Congressional Record

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140017-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 17
• Publication Date: September 14, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

,'5ep1etnver 14, i:1();,
after the State Department denial. Lee
made public a letter of apiNplei;ikkeageel...
ui
in 1961 from Secretary orNe.clte "M red
OM'
ploring "Improper activities.' The Depart-
ment then made a turnabout and admitted
Rusk had sent the apalogy.
in the seamy world 01 intelligence, bribes
;40 with spying and dirty work There Is
eothing exceptional about that But why
do we have to go around bribing anti-Com-
munists to lay off Communists?
CON 1;SS1ON AL RECORD ? APPENDIX
ACLU Ignores Children's Rights, Say
Clergy of Four Religions
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN M. MURPHY
OF NEW YORE
N THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
Mr. MURPHY of New York. Mr.
:ipeaker, three clergymen of Staten
slam& N.Y., Rabbi Benjamin Wykarisky,
:Lev. Walter Everett, and Rt. Rev. John
.1 Cleary, are directors of Operation
1-',1clunond, a program which is fighting
yomography in the Borough of Rich-
:aond, much the same as Operation
Voi-kville is fighting this menace in the
Borough of Manhattan. The following
from the Tablet of August 19,
? hib. sums up the position of the clergy
t'our religions in Operation Yorkville,
caal I am sure it speaks for the clergy of
Island, as well as the mature
1:.i1.1lt of our country.
Mr. Speaker, under the leave to extend
My remarks in the aeeedie, I include this
a :11cle :
ACLU IGNORES CHILDREN'S RIGHTS, SAY
CLERGY OF POUR RELIGIoNS
DEAR SIR; The American Civil Liberties
;;neei should reexamine in its entirety its
doctrinaire, arid absolutist position on
ic first amendment_ In lact, the citizenly
in general should take the time to examine
th,. ACLU position in all matters that affect
,...midren. For we are living in an era of
totalitarian secularism, a secularism which
!9 hetn1 forced upon our unprotected youth
iiy a few who are highly skilled in the courts
and in the propaganda arenas.
In the area or pornography, for example,
v Melt is recognizedly having a degenerative
-fleet upon the mental and moral health of
American children, the ACLU has consis-
,ently- defended the pornographers rights
ender the first amendment, ignoring the
rights and liberties of children and their
parents. The director of the New York Civil
Liberties Union admitted that the $2 billion
traffic in pornography could not exist with-
'It tile union's defense of pornographers,
The New. York group carried a ease to the
,a.ate ). highest court to have the one law
itch protected children (rein pornography
invalidated as unconstitutional. They suc-
ceeded. When several replacement bills
were introduced in the last session of the
New York State Legislature, the New York
Civil Liberties Union opposed all of them
except one which was virtually unenforce-
able. A strong bill passed .because. of the
concern of the great majority of the legis.
lature ?
The American Civil Liberties announced
early this year tb.s.t It would carry the ap-
peal of convioted pornographer Ralph Gins-
burg to the supreme Court.
A5169
In keeping with Its rigid reading of the spent on groceries, and the :Justice De-
6irgigno plaumkrzuBoo44eR098800140(01fjtiewOrld garn;-?
bug profits at $11 billion a year na7
tionally.
If Michigan would face up to the
moral facts a life, it would cease to
be a feeding trough for organized crime
and gambling. Our States and Nation
need Government controlled' and ?Per-
ated gambling to make gambling profits "
Forces. Again youth are ignored. Young
men dying in Vietnam. for example, would
be denied the services of ministers of God.
The ACLU is working presently to have
abortion laws invalidated, once more giving
no thought to the innocent victim, the child
still to be born.
Beginning September 21. with the bless-
ing of the New York Board of Education, the
ACLU will conduct a 16-week course for all. work for anti not against the people.
city (grammar and high school) social sot- The best mechanism 18 a lottery.
enee teachers,, The course is entitled
"Teaching the Principles of the Bill of
Rights?" In this way, New York children
will be indoctrinated in the ACLU ideology
of absolutism and concomitant secularism.
It would seem that the time is past due
for examination and reexamination of the
ACLU stand in terms of children.
Rabbi Dr. Jutrits G. NEUMAN N ,
Congregation Zichron Moshe.
Rev. WILLIAM T. WOOD, 8.J.,
Pastor, St. Ignatius Layoff'.
Rev. Joule E. PALLAS.
Representative Greek Orthodox Arch-
diocese o/ North and South America,
Rev. JOHN SHINTAY,
Pastor, Lutheran Church.
MAN HATT AN .
The War in Vietnam and Christian .
Conscience
Federal Government and Michigan: Part-
ners in Crime and Vice
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF`
HON. PAUL A. FINO
CT 245W ToRK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday. September 14, 1965
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to tell the Members of this House about
the unfortunate partnership of the State
of Michigan and the Federal Govern-
ment in making Michigan gambling a
mob monopoly. If the Michigan and
Federal Governments would legalize and
regulate gambling, its revenues could be
made to work for the public good, but
so long as they keep it illegal, and negli-
gently allow the mob to reap the profits
of illegal gambling, they will be partners
in all the evil financed by mob gambling
profits. So, by their ignorance, the gov-
ernments in Lansing and Washington
will be partners in maintaining a multi-
tude of sins.
? Gambling is big business in Michigan.
Last year, the parimutual turnover came
to $174 million. Illegal gambling is more
extensive. Offtrack betting was esti-
mated before the McClellan committee to
be about $50 billion annually, and it was
estimated that this was some 42 percent
of the national illegal gambling total
which would then be about $120 billion,
On a population basis, Michigan's share
of this amount would be $5.04 billion an-
nually. The 10 percent of this turnover
that stays in syndicate treasuries will 11-
nance a lot of clime. That 10 percent
makes the joint negligence of the govern-
ments in Lansing and Washington worth
about a half billion a year to the under-
world. If this seems far fetched, it
should be remembered that a Massachu-
setts commission 10 years ago found
more money gambled in that State than
XTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN G. DOW
GT NEVV YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, the rector of
my church in Nyack, N.Y., has raised
some questions about Vietnam in a recent
message to our congregation. When
many voices are being heard, certainly
the voice of a churchman cannot be ig-
nored. I submit the message from Rey:
George F. Regas, rector of Grace Epis-
copal Church:
THE W AR IN VIETNAM AND CHRIST/AN
CONSCIENCE
The night before Franklin D Roosevelt
died in Warm Springs, Ga., he was planning
a trip to San Francisco to attend the organi-
zation of the United Nations. He was work-
ing on his speech when the stroke came ?
and these are the last words he ever wrote:
"Today we are faced with the preeminent
fact that, if civilization is to survive, we ratiet
cultivate the science of human relation-
ships?the ability of all people, of all kinds,
to live together and work together in the
same world, at peace, As we go forward to-
ward the greatest contribution that any gen-
eration of human beings can make in the
world?the contribution of lasting peace?I
ask you to keep up your faith."
I must admit I find It difficult to keep up
my faith in man's ability to establish a last-
ing peace. Why? Because it seems easier to
gain support for the arms race and military
solutions to our political problems than to
challenge America and the free world to
create real alternatives to communism and
provide imaginative leadership that wui sup-
ply the basic ingredients to lasting peace.
"The guns and bombs, the rockets and war-
ships are all symbols of human failure." "A
world where every country can shape its own
destiny ? * ? will never be built by bombs
and bullets." "The only path for reasonable
men is the path of peaceful settlement."
One catches his breath when he realizes that
President Johnson spoke these words on April
7, 1965. Nevertheless, It is now quite obvious
that the war in South Vietnam against the
Vietcong is an American war.. What a rrio-%
mentows decision it was to commit the United
States to a land war of steadily growing pro-
portions in Asia. This staggering decision
has been matte without Senate debate. "The
greatest deliberative body in the world is
abdicating responsibility" because most men
in Washington feel it too dangerous to criti-
cize the war in Vietnam. They fear the cry
"appeasement of oonununiam." Unless we
oan have an open forum across this great
laud where honest and sincere Men and
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51'70
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX 3ep-cenwer 14, ..tvoa
women can debate the issues on peaceathen passion. from- -destruction to healing, from FIRST TOOTHBRUSH
there is little hope. AcRrEir9yed Far Dpastet.oesittorreFtivRewersoot446pomproen vaned in beleic-
Graeae F. Reams,
I have no technical' pe Ice in la peace ?n . e e 4-sr-old children who
of international peace and I will leaver mill- did not know what a toothbrnsh was when
Lary strategy and protocol to the experts. given one. They had never owned tooth-
Yet I refuse to believe that there iii nottang brushes. There were children who had no
a Christian can say about the war. A ntin- water in their homes and who were fascinated
tater is entrusted with a dynamic Gospel In by the soap when given 'showers. There
a dangerous world and he retest struggle to were children whose brothers and sisters
see its relevance. The soul* and lives of all had come to school in the winter, wearing
mankind are at atake, rubbers, but no shoes?or jackets, but no
The church must hold up Christ Jesus and shirts. There were children who earrie in
somehow let Him speak to a world engulfed from the woods and who had never seen a
in strife and turmoil. What then does the flush toilet before.
Christian conscience *ay? One of the questions asked Head start
I do not think it says that we must with- children for testing was, "What day do we go
draw from Vietnam immediately, no matter to church?" One teacher reported that see-
what. The Christian conscience opposes oral times she got back the answer, "clothes,"
totalitarianism because it suppresses the life because the families of the cbildren bad been
and spirit of man. The Christian wants given free clothes at church. When 'asked
America to seek the development of open, re- if these conditions reflected apathy on the
sponsible societies with liberty and justice part of the parents, the Head Start directors
for all. So total abandonment of Vietnam is said no. Most parents are concerned about
unacceptable. their children, they said.
Once this is said. I hasten to add that the Superintendent Cart Mateo/a, ,director ,of
Christian conscience should be against gam- the Wakefield Township Head Start, said that
hling on the possibility of a military Boni- in his area the problem was peoples' resist-
hon on. the problem in Vietnam. The press mace to moving to another area, when lupe-
'eves every indication that it is going to get baring and mining declined. He said that
worse--more cruelty, suffering and killing many men are commuting between the Irbil-
of men, women, arid children. The hell of wood area and the White Pine mine, 50 Miles
war has come again and the rain of fiery away, to work.
death 15 being poured out on a helpless Principal Arthur G. Quinn, director of the
peasantry who have been victimised by other Newberry Head Start, cited cases In his area
people's wars for decades. And as we fight of people being brought in as woodcutters
we support, a military regime in South Viet- during the lumber boom. When the decline
mun that makes s mockery or democratic came, the (companies pulled out and the
government. I am not a pacifist, but my people were stranded.
Christian conscience stands condemned by
Upper Michigan?Part III
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. RAYMOND F. CLEVENGER
or Wm-UMW
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1985
?
Mr. CLEVENGER. Mr. Speaker, some
of the most dramatic proof that Mir
Great Society is already giving WI a
greater society in which all Americans
will be able to equally participate is found
in reports on Project Head Start:
More than 1,100 underprivileged chil-
dren in my upper Michigan district were
enrolled in Head Start classes this sum-
mer. This program enlisted the help
of 95 professional instructors and more
than 300 cooperating citizens.
Until Project Head Start these nearly
1.200 preschool youngsters would have
been destined to enter public schools as
underdogs in the competition for knowl-
edge. But no longer. Head Start has
given them the head start they need to
begin on an equal footing with young-
sters from more fortunate families.
The story of Head Start in upper
Michigan is extremely well told in the
following article by Richard Bird in the
Escanaba, Mich., -Daily Press:
From the ERNI/lab/I (Mich.) Daily Press,
Sept. 8, 1908
BEAD START IN UPPER PENNISULA FAVORED AS
CONTINUING AID
tily Richard Bird)
With Labor Day peat, the school year has
begun in earnest throughout the Upper
Peninsula Among the children entering
kindergarten this year are those who par-
ticipated in Project Head Start in the sum-
mer. Teachers will begin to determine to
their Own aatisfaction whether the contro-
l/era-Lai program wits a success.
Project Head Start was designed to pre-
pare preschool children of limited oppor-
tunity and from low-naffs:me families to
cope more successfully with the regular
school program Emphasis was on develop-
ing the children socially, preparing them
medically, and widening their range of con-
cepts.
