Congressional Record

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140012-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: September 30, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

September 30, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 24797
jectives of the act.
tend to
facilitate KINSFECOegi Vciffteckaie regiarM. A paw/ 42_as there objection to
ants naqinY asMeled7IVelli. triereTrues o e gelitleman from meant young young men dragged off for train-
ing against their will. It meant the
stealing of all village food and medical
supplies in the name of liberation. It
meant the displacement of hope with
fear. An because the South Vietnamese
find it objectionable that they surrender
their- freedom to something called the
liberation front, alias the Vietoong, alias
the Communist army of North Vietnam.
Mr. Mellen, in proclaiming himself a
Marxist, would indicate that while he is
an instructor of history,- he has not
/earned well the lessons of history. Even
the Russian leaders admit that pure
Marxism is unworkable. And everyone
knows that history has never disclosed
one country that has chosen communism
M a free election.
It is common knowledge that the Viet-
cong are having some diMculty with their
recruiting drive: Since Mr. Mellen has
such strong convictions about welcoming
a Vietcong victory, perhaps he should be
given the opportunity to fight with the
Vietcong and thus translate his words
into a more meaningful note. I would
be very happy to intercede in his behalf
In making the necessary arrangements.
Perhaps we could trade him for some of
the American prisoners of war before
they are murdered in cold blood by the
Vietcong as were the two Americans last
week.
In fact, some of our protesting stu-
dents calling for a Vietcong victory could
be included in such a trade and thus the
Vietcong would have new recruits and we
would save the lives of courageous Amer-
icans who are fighting to save the free-
dom Mr. Mellen and his ilk would have
us abandon.
The "global quota" arrangement of the
present law would be eliminated. The "quota
of any country with which the 'United States
severs diplomatic relations would continue to
be suspended. but would be allocated
promptly to specific countries on a temporary
basis.
Because present sugarbeet growers will nec-
essarily have to reduce acreage further as a,
part of the proposed new program. national
acreage reserve provisions contained in the
1962 act, under which new production areas
were brought in. Would not be extended after
1966.
Mr. Speaker. the U.S. sugar industry of
course is entitled to change its mind and
perhaps has done so on the Question of
the import fee, but it should be fair-
minded in contacting Members of Con-
gress and explain to them that the in-
dustry position has changed and why.
It may also be that the U.S. industry
was not fully united in its position March
29 of this year on the import fee, and I
daresay it is not united right now.
In evaluating the attitude of various
Interested parties, one should keep in
mind the possibility that some U.S. sugar
interests may also be heavily involved in
foreign sugar, and vice versa.
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr. Speak-
er, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FINDLEY. I yield to the gentle-
man from Indiana.
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Is not that
fee the same as that which prevailed in
prior sugar legislation?
Mr. FINDLEY. It is very similar to
the import fee which was assessed against
the Dominican Republic during the
Eisenhower administration and a as in
effect In the legislation which operated
In 1962, 1963, and 1064.
INSTRUCTOR IN HISTORY WEL-
COMES VIETCONG VICTORY
(Mr. GALLAGHER asked and was
given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, I
have just read on the wire that an in-
structor In history at Drew University.
James Mellen, has declared himself as
welcoming a Vietcong victory in
Vietnam.
This despite over a hundred thousand
American soldiers fighting to prevent
such a victory. This despite American
and Vietnamese being killed to prevent
such a victory. It is just quite possible
that this self-proclaimed Marxist is try-
ing to attract a little attention to him-
self. I am sure the Republic will survive.
It has survived the early -Mellenheaded"
thinking of Benedict Arnold who wished
a victory for the other side when this
country was engaged in another war.
Having once served on the faculty at
Rutgers University I believe completely
In academic freedom, even the free and
full expression of fools in and out of
academic circles and, therefore. I recog-
nize Mr. Mellen's right to full expression.
And I have a right to find his view ap-
palling and disgraceful as well as men-
lightened. He obviously does not know
what a Vietcong victory entails.
When I was in Vietnam I saw what a
Vietcong victory meant in some villages.
?
LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM
(Mr. ARENDS asked and was given
permission to address the House for I
minute.)
Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, I take
this time to ask the majority leader if
he will kindly advise us as to the pro-
gram for tomorrow and of any other
information he cares to state.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the
distinguished gentleman from Illinois
yield? ?
? Mr. ARENDS. I yield to the gentle-
man from Oklahoma.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, ,in addi-
tion to the program previously an-
nounced we will have up tomorrow the
conference report on the foreign aid ap-
propriation bill. This is, of course, a
very important matter. Members might
expect a vote on that conference report.
? In addition, we will take Up, as pre-
viously announced, House Joint Resolu-
tion 642, which is the James Madison
Memorial Library; H.R. 3142, the Medi-
cal Library Assistance Act; and H.R.
6519, the Jefferson National Expansion
Memorial Act.
HOUR OF latrEETING Tomoiutow
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Sneaker, I ask.
unanimousconsent that when the House
adjourns today it adjourn ? VS Meet at
10 o'clock tomorrow.
homa?
There was no objection.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON SHOULD:VETO;
THE NEW IMMIGRATION .ACT .?
(Mr. ooramaz asked and was given'
permission to address the House for
minute and to revise and Wend: his-
reinarks.)
Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. Speaker, I have
long supported reform of our outdated
immigration law and abolition of the
In-
famous national origin system. When
the Immigration and Nationality Act of
1965 was before the. House ID August. X.
voted for it and against sal oriesnline
amendments. One of the crippling
amendments that I. along with the -
ership, opposed then was s propos&1 to
place a- quota on immigration from the-
Western Hemisphere. The House wisely
rejected this proposal.. But the Senate
version of the bill contained an alma*
identical provision, establishing a quota
of 120.000 persons a year on immigration.
from the Western Hemisphere. This
was one of the most important differ-
ences between the two bills. In my
opinion, it was the most important dif-
ference. The bills went to conferenee
and, as we all know, the conference
re-
port recommended adoption of the Sena_
ate provision. I offered a motion to:
recommit the report back to the antere.
ence with instruction to reject the Sen-'
ate amendment establishing a quota for
the Western Hemisphere. ? After memo!.
non failed I voted, against adoption . of
the conference report. I could not in
good conscience vote for a so-caned ye-
form measure which merely transfers
bad Practice from one part of the worht,
to another.
We who have justly criticised the Iron
Curtain, Bamboo Curtain, and the Berlin
wall have reason to ponder riboitt what,
we have done to our own hemisphere,
today. We have, in me Judgment,
lowered a paper curtain and me red swill
of redtape areernd mix horders; , What is,
worse, these devices are aimed smith*
the peoples of this hemisphere irith
whom we claim to be partners, neighbor's,
and even brothers. - ? ?
The Western Hernisphere tiniest Is Ifl
advised and unnecessary. Secretary
Rusk expressed his strong opposition to
It when he said that the amendment
would, in effect, place obstacles in the
path leading to cordial and harmonious.
relations with Latin America. It' is no
secret, for example, that under the lan-.
guage of the amendment, any one coun-
try such as Canada could entirely pre-
empt the quota for any year by sending
into ? the. United States ? 120.000 immi-
grants. Who is to say that the persons
administering the new law -would not
permit this? And what would be .the
effects an the Latin nations?
It 11) an. unnecessary Provision because
under the present law Immigration from
the countries of the Western Hemisphere
over the past 10 years has averaged only
110,000. With this new law we are thus'
creating a problem where there, has been
no problem in the past.
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Septemler /ring CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 24805
should continue our balance-of-payments
deficit to maintain world liquidity, overlook
two other basic points. First, the dollar can-
not continue to be a reserve currency if we
Continue a balance-of-payments deficit of
the magnitudes that have prevailed in the
past. Sooner or later our liabilities will be-
come so large in relation to our gold reserves
that foreign central bankers will no longer
believe that the dollar is, in fact, as good as
gold and they will not be willing to hold it.
Second, a deficit in our balance of pay-
ments does not necessarily and automatically
increase world liquidity if the countries
which are receiving the dollars cash them
in for gold. Their reserves go up but ours
go down, and the world total remains the
same.- To illustrate the point, in the first
quarter of this year the deficit in our overall
balance of payments, seasonally unadjusted,
was $1130 million. But these dollars did not
become new additions to total world re-
serves. Rather, they came right back to
the U.S. Treasury Department to be ex-
changed, along with dollars accumulated in
past periods, for some $800 million worth of
gold. A continuance of the dollar outflow
would lead to more of the same, a transfer of
gold from the United States to the European
surplus countries with little or no gain for
world liquidity as a whole but with continual
decreases in our liquidity.
THE ADMINISTRATION'S APPROACH
The administration's approach to these
twin problems is to move quickly and cer-
tainly to balance-of-payments equilibrium
and at the 'same time to move forward in
discussions on improving the world's mone-
tary system.
I have pointed out why it is imperative
for us to restore equilibrium in our balance
Of payments. But what, it is asked, do we
mean by equilibrium? Is it an exact balance
or does it allow for some deficit, say $500
million, $1 billion, or even more?
Our feeling in the Treasury is that equilib-
rium cannot be defined solely in terms of a
figure; it is importantly a matter of con-
fidence. Whether a given figure for the
overall balance of our international transac-
tions represents equilibrium depends on the
particular circumstances at the particular
time. But while we may not be able to
define in precise numerical terms what equi-
librium is, we can say that it does not exist
when the United States is continually losing
gold. Perhaps, then, the best indication of
what equilibrium in the U.S. balance of pay-
ments is, is what the rest of the world thinks
it is. The extent to which they cash in their
dollars for gold is, in short, a very useful
indicator.
? We are seeking the long-run, basic solu-
tion to our balance-of-payments deficit
through measures which are consistent with
our domestic objectives and our foreign
policy objectives, and consistent with a
growing volume of world trade and capital
movements. In brief, our longrun ap-
proach is to:
1. Continue to minimize the balance-of-
payments impact of Government expendi-
tures abroad.
2. Strive to increase our exports and
receipts from foreign tourists.
3. Encourage other developed nations to
take on more international financing to
relieve us of a disproportionate share.
4. Take measures to encourage more for-
eign investment here.
To gain the necessary time for these longer
run measures, we have undertaken shorter
run measures which President Johnson out-
lined in his message last February 10. These
consist of efforts to reduce foreign travel
expenditures by U.S. citizens; the extension
and broadening of the interest equaliza-
tion tax; and, most importantly, the request
that banks and corporations curtail or ad-
just their activities to lessen the balance-
of-payments impact of capital outflows.
The key to success in this program, both
In the short run and in the long run, is the
business community. For the short run, we
must have the effective cooperation of the
business community to give us the time for
our longer run measures to take effect. And
in the long run, the competitive position
of American business in relation to the other
major trading countries will be critical.
First of all, we must maintain our good
record of relative price stability. Second,
American business must become more en-
ergetic and effective in finding and exploit-
ing foreign markets for American exports.
Shortly after President Johnson an-
nounced his new balance-of-payments pro-
gram on February 10, there was an encour-
aging swing to a surplus in our balance of
payments. It is far too early, however, to
conclude that this represents a permanent
trend toward equilibrium. Some of the gains
were due to special factors, some were one-
time gains. We are by no means out of the
woods yet. But we do feel that we have a
program which is sound and can bring us
to equilibrium if all of us follow through
on it.
While the subject of world liquidity has
only recently come into public prominence,
the United States, several years ago, joined
with other major countries in comprehen-
sive studies of the international monetary
system, its recent evolution, its present ef-
fectiveness, and its future. On June 1 a
this year,this multilateral study group issued
a report which exhaustively examines the
possible ways to strengthen the system. In
July, Secretary Fowler announced that the
United States stood prepared to participate
in an international monetary conference
that would consider what steps we might
jointly take to secure substantial improve-
ments in international monetary arrange-
ments.
On September 10, Secretary Fowler re-
turned from a 10-day trip to Europe during
which he exchanged views with officials of
seven countries on how we might move ahead
to improve the workings of the international
monetary system. Secretary Fowler had
earlier conferred in Washington with Cana-
dian and Japanese officials.
He found agreement that present circum-
stances call for a reexamination of the free
world's monetary arrangements; that we
should begin contingency planning for the
possible time ahead when new ways of pro-
viding for growth in monetary reserves will
become necessary; and that active discu
sions on negotiations should begin in e
near future at the level of policymaking
officials.
The annual meeting of the International
Monetary Fund beginning next week offers a
logical opportunity to start putting the ne-
gotiating machinery in motion.
In both the case of the problem of the
U.S. balance of payments and that of in-
ternational monetary reform, therefore, there
are signs of progress. I would rather close,
however, on a note of caution. A basic
change in the world's monetary system will
not come about quickly or easily. To reach
agreement among all the nations involved
on anything so basic will require time and
enormous effort.
