-
ticipants in the quarrels between the various
factions.
By announcing at once that the United
States would withdraw its forces as soon as
the OAS cOuld put into effect its own peace
plan, President Johnson followed the proce-
dures provided for in the Charter of the Or-
ganization of American States. The duty of
a strong nation like the United States is
clear. It must protect the weaker nations.
If an emergency arises, it can act alone.
The proof of the sincerity of the Washing-
ton Government is to be found in its open
declaration that it will join with other coun-
tries in the OAS to help preserve the inde-
pendence of the Dominican Republic. Per
the really significant provision of the OAS
Charter is its statement on collective security,
which reads as follows:
"Every act of aggression by a state against
the territorial integrity or the inviolability
of the territory or against the sovereignty or
political independence of an American State
shall be considered an act of aggression
against the other American States."
The U.S. action, therefore, is based upon
two points?the protection of the lives of
foreign nationals, and the preservation of the
territorial integrity and political independ-
ence of the Dominican Republic against acts
of aggression by imperialistic governments.
This was the fundamental principle origi-
nally proclaimed in the Monroe Doctrine, and
it has been preserved in essence in the
Charter of the Organization of American
States.
ADDRESS BY VICE PRESIDENT
HUM'PHREY TO THE ADVERTIS-
ING COUNCIL ?
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, on April 6, our distinguished
former colleague, Vice President HUM-
PHREY, delivered a most exciting and in-
teresting speech to the Advertising
Council. In the forthright and lucid
manner which is so inimitably his, the
-Vice President spoke of the great goals
We have for our land and the cooperation
between business and Government which
is so necessary in order to build the
Great Society. As he put it: "We have
no little dreams; we make no little
plans." HUBERT HUMPHREY spoke most
eloquently of the hopes we have for a
Great Society here at home and a peace-
ful and prosperous society abroad. I am
sure all Senators will find his remarks of
great interest. Therefore, I ask unani-
mous consent that they be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REMARKS OF VICE PRESIDENT HUBERT H. HUM-
PHREY TO THE ADVERTISING COUNCIL, APRIL 6,
1965
My friends in advertising should feel very
much at home in the America of 1965.
Not merely because our economy is boom-
ing--and billings are up.
You?as representatives of an industry
that lives by creativity?can feel at home be-
cause we are entering in this country the
most creative and therefore rewarding period
of our history.
America is creating new wealth?new
and better goods and services, faster, for
more people than ever before. But we are
creating far more than that. We are cre-
ating in this country the means for sus-
tained national growth. Not just economic
growth. But a fuller growth which can
keep us free and secure in the future.
We are improving and strengthening every
major resource of this Nation?our educa-
tional system, our medical facilities, our
housing, our recreation, and our most im-
portant resource, our people.
We are doing this through an unprece-
dented peacetime effort of national coopera-
tion.
First, there is the creative partnership
which now exists between Government and
private industry.
We see this most dramatically at Cape
Kennedy. Vital, creative work by Govern-
ment, the aerospace and other industry will
soon put Gemini Four into orbit. By 1970,
Government and industry, working together,
will land a man on the moon through project
Apollo.
We see it too in Comsat?a unique corpora-
tion which fuses public and private enter-
prise. Comsat will revolutionize interna-
tional communication.
We see this cooperation too in domestic
programs. Several major private corpora-
tions, for instance, are now serving the Office
of Economic Opportunity as contractors in
operating job training camps.
We see it in Government economic and fis-
cal policies designed to give the private sec-
tor maximum latitude for enterprise and
growth.
Thankfully, business and Government
have passed the time when they regarded
each other as natural enemies.
You of the Advertising Council have
demonstrated for many years the achieve-
ment in the public good which can flow from
the great talent and resources of private en-
terprise.
There is a second and broader area of co-
operation today in this country. This is the
cooperation which is developing between
others who once opposed each other as a
matter of course?cooperation between
North and South, Negro and white, farmer
and city dweller, business and labor.
There is another word for this developing
cooperation. It is consensus.
Consensus is voluntary agreement based on
constructive dialogue, mutual respect, and
understanding.
In consensus today, we Americans are to-
gether joining the fight on old common ene-
mies; poverty, disease, ignorance, discrimi-
nation.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE May 11, 1965
It is exilirating. It is, in the words of the
President: _
"The excitement of becoming, always be-
coming, trying, probing, failing, resting, and
trying again?but always -trying and always
gaining."
United we stand. And 'United we gain.
We must gain. Our needs are multiplying.
In 5 years, 211 Million people will live in our
country?half of them under the age of 25.
In 10 years, We will need--each year?over.
2 million new homes. We will need schools
for 10 million additional children ? * * wel-
fare and health facilities for 5 million more
people over the age of 60.
We have no time to lose. We must thal-
lenge the tasks at hand.
We must snake our cities more livable?
places where children can play and men and
women can work, in safety and health.
We must preserve our natural heritage be-
fore it is lost * * we must preserve our
landscape and our forests. We must pre-
serve clean air and water.
We must and ways to help our rural citi-
zens adjust to technological revolution and
social change.
We must solve the problem of mass transit.
The commuters present in this room know
what I'm talking about.
We have no little dreams. We make no
little plans.
President Johnson has proposed?and your
Congress is passing?legislation which will
help create the freedom and security we
seek.
Programs to provide adequate medical care,
to better educate our children, to eradicate
poverty, to give each man and woman in this
country truly equal opportunity.
These investments carry a price tag.
But the cost per thousand or per man
or per million of national problems like
illiteracy, school dropouts, poverty, delin-
quency, and, yes, discrimination is fax great-
er than the cost of our efforts to overcome
these things.
We spend $450 a year per child in our
public schools. But we spend 91,800 a year
to keep a delinquent in a detention home,
$2,500 a year for a family on relief, and
$3,500 a year for an inmate in State prison.
We must make the investments necessary
so that all in our society may be productive.
Poor and uneducated people are poor con-
sumers. They are a drain on our economy.
They are wasted resources.
But beyond the economic good, there is the
morality of our efforts.
We in America have always drawn strength
from our belief that deaciocracy can give
the greatest reward of all; the opportunity
fore each man and woman to make some-
thing better of hiriaselfin his own way.
We believe in the dignity and worth of
every man?not just our society as a whole,
but each man in it.
That is why we educate a child, or give a
hand to those without jobs or hope, or do the
things we must do to Insure that each Amer-
ican, whatever his color or national origin,
shall have his equal chance.
We must do here at home the responsible
tasks of freemen if we as, Americans are to
live up to our beliefs. I ask your sup-
port and your work for the programs which
will make these things possible.
I also ask your support and work for some-
thing else: for the belief that the world
need not destroy itself by war, and that we
Americans can help others, too, in other
places, find a better life. -
We hear many voices these days saying that
America is overextended in the world * ? *
that other people's problems needn't be our
problems ? * * that we ought to close up
shop overseas and enjoy our fruits here in
the good old 'U.S.A.
Too easy, mY friends. And too dangerous.
Who in the world will work for democracy
if we do not?
Who in the world can preserve the peace
if we do not?
Who in the world can set the example, can
offer the needed hand, if we do not?
We live in a time when everything is com-
plex, when there are no more rapid or easy
answers. We live in a time when we must
exert our patience as never before. Have we
the patience, for instance, to continue a dis-
agreeable struggle thousands of miles from
home?perhaps for months and years
ahead?without any guarantee of final
success?
I can tell you that the forces of totalitari-
anism have that patience.
We must stand abroad as we stand at
home: for the pledges made by Americans
who came before us. We must love freedom
and justice enough to practice it ? * and
defend it.
President Johnson has made his commit-
ment to all of us. I join him in that
commitment.