Head Start was provided for by the Eco-
n,omic Opportunity Act of 1064, basis of the
Itederal antipoverty program. Financing of etteltdon than la Possible in the ireg'ular
up to 00 percent of the cost WAS specified, school Programs. ?
with the rest to be provided locally. Pro- ? As might be expected, shyness Wait the
grams were run in most areas an the upper main problem of the children: One boy was
so thy that his mother had to carry. him in
Naive?you say. But we've never tried it; Who were the Head Start children in the the first day and sneak out after the teacher
bed gotten his attention. re was the 4th
yet the methods of war and violence have tipper Pennisula?? Were they the children
always failed. who could snostbenedt from such a Program? "sk before he would tinallftake a )ob. that
6t turning out the lights at the end of the
Christian people, let the spirit of Christ What was ftecomplished that could ncd have
speak to Us and through us to the Nation, been accomplished in a regular school pro- Parted. In the 7th weak, Be participated
taffy, -making a paper ottani With the rest of
Retaliation, killing, and efuelty?evti for gram? How did the parents react? Should
the children. evil?are not God's way. Somehow we Must the program be conducted again?'
break the Theme cycle by dealing with Mu To find answers to these and 'other gum- ' Pigrn't wniz" _ ,
enemies with love and good deeds: - 1UPCAP (Upper Pennisula Conunittee - The teacher said. iftilThehind. but
Pray-. Think. Speak.. Join others over for Area Pros:ren) sent me _to visit -the bow would he have been in kindergarten if
the country who Out of the Judeo-Ctristhui 'Upper. Pennisula operations.- -I tented with he had not had this individual attention in
faith have written to the White House "Mr . school superinteadents, program directors, tread ,Start?... sdnie case* older ,brothers
President, we plead with you with the id- teachers and auistante. and volunteers who and sisters. of shy children 'Were asked to
moat urgency to turn our Nation's course ranged 'from mothers of the children to come in to help draw the'ehildren Ont. This
'before It is too late from cruelty to corn- fourth grade school etUdents. ' could not have been done in kindergarten.
NOT ALL DEPRIVED
what is happening in Vietnam. Let us be Not all the children, however, were from
honest and admit our mistakes and work for economically deprived families. Although
an immediate cease-fire--even at the cosi, of Head Start was primarily designed for all.-
substantial compromise. And as we sit at dren from families with an annual itiGOrne
the conference table, let UB have China pres- of less than e11,000. the Office of Economic
ant and all other groups who are aiding the Opportunity said that "family income' need
conflict. not be a specific requirement ter admission,
And more must be said by the Christian as long as the program is primarily reaching
conscience: we must launch at once a major the poor within the neighborhood."
effort to heal and rebuild that wounded land In this way, a child whose father had a
of Asia. WO must help provide real anemia- reasonably good income, but 17 children WOA
UNE% to corornuniarn. If we woeld commit allowed to participate. A mother had bad
our great world leadership to this course, trouble with other children in the family.
then there would be a rebirth of faith in so she asked that her child be allowed in
man's ability to establish a lasting peace, the program. The wife of a department
Cannot some of our politicians and our as- 'store manager wanted their child in the pro-
none' leaders challenge us to give our ener- gram, because he wee an only child. She
gies and imagination, out sacrifice and blood, felt he needed exposure to other children
our patriotism and loyalty to the programs in a sharing situation. The teachers felt this
of healing as we have given them to the interaction was necessary so that when the
programs of destruction? For God's sake and children of low-income families entered kin-
the sake of all that is precious in humanity, dergarten. they would not find themselves In
let. us pay the cost of peace--high as it a primarily strange peer group.
may be. Let voices be raised in Congress Teachers in the Head Start programs were
that Americana become the peacemakers? generally enthuslastie about its accomplish-
-feeding the hungry, clothing and housing meats. The average number of children In
a class was Ill. Each teacher had at leant
the refugees, reaching out to help all victims
of misery and removing the causes of In- one assistant. The emelt class size, coupled
Justice and tensions among men: so that with the loosely structured program, allowed
Men no longer have reason to figbt one an- the teachers to give much more Individual
other. For the firentime in history we have
the knowledge and resources to transform
the conditions of life on earth. We could
build a new World of peace?and the dream
of the centuries would be within our reach.
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September 14, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
high in minerals in its lower area. The ex-
cess salinity of Colorado River water de-
livered to Mexico under treaty would be re-
duced, removing a periodic source of interna-
tional friction. To create NAWAPA it would
be necessary only to do what we have done
many times before, but on a much grander
scale."
NAWAPA would create tens of thousands
of jobs. It would directly benefit scores of
industries. It would require $5 billion in
construction equipment and tools, 100,000
tans of capper and aluminum, 30 million tons
of steel, and $26 billion in labor. It is calcu-
lated to provide western North America with
adequate water for the next 100 years.
But there are many obstacles. Premier W.
A. C. Bennett, of British Columbia, is against
exporting water to the United States. Some
fear ruin for the Columbia River salmon in-
dustry. In a letter to the magazine Science,
which has lauded the project, a Canadian
wrote: "May we suggest instead that it
would be more logical for the people to move
Where the water IS? * * We would be glad
BO WelOOHIS you to our invigorating climate.
Please bring your industries with you."
But if we can negotiate with anybody, we
should be able to do so with Canada and
Mexico. Senator PRANK Moss, of Utah, chair-
man of a Senate subcommittee that has
made a preliminary study of NAWAPA feels
it may rank in importance with the Louisi-
ana Purchase in the development of the
West. "It is not only completely feasible,"
he says, "it is almost inevitable."
Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard Business
Rises to $70 Million
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, the
Island State of Hawaii is once again
meeting the challenge of our times and
proving its economic and strategic value?
to our country. The current crisis in
Vietnam has created a need that only
Hawaii could meet adequately. During
the last fiscal year the naval shipyard
at Pearl Harbor overhauled 52 ships,
modernized 2 destroyers and performed
emergency repair work on ships en route
to Vietnam.
A summary of the work being ac-
complished by Hawaii's Pearl Harbor
Naval Shipyard is found in the follow-
ing article which appeared in the Hono-
lulu Star Bulletin of August 17, 1965:
NAVY SHIPYARD BUSINESS RISES TO $70
1VIIradiorf
The State's largest industrial employer did
.nearly $70 million worth of business during
the fiscal year ended June 30, up $5,700,000
from a year earlier.
Rear Adm, E. Alvey Wright, commander of
Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard, said the up-
turn was due principally to overhaul work
On sUbMarinea, and emergency repair work
on ships en route to Vietnam.
Wright said the work pace should remain
brisk and possibly increase in the months
ahead.
In order to meet this workload, the work
force is being expanded by 500 workers dur-
ing the current fiscal year.
? There are openings for engineers, marine
machinists, pipefitters, and machinists,
Wright announced.
He hopes most of these needed skills can
come from people already living in Hawaii.
During the past year, the shipyard over-
hauled 52 destroyers, submarines, and serv-
ice force ships of the Pacific Fleet.
Two World War II vintage destroyers were
modernized to meet the needs of modern
warfare during the year, and more than
$700,000 was spent to retrain a large segment
of the shipyard's work force.
This was necessary, Wright commented, to
keep abreast of the technological improve-
ments in nuclear submarines and guided
missile ships.
Last year's shipyard payroll was $40 mil-
lion and more than $2 million in supplies
and services was purchased from numerous
Island business firms, making the shipyard
a major contributor to the local economy.
In addition, $650,000 of naval ship repair
work was contracted to commercial ship-
yards and industrial companies in Hawaii.
\fki Letter on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WESTON E. VIVIAN
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14 1965
Mr. VIVIAN. Mr. Speaker, I have re-
ceived many, many letters from constit-
uents, in the past 8 months, concerning
the grave and vexing problems which
this country faces in Vietnam. But I
ave received none more sensible and
more compelling, I think, than one from
Mr. Robert R. von Oeyen, Jr., of Lam-
bertville, in the Second Congressional
District of Michigan, which I am privi-
leged to represent.
I would like to share Mr. von Oeyen's
letter with my colleagues, and place it at
this point in the RECORD:
DEAR REPRESENTATIVE VIVIAN: Unfortu-
nately, those of us who support a certain as-
pect of Governrnent policy very seldom make
that support known. Despite how your mail
may be running, I'm sure you realize that
most of us support the President insofar as
the war effort in Vietnam is concerned-7 Very
few of us like the situation?but most of us
know that the present military policy in Viet-
nam is necessary not only for the well-being
of the South Vietnamese whose Government
Invited us to help them, but for the well-
being of all southeast Asia.
Most of us (I hope) also realize that the
situation in Vietnam is caused by both na-
tionalism, and international communism,
which is the socioeconomic, political, and re-
ligious moving force behind the nationalists
Who are the Vietcong. Their relation to
North Vietnam and indirectly to China is
obvious. The Vietcong may eventually be
beaten by U.S. military might and the troops
of South Vietnam. But, and this is most im-
portant, the problems which caused them to
seek a Communist solution will still exist.
These must be solved?for the well-being of
the South Vietnamese, and ultimately for the
well-being of the United States. To solve
these problems a program of reform?socio-
economic as well as political?is vital. This
may entail a certain degree of Government
socialism supported by a large amount of
U.S. aid. Just what must be done is a very
difficult problem that must be thoroughly in-
vestigated, taking into account religious dif-
ferences, the sad tendency toward strong-
man rule, the unnatural split between North
and South Vietnam, and, most especially the
plight of the peasant who makes up 85 per-
k5177
cent of the population of South Vietnam. We
cannot begin too early to plan to win the
peace in Vietnam. And we must be prepared
for the cost thus this will take.
I spent last year as a student in the neigh-
boring Republic of the Philippines. I learned
something very important thete. We, as
Americans, must be primarily concerned
about other nationals as the people they are,
and not just as they relate to us?whether
Filipinos, Vietnamese, Dominicans, Chinese,
or whoever they are. If we would have that
attitude, we would learn just what the prob-
lems others have really are, and we could help
significantly.
Urging you to do your utmost in this area,
lain,
Sincerely,
ROBERT R. VON OEYEN, Jr.
American Legion Defends Otto Otepka;
Denounces State Department
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. H. R. GROSS
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, the Amer-
ican Legion in its recent national con-
vention in Portland, Oreg., is to be com-
mended for the resolution it adopted de-
nouncing the State Department for its
persecution of Otto Otepka, chief secu-
rity evaluator for that Department of
Governrnent.
At the same time the Legion com-
mended the Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee for its thorough investi-
gation of the Otepka case and bringing to
the attention of the public the facts con-
cerning the persecution of this dedicated
Government employee.
Otepka, in his long battle against the
perjurers and others in the State De-
partment, has had the support of past
National Commander Don Johnson of
the American Legion, and the resolution
makes it clear that the Legion will tol-
erate no undermining of the Nation's
security through attacks upon loyal cit-
izens, and in this case a trusted security
officer.
The resolution follows:
THE 47TH ANNUAL NATIONAL CONVENTION OF
THE AMERICAN LEGION, PORTLAND, OREG.,
AUGUST 24-26, 1965
Whereas Mr. Otto F. Otepka, Chief, Divi-
sion of Evaluations, Department of State
Office of Security, for the past 4 years has
been subjected?on the part of his superiors
in the Department--to undue duress, harass-
ment, insults, and threat of dismissal; and
Whereas on September 23, 1963, Mr. Otepka
was advised that the Department proposed
to remove him from his appointment with
the Department of State on charges that he
had violated Department directives govern-
ing classified documents, specifically, that
he had furnished certain classified docu-
ments to the chief counsel, U.S. Senate In-
ternal Security Subcommittee; and
Whereas Mr. Otepka met these charges,
and appealed the dismissal notice, on grounds
that the documents in question were turned
over to the Senate subcommittee?then con-
ducting an investigation of the administra-
tion of the Internal Security Act?in order
to establish the verity of his testimony to the
subcommittee, concerning lax security prac-
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A5178 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX September 14, 1965
tices in the Department of State, as opposed
to contrary evidence offered the committee by
his superiors; and
Whereas the documents in question upheld
Mr. Otepka's testimony, and subsequent
hearings by the subcommittee brought out
the fact that certain of his superiors and
other employees of the Office of Security had
otherwise misled or Misinformed the Sen-
ate subcommittee; and
Whereas the code of ethics for Government
service, expressed in House-Senate Concur-
rent Resolution 176, 85th Congress, 2d
session, requires that any person in Govern-
ment service: "Put loyalty to the highest
moral principles and to country above loyalty
to person, party or Government department:"
and
Whereas the American Legion insists that
the security program of the State Depart-
ment be of the highest possible order; and
Whereas the Otepka case involves not
only loyalty to the United States, it also
involves the matter of the dignity of an
individual human being; and
Whereas at stake in Mr. Otepka's appeal is
(a) whether or not dedicated professional
seourity officers in Government will be per-
mitted to be so intimidated in the conduct
of their vital work that the U.S. internal
security program will be pieced in jeopardy;
and (b) whether or not the Oangress?con-
slating of the elected representatives of the
people?will preserve its right to oversee the
behavior of officials in the executive branch:
Now, therefore, be it
R es olved by the American legion in na-
time/ convention assembled in Portland,
Oreg., August 24-26, 1965, That the Ameri-
can Legion deplores the treatment which
Mr. Otto P. Ortepka has received at the hands
or his stiperliNS in the ITS. Department of
State, and commends the action of the Sen-
ate Internal Secnrity Subcommittee in its
thorough investigation of the Otepka case
and related Matters, and in its bringing to
the attention of the public the nue eh-
ournstances surrounding Mr, Otepka's dis-
missal from his important position in the
Department Of State.
