CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX
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Oetobqr 18,. 1965 CONGRESSIC NAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A5835
Insurance COrporation,. and the Comptroller
of the Currency.
? When I talk .about the banks, I do not
mean to indict every bank and every banker.
firmly support the idea that banks must
make a profit in our system: I recognize that
there are many, many good banks and con-
scientious bank executives. But these facts
do not alter my concern over the domina-
tion of the banking industry by a handful of
huge banks. These big banks actually work
to the detriment of other financial institu-
tions as well as the rest of the economy.
-- The whole country, I believe, is appalled
by the revelations of infiltration of banks
by criminal elements. This infiltration is ex-
tremely serious for bank depositors, stock-
holders, FDIC insurance, and the general
public. As you know, our Domestic Finance
Subcommittee investigated this area earlier
this year. This included a look at the Crown
Savings Bank of Newport News, Va., which
was closed a year ago. Our investigation
showed clearly that over $2 million of this
bank's funds were used to finance and fa-
cilitate loan sharking, gambling, numbers
rackets, fraudulent money order sales, and
passing of forged securities. This activity
was carried on all down the east coast from
New York to Georgia.
This bank's situation is serious enough in
itself, but such activities apparently exist in
some other banks. During his appearance
before our committee, Chairman K. A. Ran-
dall, of the FDIC, admitted that at the pres-
ent time, FDIC has 199 banks on its problem
list with aggregate deposits of $1,829 billion.
I am also appalled by the apparent cooper-
ation of many banks with loan-shark oper-
ations. In investigating the Federal Services
Finance Corporation?a loan operation spe-
cializing in Last-shuffle deals with military
personnel?we discovered that nearly 100
commercial banks had been providing this
finance company with substantial lines of
credit.
Now these things must be stopped and
the Federal banking agencies simply are not
doing the job. I do not accuse these officials
with wrong-doing or impugn their motives.
But, I do say that the decisions of these
agencies invariably carry the appearance of
a rubberstanip for the positions of the
banks. Seldom is the public interest taken
into consideration.
The Congress should move now to bring
reform to the banking agencies and to in-
clude safeguards for the public. First, I
think all of these agencies should come to
Congress for appropriations annually. This
provides an annual review of their activity?
or lack of activity. Under present condi-
tions, all three are financed outside of the
public domain, The FDIC and the Comp-
troller of the Currency are financed by funds
provided by the banks they supervise. This
is like having the television networks finance
the Federal Communications Commission or
the airlines, the Federal Aviation Agency.
This is terrible public policy and the Con-
gress should correct this now. Every taint
of banker domination should be removed
from these agencies.
Now the Federal Reserve Board, of course,
claims to be independent of everyone, the
public, the Conkress, and the President.
They get their funds through interest from
Government bonds they hold. They are not
audited by any Government agency and they
do not have to come to Congress for a
dime.
Just how bad this situation has become is
plainly illustrated by some recent hearings
by the Banking and Currency Committee.
The committee had been holding hearings on
H.R. 7601, providing for cancellation of $30
billion of U.S. bonds held by the Federal Re-
serve Bank of New York for the Federal Open
Market Committee. The total open market
portfolio is now $38.5 billion, on which the
. . ?
?
taxpayers are required to pay almost $1.5
billion a year in interest.
In his testimony at the hearing, William
McChesney Martin, Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, admitted that the Federal
Reserve had paid for these bonds once with
the money and credit of the United States
and that they would have to be paid again
when due. This is similar ta a situation
where a houseowner paid off his mortgage
and was then required to continue paying
interest on it, and then pay it off again when
the maturity date comes around. It would
be illegal and absurd in the case of an indi-
vidual, but that is exactly what the Govern-
ment is required to do under our present
banking structure.
William McChesney Martin, Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, is openly defiant about
his ability to ignore public policy. He re-
cently told me in a Joint Economic Commit-
tee hearing that "the Federal Reserve Board
has the authority to act independently of
the President" even "despite the President."
Of course, the problem of the Federal Re-
serve System is of much greater magnitude
than the other two agencies. The Federal
Reserve, through its Open Market Committee
determines the Nation's supply of money and
the interest rates. It has, in effect, near life
and death control over economic policy.
In recent months, the Federal Reserve
Board, led by its Chairman, has been tight-
ening up on the supply of money, and fore,
ing interest rates up.
The Federal Reserve Board's efforts to re-
construct their tight money line flies in the
face of repeated statements by this admin-
istration in favor of plentiful credit at rea-
sonable interest. Mr. Martin chooses to
ignore these policies.