A lasting improvement in our balance of
payments?lasting enough to be meaningful
in the context I have described?will also
require time and effort.
The President's program is broad aged,
requiring some sacrifice of many elements
of the population but no unreasonable sacri-
fice, in our judgment, of any one element.
Of course, more tourists would like to bring
back more goods duty free from abroad; of
course, banks and other lenders would like
to lend as freely as possible abroad; of
course, businessmen would like to take ad-
vantage of every attractive oversea invest-
ment opportunity. Essentially, we are asking
these groups to adjust?not halt?these
practices, so that confidence in the dollar
Will be sustained.
If confidence in the dollar is sustained, if
the international monetary system evolves in
a sensible way, we will have created the best
possible environment for the American econ-
omy--American businessmen?to demon-
strate their formidable competitive strength
in the world at large, in the years ahead.
(Mr. RUMSFELD (at the request of
Mr. HORTON) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. RUMSFELD'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
(Mr. MARTIN of Alabama (at the re-
quest of Mr. HORTON) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama. Mr. Speak-
er, an important commitment in my dis-
trict makes it imperative for me to be
absent tomorrow when the vote will be
taken on H.R. 10281, Government Em-
ployees Salary Comparability Act. If I
were present I would vote for the bill be-
cause I believe that Federal employees
are entitled to an increase in salary in
order to keep pace with the inflationary
cost of living, the large part of which
is caused by Federal spending in other
areas.
(Mr. WALKER of Mississippi (at the
request of Mr. MORTON) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
Point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
[Mr. WALKER of Mississippi's re-
marks will appear hereafter in the Ap-
pendi ]
MADISON VIETNAM HEARINGS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
GONZALEZ) . Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Wisconsin
[Mr. KssTENmEisa] is recognized for 60
minutes.
(Mr. KASTENMEIER asked and was
given permission to revise and extend his
remarks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker,
at the time that I conducted the hear-
ings on the war in Vietnam in my dis-
trict, I pledged that a report would be
made on the hearings to Congress and
the President. I am today presenting
that report to Congress.
At the Madison hearings, conducted in
the straightforward format of a congres-
sional committee hearing, serious effort
was made to analyze the war in Vietnam
and possible future courses of action.
At the outset I would like to emphasize
again that prior to, during, and subse-
quent to the hearings, it was made ex-
plicitly clear that the hearings were not
specifically authorized by the House of
Representatives or any of its committees
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24806 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE September 30, 1965
but were conducted by me as a Member
of Congress.
Today, as I make this report, condi-
tions in Vietnam show little prospect of
change. The war promises to continue
for weeks, months, and perhaps even
years. The need to evaluate its causes
and possible solutions remains as great
today as it was at mid-stanmer 1965.
In the give and take between constitu-
ents and their Representatives, it was
obvious the citizenry of this country
have given great thought to the war in
Vietnam and that they individually have
much to contribute to the national dia-
log from which the force and direction of
our Nation's policy must emerge.
Such contributions are an important
part of the resources our system of gov-
ernment can bring to bear on the policy-
making procedure. In fact, one of the
main sources of strength in a democracy
Is criticism and the role it plays in pol-
icymaking.
In the language of Adlai E. Stevenson:
Criticism is simply the method by which
existing ideas and institutions are subjected
to the test of principles, ideas, ideals, and
possibilities. Criticism in its fairest and
Most honest form, is the attempt to test
whether what is, might not be better.
It was in this spirit that the hearings in
my district were undertaken.
The hearings conducted in the Sec-
ond Congressional District of Wisconsin
were the first of their kind. They were
held in Madison, Wis., on July 30 and 31,
1965. Spectators of all ages and per-
suasions filled the 350-seat capacity hall
of Madison's First Methodist Church to
capacity at each of the three sessions.
Applause greeted the remarks of almost
every witness. Each witness submitted
the text of his remarks to the chair
immediately prior to testifying and in
most instances adhered closely to it.
Questions from myself, and the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. ROSENTHAL],
who joined with me in conducting the
first day of the hearings, sought to clari-
fy the statement of each Witness. No
demonstrations occurred and the hear-
ings proceeded in an aura of mutual re-
spect. A verbatim record of the hearings
was made from which this report was
prepared. In addition to this report, I
have also arranged for the publication of
the transcript of the hearing in book
form in the near future.
This report represents a synthesis of
the content of the statements of each of
the 47 witnesses who testified. While
every effort was made to emphasize the
major points of each witness, in some
cases the points drawn from a statement
may not be the major point of a given
witness' testimony. For purposes of this
report, no effort was made to substantiate
the facts alleged by the witnesses.
A report of this hearing is being made
available to the President and the For-
eign Affairs Committee of the House.
A list of the witnesses in the order of
their appearance follows. References in
the footnotes are to the page number of
the original transcript of the hearings.
EXPRRT AN"D ORGANIZATION WITNESSES
MORNING sessIoN, FR/DAY, JULY 30, 1965
Small, John R. W.. assistant professor of
history, southeast Asia studies, University
of Wisconsin, Madison.
Tarr, David W., assistant professor of po-
litical science, University of Wisconsin,
Madison.
Sample, Nathaniel W., Dane County Chap-
ter of the United Nations Association, Madi-
son, Wis.
Von der Mehden, Fred, associate professor
and chairman of the east Asian studies pro-
gram, department of political sieence, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, Madison.
Hawley, James P., chairman of the Univer-
sity of Wisconsin Student-Faculty Commit-
tee to End the War in Vietnam, Madison.
Alibi., Lyndon (Mort), chairman of the
University of Wisconsin Committee to Sup-
port the People of South Vietnam, Madison.
Anderson, John W., Committee on Social
Concerns of the Madison Area Council of
Churches, Madison, Wis.
Keene, David, Young Ainericans for Free-
dom, University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Williams, William A., professor of history,
University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Al TERNOON SESSION, FRIDAY, JULY 30, 1965
Massey, Capt. Richard, Reserve Officers As-
sociation of the United States, Madison,
Wis.
Abrahams, Paul P., Wisconsin Scientists,
Engineers and Physicians for Johnson and
Humphrey, Madison, Wis.
Carlisle, Donald S., assistant professor of
political science, University of Wisconsin,
Madison.
Rice, William G., professor emeritus, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin Law School and Rev.
Alfred W. Swan, First Congregational
Church, Madison; Madison Citizens for Peace
in Vietnam.
Engelke, Walter, Madison Chapter of the
United World Federalists, Madison, Wis.
Fauber, Richard, Wisconsin Americans for
Democratic Action.
Graham, Chester A., Friends Committee on
National Legislation, Madison, Wis.
Thompson, Tom, chairman of the Dane
County (Wis.) Young Republicans.
Elder, Mrs. Joseph (Joann), President of
the Madison (Wis.) Branch of the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom,
Madison, Wis.
Boardman, Eugene, professor of history,
University of Wisconsin, Madison; Madison
(Wis.) monthly meeting, Religious So-
ciety of Friends and the Madison (Wis.)
Area Committee of the American Friends
Service.
Bollenbeck, Capt. Joseph W., Military
Order of the World Wars, Madison, Wis.
Tiffany, Jackson, Madison Area Members
of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, Madi-
son, Wis.
Ludwig, Harry, H.A.N.D., a Madison (Wis.)
fundraising Organization to Help Avoid Nu-
clear Disaster.
Barbash, Mark, Chairman, Madison Young
Democrats, Madison, Wis.
Ewen, Stuart, Chairman, Madison DuBois
Club, Madison, Wis.
MORNING SESSION, SATURDAY, JULY 31, 1965
Sipple, G. E., American Legion, Madison,
Wis.
Stark, Evan, cochairman, Student Peace
Center, Madison, Wis.
Grengg, Walter, 1610 Chandler Street,
Madison, Wis.
Berger, Henry, 801 University Avenue,
Madison, Wis.
Scanlon, William J., 222 Lake Lawn Place,
Madison, Wis.
Turner, Mrs. Jennie M., 5735 Roosevelt
Street, Middleton, Wis.
Weeks, Edwin P., 2309 Carling Drive, Madi-
son, Wis.
Munger, William, 812 University Avenue,
Madison, Wis.
Scudder, Bourtai, 5705 Forsythia Place,
Madison, Wis.
Smalley, Louise, Route 1, Cottage Grove,
Wis.
Paras, Mrs. Jorge L., 1938 Rowley Avenue,
Madison, Wis.
Hole, Francis D., 619 Riverside Drive, Madi-
son, Wis.
Kubiak, H, J., 2102 West Lawn Avenue,
Madison, Wis.
Amite, Mrs. Gehrta, 1726 Hoyt Street,
Madison, Wis.
Weiss, Dr. Peter, 211 Campbell Street,
Madison, Wis.
Lornitzo, Mrs. F. A., 2825 Mid.dleton Beach
Road, Middleton, Wis.
Franz, Mrs. Robert, 5742 Forsythia Place,
Madison, Wis.
Mott, Roger, 529 Clemons Avenue, Madi-
son, Wis.
Compton, Miss Betty, 2310 LaFollette
Avenue, Madison, Wis.
Powell, Hugh, 44 North Spooner Street,
Madison, Wis.
Radke, Mr. Lester A., 432 West Mifflin
Street, Madison, Wis.
Gaebler, Rev. Max D., 900 University Bay
Drive, Madison, Wis.
REPORT ON THE MADISON VIETNAM HEARINGS?
WHY ARE WE THERE?
The search for an answer to this question
ran throughout the 2 days of hearings. In
the simplest terms, we are there based on a
commitment reinforced by a decade of in-
volvement'. However, the original Eisen-
hower-Kennedy commitment was limited to
assisting the South Vietnamese fight their
war? In the decade prior to 1954, the Viet-
minh emerged as the sole effective political
force capable of defeating the French? Fol-
lowing the 1951 Geneva Accords, we under-
took to support the Diem regime. This ef-
fort which appeared to be paying off until
Diem, with our concurrence, refused to hold
the elections called for by the Geneva Ac-
cords.4 The failure to hold elections, which
everyone, including then President Eisen-
hower, expected the Communists would win,B
brought the Communists back into the south
to renew the war they had left off in 1954,6
The repressive policies of Diem led to local
discontent and to military development of
the National Liberation Front.' or the Viet-
cong as Diem labeled his opposition.B While
the two developments give rise to both the
contention that the war in Vietnam is not
a civil war 8 and that the National Libera-
tion Front is not an arm of Hanoi lo but
rather a "common front" for various indi-
geneous dissident South Vietnamese, includ-
ing Communist," the fact remains that
Diem and successive Saigon governments
have been unpopular dictatorships which
have resorted to undemocratic means to
maintain their p5wer.12 If the National Lib-
eration Front has legitimate complaints
against the Saigon government, it would be
tragic if Russia and China were the only
ones to recognize them.13 In fact, assum-
ing for purposes of argument the achieve-
ment of an agreement between Hanoi and
the United States to withdraw all outside
forces from South Vietnam, South Vietnam
would still be torn by revolution since the
'Prof. David W. Tarr, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, p. 27.
'Prof. Emeritus William G. Rice, Madison,
Wis., p. 153.
Prof. John R. Small, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, p. 14.
James Hawley, Student-Faculty Commit-
tee to End the War in Vietnam, P. 63.
'Mr. Hawley, p. 64.
6 Professor Small, p. 14.
'Mr. Paul P. Abrahams, Wisconsin Scien-
tists, Engineers, and Physicians for Johnson
and Humphrey, p. 113.
'Prof. William A. Williams, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, p. 104.
Mr. Mark Barbash, Madison (Wis.) Young
Democrats, p. 237.
"Mr. Stuart Ewen, Madison (Wis.) DuBois
Club, p.243.
n Mr. Hawley, P. '71.
12 Mr. Hawley, P. 63.
13 Mr. Abrahams, p. 114.
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guerrilla war is popular and has the sup-
port of 80 percent of the South Vietnamese."
WHAT ARE WE ACCOMPLISHING THERE?
Testimony divided sharply over the effect
Of our presence in Vietnam. While the
witnesses did not all address themselves to
the same points, the ideas emphasized by
each establlshed a clear disagreement be-
tween those who thought our presence in
Vietnam served our national interests and
those who thought otherwise.
The witnesses supporting our presence as
being in our national interest did so on the
basis of power politics.
The central theme running through their
testimony was that we must seek a stable
line of demarcation between the Commu-
nist and free world areas in Asia as we have
in Europe?,
Failure to maintain a defense line from
Korea to Vietnam means we will face the
enemy on an inner line from Alaska to
Hawaii."