Land Reform, American Style
EXTENSION OF ratmArats
Or
HON. PAUL FINDLEY
Or ILLINOIS
IN Llik, HOUSE OF REPRESENTAinveS
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, refresh-
ing news came to my desk in the form of
an editorial written by William J. Kuh-
fuss, president of the Illinois Agricul-
tural Association. It reported the sub-
stantial land reform that has occurred
in the United States in the Iast 30 years.
Today, only 20 percent of America's
farnis are owned by soraeOne other than
the operator. This compares with 41
percent 30 years ago.
Text of the editorial follows:
LAND Itzrows, Aremieen Sens
In many coUntries of the world, land
reform has accompahied the struggle for
' progress or survival. The feudal system
eventually invites unrest. Land was owned
lay a wealthy fete and farmed by a peasant
many ra land reform, woind-be benevolent
gdfernments take lend from those who own
'ft and give it in meal/ parcels to those who
have nOtte. MI SOWS cam, ownership Is
given, but usually only the right to farm is
given.
Mr. Abdu El Hasson, chief administrator
of agricultural reform in Syria, recently
visiting Illinois, is administering this
privilege to farm in his country. In 1958,
land reform was activated. The government
took over all land. Large landholders were
reduced to 80 hectares (2.47 acres per
hectare) to operate. In 1983, the 80 hectares
were reduced to 50 hectares. The would-be
farmers with no land were given 10 hectares.
TI the job of farming does not suit the gov-
ernment inspector, the farmer loses his
right to farm. This is typical centralized
control and social reform.
The American system has been basically
different. We have prospered by preserving
A man's right to earn, own, and direct.
Under this system we have been experienc-
ing a kind of land reform?American style.
Thirty years ago, 42 percent of the land
in the United States was owned by a land-
lord and farmed by a tenant. Today, only
20 percent of America's farms are owned by
someone other than the operator.
With ownership and control must go
responsibility. The dynamics and success of
the American economy would indicate that
a reasonable balance of responsibility has
been exercised. Over-accumulations of
capital have been retarded by taxation.
Redistribution of wealth in America does
take place. All too often the phrase, "shirt
sleeves to shirt sleeves in three generations"
truly illustrates redistribution does take
place.
The fanner has improved his lot in Amer..
lea over the lot of farmers anywhere in the
world and, while doing so, has improved
America's lot. He has been free to earn,
own, and direct. He has also been free to
fail. In countries where land reform has
been imposed, all farmers are guaranteed to
be peasants forever. We do not want this
kind of a guarantee in America.
People and methods change, truth and
principles never do. As citizens, we each
share the responsibility of preserving the
American way.
Excessive Power of the Executive
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE HANSEN
or IDAHO
IN THE HOUSE 01^ RMPRI.nEaTATIVES
Tuesday, September 14, 1965
Mr. HANSEN of Idaho. Mr. Speaker,
I do see hobgoblins?r do see a very defi-
nite and dangerous threat to individual
liberties in the abdication of its consti-
tutionally given powers by the Congress
and its total submission to one-man rule.
I am one who is bothered by the "re-
markable concentration of power" in the
Executive.
Mr. Speaker, the following editorial
from the September 7, 1965, edition of
the Wall Street Journal presents a
frightening thesis?is this generation,
Indeed, going "to bequeath in turn a
legacy whereby a citizen is secure in his
liberty only at the whim of the
Executive."
Every Member of Congress should
read?and heed?this editorial, Mr.
Speaker. So should President Johnson.
But, more importantly, it should be read
by every citizen of the United States.
The editorial follows:
A Brirea Lenexa'
It is often said that Lyndon Johnson
wields more power than any other President,
at least in a time of less-than-full-scale war.
The striking thing is that this remarkable
concentration of power apparently bothers
so few people.
The concern is not necessarily or only
about how Mr. Johnson himself uses the
power. Apart from the fact that he is rap-
idly adding to it through the expansion of
the Executive, he impresses most of the Na-
tion as a man of restraint. More troubling
Is the meaning for the future, since it is
plain that the country weld be in deep
difficulty if a man of dictatorial bent were
ever elected, what with so much authority
already embedded in the Office.
An answer to that, perhaps, is that in
such a circumstance Congress would rise up
and if necessary impeach the man; we still
do have the machinery to prevent or correct
excesses. Yet a major reason for the rise
of the Executive is that Congress has for
decades permitted a steady erosion of its
responsibilities and prerogatives.
Moreover, there is no diminution in the
incessant clamor of special interests for still
further extensions of the Federal Govern-
ment, which is to say the power of the
Presidency. It is almost unbelievable but
unfortunately the case that this Federal
mystique has grown by leaps and bounds--
an insistence, contrary to all experience,
that Federal authority can solve problems
where others have failed.
A relatively small but revealing case in
point: With prodigious lack or foresight,
local politicians in New York City and other
places in the Northeast neglected to assure
sufficient water supplies to withstand a
drought. Discomfort is here and now, dis-
aster impends; finally, appeals were dis-
patched to Washington.
The administration, in response, decrees
New York City and other sections to be dis-
aster areas (the government of the city is a
disaster, that is for sure) and extends finan-
cial aid. How much good it will do is de-
batable, but it is one more Federal intrusion
that would have been entirely unnecessary
bad there been elementary competence at
the local level.
Thus the localities, the States, the specie'
interests reach out to Washington; at tin
same time the Federal officials exercise all tin
ingenuity at their command in figuring out
new areas to invade, new responsibilities U
take over. It is a formidable interaction
Repeated over and over, in endless varlet3
and in ever widening circles, and couplet
with the complacency of Congress, it is build-
ing a Inesidential force against which then
seems no effective countervailing power.
Even this very evident buildup 'does not
so far as can be judged, excite any great
worry or even interest; those who suggest a
possible threat to liberties in the process are
accused of seeing hdlegobl ins.
If there is indeed no clanger, it may be
asked why the architects of this Govern-
ment took such extraordinary pains to pre..
ventthe emergence of a tyrant and to bind
down each Federal branch in the chains of
the Constitution. They, at any rate, knew
that governments easily degenerate into dic-
tatorships. The development should be still
less mysterious to people of the totalitarian-
scarred 20th century.
Whether practical political means of re-
dressing the balance any longer exist, we
would hesitate to venture; certainly they are
hard to visualize. But that difficulty does
not excuse anyone, least of all Congress, from
looking at what is happening and consider-
ing what recourse might be feasible.
It would be a bitter outcome if this gen-
eration, legatees, of free institutions, were to
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22958 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE September 14, 1965
If I had to give the younger generation a
label, I would call them, as the President
has, Volunteer Generation. I may not always
agree With the causes they serve, but I must
always admire the spirit with which they
fight. It could shame some of us older
people who pride ourselves on being con-
cerned citizens.
HOW PAR?
For example, a poll in a national news mag-
azine asked American students hoW far they
would go?beyond mere talk-,?to support a
cause in which they believed. Some 93 per-
cent said they would sign a petition; 72 per-
cent had already done so. Some 87 percent
said they would contribute money; 58 per-
cent had already done so. An amazing 43
percent were even ready to go to jail.
More than 10,000 young volunteers are now
serving in the Peace Corps. Another 3,000
have already returned after tours of duty.
But most significant, more than 100,000 have
asked to take part in this bold and idealistic
experiment. When VISTA (Volunteers in
Service to America?the domestic Peace
Corps) was launched, more than 3,000 in-
quiries were received from young people an
the first day of business.
When Parade's own editor, Jess Gorkin,
had the inspired idea to ask the young peo-
ple of America to "Work a Day for J.F.K.,"
the response was staggering. They went out
by the thousands to /MOW lawns, clean oars,
run errands, sell cookies and lemonade so
they could donate their earnings to the John
F. Kennedy Memorial Library. There was
no compulsion such as is brought by the
Oommissars in a Communist society. It was
merely a suggestion in one magazine for
young people to accept or reject.
- All it takes to rouse today's young people is
motivation. They need to know that their
contribution has a purpose. I grew up when
it was important to help the family. It was
important that we dug vegetables out of the
sand and stored them in the root cellar. It
was important that we earned money to help
feed the family. Now in our prosperous
suburbs, it is no longer important for young
people to contribute to the livelihood. They
are inclined to look upon the daily chores as
merely an exercise in discipline.
I have complete faith in our young gen-
eration. Whenever I am weary or worried. I
seek out young people. Many times, I have
walked out of a meeting, depressed and dis-
couraged, looking for some teenagers. I have
found them to be a tonic; they rekindle my
spirit and sharpen my wits. I am able to
go back refreshed and revitalized.
We parents expect the young to learn from
us and from their teachers. But this holds
good only if we are prepared to learn from
the young?to probe their problems and to
admit, as history has proven time and again,
that the "follies" of today can be the truths
of tomorr w.
WE MAY WIN THE WAR BUT LOSE
THE PEOPLE
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President,
James Reston of the New York Times
writes in the Sunday magazine section
of the Times some refreshing and per-
suasive observations on the Vietnamese
war which he has been observing at first
hand in South Vietnam.
Among other things Mr. Reston says
that the mood and attitude of Ameri-
can officials in Vietnam is quite different
than the mood and attitude in this
country. For instance, in Vietnam the
view is that talk of negotiations now may
be very harmful to us in Vietnam. It
can be interpreted as a sign of weakness,
as a reason for the Vietcong and the
North Vietnamese to hold out longer,
press harder, feel more confidence in
their eventual victory. Reston also re-
ports a reassuring observation about the
competence and ability of our forces in
Vietnam, and how well our forces have
established a military defense that will
not be defeated militarily.
At the same time, Reston also observes
that we could lose. In all probability the
loss would not be a military loss but a
loss resulting from our losing the sup-
port of the people. On the economic
front, the social, psychological front we
are in grave, serious danger. This rela-
tively unreported front is where we must
continue to fight and win.
I ask unanimous consent that the
article by Mr. Reston "We May Win the
War But Lose the People," be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WE MAT WIN THE WAR BUT LOSE THE PEOPLE
(By James Reston)
SAIGON.?The face of the war is not the
same in Saigon as in Washington. It may
look the same, like the face of a clock in dif-
ferent time zones, but it is noon in Washing-
ton when it is midnight in Saigon.
Time and distance make a difference.
The mood of American officials here is not
at all the same as the mood of their col-
leagues in Washington. They worry about
different things, but on the whole the Amer-
icans here worry less and are more optimistic
about the future than when they left the
Potomac.
This may be because they are under fire.
Bombs have a way of making people pay at-
tention to the urgencies of the present, but
there are other more tangible reasons.
First, the performance of the American
military forces here is impressive. They
have demonstrated already that they can
cross half the world with their bulldozers,
their engineering skills, their air and naval
power; and establish bases quickly under
tropical conditions in the face of a well-
trained and ingenious foe. They hold lim-
ited points in a limited area mainly on the
seacoast, but at least they have removed the
fear that the American command might be
overrun before it could be securely estab-
lished.
"The trained American," General Eisen-
hower wrote in 1948, "possesses qualities
that are almost unique. Because of his in-
itiative and resourcefulness, his adaptability
to change, and his readiness to resort to the
expedient, he becomes, when he has attained
a proficiency in all the normal techniques of
battle, a most formidable soldier." There
has been a lot of evidence to support this
conclusion?at least enough to give the
American community here a sense of con-
fidence that the short-term problem of the
war can be met.
Second, there is a growing feeling in Saigon
that the Vietcong cannot organize large
enough units in the face of constant harass-
ment from the air to win a major victory
over regimental sized units of the American
forces. And even if they did manage to get
together a large enough force to risk it, the
armed helicopter can now bring reinforce-
ments to the battle much faster than the
enemy can.
Even the French observers here, who are
not given to wild exaggeration of America's
capabilies, are impressed by this new mobile
power of the armed helicopter. They point
to it as one of the major advantages the
Americans have over the French Army when
It was dealing with the same problem.