Once again, we have a prime example of
the folly of allowing our monetary policy to
be controlled largely by the bankers ii dis-
regard of a public policy as enunciated by
the President and the Congress.
Through the years, tight money and rising
interest rates have cost the American con-
sumer billions of dollars. Tight money and
high interest rates serve no useful public
purpose. They have been a serious drag on
the growth of the country, an out-and-out
waste.
For an 11-year period from 1653 to 1963
inclusive, rising interest rates imposed an
excess interest cost of $15.7 billion upon the
Federal budget; $2.3 billion upon States arid
localities; and $32.1 billion upon all private
borrowers. And the figures keep on growing.
Tight money hurts every housewife who
buys a washing machine, every farmer wire
buys a tractor, every homeowner. Every
taxpayer has paid his share of the rising
interest costs on the national debt.
So long as the Federal Reserve System re-
mains under banker domination and beyond
the reach of executive and legislative control,
our welfare is imperiled. In my view, the
Most important economic and governmental
problem facing the Nation today is the need
for immediate rehabilitation of the Federal
Reserve System, so that it is again subject to
the will of the people, acting through their
elected representatives.
If the big bankers are able to have their
way they will continue to encourage mone-
tary policies that will produce larger and
larger public debt and higher and higher
interest rates. If they have their way, our
national debt will be $600 billion in 15 years,
which, at a 6-percent rate of interest, will
cost the taxpayers $36 billion a year. This
would mean that so much of Federal reve-
nues would be required for debt-carrying
charges that insufficient funds, if any at all,
would be available for veteran's programs, so-
cial welfare, housing, community health, and
the many other services needed by our people.
Monetary policy is the public's business
and it should not be controlled absolutely
? ' ? ? .
by a handful of bureaucrats operating inde-
pendently of everyone but the big bankers.
You veterans of World War I got a real
sampling of the bankers' attitudes when they
opposed payment of your Adjusted Service
certificates. You won that fight over great
odds,
Now, today, I would like to call on you to
lead another fight to gain a permanent re-
form of our monetary system so that it is re-
sponsive to the will and the needs of the peo-
ple. If we do not gain this reform, then many
of our past victories in behalf of the Ameri-
can veteran will be wasted.
The Stupidity of Intelligence
ENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD J. IRWIN
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, October 18, 1965
Mr. IRWIN, Mr. Speaker, because of
the demonstrations this past weekend
against the war in Vietnam, it is im-
portant to bring James Reston's column
in Sunday's New York Times to the at-
tention of my colleagues.
As I have said on many occasions, I
will continue to support the President
in his efforts to obtain a negotiated set-
tlement and to convince the North Viet-
namese that the United States will not
abandon South Vietnam. As Mr. Reston
points out, these student pickets are
frustrating their objective of an end to
the fighting in Vietnam. They are con-
fusing Hanoi, and, thus, are not pro-
moting peace but postponing it.
Mr. Reston's column follows:
WASHINGTON: THE STUPIDITY OF INTELLIGENCE
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, October 16.?It is not easy,
but let us assume that all the student dem-
onstrators against the war in Vietnam are
everything they, say they are: sincerely for
an honorable peace; troubled by the bomb-
ing of the civil population of both North
and South Vietnam; genuinely afraid that
we may be trapped into a hopeless war with
China; and worried about the power, of the
President and the Pentagon and the pugna-
cious bawling patriotism of many influential
men in the Congress.
A case can be made for it. In a world of
accidents and nuclear weapons and damn
fools, even a dreaming pacifist has to be
answered. And men who want peace, defy
the Government, and demonstrate for the
support of the Congress, are not only within
their rights but must be heard.
THE PARADOX
The trouble is that they are inadvertently
working against all the things they want, and
creating all the things they fear the most.
They are not promoting peace but postponing
it. They are not persuading the President
or the Congress to end the war, but deceiv-
ing Ho Chi-Minh and General Giap into pro-
longing it. They are not proving the superior
wisdom of the university community but
unfortunately bringing it into serious
question.
When President Johnson was stubbornly
refusing to define his war aims in Vietnam,
and rejecting all thought of a negotiated
settlement, the student objectors had a point,
and many of us here in the Washington press
corps and the Washington political com-
munity supported them, but they are now
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A5836 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX October 18, 1965
spat of date. They are making
they are not making sense.