In a detailed presentation several wit-
nesses made a compelling argument for
American , involvement in Vietnam on the
basis of various aspects of the Soviet-Sino
split and the nature of wars of national
liberation.
Russia is cast in the role of the responsible
power, which has not renounced wars of na-
tional liberation as a method of winning
independence, but which has recognized the
peaceful path to power as a viable alterna-
tive. It has tended to emphasize this as it
recognized that limited wars might escalate
Into a nuclear confrontation with the West."
? Peiping, on the other hand, is very skepti-
cal about the peaceful or parliamentary path
and has emphasized the role of liberation
Wars and armed struggle as the best means
of achieving national liberation."
The path of Mao Tse-tung has set the
exampfe for lio Chi Minh in North Vietnam.
It includes the establishment (1) of a van-
guard party tied to peasant masses operating
in rural, not urban areas, and (2) a libera-
tion army created for the guerrilla phase of
a war of liberation. Such wars ultimately
lead to conventional warfare with liberated
areas serving as prototypes of the country
once total victory is won. National fronts
are established to join in opposition to what
is labeled foreign imperialism and the reac-
tionary established regime. The party em-
phasizes land and other reforms without
mention of socialist transformation and col-
lectivization of agriculture. It is a variant
of this program which is reflected in the pro-
gram and tactics of the Vietcong in South
Vietnam?'
Efforts early in 1957 and 1958 by the Viet-
cong were aimed at eliminating, through an
efficient and well-coordinated program of po-
litical assassination, village officials, school
teachers and members of welfare teams. The
total of these assassinations has exceeded
15,000; 4,000 having been killed in a 12-
month period in 1960-61." In a number of
villages a new mayor could not be obtained,
after the first two or three were murdered;
schools were closed in some areas for lack of
teachers; and assassinations and kidnapings
stopped the antimalaria campaign in 1961."
While Diem was not a charismatic leader,
"Mrs. Robert Franz, Madison, Wis., p. 334.
15, Rev. 11dax Gaebler, Madison, Wis., p. 350.
1., Capt. Joseph W. Bollenbeck, Military
Order of the World Wars, Madison, Wis., p.
218.
17 prof. Donald S. Carlisle, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, p. 132.
" Professor Carlisle, p. 132.
" Professor Carlisle, p. 135.
2, Prof. Fred von der Mehden, University
Of Wisconsin, Madison, P. 48.
"Professor von der Mehden, p. 48.
No. 181-24
capable of welding his nation together or
making the best use of aid moneys, this
"Revolutionary Model or Terror" made social
and economic reform difficult if not impos-
sible."
The outcome of the current confrontation
in South Vietnam will enhance or dampen
the probability such Communist-inspired
wars of national liberation will become the
"wave of the future" throughout the under-
developed areas of the globe."
The hard decisions President Johnson is
making which close the alternative of vio-
lent change and open the opportunity for
the emergence of stable, non-Communist po-
litical communities based on political free-
dom and social justice are in our national
interest."
? A Vietcong victory would be a success
which would encourage Communists to use
this kind of assault on governments in ad-
jacent countries."
Others took more ideological positions.
Since World War H, America has been found
wherever freedom has been under attack.
We face in Vietnam a new challenge to the
determination of the United States to pre-
vent the expansion of Communist control
around the world."
"I am against the Communists wherever
they may be. We are at war. Let's keep,
America on her toes so she'll not get knocked
down on her knees." "
One witness expressed the view that the
Vietnam war had polarized opinion between
those individuals who are thoroughly con-
vinced of the peaceful nature of our Govern-
ment on the one hand and those idealists
who see military action as a violation of the
basic ideals of our country on the other.
The former believe the Government of Red
China should be destroyed. They turn on
more accessible fellow Americans who ques-
tion the feasibility of that course of action
and charge they are disloyal. The idealists
would seek withdrawal as the answer, where-
as withdrawal would only convince the
enemy of the value of its terrorist approach.
The problem is to determine and to apply
the optimum military force and political
strategy required not to impose victory but
to deny victory to the opponent-and do it
decisively."
The central theme of those who believe the
nature of our involvement undermines our
national interest, emphasized the irony of a
country born of a nationalist social revolu-
tion should be fighting nationalist social
revolutions just 200 years later." The effort
we are making in Vietnam underscores OUT
failure to recognize the fundamental validity
of social revolution " and reveals that our
policies are based on the false assumptions
(1) that wars of national liberation are Com-
munist controlled, (2) that communism is
monolithic and threatens the United States
anywhere, and (3) that Communists must be
confronted everywhere." It was contended
that we must start supporting oppressed peo-
ples instead of driving them into the hands
of the Communists." It was forcefully
argued that we must honor in deed the prin-
ciple of self-determination even if we do not
22 Professor von der Mehden, p. 53.
23 Professor Carlisle, p. 135.
24Professor Carlisle, p. 138.
" Prof. David W. Tarr, p. 28.
"Mr. Barbash, p. 235.
'7 Mr. Roger Mott, Madison, Wis., p. 339.
22 Prof. Hugh Powell, University of Wiscon-
sin, Madison, p. 341 et seq.
2, Mrs. Baurtai Scudder, Madison, Wis., p.
305.
" Mr. Hawley, p. 68.
"Mr. Evan Stark, Madison (Wis.) Student
Peace Center, p. 266.
"Mr. William Munger, Madison, Wis., p.
302.
24807
like all the results. We must move 'toward
a policy of codetermination and be willing to
accept limits on our own egos."
The life of the Diem regime illustrates the
weakness of our policy in Vietnam. If we
admit we deposed Diem, we admit we used
murder to accomplish our ends. If we deny
we deposed him, we admit his policies pro-
duced widespread and overt resistance in
South Vietnam."
Many other ways were cited in which the
Vietnam war effort was considered to be a
disservice to Our national interest.
It was argued that the practical conse-
quences of the war are that it could escalate,
by calculations" or mistake into nuclear
war " or major land war in Asia." We, in
fact, are driving North Vietnam into the
embrace of China."
The moral consequences of the war con-
cerned many witnesses." It was contended
that our leadership of the free world is jeo-
pardized by support of dictatorships and that
our support of such dictatorship is destroy-
ing the important "defender-of-the-op-
pressed" image of America in the hearts of
oppressed peoples around the world." The
war, in fact, is becoming one between Amer-
icans and Asians."
Many witnesses expressed revulsion over
the inhumanity of the war. One observed
that three out of four persons seeking treat-
ment for napalm burns are women and chil-
dren." Another asked how long each of us,
as individuals, can acquiesce in the killing on
both sides." A mother asserted she taught
her children the worth of every individual
' human being but that this was being de-
stroyed by the Government." Another
pointed out that an extended war in Vietnam
would result in destruction of people we seek
to protect."
It was further contended that international
relations must be approached from ethical,
humanitarian, and religious points of view-
the worth of each person to be respected and
his basic rights to self-fulfillment assured?,
Resort to war was protested on the grounds
that violence is contrary to the will of God."
The costs of the war and the risks of
escalation were cited as the basis for a con-
tention that we should take the same risks by
seeking nonviolent solutions to the war."
Critics of the war cited its domestic con-
sequences. It was asserted that war is alter-
ing the shape of domestic politics-jeopardiz-
ing the role of Congress in our Govern-
ment," and that anticommunism is becom-
Professor Williams, p. 102.
"Professor Williams, p. 100.
"Mr. Walter Grengg, Madison, Wis., p.
280.
"Mr. Chester Graham, Friends Committee
on National Legislation, Madison, Wis., p. 194,
and Mr. Jackson Tiffany, Madison (Wis.) area
members of the Fellowship of Reconciliation,
p. 227.
"Mr. Hawley, p. 62.
30 Mr. Grengg, p. 280.
'0 Mr. Hawley, p. 66.
"Mr. Graham, p. 191.
"Mrs. Jorge Paras, Madison, Wis., p. 312.
"Mrs. F. ,A. Lornitzo, Middleton, Wis., p.
329.
"Mr. John W. Anderson, Committee on So-
cial Concerns of the Madison (Wis.) Area
Council of Churches, p. 82.
"Mrs. Louise Smalley, Cottage Grove, Wis.,
p. 309.
4' Professor Rice, p. 151.
"Prof. Eugene Boardman, Madison, Wis.,
monthly meeting Religious Society of Friends
and the Committee of the American Friends,
p. 208.
"Mr. Francis D. Hole, Madison, Wis., p. 315.
"Mr. Tiffany, p. 230.
Mr. Richard Fauber, Wisconsin Ameri-
cans for Democratic Action, p. 174.
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September 30, 1-965
ing as blind an emotion as the tragic anti-
semitism of the Nazis." Children Must
morally choose betweefi-Tvnr as a way of life
and disobeying the government', It was
argued that we are following Goldwater
policies rejected in 1964."
Others cited the international con-
sequences of the war. Bypassing the peace-
keeping powers of the United Nations weak-
ens the U.N." and is as detrimental to the
U.N. as bypassing the League of Nations was
for it." Our longstanding commitment to
world order under law requires us to give the
U.N. primacy in foreign affairs.. We must
stop relying on the self restraint and the
rationality of the very men we damn as un-
reasoning fanatics to avoid a nuclear
holocaust."
The success of the Vietcong in destroying
American aircraft and barracks, rather than
discouraging the Vietcong, is demonstrating
to them the great ease with which simply
armed guerrillas can deal with the great
power of America and it encourages guerril-
las in other lands to do their worst." Our
action erodes international law since we have
no legal right to intervene and force on
them the form of government most bene-
ficial to us." We are waging an offensive
military action which amounts to conducting
a war without the required constitutional
declaration of war by Congress." It is im-
possible to think the United States can play
the part of solitary policeman to mankind
or to fight guerrilla wars throughout Asia."
We can win the war only if We are prepared
to commit genocide on all the people who
live there-the use of napalm in Vietnam
and gas chambers in Germany are hard to
distinguish."
It was also contended that by the manner
of our conduct in Vietnam we have virtually
insisted that the enemy attack us so that
we might justify our aggressive intentions
not only toward North Vietnam but also
toward China."
ALTERNATIVES
Several alternative courses of action are
open to the United States. Alternatives fall
roughly within six possible courses of action.
1. Create a stable South Vietnamese Gov-
ernment before withdrawing our forces.
2. Invade North Vietnam with or with-
out bombing Red China to achieve victory
over the Vietcong.
3. Hurt the Vietcong and North Vietnam
sufficiently so that they will scale down their
demands, making the negotiation of a com-
promise settlement possible.
4. Unnegotiated, unilateral withdrawal of
American. forces.
5. Negotiated settlement leading ultimately
to a united Vietnam under a coalition gov-
ernment.
6. Intervention by the United Nations or
other multilateral proposals.
5? Mr. Grengg, p. 281.
81 Mrs. Lornitz,o, p. 329.
"Mr. Harry Ludwig, Madison (Wia.),
HAND (Help Avoid Nuclear Disaster) , p. 232.
5? Mr. Nathaniel W. Sample, Dane County,
(Wis.), chapter of the United Nations Asso-
ciation, p. 42.
6.. Mr. Graham, p. 192.
1" Mr. Walter Engelke, Madison (Wis.) ,
chapter, United World Federalists, p. 171.
" Professor Williams, p. 102.
87 Mr. Fauber, p. 178.
"Mrs. Gehrta Amlie, Madison, Wis., p.
325.
"Professor Rice, p. 155, and Miss Betty
Compton, Madison, Wis., p. 340.
Rev. Alfred Swan, First Congregational
Church, Madison, Wis., p. 162.
a. Mrs. Franz, p. 334.
8" Dr. Peter Weiss, Madison, Wis., p. 327.
First two alternatives: (1) Create stable
South Vietnamese Government before
withdrawing forces. (2) Invade North
Vietnam with or without bombing Red
China to achieve victory over Vietcong
One witness cited the fact that premature
negotiations with an enemy while his forces
occupy South Vietnam serve only as tacit
admissions that Communist North Vietnam
had a right to invade and conquer South
Vietnam. He contended that we must stand
and fight until all North Vietnam forces are
eradicated from South Vietnam." Similar
views to the effect that only in a country
free from Communist control can people
achieve self-determination, self-sustaining
economic growth and political freedom."
Other witnesses countered with the con-
tention that the creation of a stable South
Vietnamese Government would involve a
force of up to one million American men with
the prospects for success uncertain.'"
Testimony in favor of the second alterna-
tive was only inferential. A single witness
urged the employment of such military mea-
sures as would insure the destruction of the
forces of agression-at both the place of their
attacks and at the source of their power-
as military judgment decides..