Third, the Vietcong are showing some
signs of feeling pressure under fire. They
have been conscripting 16-year-olds and 17-
year-olds and sending them far from home
in spite of promises to the contrary, and
often with insufficient training. They have
been increasing their exactions from the
peasants, often taking as much as two-thirds
of the rice crop. Also, unlike their disci-
plined actions of the past when they sought
to win over the civilian population, some of
their units have recently engaged in bru-
talities designed to terrorize the civil popu-
lations, and in some areas their actions have
amounted to little more than a form of
armed banditry.
Finally, as the United States has stabilized
the military situation and gone over to the
Initiative in the air, it has begun to get more
cooperation and intelligence from the people.
The authority of the white man may be
gone in Asia, but respect for power has not.
In fact, respect for power is evident in every
traffic jam at every corner in Saigon.
The Vietnamese have an almost hierarchial
system of power in these streets, and every-
body pushes his power to the last millimeter.
The pedestrian?even the dainty female pe-
destrian, tiptoeing around the puddles in her
angle-length pantaloons, has to give way to
the bicycle, while the bicycle defers at the
very last critical instant to the scooter, and
the scooter to the little blue-and-yellow
Renault taxi, and the taxi to the jeep, and
the jeep to the truck.
These local factors undoubtedly contribute
to the short-term optimism here. Other
local factors also give Americans in this
capital a way of looking at the war that is
somewhat different from Washington's.
The military strategy, for example, affects
the thinking here about a negotiated settle-
ment. Defensively, this strategy is to hunt
the Vietcong from the air. Offensively, the
purpose is to drive the Vietcong into the
forests and deny them time to rest and re-
plenish their supplies in the hamlets.
American diplomats here, unlike their col-
leagues in Washington, are counting, not on
bringing the enemy to a big splashy peace or
truce conference, but an forcing the Vietcong
gradually to fade away or reduce their ac-
tions to manageable proportions, so that the
job of pacifying South Vietnam and estab-
lishing a stable responsible government can
make some progress. Meanwhile, General
Westmoreland is working on a plan to en-
courage the defection of Vietcong troops by
promising them safe conduct back to their
native hamlets. But nobody here is talking
about negotiations in order to placate public
opinion in the United States.
It is opinion in Vietnam that officials here
are worrying about. I have not found a
single official, either in the American com-
munity in Saigon or the diplomatic com-
munity here, who thought the constant ap-
peals for negotiations out of Washington
were helpful. Most of them were for a nego-
tiated settlement in the end, but felt this
was a function of private diplomacy and in-
sisted that the way to avoid negotiations was
to keep talking about them publicly.
The best judgment here seems to be that
it will take a year?some of our experts think
two?to produce a sharp decrease in Viet-
cong raids. This raises a central question
about American strategy. For while the
short-run outlook here seems fairly good, the
long-run prospect is quite different and much
more complicated. Officials here are con-
stantly coming up against the question:
Will the Vietcong crack under the steady
American bombardment and the power of the
helicopters, or will the social and political
structure of South Vietnam crack first?
The war has already produced more than
half a million refugees. Feeding and housing
them alone is an immense problem that is not
being done with any sense of pity, or even
decency, and the air war is just beginning.
By the end of this year, American air
power will have doubled at the very least?a
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September 14, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
plant wished to continue their union mem-
bership. Affronted by this Challenge to its
position, the union suspended the petition-
er's membership and, for good measure, fined
him 8500, the fine later beingwithdrawn.
In turn the enaployee appealed to the
NLRB, charging that his union was interfer-
ing with his right to file a decertification
petition. The NLRB disnaisscd his complaint,
on the ground that since snail petitions are
of serious "union concern," the unions mist
be able to protect themselves by penalizing
employees who file them.
To be sure, any move to debertify a uniem
as the workers' bargaining agency is of "union
concern"?especially when to date about two-
thirds of all decertification elections have
been lost by the challenged unions. But
in its eagerness to protect unions against
collapse the NLRB shows an almost incred-
ible lack of concern for the welfare of the
individual member and for Ins" right to de-
termine whether or not the union in fact
represents a majority voice.
By coincidence, Congress now seems close
to repealing section 14(b) of the Taft-Hart-
ley Act, a move that would invalidete State
right-to-work laws that protect employees
against compulsory unionism. The NLREt's
sanction of union coercion should, at the
very least, persuade the lawmakers to take
another look at what they are asked to en-
dorse,
THE VICE PRESIDENT'S FAITH IN
AMERICAN YOUTH
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, at a
time when America's youth are 'fre-
quently under sharp criticism, it is re-
freshing to read of the faith which our
Vice President, HUBERT HUMPHREY, has
In our young men and women.
The Vice President has set forth this
faith in an inspiring article, which ap
pears' in the September 5, 1965, issue of
Parade magazine.
I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
,
ticle be printed in the RECORD at this
point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was Ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
11'MAT'S PIGHT WITH TODAY'S YOUTH?SOME
" 'MOT; OTHERS Do GOOD DEZSDS---THE VICE
PRESIDENT Loons AT OUR CON TROVER2,IAL
YOUNGER GENERATION
(By HUBE:RT H. IITJMPHREY )
WASHINGTON, D.C.?Young Americans give
their lives for freedom in South Vietnam,
while other young Americans demonstrate
against our involvement there. Some young
people rip apart seaside resorts, others work
night and day to repair the flood-ravaged
dikes of the Middle West. Our uni.yerSities
turn out the brightest, best-educated grad-
uhtes in history, but at the same time we
face a probiern of school dropouts.
Which is the true picture of the younger
generation? Are more and raroe young peo-
ple finding their release in rioting, protests
and crime? Or is the trend upward toward
honer and achievement? Will they send
America into decline, or will they build a
greater, more dynamic nation? ?
I believe the latter is true, and I can back
up My belief with facts and personal experi-
ence. This is no reason for complacency.
For we cannot allow even a fraction of our
youth to squander themselves while we, who
like to boast that we are older and wiser,
stand by lamenting.
14 interest in youth is by no means
academic. As the father of four children
(three still in school), I am concerned at the
increase in juvenile crime not only in the
No. 169---24
slums, where there is the goad of dismal
poverty, but-among children who have never
known want, children who should know bet-
ter.
Like any other father of my generation, I
have my share of skepticism about Beetle
mops and dances like the swim, the frug, and
the watusi. But then I find myself asking:
Was there ever a young generation that
didn't have crazes, and was there ever an
old one that approved of them? What of
the flappers of the Roaring Twenties, many
of them now sedate grandmothers? What
of the grandfathers who once sported
Rudolph Valentino sideburns and those wide
trousers known as Oxford bags? What about
the Black Bottom ands_ the Charleston? But
we grew out of them.
I do not condone the excesses of youth. I
don't mean the fads; I mean the rioting,
violence, and crime that cause us worry in
oar society. But again, I must ask how
much we, the older generation, are respon-
sible for the startling increase in juvenile
lawlessness?
The war broke up families and reduced
parental discipline. Then came the postwar
years of the "fast buck" with an inevitable
eroding of morality and family responsibility.
Children were left to bring themselves up
while their parents made up for lost time.
Now we are in a period of unprecedented
prosperity, and I cannot help feeling that
prosperity is a more severe test of character
than adversity. Hard times, as I remember
from my own youth, bring families together.
In good times, It is all too easy to drift apart.
Though the young people tpday enjoy lux-
uries never known to their parents, they are
also exposed to pressures and frustrations
their parents never encountered.
MORE PEOPLE THAN JOBS
Our youth are quite conscious they live
in a world that has the capacity to destroy
itself and that the detonators are in the
hands of the older generation. They are also
conscious of the fact that, in our affluent so-
ciety, there are more people of their age than
there are jobs to go around. The number of
workers 18 and 19 years old is expected to
increase by half a million this year?twice
the increase of last year. Before 1970, more
than 3 million young people will swell the
labor force each year.
Those without training and skills will
face a bleak future. The unemployment rate
for the young already is more than three
times as high as for older workers. We are
past the time when a living, even a humble
one, can be made without anything but will-
ing hands.
Our country does not owe anybody a liv-
ing, but it does owe its youth at least the
opportunity to work. Government and pri-
vate industry are now alert to this problem,
and we are doing everything we can to help
these young people. There are youth oppor-
tunity centers, the poverty program, the Job
Corps, the Neighborhood Youth Corps, the
community action programs.
Of course, youth must be willing to work,
and most of them are. I have spoken to
thousands of young people at Job Corps
camps and other training centers. Many
Come from broken homes; many are barely
able to read and write. Almost all have
been bitterly disappointed in their short
lives. Yet most are determined to pick up
their second chance, acquire new skills and
face the world with hope.
Even more impressive are the thousands
of young Americans who have an acute con-
science about their own generation and want
to help the less fortunate. They are intelli-
gent, courageous, well-informed young peo-
ple, willing to work long hours for little or
no pay to correct what they feel is In-
justice.
22957 '
.Some of the student protests, picketing.
marches, sit-ins have caused dismay among
us' older folk. Frankly, I have shared it
because some of the issues, in my ;Slew,
have been false. But I must admit that
America today might be a better place if
the people of my generation had shown the
same awareness. Fiery speeches and angry
placards on the campus are to my mind
far less dangerous to the Nation's future
than the silence that stifles new ideas. Age
in itself is no guarantee of wisdom. In
a world. changing as rapidly as ours, there
can be as many old fools as young fools.
Young Americans who get into trouble, who
kick against the established order, are often
the mDzt alert.
Who of our older generation has not been,
a rebel? I have been one, and so has our
Presidcnt. Lyndon Johnson was a school
dropout who left his native Texas to work
with his hands in the fields of California.
But he return to enter college and begin
his career as a teacher in a Mexican-Amer-
ican public school. His former students still
remember him as a man who gave them
knowledge and encouragement to face a
world that all too often seemed stacked
against them.
Lyndon Johnson held his first Presidential
appointment at 27, his first political office
at 29. He has said: "No one knows better
than I the fires that burn in the hearts of
young Men who yearn for the chance to do
better What they see their elders doing not
well * * * or not doing at all."
remotes BEATNIKS
Today's young people?as students, as cit-
izens, yes, even as demonstrators?are show-
ing that they, too, want to do better. Of
course, we have our beatniks. There have
been beatniks in every age. Some of them
are now listed among the world's leading
artists, writers and musicians. Gauguin was
a beatnik. So were Van Gogh and Edgar
Allan Poe.
But I am less concerned with the eccen-
tricities of genius, which can flower in the
most unlikely soli, than I am with the mass
of our young people today. I don't find them
a "beat" generation at all, and I have met
them by the thousands across this great
country.
Our young people are a healthy and whole-
some generation, less hypocritical, more frank
than we were at their age. They speak more
openly about sex, religion, politics, and other
subjects that used to be taboo. In the age
of computers, satellites, and almost instant
communications, they are also more intelli-
gent and competent. For this is the age of
excellence.
Not long ago, I visited the nuclear aircraft
carrier Enterprise and was amazed to find
boys under 20 manning consoles of multi-
million-dollar radar equipment. They were
responsible for the safety of American pilots
and million-dollar aircraft miles away at
sea. At Loring Air Force Base, I talked with
a grease-stained enlisted man whom I found
working under a jet plane. "I understand
you are pretty good," I said, "at keeping these
planes in tiptop shape."
"No, Mr. Vice President," the GI replied.
"We're not pretty good. We're the best."
His' con-Amending officer, Brig. Gen. Frank
Elliott, completely agreed. "I have been in
the 'Air Force a long time," he said. "This
crop of youngsters is the best yet. They are
more responsive and responsible."
No fewer than one-quarter of the members
of our armed services are under 20. Our
generals and 'admirals agree they are the
finest young fighting men this country has
ever produced, as tough as their fathers of
World War II and Korea, more alert and
adaptable and so more fit to use the complex
weapons of the space age.
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September 1.4, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 22959
fact that raises two Prospects, neither of them
very pleasant. The first is that in order to
attack the Vietcong, who terrorize and hide
in the villages, the bombers will have to hurt
the civil population in the villages even more.
The second is that the Russians will put more
and more antiaircraft weapons into this
country and thus increase the caSualties
among American airmen and planes.
Incidentally, this problem illustrates an-
other difference between American officials
in Saigon and American officials in
Washington. In Washington, officials are
being very solicitous and understanding of
the Russians. They are saying it is hard for
the Russians to watch a Communist ally in
North Vietnam being overwhelmed by Ameri-
can bombers, and, therefore, that we must
expect Moscow to provide some defense
against our air, attacks.
In Saigon, however, American officials feel
that the Russians are not only trying to help
the Communists here, but are using this war
as a testing ground tor new weapons, as the
Comrriunists and the Nazis did in the Spanish
Civil War in the ,1980's.
Accordingly, while Washington talks about
the possibility of Chinese intervention in the
ground war, American officials here are even
more conterned about the reality of Russian
surface-tri-air missiles, Russian fighters and
Russian light bombers in the air war. Thus,
the longer range prospect is not so good here.