THE MESS I XIV
Mr. GRUENING. r. resident, uni-
versity communities?faculties and stu-
dent bodies?include a very substantial
number of opponents of our sOutheast
Asia policies. They properly reject Sec-
retary of State Rusk's chiding of the
academic world for what he chooses to
label its "stubborn disregard of plain
facts." A reply from New England uni-
versity faculty members was published as
a three-quarter page advertisement in
last Sunday's New York Times. It points
out their view that Secretary Rusk and
the administration spokesmen are the
ones who are guilty of "stubborn disre-
gard of the facts."
The advertisement was signed by over
750 faculty members of 25 New England
universities. Harvard leads the list, with
200 signers. Massachusetts Institute of
Technology is second, with 137. Bran-
deis is third, with 69; Yale, fourth, with
62. Boston University has 46; North-
eastern University and Tufts University,
43 each. Others are: Andover Newton
Theological School, Boston College,
Brown University, Clark University, Col-
lege of the Holy Cross, Dartmouth Col-
lege, Episcopal Theological School, God-
dard College, Simmons College, Smith
College, University of Connecticut, Uni-
versity of Vermont, Worcester Polytech-
nic Institute, Cardinal Cushing College,
Wellesley, Wheaton, Williams, and
Amherst.
The list is an impressive one of out-
standing faculty members, but I do not
wish to burden the Public Printer by
having the list printed in the RECORD.
However, I do ask unanimous consent
that the text of the message, entitled "A
Reply to Secretary Rusk on Vietnam,"
be printed at this point in my remarks
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the excerpt
from the advertisement was ordered to
be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times, May 9, nes]
A REPLY TO SECRETARY RUSK ON VIETNAM
In his address on April 23 before the Amer-
ican Society of International Law, Secretary
of State Dean Rusk attacked academic critics
of the administration for talking "nonsense
about the nature of the struggle" in Viet-
nam. He continued: "I sometimes Wilder
at the gullibility of educated men and the
stubborn disregard of plain facts by men who
are supposed to be helping our young to
learn?especially to learn how to th.nk."
This abusive language suggests that tin ad-
ministration wants to silence its critics.
This suggestion is confirmed by insioua-
tions from other administration spokesmen
about the loyalty of such critics. Precisely in
this time of crisis, however, the academic
community has both a right and an obliga-
tion to point out hazards and inconsistencies
in our military and diplomatic policy.
It is easy to see why the Secretary of !nate
is angry. The reasons have nothing to do
with "gullibility" in the academic COECIUU-
nay. He is angry because the facts and wider
considerations brought up by these Gl Wes
have contradicted so many official pronot nee-
ments. It is not the scholars but the leaders
of the administration who have shown a
"stubborn disregard of plain facts."
PLAIN FACTS?
For example, on March 25, 1965, President
Johnson said, "We seek no more than a re-
turn to the essentials of the agreements of
1954?a reliable agreement to guarantee the
independence and security of all in southeast
Asia." But the "plain fact" is that the
Geneva agreement did not provide for a divi-
sion of Vietnam into two nations. Os the
contrary, the agreement spoke of the two
parts of Vietnam as "regrouping zones" and
said that "the military demarcation line is
provisional and should not in any way be
interpreted as constituting a political on ter-
ritorial boundary." It provided that
"* * * general elections shall be held in July,
1956, under the supervision of an inter-
national commission * ? *." No such unty-
ing elections have been held. The Salgo a re-
gime, with United States approval, ref asecl.
Ever since, the United States has insisted
that Vietnam remain divided.
On April 7, 1965, the President gave an-
other description of the administration's
goals. He said, "Tonight Americans and
Asians are dying for a world where each
people may choose its own path to change,"
and further on: "Our objective is the inde-
pendence of South Vietnam, and its freedom
from attack. We want nothing for our-
selves?only that the people of South "Viet-
nam be allowed to guide their own cot ntry
In their own way." The plain fact is that
the scale of American intervention is ineorn-
patible with the goal of self-determination.
North Vietnam has, to be sure, intehened
by helping the Vietcong. But at every iitage
of the war the scale of American interven-
tion has been far greater. The manner of
combat shows that we have saturated South
Vietnam with every kind of military ecnip-
ment the terrain allows. We airlift ti oops
and supplies continually. We drop riaaahn
on civilian populations intermingled with
guerrillas. We burn and defoliate crops and
forests. We have resorted to incapacitating
gas. An intervention as massive as this does
not furnish a choice to the people. It de-
prives them of one.
STUBBORN DISREGARD OF PLAIN FACT::
If American actions in Vietnam are de-
fensizie, administration attempts to defend
them should square with the plain facts.
Self-deception about American intervention
can be a greater peril than discriminating
protest Only by recognizing the ambigui-
ties of the situation can we reach accord with
the deepest levels of the American conscience
and with the common conscience of man-
kind. The administration may have con-
trived the discreet silence or the gruC.ging
lipservice of some foreign governments and
of some U.S. Senators, but the hazards and
inconsistencies of the present policy are
widely recognized both at home and abroad.
The situation in Vietnam raises serious
moral questions, not merely diplomatic and
tactical ones. As a nation we hold inunense
power. To permit it to be used in reckless
and barbarous ways is to imperil the entire
basis of American leadership.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Let us make known to the Government and
to our compatriots that we oppose the dis-
astrous policy of continued bombardment of
North Vietnam. Continuation of the present
policy makes it impossible for Americans and
Russians to talk further about peaceful co-
existence and encourages all Communist na-
tions to close ranks in opposition to the Unit-
ed States.
World opinion does not support U.S. mili-
tary operations in Vietnam. Throughout the
nam militarily. The myth-that an inde-
pendent government of Vietnam asked
us in, and that successive Presidents have
pledged such aid on the basis of such
a request, needs to be disspelled as a pre-
liminary to realistic negotiations. As a
third revision, there should be an under-
standing that there has been aggression
on both sides. Our buildup of arms in
South Vietnam was a violation of the
world these operations appear increasingly to Geneva agreement. That is spelled out
be a campaign in the self-interest of a West-
ern power rather than in the interest of that
stricken Asian nation. Indochina has been
macerated by 20 years of anticolonial, na-
tionalist, and Communist warfare. The Unit-
ed States has the military might to defeat the
Vietcong. But unless we show immediate re-
straint, and show humane imagination in
bringing interested parties to the peace table,
we risk the loss of the respect and sympathy
of men and nations far beyond the present
theater of war.
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
Citizens must speak out on issues of na-
tional policy. We will not be intimidated
by charges of gullibility or disloyalty.
We demand that the administration return
to the plain facts and make an earnest at-
tempt to obtain a negotiated peace. Reitera-
tion of the phrase "unconditional discus-
sions" is not enough, especially because the
condition is attached to it that the rebel
forces in the civil war are not to appear at
the conference table. Peaceful intentions
can be made plainer than this. We must ar-
range for an immediate cease-fire and offer
to negotiate with the principal combatants, BosToN.?For a President who dreamed of
including the Vietcong; we must cease our uniting the country behind his policies,
air raids on North Vietnam; we should use Lyndon Johnson seems well on the way to
the good offices of the United Nations in dividing opinion along intensely partisan
bringing about these ends; and we must as- lines. In this center, with its 13 universities
sure the world that we will not use nuclear and colleges and the complex of new Indus-
weapons in the pursuit of victory or in the tries grown up around advanced research in
pursuit of peace. - these institutions, the division is strikingly
evident.
The President's sudden action in sending
marines into the Dominican Republic seems
far more than the rapidly increasing Ameri-
can commitment in Vietnam to have aroused
student opposition and the deep concern of
the academic community. From the prespec-
tive of Boston it is possible to see two poles
of opinion sharply alienated coming into
being with attitudes hardening at each
extreme.
At a "teach-in" at Boston University the
other night, with most of the area colleges
represented, an overflow crowd of 2,000
warmly applauded Barrington Moore, Jr., a
Harvard sociologist, when he said: "We have
to stop the enemies of freedom at home and,
let's be blunt about it, Johnson is one of
them. It is my careful and sober judgment
that Johnson is one of the most dangerous
men in politics today."