Other witnesses shied away from endorsing
such action on the grounds that it would
involve too great a risk of a third world war
and would involve too' much land to effective-
ly man against guerrilla attack," and that the
over-commitment of American ground power
would invite Communist mischief in other
key areas of the world."
Third alternative: Hurt the Vietcong and
North Vietnam sufficiently so that they
will scale down their demands, making
negotiation of a compromise settlement
possible
Testimony on this alternative, which comes
as close as any to characterizing present ad-
ministration policy, divided three ways.
First. In terms of the Sino-Soviet split,
our efforts are designed to demonstrate to
Chinese-inspired advocates of wars that they
are not the wave of the future." Witnesses
supporting this alternative expressed the be-
lief that firmness is the only possible way
to meet the Communist threat to our way of
life 70 and that we must put forth great
efforts there against the Reds to let them
know we mean business." Another witness
thought the symbolic value of the conflict
had been set too high, that references to
such phrases as "national honor," "defense
of free people" and the unspecified "Com-
munist threat" frame the struggle in phil-
osophically rigid terms, that the people
should be prepared to accept a stalemate,
and that there is no need to win it but every
reason to avoid ignominious defeat.," The
same witness felt that our Nation's course
was set: We must make the war costly
enough for the Vietcong and North Viet-
nam to convince them a political settle-
ment must be accomplished while avoiding
two dangers-(a) escalatory measures to
" Mr. Tom Thompson, Madison (Wis.)
Young Republicans, p. 197.
" Mr. Lyndon (Mort) Allin, University of
Wisconsin Committee To Support the People
of South Vietnam, p. 78.
" Professor Small, p. 16.
5? Mr. G. E. Sipple, vice chairman of the
National Americanism Council of the Amer-
ican Legion, p. 253.
Professor Small, p. 16.
'a Professor Tarr, p. 30.
" Professor Carlisle, p. 140.
5? Capt. Richard Massey, Reserve Officers
Association of the United States, p. 110.
7. Mr. Mott, p. 337.
"Professor Tarr, p. 33.
draw China and Russia into the fray and
(b) signs of weakness that might convince
the rest of southeast Asia we are weakening
in our will to check expansion of Commu-
nist China."
Second. In these same terms several wit-
nesses expressed grave concern that Russia
and China would be drawn into the conflict
before the United States can force negotia-
tion by escalation," that the current escala-
tion risks plunging the world into nuclear
warfare," and that the American people want
peace in Vietnam and are not willing to
spend a great amount of lives and treasure
for some dubious kind of success."
Third. This policy was characterized as a
gamble, at best, with no indication whether
it will succeed in negotiation or that what
is going to take place after negotiation will
be a communistic system or not." Its feasi-
bility also was questioned. Although it
could be expected to require a 300,000-man
American garrison, that garrison would have
to be maintained over a long period of time.
It was thought to be theoretically possible,
but not likely to achieve a permanent solu-
tion."
Fourth alternative: Unnegotiated, unilateral
withdrawal of American forces
Some of the strongest testimony was given
on the issue of unnegotiated, unilateral with-
drawal. A single witness flatly asserted that
all combat units should be withdrawn but
then only as rapidly as is feasible:" Other
comments reflected a variety of views on the
most desirable course of action but uniformly
rejected immediate withdrawal as a feasible
course of action.
Testimony of several witnesses was prem-
ised on the erroneous assumption that other
testimony at the hearing would advocate
withdrawal. Against this strawman con-
siderable rhetoric was raised.
The whole of Asia would soon be in the
control of the Communists."
''We strongly contest the morality of
abandoning a free people, who lack the capa-
bility of defending themselves, to a ruthless
invader."
U.S. withdrawal-disastrous in much of
Asia."
American military presence (in Vietnam)
lengthens freedom's duration in India."
We have no choice, just as we had no choice
fighting the totalitarianism of Hitler and
Tajo."
Withdrawal advocates are the intellectual
heirs of Neville Chamberlain."
Withdrawal would make self-determination
unrealistic in view of terror, manipulation,
and intimidation.5?
Complete victory for Vietcong would be a
sharp rebuff to American power and com-
mitment in Asia tending to undermine the
security of all other non-Communist coun-
tries."
Yet even strong critics of the underlying
administration philosophy did not recom-
mend withdrawal as a psosible, feasible, or
desirable course.
" Professor Tarr, P. 30.
"Mr. Sample, p. 43.
Miss Compton, p.841.
" Mr. Abrahams, p. 119.
Pr of essor von der Mehden, p. 51.
" Professor Small, p. 17.
"Miss Compton, p. 341.
Nfr, Mott, p. 338.
" Mr. Sipple, p. 257.
" Mr. Barbash, p. 237.
Mr. Bollenbeck, p. 221,
" 1VIr. Thompson, p. 196.
5? Mr. Keene, p. 86.
86 Mr. Allin, p. 78.
"Professor Tarr, p.30.
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I not only consider it unrealistic in the
sense of domestic American political con-
siderations, but I consider it psychologically
01.11 of this world. No major nation involved
in the predicament we are now involved in
turns around and walks off."
I don't wish to see South Vietnam com-
pletely overrun and those people who repre-
sent somebody down there killed, which I
think is what would happen,"
I am opposed to plain withdrawal for such
an effort would encourage other wars of
liberation."
It looks in terms of reality that negotia-
tions will have to come about before the
United States even considers withdrawal."
We do not advocate abandonment of the
people of Vietnam, but a different kind of
commitment to freedom dedicated to life on
the land rather than death from the skies."
The United States will not withdraw and
leave South Vietnam to the Vietcong. Wars
do not end that way."
Fifth alternative: Negotiated settlement
leading ultimately to a united Vietnam
a coalition, government
Aside from: the broad consensus against
unnegotiated, unilateral withdrawal, the
other area of strong consensus was in sup-
port of a negotiated settlement now with the
frank acknowledgment that the result will
ultimately be a united country under Com-
munist, but not Chinese, influence." Cen-
tral points of agreement were that even a
Communist Vietnam would not be domi-
nated by Red China," that Ho Chi Minh
could, in fact, become the Tito of this part
of the world," that attempted Chinese mili-
tary intervention would face the same guer-
rilla war, we face," that such a result setting
Up Vietnam as the Tito of Asia is not likely
to be popular, but it is more in the real
interests of the United States than hopes for
establishing a viable non-Communist South
Vietnam, notwithstanding that some active
anti-Communists would actually be perse-
cuted," and, finally, that the administration
will have to accept the need to negotiate
with the Vietcong if such a political settle-
ment is to be achieved."
Various detailed procedures within the
general framework of a negotiated compro-
mise settlemen were put forward. Their
principal provisions included:
1. Stop bombing North Vietnam.'
2. Establish a cease-fire.'
3. Negotiations between two contending
governments in South Vietnam' or between
all involved governments including the Na-
tional Liberation Front.,
4. An American commitment to honor
the results of that election,5 to withdraw its
"Professor Williams, p. 103.
"Mr. Abrahams, p. 124.
Professor Rice, p. 165.
" Mr. Ewen, p. 249.
"Mr. Tiffany, p. 229.
93 Mr. Hawley, p. 70.
" Professor Smail, p. 17.
"Mr. Hawley, p. 74.
"Professor Smail, p. 18.
"Professor Small, p. 22.
98 Professor Small, p. 20.
5" Professor Tarr, p. 33: Professor Williams,
p. 104; Mr. Hawley, p. 71; Professor Rice, p.
158; Mr. Ewen, p. 243; Mr. Stark, p. 277;
Mr. Edwin P. Weeks, Madison, Wis., p. 298;
Mrs. Lornitzo, p. 331; and Mrs. Franz, p.
335.
Mrs. Lornitzo, p. 331.
'Professor Rice, p. 158; Mrs. Lornitzo, p.
831; Mr. Ludwig, p. 233, Professor Boardman,
p.212.
5 Professor Williams, p. 103.
Mrs. Franz, p. 106; Mr. William Scanlon,
Madison, Wis., p. 285; and Mr. Ewen, p. 243.
5Professor Williams, p. 103; Mr. Weeks, p.
299.
military forces in favor of a United Nations
Force after that election.'
5. Incidental variations offered by wit-
nesses include a great-power guarantee to
Vietnam,' general amnesty for political pris-
oners:, and strict neutrality agreements from
the reunited nation"
Other support for this alternative came in
more generalized statements.
Negotiate with Nguyen Hun Tho, chair-
man of NLF; they may prefer a neutralist
position."
Never resist the call by the North Vietna-
mese, Red China or the Vietcong to the bar-
gaining table; never forget your promise,
America's promise of assistance to both the
aggressed and the aggressors."
Reservations were expressed about recog-
nizing the Vietcong because that could be
somewhat of a diplomatic defeat for the
President 15 and other reservations were di-
rected against the cease-fire proposal in view
of the aggressive response made by the ter-
rorists during an earlier suspension of
bombing attacks against North Vietnam."
Sixth alternative: Intervention of the United
Nations or other multilateral proposals
The belief that our efforts at negotiations
needed increased emphasis, particularly with
respect to the Vietcong, also was reflected in
much of the testimony of those who felt
the United Nations should be brought' into
conflict.
Most felt the United Nations could serve a
useful purpose in bringing about the end to
hoStilities essential to any negotiations and
observed that our efforts toward that end
fell short of requesting U.N. intervention."
Various witnesses expressed a belief the
United Nations could-
1. Arrange a cease-fire 18 and maintain a
truce."
2. Enforce a truce for a reasonable cooling-
off period prior to elections."
3. Manage free elections."
4. Arrange an international guarantee of
the borders of southeast Asian countries."
5. Reinstitute a customs and payment
'union between North and South Vietnam."
6. Channel multilateral economic and so-
cial development programs for all southeast
Asia."
Arguments in favor of United Nations in-
volvement were expressed in a variety of
ways:
We believe the United Nations offers the
best possibility for freeing the opposite side
from its intransigent position and starting
meaningful negotiations."
It is essential that we get a third institu-
tion imposed between the United States and
the Vietnamese on the one hand and be-
tween the United States and China and Rus-
sia on the other." -
A real sincere, earnest all-out effort to di-
vert the task to the United Nations now will
'Professor Williams, p. 103; Professor Rice,
p. 165.
'Professor Small, p. 19.
'Mrs. Lornitzo, p. 331.
"Mr. Weeks, p. 299.
"Mrs. Franz, p. 109.
71 Mr. Scanlon, p. 289.
"Mr. Stark, p. 278.
"Mr. Sipple, p. 261.
"Mrs. Joseph Elder, Dane County (Wis.)
Branch of Women's International League for
Peace and Freedom, p. 201.
"Mr. Tiffany, p. 228.
"Mr. Henry Berger,( Madison, Wis., p. 285;
Mr. Sample, p. 45.
"Mr. Grengg, p. 281.
78 Mr. Grengg, p. 281.
" Mr. Fauber, p. 184.
"Mr. Fauber, p. 184.
"Professor Boardman, p. 212; Mr. Graham,
p. 193; Mr. Tiffany, p.228.
"Mr. Anderson, p.82.
"Professor Williams, p. 106.
do more to enhance the real needs for peace
and food in Vietnam than all the soldiers and
bombs the Pentagon has."
As a signatory to the U.N. Charter, we are
obligated to ask for 11N. intervention. It is
a realistic and honorable way out of the hope-
less dilemma in southeast Asia."
Some skepticism over the possible effec-
tiveness of any United Nations effort was ex-
pressed. Since the war is basically a clash of
power, the United Nations is not likely to
contribute substantially to finding a solu-
tion, although it might be useful in enforc-
ing a negotiated settlement." On the other
hand, since the United States still has a lot
to say about what the United Nations does,
if the U.N. goes into Vietnam without full
U.S. support, it wont settle anything."
Others emphasized' the fact that Vietnam
is one of a continuing series of problems for
which the capabilities of the United Nations
must be explored and developed. Detailed
attention must be given U.N. peacekeeping
responsibilities, powers, and authority."
Other proposed courses of action emphas-
ized multilateral solutions. One witness pro-
posed a 14-nation conference to arrange a
ceasefire and guarantee the borders of south-
east Asian countries and to establish a plan-
ning bank capable of including all southeast
Asian countries." Others urged a multi-
lateral, international Federal Union for De-
fense designed to take on duties we have as-
sumed unilaterally in Vietnam and else-
where," and an international referendum on
peace designed to elicit and concentrate the
desire of individuals around the world for
peace on the problems standing in the way
of peace."