It raises several basic questions:
How will American opinion react to mount-
ing casualties among our own fighter-
bomber crews' And how will American opin-
ion reatt if U.S. air attacks produce more
and more casualties, not only among Com-
munist Vietcong guerrillas, but among South
Vietnamese civillansl
The dilemma is increasingly clear. On
the one hand, there is almost no disagree-
ment in Saigon, even among the French,
. that without the introduction of 'American
bombers this war would probably have been
lost already. But with the introduction of
American air power, especially as used indis-
criminately by the South Vietnamese forces,
the danger of losing the people in the long
run, even while winning the Military war
in the short run, is very real.
Two things may modify this U.S. problem
of hurting our friends or potential friends
in order to hurt, our enemies. The first
is that a great many of the air raids are
not in densely populated areas. And the
second is that the Vietnamese are a stoical
people, who have suffered so much under
the Mandarins, the French, the Japanese,
and their own leaders in Saigon?which
most Vietnamese regard as a remote and
hostile center of authority and corruption?
that they will probably endure punishment
longer than anybody from the West might
think possible.
Part of the reason for pessimism about the
future beyond the immediate crisis is that
South Vietnam does not really have a gov-
ernment that governs, or even an army that
fights, in our sense of these terms. It is
true that the Vietnamese have taken most
of the casualties in the past year, but most
of their 590,000-man array is either on de-
fense or on reserve.
Premier Ky is very frank about it. He
conceded the other day that his troops had
been shelling and bombing the Vietcong
because it was easier and safer for them to
do so rather than go into the night and
fight them on the ground. He concluded
that his problem was to win the people by
revolutionary programs while trying to win
the war, but it is not at all clear that he
will have the support of his military asso-
ciatea?and competitors?for such a policy.
In short, our generals here can deal, and
are dealing for the moment, with the imme-
diate military problems. And they are deal-
ing with them rather better than their asso-
ciates. in Washington thought likely.
But behind the tactical and strategic mili-
tary questions of the moment lie the occult
immensities of the past?and these are not so
easy either for the Americans in Saigon or
for those in Washington. We do not really
know how to deal effectively with a Gov-
ernment like this one. What Lord Curzon.
called the trail of the serpent lies over
the curious collection of military sovereigns
here. It is, Curzon said, "the vicious incu-
bus of officialdom, paramount, selfish,
domineering, and corrupt. Distrust of pri-
vate enterprise is rooted in the mind trained
up to believe that the Government is every-
thing and the individual nothing."
He defined the oriental mind as meaning:
"In character, a general indifference to truth
and respect for successful wile; in deport-
ment, dignity; in society, the rigid main-
tenance of the family union; in govern-
ment, the mute acquiescense of the gov-
erned; in administration and justice, the
open corruption of administrators and
judges, and in everyday life, a statuesque
and inexhaustible patience, which attaches
no value to time, and wages unappeasable
warfare against hurry."
Asia is moving, and the observations of
the English aristocracy about this part of
the world at the end of the Victorian era
may not now be exact. But the fact is that
our officials here in Saigon have run into a
great deal of evidence that much of this is
still true.
The Americans in Saigon have discovered
that they can influence the course of the
war, but the Americans in Washington have
to deal with longer perspectives and are not
at all sure that what they can influence
they can control. Maybe this is what ex-
plains the greater optimism of American offi-
cials in Saigon: They have seen the power
of America to influence the military situa-
tion. But they cannot control it without
the support of the South Vietnamese Gov-
ernment and people, and so far they are not
assured of either.
ADDRESS DELIVERED BY VICE
PRESIDENT HUMPHREY ON KING
TURKEY DAY AT WORTHINGTON,
MINN.
Mr, MONDALE. Mr. President, on
this last Saturday, Vice President Hu-
BERT HUMPHREY made a speech in
Worthington, Minn., that is worthy of
our very close and detailed attention.
He made the point so well that in the
United States our true task is to create
a state and environment of equal oppor-
tunity where every man will have an
equal chance to do something for him-
self and his fellowman. And he rightly
emphasized that our fellowman lives not
only in Worthington, Minn., not only in
the United States, but in the entire ex-
panse of this world.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the Vice President's speech be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REMARKS BY VICE PRESIDENT HUBEIRT HUM-
PHREY ON TURKEY DAY, WORTHINGTON,
MINN., SEPTEMBER 11, 1965
Thank you, Governor Rolvaag. I'm not
surprised to see both you and Senator MON-
DALE here today. King Turkey Day has al-
ways been a time when we politicians de-
scend on Worthington.
I remember my first visit to Turkey Day.
I literally descended on Worthington?in a
light plane, and in bad weather. There were
a few anxious moments, but we made it.
That was in 1948. I was mayor of Minne-
apolis and running as hard as I could for a
seat in the U.S. Senate. Bad weather or not,
I was coming to Turkey Day. I might add
that my opponent, Joe Ball, didn't make it
that Turkey Day. And he didn't make it that
November either.
Since then, I've been to nearly a dozen King
Turkey Days in Worthington. But none of
them is as sharp in my memory as my first
one.
When I came here in 1948, as a candidate
for high public office, I did not talk about
the turkey industry, or about Minnesota, or
even about agriculture. I talked about the
Marshall plan.
The Marshall plan was something im-
portant happening in 1948.
There were people then?and there are
people today?saying that Worthington was
not the place to talk about war and peace,
about the great challenges facing Western
man, about the moving tides of history.
But I said then?as I do today?that this
is exactly the place.
For, in this nuclear age, Worthington is
as close to Moscow, or to Cairo, or to Santi-
ago, as my boyhood home was to Minneapolis.
In fact, as I think about it, Minneapolis was
even more distant to us then than those oth-
er places are today.
The time is past in this world?and we all
know it?when what happens someplace else
has nothing to do with us.
The Marshall plan had something to do
with us in 1948. It revived Western Europe
and helped make us secure from a very real
and present danger. Korea had something
to do with us. So did Hungary. So did Cuba.
So today do India and Pakistan and Viet-
nam. No one knows this better than the
families in Worthington, and there are sev-
eral of them, who have sons in Vietnam to-
day. And, might I add, so today do Watts,
Calif., and Harlem, N.Y, have something to
do with us.
No man, no country can live in isolation.
There was a time when we thought we
could. Some of us can still remember it first
hand.
We had prosperity in this country. And
we decided to keep that pot of gold all for
ourselves.
We wouldn't share with anybody.
We closed our immigration. We said: "We
just don't want anymore of those foreigners,
thank you."
We closed our trade. We said: "We don't
want to do business with people abroad."
We closed our eyes and our minds to ter-
rible things happening in the rest of the
world?aggression, persecution, international
bullying.
And it wasn't long 'til we closed our banks,
and we closed our businesses, and our farms,
and we opened up breadlines. We found our-
selves in world depression and, then, Pearl
Harbor.
When people turn selfishly inward, it's not
a turn for the better. We do injustice to
ourselves. And we lessen all men for what is
less in us.
Today, in 1965, as Vice President of the
United States, it is my privilege to return to
Worthington to talk again about things that
are important.
There are things being done in this Na-
tion, and by this Nation, that are worth some
of our time.
We Americans face great burdens ahead.
That is why we are building the great re-
sources?both material and human re-
sources?of this country to meet long, hard
tasks at home and in the world.
We are trying to create an environment in
this country where every single citizen will
have the equal chance to do something for
himself and for his fellow man. We seek to
create a true state of opportunity.
There is no equal chance for the young
man or woman, for the family, imprisoned
in the ghettos and slums of urban America.
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22960
There is no equal chance for the American
denied a life of choice because his skin is
black, or because he has the wrong last name.
There is no equal opportunity for the
school dropout--a boy or girl without skill?
in a society which increasingly demands edu-
cation and skill.
That is why we today are making great na-
tional investments to improve education, to
defeat poverty, to remake our cities, to lift
rural areas left behind, to give men and
women their full constitutional rights.
The Job Corps camp is not a make-work
project. It is nothing less than an effort to
help young men learn how to make a liv-
ing?to help them become taxpayers and not
taxeaters.
Federal aid to education is not a means of
exerting Federal control over towns and
school districts, teachers and students. It is
a way to bring better education to children
living in places without enough money to pay
for that education.
Yes, we are making basic, long-term in-
vestments in America and its people.
Our country is rich and prosperous. We
can afford it. We can afford a strong na-
tional defense. We can afford billions of
dollars to put a man on the moon and we
can afford to help put a man on his feet
right here on earth. Yes, today we help our
neighbor. It is good economics. It is also
right.
The Author Thomas Wolfe wrote it a gen-
eration ago. Today we work for it:
"To every man his chance, to every man
regardless of his birth, his shining golden
opportunity?to every Man the right to live,
to work, to be himself and to become what-
ever thing his manhood and his vision can
combine to make him?this * * * is the
promise of America"
And where will this strong and free Amer-
ica stand in the world?
Will we, as before, turn inward to keep
What we have? Will we let the rest of the
world go its Own way?even if that way leads
to disaster?
We must not and we will not.
We will not close the doors of our rich
Oity until the less fortunate of the world
are driven to storm its walls.
We will not stand idly by While the totali-
tarians and the takers of the world work
their will by force on those unable to alone
defend themselves.
And, we will not?living under the shadow
of a great nuclear cloud?give up our search
for a world of peace.
For peace is like a great cathedral. Each
generation adds something to it. It requires
the plan of a master architect. It requires
the labors of many.
We will build peace with foreign aid. We
will build peace with food for peace, with
the Peace Corps, with technical assistance,
with the Alliance for Progress in Latin
America.
We will build peace with exchanges of
people. We will build peace in the United
Nations and in other international organi-
zations. We will build peace at the con-
ference table.
We will stand firm against those who
would break or abuse the peace.
We will bend all our efforts so that our
own great and terrible national military
power need never be used.
Yee, we have things to talk about in 1965,
just as we did in 1948.
We have the things that all men have in
common; Our hopes for a freer and better
life, for a chance to build something better
for our children, for a world living in peace
and in justice.
Let us work for the fulfillment of thote
hopes.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE September 14, 1905
THE PTA UNDER ATTACK
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, in
auditoriums and across living room
tables, a subtle war is being fought over
how America's schools should be run.
The weapons include innuendo, parlia-
mentary maneuver and sometimes?vio-
lence.
This is a story told in the current
issue of Look magazine in an article
entitled, "The Plot to Take Over the
PTA." It is the story of how an organi-
zation which has been working for good
schools under local control is being
undermined and its numbers reduced by
a "takeover" plot of national propor-
tions.
All those concerned about our schools
will want to read this article. I would
like to call it to the attention of the
Senate by asking unanimous consent
that it be printed in the RECORD at this
point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From Look magazine, Sept. '7. 1965]
THE Pacer To TAKE OVER THE PTA
(By Ernest Dunbar)
"We have to live with these people day in
and day out, in all of our clubs and our
schools and our children. Until you're in
the middle of it, you don't realize what it
entails." -
The speaker was a housewife in Wheaton,
a Chicago suburb. She was troubled,
thinking back over incidents that seemed
somehow like a bad dream and yet were
part of a reality that had forced its way in
upon her tranquil, tree-shaded world. The
hattlelines of an ugly, unheralded war began
at her doorstep, and the opposing troops
were neighbors, acquaintances, and onetime
friends.
Who are "these people?" They are other
American?superpatriots, self-appointed Paul
Reveres, confused mothers, bewildered busi-
nessmen, professional "anti-Communists."
Their stated gbal: to rid America's schools of
alleged Communist influences. Their in-
tended vehicle: the local parent-teachers'
association.
Would the Wheaton housewife talk to a
Look reporter? Hesitantly, she agreed.
What she had to say mirrored the anguish,
the turmoil and strife that are becoming
distressingly familiar in many school PTA's
across these United States.
Her PTA had come under the domination
of ultraconservative members of the com-
munity, and they had invited a traveling
lecturer on anticommunism to address them
in the high school auditorium. His talk
shocked the mild mannered suburbanite.
According to the speaker, most Federal of-
ficials in Washington do not believe in God
or the Constitution, and are under the in-
fluence of a foreign Communist power; the
State Department and the U.S. Supreme
Court are being directed by the same Com-
munist conspiracy; the news media of the
country are dominated by Communists, and
the United Nations exists solely for sub-
verting the United States and other nations,
and dragging them into one world govern-
ment.
couldn't believe my e s " the housewife
says. "What's worse was that everybody was
sitting there nodding in agreement. There
was almost no objection to anything this
man said," she recalls. Later, during the
discussion period, when she questioned the
accuracy of some of the lecturer's state-
ments, "there were people glaring at me and
muttering, and frankly. I felt afraid."