HEART OF THE PROBLEM
The problem of peace now lies not in
Washington but in Hanoi, and probably the
meet reliable source of information in the
Western World about what is going on there
it the Canadian representative on the Viet-
nam International Control Commission, Blair
Seaborn.
He files regularly to the North Vietnamese
capital with the Polish and Indian members
of that commission, and he is personally in
favor of an honorable negotiated peace in
Vietnam. He is a cultivated man and a pro-
fessional diplomat. He knows all the mis-
takes we have made, probably in more detail
than all the professors in all the teach-ins
in all the universities of this country. What
he finds in Hanoi, however, is a total mis-
conception of American policy, and, particu-
larly, a powerful conviction among Commu-
nist officials there that the antiwar demon-
strations and editorials in the United States
Will force the American Government to give
up the fight.
Not even the conscientious objectors on
the picket lines in this country really be-
lieve that they have the power or the- sup-
port to bring about any such result, but
Hanoi. apparently believes it and for an in-
teresting reason.
Ho Chi Minh and the other Communist
leaders in Hanoi remember that they de-
feated the French in Vietnam between 1950
and 1953 at least partly because of opposi-
tion to the Vietnam war inside Prance. The
Communists won the propaganda battle in
Paris before they won the military battle
at Dienbienphu.
COUNTING ON PROTEST
Now they think they see the same surge
Of protest working against the Government
in Washington, no matter what Mr. Seaborn
says to the contrary. They have not been
able to challenge American air, naval or even
ground power effectively since midsummer in
South Vietnam, but they apparently
still have the hope that the demonstrations
against the Johnson administration in the
United States will in the end give them the
victory they cannot achieve on the battle-
field.
St the Communists reject the negotia-
tions , the demonstrators in the United' States
,want. They reject the negotiations the
American Gervernment has offered, and the
demonstrators are protesting, not against
the nation that is continuing the war but
against their own country that is offering
to make peace.
Not surprisingly, this is creating an ugly
situation here in Washington. Instead of
sin-ming allies in the Congress to change
the -Johnson policy, the demonstrators are
encouraging the very war psychology they
denounce.
WRONG OBJECTIVES
Senator SI-Ennis, of Mississippi, chairman
of the Senate Preparedness Subcommittee,
Is now demanding that the administration
pull up the antic:haft movement- "by the
roots and grind it to bits."
Honest conscientious objectors are being
confused with unconscientious objectors,
bar gers-on, intellectual graduate school
draft-dodgers, and rent-a-crown boobs who
will demonstrate for or against anything.
And. the universities and the Government's
policy are being hurt in the process.
So there are now all kinds of investiga-
tions going on or being planned to find' out
who and what are behind all these demon-
strattons on the campuses. It is a paradoxi-
cal- situation, for it is working not for intelli-
gent objective analysis of the problem, which
the university community of the Nation is
%supposed to represent, not for peace, which
? the demonstrators are demanding, but in
both cases for precisely the opposite.
news, but
Impressions of U.S.S.R. and Four
Satellite Countries
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, October 18, 1965
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, re-
gently Mr. R. S. Chaffer of 85 Second
Street, San Francisco, wrote me the fol-
lowing letter, together with a summary
of his impressions of Russia and the four
satellite countries. I think his findings
are very interesting and I know they will
be of interest to the readers of the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD.
Both his letter and impressions follow:
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
October 12, 1965.
Hon. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER,
Rayburn House Office Building,
Washington, D.0 .
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: My wife and I have
just returned from a trip to Russia and the
four satellite countries?vast Germany, Po-
land. Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.
Attached is a summary of our impressions.
We were unable to talk to any of the people
in their own language because we do not
speak their language. Our conversations
were limited to talking to local guides, "In-
tourist" conductors, hotel desk, and store
personnel who spoke English. But we could
see how people live, see how they dress, and
observe facial expressions. It was an educa-
tional trip, but we do not care to go again.
My purpose in writing is to convey to you
my firm belief that our Nation is gradually
going down the socialist trail by one law
after another and by one "government grab"
after another. This leads but to one final
result?an economy run by government such
as the Soviet bloc people want to escape and
which their government now recognizes does
not get cooperation of the people.
By some means we must make the rank
and file of our population who voted for this
administration realize that you can't get
something for nothing and you can't con-
tinue-the give away programs?without even-
tually giving away all our substance, our
strength and our freedom.
1 urge you, sir, to speak out in this regard.