The problems surrounding the war in Viet-
nam also evoked suggestions that our Asian
policy and our China policy in particular
need reassessment," ranging from opening
negotiations with the Peoples Republic of
China on a broad range of issues" to bring-
ing the Communist countries into the world
community, admitting them to the U.N. to
show them how we are working to solve the
problems of our society."
ASSESSMENT OF THE HEARINGS
Mr. Speaker, each reader will, of
course, come to his own conclusions on
the success of the Madison Vietnam
hearings.
For my own part, it is not enough to
say that the hearings provided an oppor-
tunity for differing points of view to
present their ideas to their Representa-
tive and through him to the Congress
and the President, although that is an
important part of the hearings for the
witnesses who testified. It is not enough
even to say that the hearings increased
public awareness and knowledge of the
complex issues at stake in Vietnam,
which certainly was accomplished by the
wide attention given the hearings in the
press and on television. Nor is it enough
to say that the witnesses contributed to
the building of a consensus on our in-
volvement in the war in Vietnam.
Nor can the value of the hearings be
judged by such ulterior considerations
"Mr. Sample, p. 43.
"Mr. Ludwig, p.233.
"Professor Tarr, pp- 37-39-
25 Mr. Abrahams, p. 120.
"Mr. Graham, p. 193; Mr. Engelke, p. 172.
"Mr. Fauber, p. 184.
"Mrs. Jennie M. Turner, Middleton, Wis.,
p.292.
"Mr. H. J. Kubiak, Madison, Wis., pp.
319-321.
"Mr. Graham, p. 193.
" Professor Boardman, p. 213.
"Mrs. Turner, p.293.
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24810 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE September 30, '1465
as whether the dissent from administra-
Mon policy voiced at the hearings en-
couraged our enemies, or whether other
grassroots hearings in the same format
and serving the same purposes followed
in other congressional districts.
Much can be said on each of these
points and while a reading of even this
brief outline of the substance of the
hearings shows that the interests of the
United States and democracy were served
by the hearings, one must judge these
questions for himself.
It is clear, however, that the people
have given great thought to our involve-
ment in Vietnam and they do have a
contribution to make to the development
of policy on the basis of their expertise
as well as their commonsense. The cata-
log of ideas this report contains em-
phasizes that even for the best-informed
and firmly committed policymaker,
there remains the challenge of the ideas
and interpretations on policy of the
electorate. For politicians experienced
in the serious business of the day-to-day
function of government, this should
come as no revelation.
The real test of the hearings, as I see
Ii, is the answer it provides for this
important question.:
Can the main tenet of democracy, that
of government by discussion, be brought
to bear on questions of foreign policy in
times of crisis?
Needless to say, I believe the Madison
Vietnam hearings effectively demon-
strated that free discussion and serious
dissent can and must be heard, partic-
ularly when the institution of democracy
Is being challenged at home and abroad.
The hearings served to revitalize the in-
stitution of free speech and affirmatively
demonstrated that free speech, rather
than sapping our national strength, sus-
tains it. I believe that is true notwith-
standing the fact that some of the wit-
nesses expressed reservations about the
hearings.
Whether we are to abandon the basic
strength of democracy in time of crisis
Is a serious question for democracy which
each generation must answer anew, both
at home and abroad. While the true
significance of this may be lost on our
enemies, that fact should not deny a free
society the full exercise of the principles
it lives by.
In a democratic sense, the validity of
our policies and certainly the strength
of the popular support for them is closely
related to the extent of participation in
their formulation by the electorate.
In its own way the Madison Vietnam
hearings provided Congress with an ex-
ample of the result which could be ex.:
pected from full congressional hearings.
It also provided Congress a clear indica-
tion of the problems posing the greatest
challenge to the free world and the
United States. The future hinges on how
we respond to other Vietnams whether
they arise as a result of national social
revolutions or from wars of liberation.
It merits congressional concern, full
hearings, and full debate.
Throughout the testimony runs a
strong desire for peace. This was true
of all the wtinesses, regardless of how
they viewed the world, questions of war
and peace, and the issues confronting
us in Vietnam. If the hearings served
only to reaffirm this strongly held belief
they served a useful purpose.
A COMMISSION ON THE ORGANIZA-
TION OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gorr-
ZALEZ) . Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Maryland
[Mr. MArmAsl is recognized for 30
minutes.
(Mr. MATHIAS asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. MATHIAS. Mr. Speaker, the
Congress now faces an unprecedented
challenge: the challenge of channeling
and containing our own Government, to
insure that its operations are always in
the public interest. As the executive
branch has increased in size, complexity,
and momentum, full congressional over-
sight of the bureauacracy has become
more difficult. It is impossible for the
535 Members and approximately 12,000
employees of the Congress to keep up
with all the activities of about 21/2 mil-
lion civil servants. Yet we must keep
up with them, if we are to enforce econ-
omy, efficiency, and accountability on all
those entrusted with the conduct of the
public business.
The two Hoover Commissions of 1947-
49 and 1953-55 demonstrated the tre-
mendous contributions to the reform
and improvement of public administra-
tion which could be made by a blue-
ribbon commission with a broad congres-
sional mandate and wide public support.
Twenty-three of my colleagues and I be-
lieve that the time has come for another
comprehensive review of executive oper-
ations by an ad hoc agency of Congress.
Thus we are introducing today HR.
11366 and H.R. 23 identical bills to estab-
lish a new Commission on the Organiza-
tion of the Executive Branch to conduct
a 2-year review of all executive branch
operations and report to Congress recom-
mendations for change and reform.
I am proud to announce that I have
been joined in this effort by the follow-
ing Members: Mr. ANDREWS of North Da-
kota, Mr. CAHILL, Mr. CONTE, Mr. CURTIS,
Mr. ELLSWORTH, Mr. HARVEY of Michigan,
Mr. HORTON, Mr. KEITH, Mr. MCDADE, Mr.
MIZE, Mr. MORSE, Mr. MORTON, Mr.
MOSHER, Mr. REID of New York, Mr.
REINECKE, Mr. ROBINSON, Mr. RUMSFELD,
Mr. SCHNEEBELI, Mr. SCHWEIKER, Mr.
STAFFORD, Mr. STANTON, Mr. TUPPER, and
Mr. WIDNALL.
Mr. Speaker, the need for an overall
look at our Government is clear. First,
Government operations cannot be po-
liced just once or twice. Waste, duplica-
tion, inefficiency, and bureaucratic con-
flicts must be constantly attacked. Pro-
cedures must be continually revised to
incorporate the most progressive meth-
ods and technology. Administrative
structures must be periodically adjusted
to reflect the changing emphases of pub-
lic policy and the changing relationships
among programs, personnel and govern-
mental units. Although some reforms
result from congressional authoriza-
tions, appropriations and investigations,
a comprehensive study has not been un-
dertaken for 10 years, since the second
Hoover Commission ended its work in
1955.
Second, the tremendous administra-
tive growth of the past decade has never
been reviewed fully and symtematically.
Many far-reaching programs have been
inaugurated, including the space pro-
gram, the national highway programs,
the National Defense Education Act,
more recent educational assistance pro-
grams, the wilderness system, air and
water pollution programs, the Appa-
lachia program, the antipoverty program,
the medicare program and many more.
The Federal research and development
effort has expanded enormously in cost
and scope. New relationships between
the Federal Government and State and
local governments, private and quasi-
public agencies, business and industry,
and individual citizens have developed.
Earlier this year, while studying the
proposed Department of Housing and
Urban Development, the Congress be-
came fully aware of the urgent need for
coordination of the vast number of pro-
grams in just one field, metropolitan af-
fairs, in order to cut costs, maintain con-
sistent standards, and provide coherent
information readily to State and local of-
ficials. The need for reform and rear-
rangement in other areas is equally ob-
vious.
Third, it is time to reassert a strong
congressional voice in reform. The ex-
ecutive branch in recent years has not
neglected its responsibility to reform it-
self. This year alone, we have seen the
creation of a new Cabinet department,
the Department of Housing and Urban
Development; the consolidation of mete-
orological agencies into the Environmen-
tal Science Services Administration with-
in the Department of Commerce; the
realinernent of functions within the Office
of Education; and proposals for the re-
allocation of activities among civil rights
units.
Led by the Department of Defense,
more and more Federal agencies are
reassessing their administrative struc-
tures, applying new management tech-
niques, and subjecting their operations to
systems analysis. For example, accord-
ing to a news item, the Department of
State is now developing a means of
cataloging all its expenditures by coun-
try, agency, and purpose.
Most significant by far is the Presi-
dent's recent announcement of plans to
extend a new planning and budgeting
system throughout the Government. As
the President told Cabinet members and
heads of agencies on August 25, this new
system will enable us to:
1. Identify our national goals with pre-
cision and on a continuing basis.
2. Choose among those goals the ones that
are most urgent.
3. Search for alternative means of reach-
ing those goals most effectively at the least
cost.
4. Inform ourselves not merely on next
year's costs?but on the second, and third,
and subsequent years' costs?of our pro-
grams.
5. Measure the performance of our pro-
grams to insure a dollar's worth of service
for each dollar spent.
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An26
ApprovedEedluggialM0filgattR.2PA6A0M0003og'eigniiir 30, 1965
mer director of the Catholic Youth Or-
ganization in our community.
Throughout his career, Judge Camp-
bell has been a valuable citizen not only
in our State of Illinois but in our Nation.
He has served as director of the Catholic
Charities of Chicago, on the national
executive board of the Boy Scouts of
America, on the executive board of the
Chicago council and on the board of
trustees for Barat College, Lake Forest,
Ill? Roosevelt College and the University
of Chicago. He has also served on the
citizen's board for Loyola University,
from which he received his bachelor of
law degree and his master of law degree.
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to ex-
tend to Chief Judge Campbell my sin-
cerest congratulations on the observa-
tion of his 25th anniversary on the Fed-
eral district bench, to commend him for
his countless contributions to his State
and to his Nation, and to wish him con-
tinuing good health in his service to the
people.
I am also happy to insert into the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the following edi-
torial which appeared in the Chicago
Tribune on September 29 about Judge
Campbell:
? A GREAT JUDGE
Public officials and leaders of the bench
and bar will attend a reception and dinner
tomorrow in 'honor of Chief Judge William
J. Campbell of the Federal district court.
The event will mark the 25th anniversary of
his appointment to. the court by President
Roosevelt.
He was only 34 years old at that time, and
some doubts. were expressed about the wis-
dom of the appointment. The fears van-
ished long ago as Judge Campbell became
known for his industry, integrity, courage,
? and judicial competence. As chief judge he
has presided with exceptional skill over one
of the busiest, if not the busiest, court in the
United States.
Recently Judge Campbell's judicial and ex-
ecutiv.e talents passed a supreme test when
he took the lead in reapportioning Illinois
Senatedistricts after the State legislature
had failed to act. The smooth solution of
this problem by a panel of Federal judges
and the Illinois Supreme Court has attracted
national admiration.
The reception and dinner tomorrow will
honor 9,ne of .the most distinguished citiens
of C O.
at Through Victory
TENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. BLATN1K
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. BLATNIK. Mr. Speaker, all of us
are concerned about Vietnam. Much has
been written about this most important
matter but few have expressed them-
selves as well as Mr. Joseph Kraft in his
Washington Post article of September 29,
1965, entitled, "Defeat Through Victory."
I am proud to make his views a part of
the RECORD:
DEFEAT THROUGH VICTORY
(By Joseph Kraft) -
Cynics in Saigon used to say that the only
thing worse for the United States than losing
the war in Vietnam would be winning it.
Now the full truth of that bitter jest Is
coming home.
In the past few months, American military
efforts have had an undoubted success. The
true extent of that success is not yet known.
The only certainty is that the other side has
not mounted a major action since July 4.
But already, thanks to the limited military
improvement, a dark shadow has been cast
on the prospects for the diplomatic settle-
ment that this country needs as its eventual
exit visa from Vietnam
The first political consequence of the rela-
tive military success has been a boost for
the military junta comprising the Saigon
regime. The Vietnamese generals have used
their new strength against all moves for ne-
gotiating with the other side.
All summer long, the generals have been
successfully resisting American suggestions
for an exchange of prisoners with the Viet-
cong rebels. The three prisoners executed
in the stadium at Danang last week were not
as widely reported in the American prep,
even Vietcong terrorists. They were political
opponents of the military regime who had
led demonstrations in favor of negotiations.
The attitude of the Saigon generals seems
to be shared by many American officials in
Vietnam. Military briefings have yielded a
flood of optimistic accounts, accompanied by
statements that, with the tide running so
favorably, it would be a mistake even to
talk about negotiating with the other side.
That Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge op-
posed the almost innocuous mention of ne-
gotiations in Ambassador Arthur Goldberg's
speech to the UN. General Assembly seems
to be an apt expression of the mood in
Saigon.