Turner A. Shelton, a. spokesman for the
State Department, got some cheers but far
more boos and catcalls when he said, "If
you're afraid to fight I don't know how to
help you." At one point a faculty adviser
took the microphone from Shelton to appeal
to the students to allow Shelton to be heard.
More significant than this uproarious out-
pouring was the earlier "teach-in" at Har-
vard. By comparison, it was sober and, ac-
cording to all reports, well balanced. Dis-
tinguished professors such as J. Kenneth
Galbraith, a former Ambassador to India,
analyzed the Johnson policy on Vietnam and
While Galbraith and others opposed the
bombing in North Vietnam they argued the
case for sustaining a position of strength
that would permit a negotiated settlement
of the war. The unilateral intervention of
the United States in a small, troubled Carib-
bean republic has been the trigger for a more
Unrestrained and vociferous readtion among
students.
in the report of the Commission created
by that accord. The same is true of the
violations by the North Vietnamese.
As a fourth revision, there should be
a willingness to negotiate with the Na-
tional Liberation Front?in other words,
the Vietcong. Even if Hanoi should de-
cide to yield, in response to our bombing
of North Vietnam, the war would not
cease. It has been, and still is, a civil
war, although in response to vastly in-
creased U.S. aid, North Vietnamese aid
to the Vietcong has also increased.
I ask unanimous consent that Marquis
Childs' article entitled "Academics Op-
pose Johnson Policies," be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post, May 10, 19651
ACADEMICS OPPOSE JOHNSON POLICIES
(By Marquis Childs)
Mr. GRUENING. Furthermore, Mr.
President, in yesterday's edition of the
Washington Post, the distinguished col-
umnist, Marquis Childs, commented on
the New England situation. Writing
from Boston, and under the headline,
"Academics Oppose Johnson Policies,"
he pointed to the very considerable re-
volt taking place in our universities
against the administration's policy in
aeutheast Asia. He pointed out that
while in voting strength the intellectual
community may not amount to a great
deal, nevertheless, over the years, this
community has, on the whole, supported
Democratic Presidents and has supplied
Ideas and initiatives. He added that this
is an important function that cannot be
scorned. Neither would it be safe for
the administration to continue to dis-
regard this very substantial opposition by
the intellectual leaders of our Nation's
life. The adminiStrattOrt would do well
to revise, first of all, the facts on which
It bases its policies, so as to make them
accord with history, and, on that basis,
to revise the so-called unconditional
discussions or negotiations which Presi-
dent Johnson proclaimed in his April 1
Johns Hopkins University address.
Among the revisions 'should be, first of
all, a recognition that the Geneva ac-
cords, a return to which the President
has urged, provide for a reunited North
and South Vietnam, not an independent
South Vietnam; second, the revision
should take coanizance of the fact that
the United Stafei uhder the Eisenhower
administration, invited' itself to aid Viet-
Faculty members with whom this reporter
has talked speak with deep concern of the
trend of American foreign policy. They see
President Johnson resorting more and more
to the emotional appeal of anticommunism
to win support for his actions. As the recent
past has shown, such an appeal gets a re-
sponse from a large segment of opinion. But
such an appeal, the fear is. Will create a war
psychosis defeating all hope of easing ten-
sions and threatening a nuclear confrontation
down a deadend road.
The memory of John F. Kennedy is strong.
This is still Kennedy country. His academic
admirers speak of his American University
speech calling for a peaceful settlement of
differences with the Soviet Union and the
nuclear test ban treaty that followed as they
ask whether the current promise set in mo-
tion is forever cut off.
On innumerable campuses across the coun-
try, judging by all reports, this same phe-
nomenon is evident. The alienation of the
intellectual community, if that is what is
happening, can be easily discounted. A car-
toon in the Boston Traveler summed it up?
L.B.J. as an anguished Hercules holding the
world on his shoulders while beatniks and
the "better Red than dead" chip away at his
ankles.
But among serious young students there is
a genuine fear of what the intrusion of the
Communist issue can do to student attitudes.
They are especially concerned over the effort
to brand certain phases of the civil rights
movement as Communist-infiltrated or Com-
munist-dominated and then linking this to
the anti-Vietnam movement to discredit all
student movements. It will harden atti-
tudes, the belief is, and make it easier for the
very small number of Marxist or Communist-
oriented students to gain influence.
As a straw in the wind the Harvard Crim-
son editorial board was virtually unanimous
in support of an editorial condemning the
Dominican intervention while the board was
divided, roughly 10 to 9, over a strong anti-
Vietnam editorial last November. "The U.S.
Government seems incapable of understand-
ing that social reform, not communism, is
the central concern of Latin Americans," the
editorial said.
In voting strength the intellectual comnm-
nity is probably not more than 5 percent of
the total, if it is that large. A practical
politician can, therefore, dismiss it. But over
the years this community has, on the whole,
supported Democratic Presidents and sup-
plied ideas and initiatives. This is an im-
portant function that cannot be scorned.
MESSAGE TO YOUTH DURING
AMERICAN EDUCATION WEEK
Mr. 'TYDINGS. Mr. President, this
past week I received a letter from Dr.
Hyman B. Kaminkow, a distinguished
educator in Baltimore city. Dr. Kamin-
kow is the principal of the Gwynns Falls
Elementary School.
He has suggested to me that the Presi-
dent give an annual message to the youth
of our Nation during American Educa-
tion Week.
Mr. President, the concept of an an-
nual message to the young people of this
country is an appealing one. Adults
talk about the importance of an educa-
tion but little is done directly to explain
to our youngsters the goals and aspira-
tions of our society in terms of educa-
tion.
A message from the President to the
youth of our Nation will highlight the
importance we place on this vital sub-
ject.
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9788 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to place at this Mint in the RECORD
a copy of Dr. K.aminkow's letter to me
and his letter of request to the President
of the United State.s. I commend to my
colleagues these thoughtful letters with
the hope that they too might petition the
President on behalf of this excellent sug-
gestion:
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
GWYN-NS PALLS ELEMENTARY ScHOOL,
Baltimore, Md., April 27, 1965.
HOE. JOSEPH D. TYDLNGS,
New Senate Office Bui/ding,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR TIDINGS: In an address at
the University of Michigan, May 22, 1965,
President Lyndon B. Johnson said, "The
Great Society is a place where every child
can and knowledge to enrich his mind and
to enlarge his talents." This statement rein-
forces my deep conviction of the urgent need
of an annual presidential message to the
children and. youth of our Nation irrespec-
tive of the political party in office. Although
/ am aware of the tremendous beneficial im-
pact of recently passed Federal legislation
in the field of education, I am equally aware
of the political, social, and economic climate
of our time which makes the President's an-
nual message to the children and youth of
our Nation more appropriate today than at
any other time. The Great Society needs
the additional impact of an annual presi-
dential message that would serve not only to
Motivate the children and youth to enrich
their minds and to enlarge their talents, but
to set a continuing example of our goals and
standards for their future needs.
Should you find merit in the suggestion
of the President's annual message to the
children and youth of our Nation during
American Education Week, then I would
deeply appreciate the services of your office
In effectuating its realization. I am hope-
ful that you will find it in the public inter-
est to lend your support and cooperation to
Mr. Allen Dale Olson, AEW coordinator,
whose very warm reaction to my suggestion is
amplified in his letter to me.
I extend my deep appreciation to you for
your consideration of and response to this
letter.
Sincerely,
HYIVIAN B. KAMINKOW,
Prittalpa/.
BALTIMORE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL No. 60,
Baltimore, Md., February 24,1964.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR Ma. PRESIDENT: During one of the
4 tragic days of the assassination of our late
President John F. Kennedy, I was fortunate
to view a rebroadcast of a special television
program in which you were interviewed by a
commentator on the LBJ ranch. I was im-
pressed by the simplicity and cogency of your
comments On national and international af-
fairs. Tour comments were so sincerely ex-
pressed that they gave meaning to the quo-
tation, "Sincerity is the highest form of
eloquence."