Late one evening, 2 weeks after this
incident, two men tried to force their way
Into her home while her husband was out of
town. They said they had come to have it
out with her because of her opposition to the
conservative direction taken by the local
PTA unit. The men left only after she
threatened to call for help.
Last winter, in St. Augustine, Fla., before
an important meeting of a high school PTA,
the chairman of the local ( white) Citizens
Council, a segregationist organization, took
his PTA membership card to a printer and
had 500 counterfeit cards made in order to
pack the meeting with his non-PTA sup-
porters. Not only did another council mem-
ber ask the PTA president to sign the bogus
membership cards (the request was rejected) ,
but the printing bill for the fake cards was
sent to PTA.
At Portland, Oreg., Wilson High earlier
this year, the PTA scheduled a series of
speakers on civil rights to coincide with a
study project being conducted by the school's
students. One of the talks was given by J.
Belton Hamilton, a Negro assistant attorney
general of Oregon. The committee of par-
ents that had arranged the meeting reported
numerous phone calls were received which
labeled the speaker, the principal, and the
PTA president as Communist and put un-
usual pressure on us to have a speaker
representing their special interests. The re-
port said that those responsible for the
pressures "have taken their action in the
name of patriotism ar d Americanism."
Last year, in Upper Saddle River, N.J., a
well-to-do New York City suburb, -business-
man Jerry Schlossberg, vice president of the
Edith Bogert School PTA, was selected by
a nomination committee to become presi-
dent. In that PTA, the vice president usu-
ally succeeds the outgoing president. Then
things took an untraditional turn. Schloss-
berg says a telephone campaign spread the
word 'around town that he, Schlossberg. a
member of a local fair-housing group, was
going to bring some Negro families into the
all-white community. Three days before the
election, a meeting was held in the home
of Mrs. Ordeen Knight, Schlossberg's nomi-
nation was withdrawn and is substitute slate
headed by Mrs. Knight put up. Smile board
members later asserted that Schlossberg
lacked the "temperament" for the job.
After the election of Mrs. Knight as presi-
dent of the Bogert School PTA, a local news-
paper revealed that both she and the new
vice president were members of the extremist
John Birch Society.
In North Hollywood, Calif., PTA members
at the Victory Boulevard Elementary School
prepared to put on their third annual skit to
raise money for school activities. Fifty par-
ents and the school principal, Francis Wil-
liams, were to take part in the program,
which they had been rehearsing for 3 months.
Shortly before the play was to open, one
Victory Boulevard School parent objected to
a show that spoofed George Washington,
Benjamin Franklin, and other historical fig-
ures. News of the objection appeared in the
press, and the principal began receiving tele-
phone calls from people who were not in PTA
and had no children in the school. One caller
warned him that the show must be can-
celed "if you want to see daylight tomorrow.'
Williams submitted the script to the two
most conservative members of the Los An-
geles City Board of Education, who did not
oppose his going ahead with the show. After
the first of four scheduled performances of
the "Victory Boulevard Follies," a powerful
bomb was set off in the restaurant owned
by Konrad Schloss, one of the authors of the
controversial skit. School authorities, fear-
ing for the safety of the children, canceled
the remaining three performances. The $500
that the parents had hoped to raise for the
school fund was lost.
What's happening in the PTA? In airy
kitchens, high-school auditoriums, over liv-
ing room tables and on sun-swept patios
acacias the Nation, a shadowy but frequently
vicious war is being fought. The stakes are
the minds of American-schoolchildren.
The antagonists are housewives, princi-
pals, 'teachers, physicians, school board
members, and veterans leaders. They range
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2296g CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE September
*with the least money. Nobody has ever ob-
jected to this, the primary function of the
Budget Bureau. And it is an enormous and
responsible job.
But all of this is an advisory and co-
ordinating job.
T.he power to see to it that the laws that
ar5 enacted are, or are not, carried out, does
not go with an advisory job.
The power to alter the details of the work
of other agencies so as to alter the effect of
the law does not go with it.
The power to censor the agencies of Gov-
ernment so that they may tell Congress
only what the Budget Bureau permits them
to does not go with it. Any agency should
be permitted to tell the Congress anything
it wants to, and the Budget Bureau should
then be permitted to testify that it disagrees
with such agency, so that Congress can have
the facts on both sides.
We have seen that the Budget Bureau is
not above telling Congress what laws it
should and should not pass, not as mere
testimony, but with threats of getting a
Presidential veto in some cases, or simply
declining to spend the money (or permitting
it to be requested) to carry out a law that
may be enacted by Congress over the Bu-
reau's objection.
Because the Bureau was made an arm of
the President himself, it easily looks upon
itself as the President speaking. Unlike
Presidents, the career staff of the Bureau
doesn't stand for election every 4 years.
Presidents of both parties and Budget Di-
regtors come and go while the career staff
stays on. It stays on under Republican
and Democratic Presidents, giving orders to
and making decisions for Republican and
Democratic Cabinet Departments and lesser
agencies under secretaries who come and
go, and wielding the political power of suc-
ceeding Presidents in Congress.
This is heady medicine indeed?a tempta-
tion to an exercise of power which the Con-
stitution sought to avoid above all else. It
makes of the Budget Bureau a disembodied,
unelected, permanent super President of the
United States. The same men spoke for
Truman and Eisenhower and Kennedy who
are speaking for Lyndon Johnson today.
Had Barry Goldwater been eleoted they would
have been speaking for him. Presidents
themselves shrink in stature beside this
silent, secretive organ of continuing power.
Small wonder that the Budget Bureau is seen
by many as the invisible Government of the
United States. Small wonder that Lyndon
Johnson, as majority leader of the Senate,
cried out "by what authority?" and got no
answer.
The Budget Bureau is needed?back in its
former position as a potent advisor whose
estimates and counsel on income and ex-
penditures should be heard with respect.
But it should be divested of all powers--
actual and sub-rosa---to be the enforcer of
its own policies in both the executive and
legislative branches of a Government that is
supposed to be representative of the people.
By making the Budget Bureau an arm of the
President, too much power was delegated to
a continuing group of men who are not po-
litically answerable to the people of a Re-
public. President Johnson will have no
power to speak for his successor as Presi-
dent, but the career men in the Budget
Bureau who now speak for him will speak
for the next President, and the next, and
the next.
"The Bureau of the Budget has usurped
the constitutional powers of Congress for
decades," declares Senator? RALPH TAR-
BOROUGH, of Texas. The Budget Bureau
has gone far beyond its proper and constitu-
tional place in Government by the arbitrary
exercise of powers not properly granted to
the Executive. I would be in favor of abol-
ishing it as it now exists and replacing it
with another agency to coordinate rather
than to command.
"It's really dangerous," Says YARBOROUGH.
"It's not safe for the country. The Found-
ing Fathers: Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
and the others who framed our Government,
set up a Constitution of checks and balances.
The Founding Fathers learned from the ex-
perience of centuries that the average man
would fare better with a diffusion of power
in Government.
"If, under the guise of being economical,
the Budget Bureau refuses to spend money
appropriated by Congress to carry out the
laws enacted by Congress, the balance of
constitutional powers is destroyed. And
that is precisely what has happened over the
past several decades.
"Congress must some day face up to the
problem by abolishing the Bureau of the
Budget and setting up something else in its
stead. It is the duty of the Congress to have
the nerve and the drive and the energy to
go back and capture its constitutional
powers. S me ay it will."
HUMAUFERiNG IN SOUTH VIET-
NAM EMPHASIZES THE IMPOR-
TANCE OF INCREASING MEDICAL
AID
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, our
military effort in Vietnam seems to be
slowly but steadily improving.
And yet we may lose the peace. We
may lose the support of the people of
South Vietnam simply because their suf-
fering has become unbearable.
Last Sunday Dr. Howard Rusk, the
eminent New York Times medical corre-
spondent, reported the heartbreaking
story of sickness and death in Vietnam.
He also described in detail the pathetic
lack of doctors, of hospitals, and medi-
cines. These are shortages we are work-
ing desperately to solve. It is vital that
we do even better?in fact far better in
the future?if we are to win the hearts
and minds of these long-suffering people,
and that is the key to genuine victory in
Vietnam.
I ask uhanimous consent that the arti-
cle by Dr. Rusk, "Refugee in Vietnam,"
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REFUGEE CRISIS IN VIETNAM?CONSTANT
SHIFTING OF HOMELESS MAKES DIFFICULT
JOB ALMOST INSURMOUNTABLE
(By Howard A. Rusk, M.D.)
SAIGON.?Only by seeing can one believe
the extent and depth of human suffering in
Vietnam.
The Complexities of relieving suffering in
this war-ravaged nation are incredible. They
would be insurmountable were it not for
the programs already established by the U.S.
forms, both military and civilian, inter-
national voluntary agencies and other groups
from the free world.
- Of the 15 million people in Vietnam, 600,-
000 or 1 in 15 are refugees. This is the
second time in the brief history of the
Republic of Vietnam that the uprooting of
lives has reached enormous proportions.
In 1954 and 1955, following the partition
of Vietnam, almost 1 million refugees left
the Communist north because of political
and religious beliefs. Only 140,000, primarily
elements of Ho Chi Minh's army, moved from
the south to Communist North Vietnam.
The situation today, however, is completely
different from 10 years ago. At that time
there was a clear line of demarcation be-
tween the forces of communism and democ-
racy.
14, 1965
LAND OF ISOLATION
Now South Vietnam resembles a large lake
dotted with numerous islands. The "water"
portion is the Vietcong and the "islands" the
secure and semisecure territory of the Viet-
namese. As the tide of battle fluctuates,
these islands increase or decrease in size.
When the islands decrease the rural pop-
ulation seeks refuge in the secure territories
and, as a result, the refugee population
swells. As the government and U.S. forces
counterattack and regain territory the
refugees return to their farms and hamlets.
When the United States and Vietnam ma-
rines began a combined air and amphibious
offensive in the coastal lowlands at Cape
Batangan, about 340 miles northeast of here
recently, the refugee population of nearby
secure areas increased rapidly. Leaflets are
dropped in advance of an stack to warn the
civilian population to seek safety.
The current influx of refugees results from
the increased Vietcong terrorism and con-
fiscatory taxation, and increased Vietnam
and United States military operations.
Refugees are almost 100 percent women,
children, and older men practically all of the
country's men of working age are in its
armed forces. Primarily farmers, the refu-
gees have no other skills and are dependent
upon the government and the U.S. Agency -
for International Development.
In theory, the government provides each
adult refugee with seven piasters a day
(about 5 cents) and three piasters a day
for a child. With the rising prices, resulting
from shortages of commodities, it has become
increasingly necessary for the United States
to provide the refugees with supplementary
food. Distribution of food, which comes
from U.S. surplus stocks, presents an ex-
traordinarily difficult logistical problem be-
cause the secure areas are isolated.
RAIL TRANSPORT OUT
There is no rail transport because the
Vietcong have destroyed all railway bridges.
When wood and other supplies become de-
pleted, the government has to deploy thou-
sands of its troops to clear a highway through
Vietcong territory and then has to keep it
open for the long truck convoys. In many
areas, the only communication with the out-
side world for months has been by airlift.
Food and its delivery is the No. 1 problem
for Vietnam's refugees and its provincial
population. The second major problem is
health. Vietnam has about 900 physicians,
most of who are in the military service. In
one secure area, which last week had a popu-
lation of about 300,060 persons, there are
only 4 physicians, all of whom are in the
military service and must meet the civilian
health needs on a part-time basis.
Tuberculosis is highly prevalent, as are
skin infections, intestinal parasites, tra-
choma, and other diseases of the eyes, ty-
phoid, and leprosy. A remarkably good job
has been done by ? Vietnamese and United
States health workers in controlling serious
epidemics among the refugees by inocula-
tions against smallpox, cholera, plague, and
typhoid.
In vast areas of the country the only health
services are medicines distributed by U.S.
military teams. These are not special medi-
cal units but regular forces, all of whom
carry medicines to distribute to the civilian
population, especially refugees.
Added to the health problems of an up-
rooted population are the ravages of conflict.
This writer saw the effects of the war on
a visit to Mytho, a provincial capital in the
lush Mekong Delta. Mytho is 30 minutes
from here by helicopter over Vietcong ter-
ritory. There had been heavy fighting the
night before in the area. Refugees were just
beginning to struggle in with their wounded.
The most touching of all was a frantic
mother with a 3-year-old child, a large por-
tion of whose face had been destroyed by
Vietcong land mines. she had walked 11
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and patients--?anything with a canceled
postage stamp.
And personal contacts with veterans, in-
stead of being 6,506 were 40,008. They came
not to 2.8 percent of ,the total Contacts with
veterans, but More than 66 percent.