The perceptible stiffening on the part of
the Saigon regime and the United States
finds its counterpart on the other side. The
execution of two American prisoners by the
Vietcong this week is only the most dramatic
sign of increased Communist militancy on
Vietnam.
A far more important sign of the new hard
line lies in a formal communique put out by
North Vietnamese Foreign Ministry on Sept.
23. In the communique, Hanoi, for the first
time, denounced President Johnson's various
peace offers in the accents of Peiping.
Among other terms borrowed from the Chi-
nese, the communique uses the epithets
"tricks," "maneuvers," and "mere swindle."
At the same time, the communique does
an about-face on the most hopeful note ever
sounded by Hanoi on negotiations?the four-
point progi?am enunciated by Premier Pham
Van Dong on April 8. At that time it was
not clear whether the four points were to
be conditions for negotiations, or merely a
declaration of principles. But it has now
become known that on May 18, just before
the end of the pause in the bombing of North
Vietnam, Hanoi officially told Washington
through its representative in Paris that the
four-point program was not to be considered
as a set of preconditions for negotiations.
In the communique of September 23, Hanoi
pointedly reverses the May 18 position to
make the four points an absolute pre-condi-
tion of any talks. The communique says:
"The U.S. Government must solemnly de-
clare its acceptance of this four-point stand
before a political settlement of the Vietnam
problem can be considered."
On both sides, in other words, progress
toward negotiations has been braked. Be-
cause it seems to be winning militarily, the
United States does not seem to be suffering
from the new deemphasis on finding a diplo-
matic solution to the Vietnam problem. In-
deed, there are some American officials who
believe that with a little more pressure, the
Vietcong effort will lose momentum, and then
collapse entirely.
In my view, however, the United States, far
from being the big gainer in the most recent
developments, is the main loser. The history
of guerrilla wars in China, in Vietnam, and
in Algeria shows that the insurgents can
sustain years of defeat, and still keep going.
They have no need, accordingly, for a truce
and then a treaty that spells out a settle-
ment.
But this country, unless it is prepared to
go on fighting in Vietnam year after year,
does need such a treaty. More than any
other par,ty to the conflict, in fact, this coun-
try has an 'interest in a formal settlement.
For short of a very long war, that is the only
way that American obligations to South Viet-
nam can be honorably met.
The recent military ccesses, in other
words, can serve the lo -run American in-
terests only if the vict es not belong
to the spoils.
es, Amid Silence
ON OF REMARKS
OF
T MAS C. 1V1cGRATH
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. McGRATH. Mr. Speaker, every
American, every civilized human being,
should be deeply shocked, as I am, at the
declaration by the Government of North
Vietnam that they intend to execute
American servicemen captured by them
in the future in utter disregard of the
Geneva convention, to which they are
a signatory.
It is already sufficiently shocking that
the North Vietnamese have committed
murder within the past week, executing
without trials two captured U.S. serv-
icemen. They were soldiers following
the orders of their superiors in war. As
such, their execution in obvious reprisal
for the executions?after trials?of three
Vietcong members convicted by the
South Vietnamese of being engaged in
terrorist activities out of military uni-
form and among the civilian population
of South Vietnam, can only be considered
an act of wanton murder.
The North Vietnamese announcement
that uniformed American servicemen
captured in the future will be similarly
murdered is as great a shock to the
sensibilities as were the grisly murders
during the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya
and the blatant savagery witnessed in
the Congo.
The idea of "civilized warfare" is, it
seems to me, a contradiction in terms,
yet there are rules by which warfare
is conducted and the Government of
North Vietnam, by signing the Geneva
convention, has pledged itself to con-
duct warfare within these rules. The
murders of uniformed soldiers without
trials, and the threats to commit future
murders as reprisals must place the Gov-
ernment of North Vietnam outside the
group of civilized nations of our world.
Just as disturbing to me, Mr. Speaker,
as are the wanton murders of prisoners
of war by the North Vietnamese is the
complete silence with which the acts al-
ready committed and those threatened
by that Government has been accepted
by the world at large.
When the United States felt it prac-
tical to make use of a gas which ren-
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September 30, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? APPENDIX
from Fort Bliss to Huntsville. Head of the
group was Wernher von Braun.
General Toftoy toured the Nation, with-
out much success, trying to lure industry
to Huntsville. In the meantime a group of
citizens organized to offer machine shop
work to support the new Army Ballistic
Agency. That was the birth of Brown En-
gineering.
Redstone began moving into high gear in
1956 when Gen. John B. Medarie was assigned
its commanding officer. Huntsville, then 4.7
square miles, annexed some 40 square miles
that year, enabling extension of municipal
services and opening the door for new
growth. Gov. James B. Folsom held the
legislature in session to allow advertisement
of an annexation bill.
Citizens built homes or apartments to rent
and listed them with the chamber of com-
merce; and still do today. Another group
of citizens bought a deserted textile mill
near downtown to turn it into an office com-
plex that now houses 5,000 aerospace work-
ers.
The city donated 300 acres for a University
of Alabama Extension Center. The city and
county each gave $250,000, or two-thirds the
cost of the building. That building, Morton
Hall, was dedicated in 1961.
Alabama citizens also voted a $3 million
bond issue that year to build a University of
Alabama Research Center in Huntsville.
Established at the request of Marshall Center
and the missile command, it supports the
graduate and undergraduate programs and
received a $600,000 grant from the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration.
More land was needed for expansion.
Again the city and county chipped in $200,-
000 each for the property and paid for site
Improvements. Huntsville has contributed
or pledged more than $2 million in the past 4
years to higher education. 'The university's
engineering graduate program is the South's
largest in the number of students enrolled.
To control land development near the
research institute and university campus, a
nonprofit corporation was formed and the
area zoned as a research perk. The corpora-
tion bought $1y2 million worth of land and
sells it to industry at cost plus interest and
low development costs. The university gets
any profits. Nerrin quotes leading U.S. busi-
nessmen as saying: "Without exception, this
is one of the most amazing developments
taking place in the Nation."
The city is building an average of three
schoolrooms a week to avoid double sessions.
Last December another 5-mill property tax
Was passed, 3 to 1, to finance school construc-
tion. Huntsville has 82 schools and 80 per-
cent of its 1964 graduates went to college.
The 2-year-old art council held its second
annual festival of arta in April. From Jan-
uary through March, 45 cultural events were
presented in the area.
Thrasher summed up the impact of Hunts-
villa last fall, telling NASA Administrator
James E. Webb: "It is our firxn belief that
no community in America has done more,
or with greater enthusiasm and dispatch, to
create a local climate designed to attract and
keep the scientists and skilled personnel
necessary for a successful space center."
This is why Huntsville can justify a dif
ferent tag every day of the week. This is
why Huntsville haS growpawer.
The Powerful Society
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. E. (BILL) BROCK
OP TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. BROCK. Mr. Speaker, we are all
aware of the President's role in averting
an impasse between labor and manage-
ment in the recent steel case. While
the short-term results of this action may
be good, it is incumbent on us to ascer-
tain if his power- does not negate the
Independence of free and collective bar-
gaining which I believe is a mainstay in
our overall economic system.
The role of government must not be
to seek power for its own end, but to ex-
pand freedom. While the short-range
use of power may be good, it has the
effect, sometimes, of endangering initia-
tive, self-confidence, and self-reliance.
In the October 4 Newsweek, Henry C.
Wallich provides keen insight into the
Power of the Great Society. Under
unanimous consent I place his article
"The Powerful Society" in the Appendix
of the RECORD:
TEE PoweRrut Socierr
(By Henry C. Wallich)
The President's masterful handling of the
steel case has taken us a long step into the
Great Society. While the imMediate results
of the President's action are alitost wholly
good, this is far from true of all that now
seems to be taking shape farther down the
road.
What seems ahead is not the usual bug-
aboo of a drastically enlarged public sector.
Instead, new powers are being generated
within the existing scope of the public sector,
some of which have nothing to do with public
expenditures. Will the Great Society give
the President intolerable amounts of power?
The size of the public sector has been a
test applied by the economists to measure
the role of government in the economy.
Measured by the ratio of government expendi-
tures to gross national product, the public
sector doubled from 1929 to 1940. It gained
moderately from 1940 to 1955, and surpris-
ingly little thereafter. Almost all the in-
crease since 1955, moreover, came from States
and local authorities. The Federal Govern-
ment has kept its spending almost perfectly
in line with the mounting gross national
product. Great Society programs hereafter
may help raise the ratio, especially if Viet-
nam pushes up defense as well. But so far
the public-sector threat has been kept at
arm's length on the Federal level, where it
counts.
THE MANIPULATED
Something else, however is happening.
Within the stable share of the Federal budget,
new programs are coming in as old ones are
shrinkage. Some of the old ones packed con-
centrated power in small sectors. One need
only remember former President Eisenhower's
concern at the time of his retirement over
the unholy alliance of political figures, mili-
tary men and large defense manufacturers.
The poWer relationships created by Great
Society programs are much broader and more
subtle. The poverty program, medicare, rent
subsidies, aid to education reach vast new
numbers of people. It seems as if in the Great
Society everybody will be beholden to the
government for benfits, privileges and favors
through which he can be manipulated.
A few examples suffice. If the people of a
town don't want to handle their poverty
funds according to the rules laid down by
the director in Washington, he can hold up
the money. Some low-income earner may
not like the Government's policies in Viet-
nam?but part of his rent money comes
from the present administration, and before
he votes it out of office, he wonders whether
another would continue the program. A
physics professor wants to criticize the Gov-
ernment in public, but his research money
comes from the Defense Department, and
perhaps he is wise if he keeps quiet. At what
point does a healthy preference for the side
of our bread that is buttered begin.to smack
of corruption?
6
A 552 5
COSTLY POWER
Powers unrelated to the budget also grow.
A steel Strike is avoided, the inflation threat
averted?but at what cost in terms of in-
dustry and labor's capacity to bargain? The
balance of payments is saved, capital out-
flows curbed by the President's voluntary pro-
gram?but how long will it be till these con-
trols must be made statutory? Both uses of
power have been good, in intention and in
immediate results. The short-run cost of
inaction would have been high. But each
such tour de force threatens the long-run
ability of the Great Society to handle its
affairs-
I doubt that a realistic answer will be
found in forswearing the President's meth-
ods_ It would be foolish to argue in the face
of success. He probably will not be able to
bequeath his power to his successor, although
some of it may stick. Certainly it would be
worse if Congress made the power statutory.
But we must compensate for a greater role
of government on some fronts by strength-
ening freedom on others. We must see to it
that Federal money and Federal control do
not become synonymous. States, munici-
palities, universities and individual recipients
of Federal benefits must have the greatest
independence in the use of Federal money
assigned to them. No doubt this will lead
to inefficiency and waste. But it will
strengthen the people against their Gov-
ernment and it will help keep the Great
Society a good society.
Chief Judge William J. Campbell Cele-
brates 25 Years on Federal Bench
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK ANNUNZIO
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. ANNUNZIO. Mr. Speaker, today
Is the 25th anniversary of Chief Judge
William J. Campbell's appointment to
the Federal District Court of Northern
Marking this milestone in his career, a
reception and dinner will be held this
evening in his honor by the Bench and
Bar of Chicago. It is expected that,
more than 500 persons will attend in-
cluding Governor of Illinois Otto Kerner.
Mayor of Chicago Richard Daley, Chief
Judge John S. Hastings of the U.S. Court
of Appeals, and other judges from the
Federal appellate and district courts.
Judge Campbell, at the age of 34, was
one of the youngest men ever to be
named as a Federal judge. He became
chief judge of the Federal district court
In 1959, and today serves not only in
that capacity, but alto as chairman of
the Budget Committee of the Judicial
Conference of the United States.
I have known Judge Campbell for
over a quarter of a century and first had
the privilege of meeting him when he
was U.S. district attorney for the north-
ern district of Illinois and was serving as
State administrator of the Illinois Na-
tional Youth Administration.
The father of eight children, Judge
Campbell over the years has maintained
his interest in young people and has
been actively engaged in youth programs
With Archbishop Bernard J. Shell, for-
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A5527
September
dered its Vietcong enemies ill at their
stomachs for a brief period, the hue and
cry around the world was deafening.
This harmless gas?used by the police
forces of many of the nations which were
most vocal against our use of it in war-
fare?was not in contravention of any
article of the Geneva Convention.
Yet, the world?our friends as well as
our enemies?literally "ganged up" on
us, and we stopped using the gas.