? Of particular impact was the comment
that the present generation is better than
the previous one, and that the next genera-
tion will be better than the present one.
This optimistic observation was significant
to me because of its educational implica-
tions; it gave support, strength, and en-
couragement to the pursuit of our national
goals. As Ralph McGill pointed out, "We
Cannot, any more than could past genera-
tions, see the face of the future. But we
know that written across it is the word edu-
cation.'
The television program I experienced sev-
eral months ago is still with me in some per-
sonal and prtifessional reflections. In the
past, every message by the President of the
United States, if my memory serves me right,
has been addressed to the adult citizenry.
Has not the time arrived, Mr. President, when
a "century of the educated man" talk be ad-
dressed to the children and youth of the ele-
mentary and secondary schools of our Na-
tion?public, private, and parochial?
You, Mr. President. had once been a teach-
er. In my mind, you still are; only this time
you're our "top teacher." And as our top
teacher, Henry Adams would have said that
you affect eternity because you never can
tell where your influence will stop. It is in
this light that I respectfully suggest an idea
that would take the form, via radio and
television, of the President's annual mes-
sage to the children and youth of our na-
ation. This message, I believe, could be
addressed appropriately during American
Education Week, a week when our children
and youth need to be reminded of their
unique opportunity to fulfill their respon-
sibilities of both optimum self-realization
and maximum contribution to our demo-
cratic society.
In conclusion, it is my hope that the
teacher and politician become President of
the United States will find merit in the idea
suggested in this letter.
May God grant you a double portion of
good health, strength, energy, and wisdom
In the guidance and protection of our
Nation.
Respectfully yours,
Hyman: B. KAMINKOW,
Principal.
UNDER SECRETARY OF TREASURY
PROMISES CONTINUANCE OF
SOUND DEBT-MANAGEMENT POL-
ICY
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, public
debt in the United States has often been
a subject of concern for many of our
citizens; and in recent months, members
of the banking community and investing
public have been especially interested in
possible changes in debt-management
Policy that might result from the
changes In Treasury Department person-
nel.
In an excellent statement before the
Louisiana Bankers Association, the Hon.
Joseph W. Barr, newly appointed Under
Secretary of the Treasury and former
Congressman from Indiana, outlined the
development of debt-management pol-
icies since the Second World War and ex-
pressed the administration's desire to
continue present policies in light of ex-
perience gained in recent years.
Under Secretary Barr pointed up the
Intricacies of the structural nature of the
debt and the new techniques developed in
the 1960's for meeting the difficulties?
techniques which have helped to main-
tain a sound monetary system.
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of Mr. Barr's statement be printed in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
REMARKS BY HON. JOSEPH W. BARR, UNDER
secanrAny OF THE TREASURY, BETORE THE
LOUISIANA BANKERS ASSOCIATION, J?074%
HOTEL, NEW ORLEANS, LA., MAY 4, 1965
On April 1, 1965, Henry H. Fowler became
Secretary Of the Treasury. Two months
earlier Frederick L. Deming became Under
May15 J965
Secretary of the Treasury for Monetary Af-
fairs. On April 29 I assumed the office of
the Under Secretary of the Treasurr, and
on the same date Merlyn N. Trued 1 name
Assistant Secretary for International ..lifsars.
Some of you may wonder what these changes
will mean in terms of policy developments--
particularly in the area of debt management.
Perhaps a brief report would be in order.
Secretary Fowler has already made clear
his intention to build on the programs that
have been taking shape in the last few
years. Thls intention is particularly strong
in the debt management area where so much
progress has been made in recent years.
In the same way that Secretary Dillcn and
Under Secretary Roosa built upon tho debt
management policies initiated and devel-
oped by Secretary Anderson and Under Secre-
tary Baird, I can promise that we will fol-
low through along the lines laid down by
our predecessors. The issues and prcblems
that confront the Treasury?in taxatior , debt
management, gold, silver, or the balance of
payments?all have a long life hist(ry. I
know this from personal experience, having
lived with a number of issues in the major
areas of Treasury responsibility.
My first contact with the Treasury, other
than that of being a taxpayer, was in 1959,
when as a new Congressman I came over to
the Treasury to meet some of the Treasury
officials and staff members. My discussions
with Secretary Anderson, Under Secretary
Baird, and the Treasury staff alerted me to a
developing problem that was to some extent
threatening to get out of hand?the prablem
of managing the public debt.
In 1959 this was not an important prob-
lem in the public mind, but the Tr c a,sury
was doing all it could to alert the ccuntry
to it. As a result of those efforts, and the
progress that has been made since t len I
am able to report now that public debt
management is in excellent shape.
I developed immediate interest in 1P59 in
the debt management problem. The con-
cern expressed about this problem. by the
Treasury at that time lead Representative
MOORHEAD and myself to a series of meetings
with Treasury officials and also to meetings
in New York with participants in the Gov-
ernment securities market.
Treasury officials at that time were ceeply
concerned over the problem of how to prop-
erly manage our public debt, and wei e in-
tensively exploring new techniques ir this
area. However, it was not until 196:: and
1963 that there was much public co acern
over the problem. This public concern was
perhaps best exemplified by the fact that
Congress passed three separate bills dealing
with the debt limit instead of only a Ilingle
piece of legislation to cover the Tear's
requirements.
As I was in charge of Treasury's cox .gres-
sional liaison at that time I can testify to
the irritation this caused Members of Con-
gress. By the time the year was over Con-
gress was not only heartily sick of the issue
but so were we in the Treasury Department.
However, by that time the Treasury was al-
ready well on the way to a satisfactory solu-
tion of the problem.
To understand how it was solved we
should begin with the nature of the prc blem
Itself. In terms of its size the public debt
has gone up $59 billion since 1948. This
seems like quite a startling increase until
It is put into perspective with the rcst of
the economy. This debt increase represents
a 23 percent rise, but since 1946 our popu-
lation has grown some 35 percent so that
on a per capita basis the debt is nearly $200
less than it was at the end of World War II.
The debt in 1946 was larger than our gross
national product but today it is less than
half of GNP. Similarly, during the same
period, while the Federal debt went t.p 23
percent, private debts, the debts of indi-
viduals, businesses, State and, local go Tern-
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gay 11, 1965
REA pattern has become an American
export.
At a meeting which I attended earlier
this month, President Johnson said:
For years, everyone wondered virhat there
would be to do when all rural America had
electricity. Well, I think now you have the
answer?you are going to electrify the rest
of the world.
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CONGRESSIONAL- RECORD ? SENATE 9775
I think this is a great statement about
a great program by a great President. I
cannot think of a better way to recog-
nize the 30th anniversary of REA than
to call attention to the way its experience
Is being put to such good use abroad.
The majority of REA borrowers are
cooperatives, owned and directed by the
rural people they serve. In many ways,,
this form of enterprise is ideally suited
to the desperate needs of new nations
just beginning to develop their economies.
The notion that farmers and other rural
people, totally inexperienced in running
electric utilities, can make a success of
their own electric system, is a revolution-
ary concept that has wide appeal. It is
also a sound idea that promises a prac-
tical approach to stability and demo-
cratic methods.
Rural electrification projects in 20
countries are underway. These include
not only our neighbors in Latin America,
but also such additional stanch over-
sea friends as the Philippines and Thai-
land.
In this way, the successful techniques
of U.S. rural electrification are being
widely applied throughout the world, to-
day. Direct application of the REA pat-
tern already has established new rural
electric cooperatives in Ecuador and
Nicaragua. I think Congress can be
- proud of a homegrown program that Is
winning friends for us at the grassroots
level overseas.
On the 30th anniversary of the Rural
Electrification Administration, all Amer-
icans pay tribute to this successful pro-
gram, which has contributed heavily to
the progress of our great Nation.