Yours truly,
R. S. CHAFFER.
IMPRESSIONS' OF U.S.S.R. AND FOTJR SATELLITE
COUNTRIES BASED ON A 23-DAY RUB TOUR
DURING SEPTEMBER 1965
Main highways are two lane like our coun-
try roads except near Moscow. An average
highway scene within one-half mile is three
trucks, one bus, two teams of horses, several
people walking?maybe one car every half
hour. You see a gas station about every 50
miles with a line of trucks waiting for service.
All property is owned by the state or
collectives.
Stores have plenty of supplies but few
clerks who are in no hurry to serve you;
so people que up in line for service.
No religious freedom in U.S.S.R. but in the
satellites there is.
Women have to work?children are cared
for in state schoels or day homes. Men and
women work side by side?in field, driving
trucks, splicing cable, laying brick, sweeping
streets, working on heavy construction.
Each country puts a "state intourist"
guide on each visiting bus. Our five in-
tourist guides were nervous, all chewed their
nails till they bled? all were noncommittal
about any strategic building or plant or con-
struction job.
The Russian microwave towers are tubes
about 6 feet in diameter, 100 feet high, with
guy wires.
In Russia we made "'bush" rest stops in
lieu of using stinky sheds called toilets with
no plumbing facilities. Men to the left,
women to the right and find a bush to get
beEhxintecinsive war damage and poor housing
have caused the building of thousands of
apartment houses in the U.S.S.R. and satel-
lite countries and thousands more are under
construction-10 story-40 to 120 apart-
ments-500 new apartments ready to occupy
each day in Moscow. Millions of people are
employed on this project.
When they say "the Kremlin'. its like say-
ing, "the, White House." The Kremlin is a
bunch of large buildings within a 40-foot
wall?a 1,000-year-old fort on a slight rise
and Moscow is built around it.
Hotels would rate third-class here?clean
linen, dirty floors, toilets and plumbing con-
stantly drip, meals very heavy consisting of
borsch, french fries, black bread, fried steak
or breaded meat., thick gravy, lemonade
which we called "Lenin-ade," beer, tea, or
coffee, ice-cream, or pastry.
U.S.S.R. is huge?it has 11 time zones?
all land is in use, either farms; forests or
reforestration?could drop Sacramento and
San Joaquin Valleys between the Polish-
Russian border and Moscow and hardly see
them.
There is much farm machinery, many
powerplants, factories, processing plants,
railroad yards, trucks and tractors. The
U.S.S.R. looks strong.
From the appearance of buildings, roads,
hotel rooms, Moscow streets, etc., It is evi-
dent that maintenance is poor, people don't
care?they rust put in their time.
From this I have some impressions;
1. Historically the farmers and uneducated
workers had nothing?now they are better
off?they each have 1 acre of land which
they can farm and make_ what they can?
in addition to their regular job. And there
is an education program for the children.
They have many large universities and tech-
nical schools. Education is a large factor in
current trends away from. strict government
control.
2. The former educated people, shop own-
ers, plant owners, business managers and
aristocrats have lost their property and as-
sets through state confiscation. They have
been reduced to workers in order to live.
This large capable group has no incentive
to produce or improve for these reasons. I
believe this group is also helping force the
state to, swing away from strict controls in
central government and to grant more free-
doms and the use of some capitalistic prin-
ciples.
3. The state and Its present ruling class
have supplanted the previous owners, aris-
tocracy and, managers. The highest wage to
a few individuals is $500 per month, but
they can supplement this by subsidizing
rent, food, summer villas, etc.?they can't
amass a fortune. Our Russian intourist
guide was with us 11 days. Be is a Moscow
University graduate doing part-time grad-
uate work. He speaks fluent English,
French, and German besides several Russian
dialects. His full-time pay as guide is 110
rubles. ($122.10), per month. I believe this
setup is also a factor in changes taking place.
4. Equal employment in Russia means the
opportunity and requirement for women to
work beside their men to dig potatoes and
beets, swing the scythe, pitch hay, drive
trucks, splice cables, sweep streets and gut-
ters, work on heavy construction job.
5: Medicare in Russia means that if you
are-sick you must first find a dispensary and
hope- there is a doctor on duty- He will not
know you or have, a case history. He may
be able to see .you -in -the dingy quarters
these places occupy. The nurses I saw in
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26292 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE October 18, 1965
Which I think is a discredit and a dis-
grace to this country in which we live.
We have only one country, Mr. Presi-
dent. I would hope that those who carry
on these demonstrations would recognize
that as citizens of this country, they have
? a respons1l3ility, and that they should act
with maturity. What is happening, in
effect, is to undermine what the Presi-
dent of the United States is trying to do,
as he has said time and time again, to
bring about a negotiated settlement of
the situation in Vietnam. What these
people have done is furnish fodder to
Hanoi, to Peiping, and to the Vietcong.