Similar committees in other parts of the
country reported the same discrepancies with
respect to justifications of VA closings in
their areas.
This incredible situation concerning pub-
lic responsibility is not like the usually me-
ticulous Veterans' Astrninistration. It is like
the wriggling of a Government agency under
orders from the Bureau et the Budget to
cut back its operation with a tough com-
mand to make the cutback look good.
On the surface it looks ,like insanity for
the Budget Bureau to force the VA to close
offices when the reputed savings are only
myth. But it Makes sinister sense When you
recall the Budget Bureau's desire not to have
veterans claim what has already been
awarded them by Congress. Intensive
studies by both the VA and the House Com-
mittee on Veterans Affairs have revealed that
veterans who have been eligible for millions
of dollars of vets benefits didn't claim them
because they did not understand the law
In spite of VA mail in governmentese ex-
plaining it to them. In this light, the
hanky-panky unveiled at Fargo (only one of
16 regional offices that were proposed to be
closed) to force more veterans to use the mail
suggests that the Budget Bureau sees the
real savings to lie in unclaimed benefits if
services to veterans are withdrawn hundreds
of miles.
The outcry at this sort of thing resulted in
President Johnson taking the matter out of
the hands of the VA and the Budget Bureau
and referring the VA closings to a special
Presidential committee. On June 9, the
closing order was rescinded for Fargo and
seven other regional offices, for two of the
soldiers homes and five of the hospitals.
This was clearly a compromise of a situation
in which his own Budget Bureau had em-
barrassed the President. Six hospitals,
caring for 11,500 patients; eight regional
offices, and two soldiers homes remained on
the list to be closed unless Congress should
specifically legislate their continuance, as it
has sometimes done in the past. To a num-
ber of bills already proposed to prevent
further arbitrary closings at the whim of the
Budget Bureau, the House Veterans Affairs
Committee promptly added another (H.R.
202) to restrict either the closing or adding
of VA hospitals and homes in the future
without approval of the committee. So
much for a sampling of the Budget
Bureau's operation in veterans affairs.
Pear is one of the weapons by which the
Bureau of the Budget enforces its dominance
"It is common knowledge," former Senator
Dennis Chavez, of New Mexico, once re-
marked, "that most Government agencies
are scared green of the Budget Bureau."
The gagging of high Government officiali
in testimony before Congress goes right to
the heart of the American system of repre-
sentative government. It is a form of con-
trolled ignorance of the people's represen-
tatives.
Nor is this confined to verbal testimony.
The Budget Bureau controls the content of
letters sent by agencies to Congress and of
letters sent by independent agencies to the
President. It censors the mail in both of
these channels by demanding that whatever
such agency heads write must be submitted
to them for approval, disapproval or altera-
tion. The Congress seeks a written appraisal
on virtually every bill before it, from the
agency that the bill would come under. But
if any agency head has a different opinion
from that of the Budget Bureau, it is out of
the letter before a congressional committee
sees it.
The Member of Congress who, over a period
of many years, has been the Budget Bureau's
most persistent critic on Capitol Hill is Rep-
resentative DANIEL FLOOD, of Pennsylvania,
Ftoon has referred to the Budget Bureau as
a menace to the general welfare and has,
along with numerous other Members of
Congress, often introduced bills to abolish
it in its present form.
Ft.oae was the author of a stinging attack
on the Bureau when he charged in 1969 that
it had made groveling, heelclicking, faceless
'Wonders of the Department of Defense wit-
nesses before the Armed Services and Appro-
priations Committees of Congress. "No won-
der Gen. James Gavin, Gen. Matthew Ridg-
way and other civilian and military leaders
in the Department of Defense will not stom-
ach this regimentation,' FLOOD said angrily
on the Rouse floor.
Representative FLOOD created a sensation
When he read into the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
a confidential memorandum (obtained by
means not publicly stated) addressed to the
then Secretary of Defense, Neil McElroy, by
the then Budget Director, Maurice H. Stens.
It reads very much like the orders of a tough
top sergeant passing down the word to the
troops:
"It is expected," Stans wrote to the Secre-
tary of Defense, "that witnesses (before con-
gressional committees) will carefully avoid
volunteering views differing from the budget,
either on the record or off the record. While
direct questions at hearings must be an-
swered frankly, it is expected that a witness
who feels that he must set forth a personal
view inconsistent with the President's budget
will point out that the President's judgment
on the matter was reached from his over-
all perspective as head of the Government
and, in the light of overriding national policy.
The witness should make it clear that his
personal comments are not a request for
additional funds.
"Please see that a reminder of this reaches
all officials and employees who participate
In hearings on appropriations and on legis-
lation directly related to budget proposals."
Not everyone was gagged, but they didn't
have their way either. The Congressional
Quarterly published the names of numerous
able Americans who had quit the Govern-
ment service in rebellion against the in-
visible Budget Bureau rather than support
policies_ to which they were opposed, with
gags in their mouths. At the same time the
Quarterly listed a host of charges that had
been made against the Bureau,
Adm. Hyman Rickover said it had withheld
"funds to design nuclear power plants to
keep submarines under water indefinitely."
The outspoken father of our nuclear subs
declared, "They should either release the
funds or cancel the project,"
The head of the National Bureau of Stand-
ards charged that the Budget Bureau had
held up funds for missile research. The Army
Research Director said that weapons devel-
opment was lagging because too many budget
experts were trying to run the Army research
program. Representative CHET HOLIFIELD
said there'd been a clear substitution of the
judgment of the Budget Bureau for Atomic
Energy Commission experts at the Hanford,
Wash., plutonium project. Senator CLINTON
ANDERSON said the Budget Bureau had slowed
rocket development by impounding $9.1 mil-
lion appropriated for Project Rover, and that
it had drafted the President's space agency
bill and given interested agencies only 24
hours' notice before submitting it to Con-
gress. Senator MIKE MANSFIELD said that the
Bureau had frozen $22 million of $32 million
appropriated for the National Guard.
To the Stans letter, Representative FLOOD
commented. acidly:
"The Bureau of the Budget is a Frank-
enstein insofar as the legislative processes
of Congress are concerned. It proposes and
discloses as this group of glorified clerks
directs. The Budget Bureau is making policy
on the minute, on the hour, on the day. It
is torturing beyond all reason what Congress
meant when it created the Bureau."
Such intimate glimpse.% into the inner
exercise of power by the Bureau of the
Budget do not come to light often. You do
not see television programs or magazine
articles on the Budget Bureau?and the only
newspaper comments you are likely to see
are brief, routine announcements such as
that of the recent replacement of Budget
Director Kermit Gordon by Charles L.
Schultze, a 40-year-old Maryland University
economics professor.
The late Senator Thomas Hennings, of
Missouri, counted by many as the most
scholarly constitutional lawyer to sit in Con-
gress for decades, was upset about the Budget
Bureau's muzzling of witnesses before con-
gressional committees:
"Congress," Senator Hennings said, "ought
to have access to opinions and facts from
Government officials to carry out its own
serious responsibilities to the people." He
read to his fellow Senators a short, sharply
pointed editorial from the Columbia Mis-
sourian re: the Budget Bureau's gagging of
witnesses:
"Budget Bureau spokesmen denied that
this (the Steens letter) was intended as a gag
on prospective witnesses. But if it was not
this, what was it?
"It is the duty of Congress to make appro-
priations, and in carrying out this duty, it
should have all possible sources of informa-
tion. The most natural sources of informa-
tion are Government officials. Congressmen
must try to find out whether or not their
requests are justified."
Senator MIKE MANSFIELD, of Montana, now
the majority leader, has questioned the con-
stitutionality of the powers exercised by the
Budget Bureau.
"Congress," he said frankly, "faces a con-
stitutional problem which we will have to
meet some day if we do not want to see our
(lawmaking) power steadily eroded and our
constitutional position as a coequal branch
of the Government reduced still further.
The constitutional problem still has not
been faced.
The Bureau was established in 1921 after
a dozen years of hassle on Capitol Hill. But
it did not become really controversial until
the late 1930's, when Franklin D. Roosevelt
proposed to reorganize it, vastly enlarge its
powers, and put it In the Executive Office of
the President.
Republican Members of Congress bounced
up an clown off the Capitol Dome at the
very thought of that. Capital Hill resounded
with anguished cries that Roosevelt wanted
to become a dictator. Enough Democrats
joined in opposing the move so that it was
defeated in Congress. An angry F.D.R. from
the little White House in Warm Springs, ("s.
wrote
wrote his famous "Dear John" open letter in
which he denied that he possessed the tal-
ent or inclination to become a dictator.
Finally, F.D.R. got his way. The bill
passed. On September 9, 1939, Reorganiza-
tion Plan No. 1 for 1939 made the Budget
Bureau a part of the President's staff.
With the recasting of the Bureau as a pri-
vate arm of the President, its Director be.
yond congressional confirmation, the Bureau
became a storm center and has been one
ever since.
What went wrong?
Both the Congress, and President, and all
the agencies, badly need a budget bureau to
estimate how much income the Govern-
ment may have from any and all revenue
sources, and how much the various old pro-
grams and new programs entertained by the
Congress, the President, and the agencies will
cost. Such a bureau is also needed to sug-
gest ways and means of doing the most
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Septodber 14, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE 22969
kilometers (nearly 7 miles) through Viet-
c.ong territory to find help for her child.
Other casualties included amputees and a
12-year-old boy with hundreds of skin
wounds, who was blinded by a Vietcong land
mine.
COULD ZIE REHABILITATED
There was an outstanding team of Philip-
_pine surgeons in the provincial hospital,
Which, like many hospitals in Vietnam, had
two patients in most of its beds. There are
numerous Philippine and other free world
groups working in health activities among
the Vietnamese civilian population.
Particularly distressing to this writer was
the problem of the paraplegic veterans.
Most of them have been collected at one
center, which is a 2-hour drive from Saigon
through Vietcong territory. The authorities,
having had no experience in the modern
management of paraplegia and no personnel
? trained to meet the complicated problems
? of this condition, are helpless.
These Men are excellent candidates for
rehabilitation, but Unless they receive out-
side help quickly they are doomed.
Vietnam is a political struggle with vio-
lent military overtones. It is a Vietnamese
War, which must be won by the Vietnamese
With our support. It is a war than can be
lost in Saigon, but can only be won in the
countryside. It is a war with hundreds of
pressing needs in the fields of health, educa-
tion, and welfare.
The solutions to these problems have
political as well as humanitarian implica-
tions. The Vietnamese peasant wants secu-
rity, food, social justice, and a better life for
his children than he has had. He has a
great yearning for education for his children.
Be will cast his lot With the political system
under which he thinks his chances are best
for the achievement of his aspirations.
Failure of the United States and the free
world to provide sufficient help to the
Republic of Vietnam to make these aspira-
tions a reality could result in our winning
the war but losing the peace.
RICHARD NIXON IS OFF BASE
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, by
making inflammatory statements during
his recent trip to the Far East, Richard
Nixon has done a distinct disservice to
our Government's goal of a peaceful
settlement in southeast Asia. Some of
the Nation's Most responsible newspap-
ers, including the New York Times an
September 8, and the Lewiston Morning
Tribune on August 29, have condemned
Mr. Nixon's statements. As Bill Hall
noted in the Lewiston Morning Tribune:
Former Vice President Richard Nixon,
currently on a tour of the Far East, is taking
astounding liberties in announcing what
this Nation's policies should be and will be
in the Vietnamese war, He is showing no
regard for the fact he is a distinguished
former high official in the U.S. Gov-
ernment, and that many in the Far East
may take his words for more than the idle
comments of another American tourist.
I ask unanimous consent to have these
two excellent editorials printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editor-
ials were ordered to be printed in the
nECORD, as follows:
fFrom the New York (N.Y.) Times, Sept 8,
1965]
Isrixon OFr BASE
Richard M. Nixon's 16-day tour of Asia,
described as a "private business trip," has
been accompanied by public statements at
every stop calling for "victory" in Vietnam
and denouncing proposals for peace negotia-
tions. In a Saigon news conference, t
former Vice President said the Republic
Party would make a campaign issue out
Vietnam in 1966 and 1968 if President Joh
son ended the war there b
The propriety of carrying an Americ
political debate abroad, doubtful in any c
cumstances, is even more questionable wh
controversial statements concerning a w
situation are emitted from a platform
the war zone itself. But the issue raised
Mr. Nixon's remarks?which oppose a settl
ment based on concessions by both sides?
far more important than the unfortunate 1
cation he chose for the purpose.
The idea that unconditional surrender ca
be imposed on North Vietnam is an illusio
that most Americans long since have aba
doned. President Johnson has recogniz
that military victory is impossible for eith
side. He has accompanied military pressu
with proposals that offer North Vietnam
way out of the present impasse.