RUMANIAN INDEPENDENCE DAY
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, on May 10, 1877, the nation
of Rumania, after centuries of living
under the yoke of the Ottoman Turks,
declared its independence. Today, that
nation is only one among many in East-
ern Europe forming part of the vast
Soviet system stretching from the Baltic
Sea to the Black Sea, for in August 1944,
as World War II drew to a close, Soviet
armies marched into Rumania, and
stayed there, to insure the establishment
of a Communist regime subservient to
the Soviet Union.
In recent years, however, events have
shown that the Soviet leaders sorely un-
derestimated the determination of the
Rumanian people to maintain an inde-
? pendent stance vis-a-vis their giant
neighbor to the east and to the north,
and to cling to the traditions that always
have tied thein to the West. The Ru-
Manians haye_stubbornly resisted Soviet
efforts to maintain them in the inferior
position of a primarily agricultural coun-
try. They have sought help front West-
ern countries in the building of industry.
They have banished Russian as a com-
pulsory language in their schools. They
have pursued an independent line hi the
Sino-Soviet dispute. -
Undoubtedly, true independence still
lies far ahead; but the first steps have
been taken. It is my hope that, one day,
the Rumanians will once more be able to
observe their traditional independence
day in freedom.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
the 10th of May is a most significant
anniversary for the Rumanian people.
It is the commemoration of three great
events in the history of that valiant na-
tion. It is sad, however, that because
of the Soviet domination of the Ruman-
ian nation, this anniversary cannot be
celebrated openly by the people of Ru-
mania. However, those in exile do cele-
brate it. The Soviet Government has
forcefully tried to eradicate all traces of
Rumania's glorious past. Nevertheless,
the Rumanian people throughout the
world continue to observe this national
holiday with great devotion, and con-
tinue to work toward their ultimate goal
of restoring freedom to their homeland.
On May 10, 1866, the Rumanian dy-
nasty was founded when Charles of
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a member of
the Prussian royal family, was pro-
claimed Prince of Rumania. On May 10,
1877, Rumania proclaimed her inde-
pendence from the Ottoman Empire.
Another landmark in Rumanian history
was reached on May 10, 1881, when she
was recognized as a sovereign kingdom,
and Charles was crowned her first King.
Now, however, the Rumanian nation
Is living under the repression of a for-
eign ruler. The Soviets have changed
the national holiday from May 10 to
May 9, the anniversary of the Soviet vic-
tory in World War H. Although the
official celebration takes place on May
9, it is the traditional loyalty to their in-
dependence day, as celebrated on May
10, which warms the hearts of many
Rumanians. Celebrations of the May
10 anniversary continue, secretly.
In commemorating this important
event, we give the Rumanian people hope
and inspiration that will help to enable
them to maintain their efforts and to
join the great fight against communism.
All Americans look to the day when
Rumanians and other captive peoples
will again have freedom.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
Rumanian people constitute the largest
ethnic group on southeastern Europe, in
the Balkan peninsula. Some 19 million
Rumanians constitute a formidable
force in the Balkans today, as did their
robust ancestors in the course of their
Past history. For centuries these tire-
less tillers of the soil held their own
against powerful, ruthless, and aggres-
sive invaders. But in the 15th century
they were overcome by the Ottoman
Turks; their country was overrun, and
then made part of the Ottoman Empire.
During that long period, for nearly 400
years, Rumanians endured the crude,
cruel and oppressive rule of the Otto-
man Empire, and at the same time they
did their utmost to cast off the alien
yoke which weighed heavily upon them.
Time and again they revolted and rose in
rebellion against their powerful over-
lords; time and again they were over-
powered, and We're severely punished for
their attempts to free themselves. But
the Rumanian people, firmly resolved to
be free and independent, and unwilling
to be held down, or held back from their
national goal, revolted several times
during the last century, and in at least
of these uprisings they were successful.
In 1856, after the conclusion of the
Crimean War, they obtained autono-
mous status 'Within the Ottoman Empire,
and for all practical purposes their only
tie with their suzerain the Sultan was
the payment of annual tribute to his
treasury. But the Rumanians wanted
to cut off this last remaining link be-
tween themselves and their former op-
pressors. To attain this goal they rose
again in revolt in 1877, proclaimed their
complete independence of Turkey on
May 10, and started a war against the
Turks. Fortunately for them in this war,
they had the Russians as well as all other
Balkan peoples on their side. And the
victory of their cause was assured in 1878.
Thus May 10, 1877, and the events con-
nected with that date, mark a veritable
milestone in Rumanian national history.
The proclamation of May 10 ushered in
a new era in their national life, and made
them a sovereign and independent na-
tion. They then built and developed
their country, 'made good use of its im-
mense natural resources, and made Ru-
mania the huge granary, the real "bread-
basket" of Europe. Still later it was also
to become the largest source of Europe's
petroleum. Rumanians enjoyed the free-
dom as well as the prosperity of their
country. But the two World Wars proved
disastrous. In particular the last war
was tragic to the Rumanian people. They
suffered under the Nazis during that war,
and since 1945 they have been held down
by their powerful Communist neighbors
the Russians.
It is the sad and inescapable fate of
Rumanians to have the Soviet Union as
their neighbor in the East. That geo-
graphical fact made Rumania the first
victim of Soviet aggression early in 1945.
Until very recently Rumanians have been
held down with an iron hand by the
agents of the Kremlin. In recent years,
fortunately, Rumanians have taken full
advantage of the apparent relaxation of
Soviet rule in the satellite countries, and
have asserted considerable freedom, es-
pecially in economic and trade spheres.
It is naturally hoped that soon this free-
dom will extend to the political sphere,
thus enabling Rumanians to regain at
least a part of their long-cherished free-
dom. This is my wholehearted wish to
the Rumanian people on their indepen-
dence day.
ADMINISTRATION'S POLICY IN
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I wish to
bring to the attention of my colleagues
three items which recently appeared in
the press strongly supporting the ad-
ministration's policy in Vietnam.
The first item is an article by the dis-
tinguished columnist David Lawrence,
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,
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9776 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE May 11, 1 9 et
which appeared in the Washington Star
for April 28, 1965.
Mr. Lawrence quite accurately points
out that the difficulties Which are ham-
pering the administration are for the
most part in the psychological field. He
said:
What is said on the floor of Congress about
quitting the war in Vietnam, is promptly re-
layed and given overemphasis abroad.
In responding to those "who would
prefer to see their own Government make
peace at any price," Mr. Lawrence quoted
this unchallengeable paragraph from
President Johnson's statement:
From Munich until today we have learned
that to yield to aggression brings only greater
threats and brings even more destructive
war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of
a lasting peace.
The second item I wish to call to my
colleagues attention is an editorial in
the Houston Chronicle of April 29, 1965.
Commenting on the President's speech,
the Chronicle said that "he took to the
field to contain critics, at home and
abroad, of what be called 'a crucial
struggle' in southeast Asia." The edi-
torial went on to say that--
The President intends to carry the debate
to the critics, challenging their premises and
answering their demands for negotiations.
Equally plain, he shows no inclination to
back peddle from his resolve to stand firm
until and unless North Vietnam desists from
its attacks in the South------ria -openly accepts
his offer to parley.
The third item to which I refer in my
opening remarks is a column by Mr. Ken-
neth Crawford in Newsweek for May 10,
1965, captioned "Kidding the Kids."
Mr. Crawford is tolerant of the stu-
dent demonstrators against Vietnam.
It would be unrealistic to expect youth
to learn from the experience of age.
? Said Mr. Crawford?
Each new generation must learn for itself,
and from its own experience, not from ex-
ample or preachment.
But the distinguished Newsweek col-
umnist is not so tolerant of the faculty
members and academicians who are
joining the students in these demonstra-
tions or even inciting them to demon-
strate.
Unless the learned are incapable of learn-
ing from events?