What they have done has been a ells-
Service to this country.
There are many of us who have ques-
tions on our minds about Vietnam. Not
the least among them is the President
himself, who has tried through every
? possible avenue he could think of to bring
this matter to an honorable conclusion.
What is happening on the part of
demonstrators, who show a sense of utter
irresponsibility and lack of respect, who
openly flout obeying the law, is to place
this country in a position which is un-
becoming a republic of stature and dig-
nity.
? Mr. MICHEL. Mr. President, with
all other Senators, I swell with great
pride in listening to a great American,
Mircr MANSFIELD, a great leader of his
political party, in the splendid comments
he has just made.
The vicious, venomous, and vile lead-
ers of this infamous movement who at-
tempt to influence young people of this
country to evade the draft by fraud and
Chicanery is an ugly page in the history
of the Nation.
? Let the whole world clearly under-
? stand that the overwhelming majority of
the people of the United States, now
almost 200 million strong, stand for law
and order, stand for orderly processes,
and support the foreign policy of the
Government of the United States, when
our country faces danger, particularly
aS" my able friend the? Senator from
Montana has just indicated, when the
? Chief Executive of this country is Con-
fronted with an honorable commitment
to the free people of South Vietnam.
I am exceedingly proud that the Sen-
ator from 1Vfontana has commented as
he has.
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator from California yield?
Mr. KUCHEL. I yield.
Mi. SIMPSON. I compliment my
colleague, the Senator from California,
as well as the great majority leader, the
Senator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD],
and associate myself with them in their
remarks today.
I have been one of those who sup-
ported the President of the United States
from scratch on the Issue of Vietnam.
Unfortunately, this issue is not being
presented as fairly as it should be?
this is true not only in the slums of our
cities, where people are easily worked
on, but also in our universities and
colleges.
Thank God for the indication that
the great majority of the students of
Ainerica, in its colleges and universities
are seeking to do the right thing and
are beginning to make themselves heard
on this very important question.
It is high time that the Senate took
under consideration as a major part of
its business the points which the Senator
from California has just made.
I am only one Senator, but I am sure
the Senator from California will agree
with me that the Senate should pass a
bill to punish, by fine or imprisonment,
those who would seek to delay military
personnel or military materiel. Such a
bill is now pending in committee. I be-
lieve that before Congress adjourns, it
should make sure that such a bill is
enacted into law. There is so much to
be said for its enactment, and so much
more to be taken into consideration, that
we should make it a major item of our
business immediately, to punish those
who would do a disservice to our land, to
our military forces, and to all those who
seek so assiduously to bring about a ces-
sation of hostilities in Vietnam.
I thank the Senator from California
for yielding to me.
Mr. KUCHEL. I thank my able col-
league, the Senator from Wyoming, very
much. I associate myself with his re-
marks with respect to new legislation,
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will th
Senator from California yield?
Mr. KUCHEL. I yield.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, men-
tion has been made concerning the pend-
ing bill, which would make it a crime for
any person willfully, intentionally, and
physically to interfere with the move-
ment of troops, military equipment, or
property. That bill was introduced by
me. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr.
Snvnbson] is one of its cosponsors. I in-
vite the Senator from California to be-
come one at this time.
Mr. KUCHEL. I shall be very glad to
be a cosponsor. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that my name be
added as a cosponsor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LAUSCHE. The present occupant
of the chair, the Senator from South'
Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL], is also a co-
sponsor.
However, I wish to say to the repre-
sentatives of the Departments of Defense
and Justice that I cannot understand
why they have not filed an appraisal of
the bill with the Committee on the Ju-
diciary.
When I first presented the bill, I made
a study?through the experts?to deter-
mine whether there was any statute now
on the books making it a crime to inter-
fere with the movement of troops. The
Investigation disclosed that there was
not.
For 1 month I have been in contact
with both the Departments of Justice
and Defense, begging them to file a re-
port; but no report has yet been filed.
The Committee on the Judiciary is
prepared to act immediately. It wishes
to send the hill to the floor of the Sen-
ate. It is waiting for the appraisal of
the Merits of the bill from the two De-
partments. I just do not understand the
reason for the delay.
This morning, Mr. Katzenbach stated
that the Department of Justice would in-
vestigate what happened throughout the
Nation over the weekend.