The effect of the President's proposals o
the nonalined countries?and on Moscow an
Hanoi--seems to have Communist Chin
worried. Peiping in recent weeks has felt
necessary to urge Hanoi to fight on. Biz
the Chinese leaders are evidently unable t
offer anymore solid encouragement than th
Will-o'-the-wisp hope that other "liberatio
wars" in Asia, Africa, and Latin America ul
timately will help the Vietnamese Commu
nists defeat the United States.
In these circumstances, Mr. Nixon's re
marks can only be tragically harmful, en
couraging an unrealistic intransigence jus
at the moment when a vital debate seems t
be going on within the Communist world.
[From the Lewiston (Idaho) Morning Trib
one, Aug. 29, 1965]
he event of Red Chinese intervention, but that
an is a decision to be made when the time comes
of by the Commander in Chief, the Secretary of
n- Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It is
a course to be proclaimed as fact by an
an itinerant American politician.
ir- It is one of the blessings of U.S. citizen-
en ship that any American can become an ex-
ar pert on foreign policy and tell the President
in and the world what we should do in Vietnam.
by But no one, and especially a man of such
e- stature that he might be believed by many
is abroad, has the right to announce whether
o- we ? will or will not invite the Formosan
n mChaiinnalrndth. apply counterpressure against the
n Even when Nixon only discusses what the
n- United States should do, rather than what it
ed will do, his declaration is incompatible com-
er ing from a man who once sought to become
re Commander in Chief .himself. To suggest
a that attempts at peacemaking are wrong be-
cause they will be misinterpreted as signs
n of weakness is preposterous.
d There would seem to be a faint possibility
a that they might be interpreted as signs of
it peaceful intent. ,
t Right or wrong, the U.S. policy in South
o Vietnam should by now be crystal clear to
e the Red Chinese, the North Vietnamese. the
11 Russians, our allies, the American people,
- and even former Vice Presidents. Johnson,
- Rusk and practically every member of the
Cabinet has stated on countless occasions
that the American and Vietnamese forces
will maintain the pressure on the Vietcong
and North Vietnam making it clear that
o ftohrecree is no weakness of resolve of military
At the same time, it has been explained
time and time again, we remain ready to
talk peace whenever the Vietcong, the North
Vietnamese, the United Nations or anyone
else is ready to talk peace. Meanwhile,
American forces engage the Vietcong, and
American bombers pound the north. It's
a strange way to demonstrate weakness.
It is easy to understand the President's
frequent exasperation over his foreign pol-
icy critics. No matter what he does, he is
wrong. If he proseeutes the war to vigor-
ously, he is wrong for not seeking more ave-
nues to peace. If he offers to negotiate, he
is showing signs of weakness.
In the meantime, however, the President
continues to put the weight of action be-
.
nd e words of policy. The pressure on
the Vietcong is being increased, and the at-
tempts to find a peaceful solution are be-
coming ever more intensive. American
troops continue to be sent to Vietnam in
ever-increasing numbers, and Rusk reports
he is under orders to seek out every possible
road to peace. There are, in fact, dozens of
attempts now underway through Moscow,
through the United Nations and through a
flock of other third parties.
And through it all, Rusk keeps his anten-
nae alert. Hopefully, he soon will pick up
more than the static transmitted from Tot-yo
and Taipei Saturday.
WE READ YOU-LOITD AND MISTAKEN
Secretary of State Dean Rusk proclaimed
knowingly Friday that he is keeping his
"antenna * * very much alert" for peace
signals from the Communists. If he had
tuned to another frequency Saturday he
would have heard, not a peace overture, but a
symphony in saber rattling. And it came not
from Hanoi, Peiping, or Moscow war rooms.
The transmitter was a former Vice President
of the United States.
Former Vice President Richard Nixon, cur-
rently on a tour of the Far East, is taking
astounding liberties in announcing what this
Nation's policies should be and will be in the
Vietnamese war. He is showing no regard
for the fact he is a distinguished former
high official in the U.S. Government, and
that many in the Far East may take his
words for more than the idle comments of
another American tourist.
Stopping in Japan, Nixon told the resi-
dents of Tokyo that the Communists "have
slapped us in the face with a wet fish" after
each U.S. peace offer, and that Communists
misinterpret a willingness to negotiate "as
a sign of weakness." Constant talk of ne-
gotiation has actually prolonged the war,
he said.
And at Taipei, Formosa, Nixon declared
that the Communists know the Republic of
China will attack the mainland if they in-
tervene in Vietnam. He said not only that
the Communists know that, but, in the event
of such intervention, "there would certainly
be justification for the Chinese Nationalists
to counterattack the Chinese Communists."
/n one busy day, a former Vice President
of the United States has announced to the
world that the search for peace in Vietnam
is a sign of weakness, and he has given his
blessing in advance to a Nationalist Chinese
attack on mainland china...,-
The Communists may know that the Na-
tionalists will attack the mainland if they
intervene in Vietnam, but one wonders if
the President of the United States knows it.
Perhaps that is a possibility being consid-
ered by the Johnson administration in the
THE VOLUNTARY FEED GRAIN
PROGRAM
Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, it
would be difficult to overstate the im-
portance of continuing the national feed
grain program through the next 4 years.
The feed grain program is a tremen-
dous success. Over two-thirds of all the
farmers in the United States have feed
grain bases, growing one or more of the
three grains primarily used for livestock
and poultry feeding, corn, barley, and
sorghum grains.
Corn and the other feed grains are
used for human consumption, for the
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22970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE September .ti, 1965
_
feeding of dairy cows, for the feeding The alternative to an effective feed productivity goes up, the basic price- e-
and fattening of beef cattle, hogs, chick- grain program is disaster. Without a lationships of these grains must be re-
ens, and turkeys, for cash export, and for feed grain program, the acreage a feed viewed. We recognize that in the last 6
many industrial uses. Feed grains either grains would go up around 30 to 35 years corn yields have increased nearly
accounted for or had a direct bearing on million acres the first year. Farmers 33 percent--from 54.5 bushels per acre
over $3 of every $5 received by all Amen- would inevitably produce an extra 40 to in 1960 to an estimated '72.4 bushels per
can farmers in 1964. 50 million tons of feed grains that we acre in 1965. About the same percentage
It should be continued because it has cannot use now. This extra feed grain increase occurred in the preceding 6
proved to be a success and because the would mean millions of extra hogs or years. We are advised this increase in
trend of success can be continued, billions of pounds of additional beef. productivity?in yields?is likely to con-
Also, it should be continued because Mr. President, the majority of the tinue in the foreseeable future?certainly
the alternative would be extremely bad Senate committee reviewed the facts that in the 4 years covered by this new bill?
for farmers and bad for the Nation. I have just mentioned concerning the and we must, therefore, recognize that
First, let us look at the success story. success of this program, and I think it the price support rate must take into ac-
During the past 4 years, it has chalked is fair to state the consensus was that count the changes in technology and pro-
up these achievements: this is the first truly successful feed ductivity that are occurring. We have
First. It has increased producer in- grain program that we have ever had in done that, Mr. President, by providing the
come. Producers have realized $3 bil- the history of farm legislation and farm authority for the Secretary of Agriculture
lion more for their crops than would programs. to modify the components of total sup-
have been possible under Pre-1961 Pro- Time after time I have heard farmers port available to the cooperator. We
grams. In Minnesota alone, continua- from my own State of Minnesota, some- have provided that total support must be
tion of this program will mean an addi- times even those who were net partici- in the range of 65 to 90 percent of parity.
tonal $21 million in farm income next pants in the feed grain program, say that Under present conditions, this would be
Year, increasing feed grains returns to this is the best program they have ever $1.03 to $1.42 per bushel for corn.
$534 million, had made available to them. They a,p- In the bill, as well as in the report, the
Second. It has reduced the surplus. nreciate most of all that it has helped committee has indicated that the Secre-
This fall the combined carryover of feed bring about stability in livestock sup- tary of Agriculture should take into ac-
grains will be down more than 1 billion plies and in livestock prices. For many count these changes in determining the
bushels from the 3.2 billion bushel peak producers, this is why we have a feed levels of the loan and, therefore, the
in 1960. grain program?to promote stability level of the price support payment. I be-
The program has also saved money with reasonable supplies in the livestock lieve I am accurate in stating that a ma-
f or the taxpayer in the long run. For economy. jority of the members of the committee
example, in 1960, CCC stocks of feed Minnesota's feed grain crop is crucial do not mean in any way to force the Sec-
grains, stored at the taxpayers' expense to the health of our agricultural sector, retary of Agriculture to reduce the basic
totaled some 85 million tons. The 1961- for although as a cash crop it accounts loan level in a manner which would be
64 programs reduced that amount from for only 13.6 percent of Minnesota mar- disruptive to the livestock economy.
85 million tons to 56 million tons, at a keting receipts, it is grown on 85 percent There were suggestions presented in the
substantial saving to the Government. of our! arms, and is fed on farms to cat- committee that this be done by statute
USDA experts say that had this pro- tle, hogs, calves, poultry, and dairy cows, so as to drop 1 nickel per year for each
gram not been law, stocks would other- which together account for almost 70 of the 4 years involved with the feed
wise have continued to increase to 125 percent of Minnesota's marketing re- grain program. This was not accepted
million tons, costing the American tax- ceipts. by the majority of the committee. In-
payer increased storage and handling And Minnesota's farmers participate stead, we preferred to give the authority
and transportation costs. in the Government programs. 71 per- to the Secretary of Agriculture to take
Third. It has cut Government costs. cent of our farmers signed up, compared into account?and I quote from H.R.
Government outlays, though large under to the nationwide average of 36 percent, 9811 now pending before the Senate, on
the program, ultimately would have been and the loss of that program would mean page 78, line 10: "taking into account
more than $2 billion greater under the to those farmers an immediate drop in increases in yields, but"?and now I em-
pre-1961 program. incomein excess of $45 million. It can phasize, Mr. President: "but so as not to
The cost to the Government per bar- readily be seen what such a loss would do disrupt the feed grain and livestock econ-
vested acre has been, for example, for to the State of Minnesota. And this omy."
feed grains only $11 per acre, as corn- would be true for many other States hay- Also, I believe I am correct in stating
pared to $34 Per acre for Cotton, $41 for ing a high participation rate in the vol- that a majority of the committee?be-
wheat, and $101 for rice. On a per farm untary feed grains program. ing interested in maintaining farm in-
basis, the results are even more reveal- I am not talking about the large corn- come of cooperators?wanted to be sure
Mg. Feed grains, per farm, cost the mercial farmer. Studies of Minnesota that any reduction in the loan rate would
Government an average of $436 per reveal that in our 42 principal feed grain not be accompanied by a reduction in
farm, while cotton went to $626 per farm, counties, an average of 80 percent of the total support paid to the participating
wheat $1,109, and rice slightly under Payments made by the Government went feed grain farmer. We look for improve-
$12,400. to cooperating producers with a base ment, not diminishment, of feed grain
But in any way that costs can be acreage of 200 acres or less. In some of farmer income.
analyzed, it is the most efficient, the those counties, this figure goes as high In summary, the majority of the Sen-
most economical, and the most beneficial as 96 or 97 percent. ate Committee on Agriculture and For-
to the farmer of any of the other major Basically, the feed grain program In- estry are saying to the Secretary and
commodity programs. duded in the omnibus farm bill now be- administrators of this program: "We
Fourth. It has promoted foreign sales. fore the Senate is a continuation of the recognize that rapid changes are taking
Feed grain exports have expanded rap- successful program we now have. Pro- place, we recognize that there may need
Idly in recent years and are a major duction needs to be compared with utili- to be modifications in the mix of price
dollar earner without need of Govern- ration to provide any meaningful meas- Support loan and price support payments
merit export payments. ure of the program's success. Total in order to get the best results of the
Fifth. It has brought stability into stocks have been cut about 30 million feed grain program in the years ahead,
grain markets and the livestock indus- tons during the first 4 years of the pro- but in making your decisions we want it
try. The pressure of climbing surpluses gram. It is clear, therefore, that the clear that you shall take into considera-
and lower prices under pre-1961 pro-. Program has been successful in reducing tion the effects of any new loan levels on
grams would have extended through the Production substantially below the level supplies, and therefore, returns to pro--
entire agricultural economy with Partic- of utilization. In contrast, during the ducers involved in feed grain and live-
alarly serious implications for the Multi- 1950's, increases in utilization were more stock production.
billion dollar livestock and poultry in- than offset by increases in production. We do not intend that the Secretary
dustry. - But the committee recognized that as of Agriculture should reduce, for exam-
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