Said Mr. Crawford?
professors should know from the world's ex-
perience during the last quarter century that
wars are not prevented by running away from
aggressors during the early stages of an
aggression. They do the student no service
by clothing his aversion to jungle war in the
habiliments of idealism.
Mr. President I ask unanimous consent
to insert into the RECORD at this point
the three items to which I referred in
my remarks.
There being no objection, the articles
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[Prom the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Apr. 28, 1966]
PRESIDENT DRAMATIZES PEACE ISSUE
,(By David Lawrence)
President jolanson felt that it was neces-
sexy to reiterate the American Government's
desire for peace negotiations to end the Viet-
nam war, so he used a televised press con-
ference yesterday?especially called for the
occasion?to dramatize the issue.
There is no doubt that the situation in
southeast Asia is causing anxiety and a feel-
ing throughout this country that the war
might be widened as well as lengthened.
Johnson is well aware of the apprehensions
that emerge as young men and their parents
begin to wonder if troops will be required in
larger numbers. So the President is wisely
explaining the Vietnam problem to the Amer-
ican people even though repeating what he
has said many times before.
The United States finds itself criticized
as an aggressor by the Communist countries,
and it is necessary to emphasize the truth.
This is that the Communists are continuing
their aggression in South Vietnam despite
opportunities to settle the war by a peace
conference. As the President says, there can
be an end to the war and a peace agreement
the moment the Communist countries de-
cide not to send troops and supplies from
North Vietnam into South Vietnam.
Johnson is careful to point out that the
United States has no alternative to the bomb-
ing of bridges and supply lines in North Viet-
nam. The President stressed the fact that
the bombing is being conducted primarily
against bridges and installations and that
there is a minimum loss of life. The United
States, therefore, is not waging a war in
which it is going to extremes. In fact, John-
son ruled out any possibility of using nu-
clear weapons to achieve the present objec-
tives and declared at his press conference
that no steps involving nuclear weapons had
ever been suggested by anybody in the Gov-
ernment here.
The whole purpose of the administration is
to present to the other peoples of the world
a true exposition of American policy in Viet-
nam so that public opinion everywhere will
begin to put pressure on both Communist
China and the Soviet Union to initiate the
necessary steps to withdraw their guerrilla
henchmen from South Vietnam.
To a certain extent the President is also
aiming at critics in this country who seem
indifferent to the high principles of Ameri-
can policy and who would prefer to see their
own Government make peace at any price.
While such a course has never repressed the
? appetite of aggressors, appeasement, if not
virtual surrender on the main issues involved,
seems nevertheless to be advocated, in effect,
even by a few Members of Congress. Some
of these spokesmen evidently believe that an
uninformed public regards the issue as one-
sided and that the only thing to do for politi-
cal reasons is to speak up on the pacifist
side.
Past experience, however, Shows that an
adversary interprets such an attitude as a
reflection of the unwillingness of a nation to
fight. The President said:
"From Munich until today we have learned
that to yield to aggression brings only greater
threats and brings even more destructive
war. To stand firm is the only guarantee
of a lasting peace."
The risk today is that the enemy may come
to believe that, if the war can be prolonged,
the United States will grow weary of the
conflict and, in the case of Vietnam, with-
draw her forces and abjectly surrender.
Johnson realizes the danger of such a mis-
interpretation and takes every opportunity
to remove it. He has declared again that
the United States will be glad to talk peace
without requiring any conditions in advance.
But he says the United States will not cease
to use military force to protect the people of
South Vietnam in the meantime and, in fact,
until there is a peace arrangement which
can be trusted to be effective.
Most of the difficulties are in the psycho-
logical field. What is said on the floor of
Congress about quitting the war in Vietnam
Is promptly relayed and given overemphasis
abroad. The President pointedly referred in
his press conference to the almost universal
approval that has come from our allies since
he made a comprehensive statement of pc licy
in his recent address at Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity. He said he didn't think America had
lost any friends because of a firmness in
policy. He might have added that, among
the governments which had not expraised
any opinions publicly, there is a feeling that
the United States is really fighting a war in
behalf of all the smaller nations of the wcrld,
any one of which might become the victim
of aggression if the Vietnam conflict turns
into a victory for the aggressors.
A major principle of far-reaching con-
sequence to world peace is really at stake.
It is a source of much satisfaction to peace-
loving peoples in all parts of the world that
the United States is emerging as the cham-
pion of smaller nations under attack even
though the United Nations has taken no
protective steps and no other major naion
has actually joined America in its military
mission in Vietnam.
L.B.J. DEFENDS VIETNAM POLICY AND CARRIES
DEBATE TO HIS CRITICS
In his televised news conference Tuesday,
President Johnson interpolated an old ax-
iom?that the best defense of Amer can
policy in Vietnam is a strong, take-charge
offense. He took to the field to contain
critics, at home and abroad, of what he called
a crucial struggle in southeast Asia.
The President underlined both this coun-
try's determination not to tuck our tails and
run home and abandon our friends as well as
his oft-repeated readiness for peace.
His recollection of Munich, a city whose
name has become synonymous with appease-
ment, echoed what John P. Kennedy had
said during the Cuban missile crisis.
President Johnson said that to yield to
aggression brings only greater threats. F res-
ident Kennedy said that "the 1930's taught
us * * aggressive conduct, if allowed to
go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimetely
leads to war."
Mr. Johnson spurned the idea that the
term "appeaser" could be appropriately ap-
plied to those who take issue with his policy.
"We want honest, forthright discussion in
this country," he said, "and that means dis-
cussion with differences of view."
This should cool the temper of the Viet-
nam debate which has degenerated to epi-
thets that, to the President, both compounds
and confounds the issues. But Mr. Johnson
intends?along with his Secretaries of State
and Defense to carry the debate to the
critics, challenging their premises and an-
swering their demands for negotiations.
Equally plain, he shows no inclination to
back peddle from his resolve to stand firm
until and unless North Vietnam desists from
its attacks in the south?or openly ace ?pts
his offer to parley.
In short, he is calling the signals to prose-
cute national objectives in Vietnam, as he
sees them. Critics can (and ought to)
argue, entreat, and dissent, but he is the
playmaker?the loneliest and weightiest job
in, the free world.
KIDDING THE KIDS
(By Kenneth Crawford)
It would be unrealistic to expect youth to
learn from the experience of age. Each new
generation must learn for itself, and from
its own experience, not from example or
preachment. Why then should anyone be
surprised that a vocal segment of the stud-
ent population is protesting President John-
son's policies in southeast Asia? Why should
a bright college student, eager to start a
civilian career, be attracted by the prospect
of soldiering in Asia? Yet this is the pros-
pect he will face if the limited war haw
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9777
going on in Vietnam becomes prelude to big
His reluctance is understandable, What is
not so understandable is the guidance he is
getting from many faculty members at teach-
ins and from academicians marketing their
advice on Naticinal policy to journals of opin-
ion. Unless the learned are incapable of
learning from events, professors should know
from the world's experience during the last
quartefoentury that wars are not prevented
?
by running away from aggressor during the
early stages of an aggression. They do the
student no service by clothing his aversion
to jungle war in the habiliments of idealism.
FACTS ARE FACTS
That is what they are doing when they
equate denunciation of bombing raids
against North. Vietnam with the cause of
civil rights in the United States. That is
what they are doing when they suggest that
an American plane dropping bombs on a
North Vietnamese bridge or on a Vietcong
concentration in, South Vietnam is an evil
comparable with systematic terrorization of
South Vietnamese villagers, 9,750 of whom
were Murdered or abducted by the Vietcong
in 1964.
What is even less understandable is the
ignorance of facts or the determination not
to be influenced by facts which characterizes
irluoh of the professorial comment on Viet-
nam. There is, for example, the' repeated
assertion that the South Vietnamese Army,
Which has sustained more casualties per man
engaged than the United States suffered in
-,....Korea, won't fight. There is the reiterated
statement that the war in the south is an
indigenous revolution, in no way the product
of aggression from the north, which is belied
by irrefutable evidence that Hanoi directs,
supplies, and, increasingly, mans the insur-
gency. A captured document disclosed that
Hanoi itself concedes: "The revolution for
liberation of the south would never succeed
if the [Communist] Party were not directing
It."