But in the face of wanton murder by
the North Vietnamese, where are those
voices of condemnation which felt no
compunction about berating the United
States for a harmless "legal" act of war-
fare? There has been no hue and cry
over the murders of two captured Amer-
ican airmen. Neither our friends nor
our enemies have seen fit to voice com-
plaint or protest.
Is not murder an atrocity of higher
magnitude than the causing of upset
stomachs?
Mr. Speaker, in the Philadelphia In-
quirer of Wednesday, September 29, an
editorial entitled "Red Atrocities, Amid
Silence," discusses this point eloquently.
For the further edification of my col-
leagues, I insert that editorial from this
outstanding newspaper in the RECORD:
RED ATROCITIES, AMID SILENCE
Where are all the protesters now?
What has happened to the voices of the
self-righteous critics of American policy in
Vietnam? -
Why are they not speaking out with wrath-
ful indignation against the latest atrocities
committed by the Communists?
How is it that no mass picketing has been
organized at Red embassies and consulates
in this country and abroad to demand an end
to the brutal, coldblooded execution of
American prisoners of war and South Vietna-
mese civilians?
The Communists in Vietnam have boasted
PO the world, by radio, that two U.S. service-
men captured in 1963 have been put to death.
There was not even the pretense of a trial
on any charges. The implication is unmis-
takably clear that the men, probably selected
at random, were murdered for no cause ex-
cept as a brutal and totally irrational re-
prisal for death sentences imposed and car-
ried out by the South Vietnam Government
against three Vietnamese terrorists who Were
tried and convicted on capital charges in a
South Vietnam court.
As the U.S. State Department asserted, in
its official protest of this outrage committed
by the Communists, the execution of pris-
oners of war as an act of reprisal is specifi-
cally prohibited by terms of the Geneva con-
vention, which was signed by North Vietnam
and most other countries. These executions
of captured Americans were, in the State
Department's well-chosen words, "two more
acts of brutal murder" that "violate the
sense of decency of all civilized men."
On the heels of this atrocity against Amer-
icans comes word of an equally barbaric
execution of a South Vietnamese village
chieftain. Communist guerrillas who over-
ran the area tied him to the village flagpole
and shot him. Two other South Vietnamese
officials in the village and two South Viet-
namese women also were slain, according to
official U.S. reports.
Chronic critics of American policy in south-
east Asia are fast on the draw when it comes
to condemning any and every act by U.S.
troops in their efforts to hold the' line against
Communist aggression. There is a strange
silence among these same critics, however,
when details of the incessant campaign of
Communist terror are brought to light. They
conveniently ignore, also, the fact that the
Reds have rejected repeatedly U.S. offers for
unconditional peace negotiations.
Misguided advocates of retreat and ap-
peasement, who so glibly urge that "the
United States get out of Vietnam," should
give some thought to the horrible fate that
would lie in store for the South Vietnamese
after they were left, abandoned and defense-
less, to the not very tender mercies of the
ruthless Red enemy.
Reinforcing Civil Rights
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT N. C. NIX
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. NIX. Mr. Speaker, I wish to ex-
press my very favorable reaction to the
President's reorganization of the Federal
Government's civil rights activities. I
deem the result to be one which exempli-
fies improvements both as to organiza-
tion and administration of these very
vital operations.
Until this change was made Federal
civil rights activity was scattered about
among a variety of departments and
agencies in a rather haphazard fashion.
Accordingly, responsibility was hope-
lessly divided and efficient enforcement
of civil rights legislation and policies was
seriously hampered.
Consolidation of the apparatus for en-
forcing civil rights laws is, by virtue of
reorganization, a giant step in the right
direction. Noting this, the Philadelphia
Inquirer commends the action under the
President's,Executive order in these
words whic I insert in the RECORD:
REINFORCING CIVIL RIGHTS
The effectiveness of civil rights legislation
depends, naturally, upon enforcement. En-
forcement can be handicapped if responsibil-
ity is dispersed, authority is uncertain, and
time and effort are wasted by duplication.
President Johnson's reorganization order
Is intended to achieve greater coordination of
Federal measures to eliminate discrimination
by "getting people out of other people's way,"
as Vice President HUMPHREY has expressed it.
Getting civil rights laws on the books is
one thing; making sure there is no delay or
confusion in putting them to work, is an-
other.
Under the reorganization plan there need
be no speculation as to which Federal agency
handles which phase of civil rights. Thus,
the Civil Service Commission will make cer-
tain that the Federal Government has no dis-
criminatory personnel policies; the Secretary
of Labor will insure compliance by Govern-
ment contractors with nondiscrimination re-
quirements; the Equal Employment Oppor-
tunity Commission will handle discrimina-
tion in private businesses.
The Civil Rights Commission will become
the principal factiinding agency in the civil
rights field, and the Justice Department will
be responsible for coordinating all the Fed-
eral enforcement policies in the civil rights
area.
The reorganization will do away with cer-
tain agencies and streamline others. It
should bring about greater efficiency and less
buckpassing, in Government efforts to pro-
tect and promote the civil rights of all
Americans.
Time To Close Job Corps
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. ROUDEBUSH. Mr. Speaker, the
$10 million Job Corps program at Camp
Atterbury, Ind., has been an expensive
failure thus far, and all indications are
that the Government intends to plow
more millions into the project.
Controversy, dissension, turmoil, in-
excusable behavior and criminal charges
have been the result of the project thus
far.
A total lack of discipline has been
evidenced at the Atterbury Job Corps
Center?a basic requirement for our
young men in the armed services and in
useful occupations.
I was recently appalled to read a Job
Corps newspaper publication which
featured a story on the draft which was
written from the standpoint that being
drafted was unlikely and if one was un-
lucky enough to be drafted his chances
of serving in a battle zone were remote.
The article concluded that even if a
Job Corps man should be drafted he
would likely only be a replacement for
some serviceman with more time in serv-
ice, on regular Army personnel, who are
expected to do the fighting and dying in
Vietnam.
It has even been suggested by
apologists for the administration that
the Job Corps experiment in Indiana has
not proved to be a success because
Indiana is full of rightwing extremists
and the people of the Hoosier State are
hostile.
This is utter propaganda, of the type
we are accustomed to hearing, and the
truth of the matter is that the people of
Indiana have sought to make these boys
welcome.
An Indianapolis racetrack operator
recently invited about 30 of the corps-
men as his special guests for an evening's
racing, and they responded by shouting
obscenities at women; creating a small-
scale riot and after being dispersed from
the track, threw sticks and stones into the
crowds, according to newspaper accounts
of the incident.
In an effort to whitewash the situation
at Atterbury, where there are twice as
many employees on the payroll as there
are Job Corps men, the Job Corps heir-
archy has dispatched "inspection teams"
to Atterbury.
Glowing reports have been issued after
these trips. My information is that One
group of inspectors was comprised of
sociology students just recently gradu-
ated from college.
I have inspected the camp myself and
found the vocational training facil-
ities woefully inadequate. Perhaps the
theory behind such a program is good,
but the administration in this instance
has been poor.
The Indianapolis News, the leading
metropolitan afternoon newspaper in In-
diana, has done a fine job of reporting
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A5528 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? APPENDIX September 30, 1965
the facts on the Atterbury Job Corps
project.
Mr. Ross Hermann, an editorial writer
for the News, has visited the camp and
interviewed many people connected with
the project. His writing is informed, ac-
curate, and constructive. I offer for the
RECORD, Mr. Hermann's latest story on
the camp, and another article from the
Indianapolis Star depicting the recent
incident at the Indianapolis Speedrome.
The articles follow:,
[From the Indianapolis News, Sept. 28, 19651
TIME TO CLOSE JOB CORPS?
(By Ross Hermann)
Official discussions of the ill-fated Job
Corps center at Camp Atterbury have tended
to ignore one of the more obvious solutions:
Why not close Camp Atterbury and send its
trainees to centers elsewhere?
That suggestion is dismissed without seri-
ous consideration by Job Corps officials,
among them Federal Project Manager Dr.
John H. Kennedy, who says such action would
be too expensive and politically explosive.
The present state of affairs at Atterbury
suggests, however, that it might be more
expensive and politically embarrassing to
continue operating the center.
Atterbury's most recent crisis, which
brought a three-man inspection team from
Washington, centers on the lack of an ef-
fective vocational training program, a con-
dition which caused Federal officials to stop
Bending Job Corps recruits to the local
center.
In the absence of new recruits, Atterbury's
enrollment is dropping steadily, the victim
of mass departures by disenchanted corps-
men and transferrals to other centers. At
present, Atterbury has only 269 trainees?
down from 632 last spring. If the Federal
ban on new assignments remains in effect
for long the program could become extinct
on its own accord.
In contrast, Atterbury now has 498 em-
ployees?almost twice the number of corps-
men.
Local Program Director Dr. James Bryner
assures the press that development of the
vocational program is progressing and the
center will have a capacity enrollment of
2,600 corpsmen by next May. The first of
the new recruits, he says, will start arriving
this November.
Federal officials, however, are more guarded.
The inspection team expressed favorable re-
action upon leaving the center, but no deci-
sion has been made yet on whether to resume
assignments. Federal Director Dr. Otis
Singletazy, who will receive the team's report
tomorrow, will say only that the ban will
remain in effect "until such time as they
convince me beyond any doubt that a suc-
cessful vocational training program is in
operation."
With the ban in effect and enrollment
dropping, program officials have continued
spending money in an attempt to regain
full Federal favor. With an estimated 43.4
million already spent since the camp opened
last spring, officials are now putting out
another $1.7 million to renovate barracks.
Another $7 million is expected to be spent
in the next year?without definite assurance
there will be any corpsmen around by that
time.
These facts suggest a conclusion from
which Federal and local Job Corps officials
shrink. More than $7 million could be saved
if the camp were closed immediately and the
remaining corpsmen sent to other centers.
Events of the past 2 weeks indicate the
center's troubles are tenacious, particularly
in the absence of policy changes officials so
far have been unwilling to make.
A month ago, Director Bryner fired nine
"resident assistants" (counselors) and de-
clared his action 'solved all personnel prob-
lems. Last week he dismissed Procurement
Director Franklin B. Mitchum, charging
"sloppy purchasing procedures." Mitchum,
in turn, charges: "I was fired because I re-
peatedly questioned purchase orders which
I thought were out of line. I tried to do my
duty to the corps and the taxpayers."
Similarly, Bryner stated recently that all
troublemakers had been weeded out of the
program. Shortly afterward, according to
a sheriff's office report, corpsmen were in-
volved in a riot at the Indianapolis Speed-
rome, sparked when six of the youths shouted
obscenities at women entering a rest room.
What might have happened at the Speedrome
if "troublemakers" had not already departed
the program is a matter of speculation.
Official policy toward discipline is un-
changed, despite Atterbury's periodic out-
breaks. Federal officials, mindful of their
prerogatives, decline to give the local direc-
tor authority to dismiss delinquents from
the program. Such a decision can come only
from. Washington. And Director. Bryner says
he is satisfied with present procedures and
declines to seek such authority.
These facts, in themselves, inspire little
confidence in the corps' future, particularly
if the ban on new recruits is lifted. Policies
that fail to control 269 corpsmen can hardly
be expected to do better with 2,600.
RPEFDROME SPECTATORS, JOB CORPS MEN RIOT
[From the Indianapolis Star, Sept. 20, 19651
A woman was injured Saturday night when
a riot broke out at the Speedrome, Kitley
Avenue and U.S. 52, between members of the
Federal Job Corps stationed at Camp Atter-
bury and spectators, a deputy sheriff said.
The ruckus started when 6 Job Corps
men, sitting at the south end of the race-
track with 29 other Job Corps members, be-
gan shouting obscenities at women entering
a restroom, Deputy Sheriff D. J. Oberlies
said. ?
The Job Corps youths were special guests
at the Speedrorae.
When 15 of the youths went to stand in
front of the restroom at the back of the
Stands, continuing the vocal barrage, irri-
tated spectators sought to silence them, the
deputy said. About 50 persons were involved
in the fracas.
After the Job Corps youths finally were
ushered from the Speedrome, the six who
had started the melee retaliated by throw-
ing sticks and stones into the crowd, the
deputy reported.
Arrival of police and deputies halted the
melee.
Mrs. Shirley McKinney, 37 years old, 1933
Mann Drive, a waitress at a stand operated
by her husband, George N. McKinney, 37,
suffered lacerations on her arms when she
tried to stop the fighting, the deputy said.
Oberlies declared there was evidence the
Job Corps Men who started the fight had il-
legally purchased beer.
Oscar Brigenbine, 52, 2910 East New York
Street, entertainment director of the camp
who accompanied the youths, said he was not
around when the fighting started.
Speedrome owner Leroy Warriner, 48,
former race driver, said the Jobs Corps Men
would never again be invited back to the
Spec drome.