The major premise of the teachinners
seems to be that Red China's manifest des-
tiny, given its population and resources, is
to overrun southeast Asia and that to resist
this movement is to defy an immutable law
of nature. The same argument was made
against interfering with Hitler's bid for
elbow room, and against arming Turkey and
Greece when Stalin menacee them?some-
times by the same scholars who lixe now
saying that we are hopelessly overextended
trying to police the world.
EAST IS EAST
Even though intervention stopped Hitler
and slowed Stalin, the teachers now tell their
students that Intervention won't work in
Asia because East is East and West is West
and the Asians hate whites even more than
Hindus hate Moslems .of the same complex-
tion, which is frightening if true. But if it
is true, then we whites haven't much future
in this world becausp we are a small and
shrinking minority of the human race.
Within the framework of China's inevi-
table expansion, Dr. Hans Morgenthau, of the
University of Chicago, offers us comfort. Ho
Chi Minh,. he says, will be a Tito, somehow
remaining independent of the Chinese. Just
how Ho is to accomplish this is not clear.
It has something to do with his Vietnamese
nationalism, True, No hasn't the resources
that protected Tito from Stalin, but Viet-
nanf$ hisbrgie Qs mina will make
him free, or so Morgenthau contends.
pr. Kenneth Galbraith, of Harvard, also has
an intereSt/ng, though less important, idea.
He told hie MAC4-ta aUdieuce that President
Johnson Is, a victim. of the wrong advice
from t_11.e wrong_ people. Is it possible he
doesn't Vo'S in charge here?
Somebody Should tell the taught-in col-
lege boys of 1965 that -their feeling about
Vietnam, while natural, isn't noble. Their
fathers, perhaps.
GUIDELINES FOR SCHOOL
DESEGREGATION
Mr. CASE. Mr. President, I was
shocked to read in the press, this morn-
ing, that nine Southern Governors
contemplate the formation of a con-
gressional bloc to force the Office of
Education to change its guidelines for
school desegregation. The bloc, to be
made up of southern Members, would
threaten to withhold appropriations to
the Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare unless the Office of Educa-
tion agreed to slow down the pace of
desegregation.
No section of the Civil Rights Act,
passed last summer, received more care-
ful scrutiny than title VI. That title,
in section 601, provides:
No person in the United States shall, on
the ground of race, color, or national origin,
be excluded from participation in, be denied
the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimi-
nation under any program or actillity
receiving Federal financial assistance.
Section 602 further provides:
Hach Federal department and agency
which is empowered to extend Federal
financial assistance to any program or activ-
ity, by way of grant, loan, or contract, other
than a contract of insurance or guaranty, is
authorized and directed to effectuate the pro-
visions of section 601 with respect to such
program or activity by issuing rules, regula-
tions, or orders of general applicability.
Congress acted decisively. There can
be no question about the policy of this
Nation. Under the act, the responsi-
bility of the Department of Health, Edu-
cation, and Welfare and the Office of
Education is clear. The Commissioner
of Education, Francis E. Keppel, and the
Department would be derelict in the per-
formance of their duty had they not
acted to establish guidelines which will
promptly bring about desegregation of
schools receiving Federal assistance.
As the Governors' awn statement
declared:
This Department (Health, Education, and
Welfare) is a Federal department, and the
law being administered is a Federal law.
The Governors would be well advised
to set about the business of compliance
with the law as promptly and effectively
as possible.
EXCERPTS FROM REPORT OF PANEL
ON TRANSPORTATION RESEARCH
AND DEVELOPMENT
Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, yes-
terday the Commerce Department re-
leased a report to the Secretary of Com-
merce by the Panel on Transportation
Research and Development, of the Com-
merce Technical Advisory Board.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed at this point in the RECORD the
panel's discussion and recommendations,
relating to the problem of highway
safety.
There being no objection, the excerpts
from the report were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
EXCERPTS FROM THE REPORT OF THE PANEL
ON TRANSPORTATION RESEARCH AND DEVELOP-
MENT
3. SAFETY IS AN IMPORTANT PARAMETER IN THE
TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM
One important measure of quality in any
portion of the transportation system is the
degree of safety with which people and goods
are transported, and improvement of safety
is an important problem in all forms of
transportation. We have chosen however
to focus attention on the role or research
in highway safety only.
3.1 HIGHWAY SAFETY SHOULD BE THE SUBJECT
OF INTENSIVE STUDY
The problem of safety in highway travel
is of great national concern. The country
has now reached the point where the num-
ber of traffic fatalities per year exceeds 45,-
000, and the number of persons permanently
disabled each year evceed 200,000. The mone-
tary cost commonly assigned to highway
accidents is 1 cent per vehicle-mile trav-
eled or a total of about $8 billion per year.
This overall cost of highway accidents in
lives and in dollars is enormous, and it will
increase as time goes on unless strong
measures are taken.
The rate of accidents and fatalities is
the product of a complex interaction involv-
ing the vehicle, the driver, the roadway,
and the methods of controlling the flow of
traffic. There is little systematic knowledge
of how these factors interact and how they
can best be adjusted to reduce the accident
toll.
3.2 ACCIDENT DATA MUST BE SUBSTANTIALLY
IMPROVED
For many years, the fatality rate per hun-
dred million miles of vehicle travel declined
steadily, from a high of about 25 in the
early 1920's to a low of 5.2 in 1961. Since
1961, however, the rate has again risen and
in 1964 it was 5.7. Although there are a
number of plausible theories, there has been
no systematic analysis that would explain
why the long-term declining trend has been
reversed.
Figures are frequently cited showing fatal-
ities per vehicle mile or passenger mile by
different modes of transportation, but the
data available do not provide a useful com-
parison of the degree of danger involved in
taking a particular kind of trip by alterna-
tive modes. For example, a transcontinental
trip of 5,000 passenger miles is not compara-
ble to 500 10-mile trips to a shopping center.
But this is the type of ? comparison which
is made when fatalities are related to pas-
senger miles.
The procedures commonly used in report-
ing highway accidents do not provide reliable
information about how the various factors
in the driver-vehicle-highway system con-
tribute to particular accidents. An intensive
accident investigation program could bring
to light the COM/110n causes of automobile
accidents and could point the way to acci-
dent elimination, much as the investigation
of aircraft accidents has served to reduce air
accidents.
In the absence of better information and
analysis, evaluation of alternative remedial
measures is difficult One would like to con-
struct cost-benefit curves from which one
could estimate the amount of additional
safety to be derived from a given amount
of expenditure on alternative improvements
in various portions of the system. While
the data necessary for such curves are not
available, it is known that some improve-
ments would lead to large gains.
3.3 AVAILABLE IMPROVEMENTS SHOULD BE MORE
VIGOROUSLY PROMOTED
General use of seat belts, for example,
would reduce passenger fatalities by perhaps
as much as 30 percent at very low cost. Ex-
perience with four-lane, divided, limited-
.
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access highways indicates that they cut the
accident rate approximately hi half.
As far as we know, howeVer, data are not
available on the benefit to be achieved
tincaigh strict traffic law enforcement, nor
are the ceateof strict enforcement readily
available. 8Iinna/1y, we know that -compul-
sory vehicle Inspection reduces accidents,
but quantitative -Cost and benefit data are
lacking.
Much is known about the relationship be-
tween automobile interior design and pas-
senger injury when an accident occurs, but
little is known about the relationship be-
tween vehicle characteristics., Including age
and quality of maintenance; and accident
frequency. Automobile manufacturers have
introduced many Important improvements In
recent years, including seat belts, padded
dashes, collapsible steering wheels and im-
proved door latches?which reduce injury---
and better brakes, suspensions and handling
characteristics?which reduce accidents. An
intensified effort to design safer automo-
biles could obviously reduce the -accident
and injury hazard, but neither the cost of
such effort nor the ercount of benefit to be
derived have been calculated.
Intensive study is also indicated in the
field of driver training and certification pro-
cedures. Some information about different
classes of drivers Is available, as evidenced,
for example, by differential Insurance rates
for youthful drivers.
The use of advanced technology for auto-
matic scanning, communication, and control
of vehicles and traffic probably offers great
potential for improving safety. Closed circuit
television, combined with computers and
automatic signaling devices, is already being
tried to improve the flow of_ traffic on some
4th-density highways and intersections.
The next step may be devices to relieve the
burden on the driver by giving him essential
information about his route and highways
and. traffic conditions over his car radio.
Eventually, the fully automated highway may
relieve the drive of all control functions on.
certain kinds of trips.
Because these developments would improve
the efficiency as well as the safety of high-
Way travel, they are especially promising
areas for research. Such efforts mould, of
=furze, require close cooperation between
vamale and highway designers and traffic
engineers.
8.4 A MORE EPPECT/VE APPROACH IS NRCEDED
The panel believes that while there is
progress to be made in the safety Improve-
ment of highway design and vehiele design,
od while this Improvement is being pursued
lay the highway agencies and the industry,
still far to little is known about accidents.
The Bureau of Public Roads has established
the beginning of a good highway safety
B. &D. program, but it is too narrow in scope
and far too small to provide the Major
breakthroughs required. To reduce signifi-
cantly an annual loss of $8 billion will re-
quire the expenditure of sums far larger than
those presently committed to the safety
program.
To understand , the problems and to de-
velop effective mean? for coping with them
We must seek the help and advice of imagina-
tive people in a variety of fields?Including
automobile design, public relations, psychol-
ogy, traffic engineering, and politics at focal,
State, and National levels.
It seems to the panel that the firsts te p
in a new program should be the assignment of
a single responsibility for overall highway
safety R. & D.--from data collection to public
education, from highway ' design to determ-
ination of the politicalmeans for implement-
ing a national effort. More specific recom-
raelideaorie for ?inch a program are made
hereafter.
_ 141* Piedge T
heartily endorse the
mendation that the Secretary of Com-
merce establish a separate highway-
safety research and development pro-
gram. It seems to me that the Depart-
ment of Commerce is the logical agency
for this job. It now does the bulk of
highway-safety work at the Federal level.
It builds the roads. It has close con-
tacts With the automobile industry. It
administers various programs and laws
dealing with highway safety. Its Secre-
tary is now Chairman of the Interde-
partmental Highway Safety Board.
Certainly it is logical to designate this
agency -as the key Federal traffic-safety
unit. When the Secretary of Commerce
testified before my subcommittee, I sug-
gested to him just such an arrangement,
but he did not appear overly enthusiastic
about the prospect of heading the Fed-
eral traffic-safety effort. His "Detroit
knows best" attitude that day was, in
fact, disappointing. But I am confident
that with this panel's backing, he will
take the steps suggested.
In other respects, the report was dis-
appointing. It pointed out gaps in our
present knowledge of the highway-safety
problem, but failed to indicate ade-
quately that we do not even apply effec-
tively what we already know. If the
members of the panel wanted data, for
example, on the benefits and cost of
strict traffic-law enforcement, they
needed only visit Connecticut. In 1955,
Connecticut had a high traffic-death
rate. Through strict law-enforcement
mea,sutes, my State reduced the rate,
until today its rate is the lowest in the
Nation, Strict law enforcement works.
We need to apply it now, not wait for a
cost-benefit study to be completed.
With regard to vehicle design, the
panel went out of its way to praise
Detroit for introducing seat belts, padded
dashes, collapsible steering wheels, and
the like. No mention was made of the
Intensive public effort needed in order
to get action by Detroit, or of the fact
that neler padded dashes nor collaps-
ible steering wheels are standard equip-
ment today. I did not expect criticism
of Detroit from the members of this dis-
tinguished panel, but I did not think they
would go so far as to give the automobile
makers an excuse for inaction because
tbe "cost-beneflt ratio" of safer car de-
sign has not yet been calculated. It has
been calculated by the public. We want
action, and we want it now. It is hoped
that Detroit will voluntarily turn its
many talents to the building of a safer?
instead of a "hotter"?car. If that is
not done, public action will be required
in order to insure the development of
safer cars.
I'M WYOMING
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, the
State of Wyoming is this year celebrating
the 75th anniversary of her entry into
the Union of States. In 75 short years,
Wyoming has Moved from a sparsely
populated mining and farming territory
to a State which today lays proud claim
to having produced the first woman Gov-
ernor in the Nation. Wyoming has the
lowest illiteracy rate, in Me_ world, no
bonded indebtecInsss, a line
tern, and we host the largest missile base
r
May 11,
i
M the world. We call ourselves the lead
of high altitude and low multitude.
A count of Wyoming's many "firsts"
was taken by a longtime Wyoming
booster, Larry Birleffi, writing in a re-
cent issue of the Cheyenne, Wyo., Eagle.
Mr. Birleffi, a noted sportscaster and
commentator, and a man I have long
known as a valued and trusted friend,
is manager of Cheyenne's radio station
KEBC. He says of WYoming:
But I'm proudest of my people, my prize
possession. Many of my "younguns" leave,
and many come back. Those who don't
seem to always have a special place in their
hearts for me. I'm proud of the fact that
even the folks back in the days before my
country took me in have always had a spe-
cial allegiance that even Texas can't math.
I hope you'll forgive me this morning or
being so immodest and taken to all kinds
of bragging. But you see this is my biri h-
day. I'm only 75 years young and in a
way I feel that things may be just beginni g.
I'm Wyoming.
I have invited my colleagues to pEr-
ticipate in the Equality State's diamond
jubilee, and I have received many la-
vorable replies. This excellent column
by Mr. Birleffi will, perhaps, explain a
few more reasons for going West to iota.-
ticipate in Wyoming's diamond jubilee.
I ask unanimous consent that the col-
umn be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the coluran
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
T...ARRY BIRLEITI SAYS: AND MANY HAPPY
RETURNS, BUDDY
kidded a lot. They tell me that Mc n-
tana, Colorado, South Dakota, Idaho, Utah,
and Nebraska first took what they warned
and left me with what was left right in ihe
middle. Many of the folks in America know
very little about me, some care less and so ne
think like the funny chap on TV who says,
"there is no such place."
Most of the kids and maybe most of the
grownups think of me only as a place whore
there are cowboys and Indians; others ter
rodeos, wind and snow, and blizzards and
lots and lots of prairie grass that bends w th
the wind.
At first some people don't like me. They
shake their heads in compassion at some of
my people who live here. Then there ire
those who leave and come back. I'm in
their blood and there is a special kind of
loyalty that may be hard for others to
understand.
' The image I mention is hard to escape.
I'm proud of my heritage and my past. I
became the first haven, the first point of no
return for America's real pioneers who cars ed
out the new world as the wagon tra ns
plodded across my plains.
I served as the first bastion for the pio-
neers. Today I serve as the bastion for 1 he
entire free world as the first site of the al-
tercontinental ballistic missile.
I'm riot given to boastin' but I can give
you facts bigger than Texas can. Not one
of my sisters can quite claim all th
things. I am among the leaders in oil, wc ol.
sheep, cattle. Produce more uranium tb an
anybody. Produce more than 11 millfon
board feet of lumber a year for the sawm lls
out of 'my forests. I have an acre for evary
three people. My winters, some folk com-
plain about, furnishes the watersheds and
snowfall for three main rivers of America
nourishing millions in 12 different States.
I have 20,000 miles of the best fishing in
the world, the largest elk and antelope hard
in North America and the best and longest
four-lane highways per capita in the good
old U.S.A. My schools are second to none
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