Instructions to Student-Instructors
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OP
HON. SAMUEL L. DEVINE
or onto
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker, the very
able Novice G. Fawcett, president, the
Ohio State University, delivered a very
enlightening address to the town
student-assistants in preparation to
their welcoming the freshman ladies at
O.S.U.
President Fawcett's remarks were
made on September 22, 1965, at Coltun-
bus, Ohio, as follows:
AN ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT NOVICE G. FAWCETT,
THE OHIO STATE 'UNIVERSITY
If I were to give a title to my talk this
evening, it would be "Why I Like Girls?Like
You."
This gigantic institution is like a mighty
rocket whose fuse is being lighted this week?
a period in which all systems are checked
and placed in a "go" position. I trust that
the launching will go as smoothly as did that
of Gemini 5 a few weeks ago. The success
of our mission, of course, and the significance
of the data to be retrieved will be determined
primarily by the readiness of the university
to receive its payload.
And what is that payload? It is the stu-
dents?not simply because they want to make
the journey, but rather because this uni-
versity is here as a vehicle through which
the minds of men?and of women like you?
can find expression in all manner of form
that keeps alive and growing a unique way of
life; that champions freedom; that empha-
sizes compassion; that thrives on the love of
one's fellow man; that places the honest
quest for ;truth above all other values.
I know I need not lecture you (you who
are the vigorous and trusted student leaders
on this campus) but permit me, please, to
share with you an episode that I hope may
come to your minds as you meet the quiet or
noisy, timid or bold, frightened or overcon-
fident, plain or glamorous, introverted or
intrepid freshman who may attempt to avoid
you or who may seek your assistance.
A traveler nearing a great city asked a
man seated by the wayside, "What are the
people like in the city?" and the response
was:
"How were the people where you came
from?"
"A terrible lot," the traveler replied.
"Mean, untrustworthy, detestable in all re-
spects."
"Ah," said the sage, "You will find them
the same in the city ahead."
Scarcely was the first traveler gone when
another one stopped and also inquired about
the people in the city before him. Again the
old man asked about the people in the place
the traveler, had left.
"They were fine people, honest, industri-
ous, and generous to a fault. I was sorry to
leave," declared the second traveler.
Responded the venerable one: "So you will
find them in the city ahead."
Human nature, as you know, is a variable
and unpredictable quality, but I shall be so
bold as to predict that most of the new stu-
dents you meet will be endowed with a posi-
tive and enthusiastic attitude toward their
exciting venture in higher education. You
yourselves are aware of what an inspiring
and enriching experience that venture can
be, and I know that your own enthusiasm
and sense of values will be communicated to
all those with whom you have contact.
What are some of the insights and atti-
tudes Which will help these young men and
women orient themselves toward a new way
of life and make this an eventful and mean-
ingful year for them? Certainly loyalty to
their university and pride in being a mem-
ber of this community of scholars are among
the important attitudes of mind with which
to approach the enriching intellectual ex-
perience which awaits our new students.
Again. I believe that most of our young schol-
ars will possess those attributes.
As you well know, there is much to be
proud of here--our position as one of the
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beNpf Pei Vtagb r Re Iaitt aftetSSICIDEAZIMBESIIIEB00 AitigialiteXti 4001 2-1
P4/. malo Viothlo
BrilaisioPT or,
HON. '.4010fr,
fl THE ROBSSOF E!4L.
Thatradav;Soteniber
13Lh
Walter
Sejltimber , 1103.5.editlen
ington Poet Willy fellow celleaglieli. The
analysis that Mr. Lippmiuiti presents It
an interesting one, indeed, and we iiew
all profit br what he has to sall
(Prom the Watiblugton Poet, Sept. '20,
?mar *on Toworutow: Eirawaside
worribun ,
?
(By ?Waiter Uppmain0
'The et:Mem of tlie Ameri'
South Vietnena hair 'been
when we measure If by ub
formed people feared last :Oho.
cong has not been able to iarlaiitt the MP
gouts. army, to cut the country in half,
and in this military disaster to bring about
the overthrow of the goverionene in Sateen.
There is reason to think that the 'mesa and
power of the American Oates has dim*
or prevented- the Vietcong'from' motiO
big enough battles to win a victory over,
Saigonese.
? Yet, things have not come out as the ad-
ministration spokesmen hoped they WOuld,
They allowed themselves to think theta
demonstration of our ability to build up a
great American force which could' not be de.
tested would compel or persuade the Viet-
cong and Hanoi to agree to a negotiated
settlement. Quite the contrary has hap.
Petted. The position of the Vietcong and
Hanoi today Is even harder than it was lama
spring.
Why? Why, as we have put mare and
more of the beet troop; we have into South
Vietnam, as we have escalated the violence
or our attacks, have our adversaries become
ever more scornful or our propotabl to ne-
gotiate?
My own belief Is that they are convinced
that, while the Americans cannot be de.
tested, the Americans cannot win the MSC
on the ground. nue, however, la where the
war has to be won, in the villages of South
Vietnam, and that is where the struggle, will
In the end be decided. The essential fact,
which Is beginning to seep through the die.
patches of some of the American correspond-.
enta. Is that while the Americans can seize
almost any place they choose to attack, the
Vietcong will almost surely come back once
the ASTIOTICSHS leave.
The war in Vietnam is like punching a tub
full of water. We can make a hole with our
powerful fist wherever we punch the water.
But once we pull back our hand, possibly to
punch another hole in the water, the first
hole disappears. In theory, the Slavonia
army ought to fill the hole, ought to occupy
and pacify the places we seize. But the Sed-
goneee army is not able to do this because It
le too small and too war weary.
It is too small because the villages, which
are the reservoir of available manpower are
for the most part Vietcong in their antipa-
thies or are terrorized by the Vietcong. The
rialgonase army is too disillusioned and has
too little morale to occupy territory which
the Americans have seized. What remains
of , the flalgonese army has little enthusiasm
for the revolving politicians in Saigon.
There are some Republican politicians who
think that this znesween be temente:eel*
or ended by bombing the industrial. end
therefore populated, centers of Hanoi and
Haiphong. The President, fortunately, has
Misted the temptation Oaths the. ifee a
total We.r, sod 'thus to mak* dt, geneett,
allartivevient vertierift In Vieg-
in any it our ad the
and in Rana alio* no signs of bight
intireklatee by the possibility Of total w's,
The Meteor* in the south are already ettatto
1Of the full treatment of total War by our
arta bombtng, and the North Vietnamese
do ttot value their material peseseelone.
which 'ere few, nor even their Wei. Which
are 0On and ta ithappy? as do the people of
a +country Who halm oftialt to loss and ran*
to live for.
'Our adversaries, gooreover, ?Wei thine to
welt, time to retreat, to hide, and to live to
fight another. day. So We shall be foreed
to bee the face that in order to win the
war In South Vietnam we shall have to cc.
oupy South Vietnam with American troops.
A few months ago Mr. Hanson Baldwin, the
military correspondent of the New York
Times, called for a million men for Vietnam.
It eonfided fantestle at the time in ,the light
of what President Johnson was saying about
not wanting a wider war. But it is beginning
to tool& very onloh Its tf $x. tlaidWill had feed,
nit Imilerreed And realletici estimate Of 'What a
military solution would require.
The situation has become so tangled that
no clear and decisive eolution Is for the pros-
mint Conceivable. The President le no nearer.
the negotiated settlement which he has
hoped to bring about. Nor. as a Matter at
fact, Is the administration truly resolved
to negotiate in a sense that it is prepared,
seen In its private thinking, to make the
cononalons that any succesaful negotiation
kr. hOtMd. to call for. t ?
?t Palling the prospect of a settlement. the
President has managed to obtain the assent
of nr.oet of the country to the kind of war we
are lighting?a sporadic, lovt-Vade war care
rted on chiefly by a professional Amaricarl
Amy. There ts no immediate prospect of big
battles with big casualities because the Viet--
tong so it would mem, have withdrawn into
guerrilla warfare. Against the kind of force
we have In Vietnam, guerrilla warfare cannot
win a victory. But neither can the guerrillas
be defeated decisively and put out of bust-
Mete. ,
If we cannot or will not escalate the war
Mitt' we have an enormous army which can
ocettpy the country, our best course is to dig
in along the coast and begin to discuss with
the Vietnamese politicians the formation
at a government in Saigon which can nego.
tilde a true In the civil war. This course will
ziot please the majority of the Preeident%
current &debtors. But with all due respect
to them, how do they propose to win this
war, specifically, what glee of American Army
are they prepared to draft and put into Indo-
china? For the war is not going to be won
by punching the water.
Exposing the Auto Pact
EXTENSION OF' REMARKS
OP
HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
TH THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 30, 1965
Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, this morn-
IDS Washington Post contains a thought-
ful editorial discussing the proposed
automotive trade agreement between the
United States and Canada. In my judg-
ment, the editorial raises a number of
Pants of concern to many Members of
the House. Many of them have been
Made before by Mr. Allan Levine of
Lowell. Mem. President of the Automo-
A55U1
-tire SeirsiedIndlistry 7AseraCiation, who
testIfied hetere, the House Ways and-
IrreonliVOMMiteee On behalf Of independ-
ents parte producers in the United States. ,
1WAVA4.,APM4ntt this editorial deservesthe:attention ,of the -1110iire and Under
iinanIn,us 'Ooniseril-I include it in the
Biome IS this Point:
illarainent TWA MIT? PACs
Will tine 14terieati Public benefit by the
prOposid earoltve tariff agreement With
lt ? email bend of'ficeste
illsnalerC ;Oak jr.swips, nne..rtwicore,*hay
saibieeteiitheethnittlettation'il theeetiranft
eileeciathr na3yls and tethhed the ofOnf
diet air this nerrepaPsr. Congressional ap.7
revel at the wriontrve agreement *tenth
President Johnson and Prime Minister treat-
ment Weald hires's' deleterious effect upon the
ODOlestie ettentialy tind a perittvelY pernicious
effect on this ecituttry's, reputation as ft lead-
ing proponent of freer world trade.
? The easentwa at this unusual trade agree.
& Is to eliminate Its
tariffsatttemoteles and Parts. ;Or n
'neat
antes that are imported from this country'
'i
dedgnst*d? nothunteturera The tealt?
States Is to permit the duty-free entry of
Chtna_41411. ,produced autos and parts, Irrespope
tive of who dote the importing in return for
the privilege' or duty-tree Imports the leading
doffieetle, OM manufacturers, through their
Canadian subeldiaries have agreed to a gdiarp
increase in the volume of Canadian auto pro-
duction,
di of the agreement proclaim that
at loner coats will be achieved
'Whit tb.y *immure as an Integrated.
North *Mechlin market for autos. But this
tomato view blinks at the asymmetrical tut.;
tore of the agreement. Only the Califidlith
manufacturers, not the consumers, will CA-
W the binning!' or duty-free trade undet
this agreement. As long as auto Prices in
Canada remain much higher than they are In
this *entry. It is difficult to envisage a
treat expansion of the Market.' ,
One can sympathize with the Canadian
desire to maintain a strong and growing
atitontotive.;44tietry. But sympathy is
hardly an excuse for entering into an agree-
Ment which Will ruin A 2111111bSt Of .incumend-
ant parts Manufacturers in this country end
Increase the *market power of the leading
auto makers. The agreement, to be aunt
provides very liberal adjustment assistance
for displaced Markers. But why should they
be displaced? Surely the threatened domes-
tic parte manufacturers are at neat as egt.-
dent, if not more 00. than their Canadian
cowaterparto,
The auto agreement is particularly Inap-
propriate at a time when there to anxiety
over this country's balance-of-payments po-
sition. In order to fulfill their oblIgation? to
the Canadian Government mid provide 60,000
new jobs over the nest 3 years. the Canadian
auto subsidiaries will have to invest. about
Si billion in new productive facilities. It Is
reasonable to assume that moat of the re-
quired capital will be raised In this country,
thin; swelling the payments deficit.
? It is conceded that the auto pact violates
the most-favored-nation principle of tariff
concessions, but proponents are confident
that a waiver can be obtained from the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade trl
Geneva. But there is grave, doubt- SS Or
whether a. waiver can be obtained without
making substantial ooropensatIon to coun-
trio* that are not parties to the auto treaty.
Moreover, the granting of a waiver will open
the door to other restrictionist. agreements.
Great pressure Is being exerted to pies it
radical trade measure that may work against
the national Interest Bather than legretate
hastily and regret it lateren. VAC Marate
shOuld defer final action pending a thorough
Investigation and report by the Tesler Com-
mission.
Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140012-1