With due respect to the heavy burden
which the Attorney General carries, I
wish he would take a look at the bill and
report to the Committee on the Judiciary
whether or not he feels it should be en-
acted into law. I expect that the De-
partment of Defense likewise will make a
determination whether it will or will not
support such a bill,
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, will
the Senator from California yield?
Mr. KUCHEL. I yield.
Mr. HOLLAND. As one of the many
Senators who have joined the Senator
from Ohio- in the introduction of his bill
making it a crime to interfere with and
obstruct the movement of either Army
personnel or materiel, I certainly join
him in expressing the view that the De-
partments affected will render a prompt
decision, recommendation, and opinion
on the matter, because I believe that
nothing will suffice so well as to enact a
criminal statute dealing with this press-
ing problem.
I sup rt the position completely.
ERICAN PROTESTERS PROLONG
VIETNAM WAR
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, of
course, I enthusiastically support the
views expressed by the majority leader
and the minority whip, concerning inter-
ference with the draft. Any violation
of the law that strikes so deeply at our
security as a Nation must be prosecuted
vigorously and swiftly. I support the
views of the Senator from Mississippi
[Mr. STENNIS] which he expressed so
vigorously on the floor of the Senate the
other day, that this calculated program
to defeat the draft must be yanked out
by the roots.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, we are
discussing the demonstrations that took
place last week that we believe to be
harmful to the security of our country.
More and more of these events will be
happening unless we dig out the perpe-
trators and leaders of the operations.
Between the 10th day of June and the
28th, at Ringwood, N.J., about 40 miles
from New York, there was assembled a
seminar led by Communist leaders of the
United States. Between 75 and 80 stu-
dents of universities were present. They
were paid expenses incurred in going to
and coming from the seminar. They
were paid up to $50 a week while op-
erating in this particular field.
While they were at that seminar, they
were prohibited from making any tele-
phone calls to the outside world. They
were forbidden to write letters. They
were there to learn the Communist tech-
nique of inciting disorder and creating
demonstrations.
It is estimated that the seminar in the
neighborhood of Ringwood, N.J., cost
$100,000. The 75 to 80 students who
were present left the seminar and moved
back to their respective communities to
carry out the teachings which were given
them at that Communist operation.
? The point I am trying to make, is that,
substantiallY, these demonstrations are
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October 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Agency would acquire valid title to this land,
which the language of section 3 would per-
mit the Agency then to sell-to the District of
Columbia. The authorized price of $82,896
represents the arnoUnt paid by the Agency to
the railroads for their rights and interests
therein.
The Subcommittee on Business and Com-
merce held public hearings on this resolu-
tion on August 19, 1965, and received testi-
mony from the Redevelopment Land Agency
and the Assistant Engineering Commissioner
for the District of Columbia. There was no
opposition expressed to the resolution. The
committee is informed that the District of
Columbia Commissioners, the Department of
Justice, and the Bureau of the Budget have
concurred in approval of this proposed legis-
lation. Accordingly, your committee recom-
mends that this resolution do pass.
DOCUMENTATION OF THE VESSEL
"LITTLE NANCY"
The 13111 (H.R. 521.1) to permit the
vessel Little Nancy to be documented for
use in the coastwise trade was an-
nounced as next in order.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Over, Mr. President.
The ACTING PIES/DENT pro tem-
pore. The bill will be passed over.
Mr. MANSPIELD. Mr. President, I
withdraw the call of the calendar.
ANTIDRAFT MOVEMENT DISGRACE-
FUL AND DANGEROUS
Mr. icucHKL. Mr. President, every
decent American will applaud today's an-
nOuncerrient by the Department of
Justice that a national investigation of
groups behind the antidraft movement is
now underway. The Department in-
formed me this morning that its investi-
gation will include those contemptible
groups agitating in California. Well it
should. Over the weekend in Berkeley.
a dirty little sheet has been distributed
which is entitled "Brief Notes on the
Ways and Means of Beating and Defeat-
ing the Draft." In recent days people
have thrown themselves on railroad
tracks in my State in an attempt to
prevent passage of troop trains and rail-
road cars carrying military supplies to
the docks for transshipment to southeast
Asia. A few contemptible youths have
publicly torn up their draft cards in great
glee. In my State, the head of the
California Democratic Connell has en-
thusiastically praised 'those who have
destroyed their draft cards. Governor
Brown, head a the Democratic Party in
my State, to his credit, has asked this
person to resign, though he has been
defended by the State president of the
Young Democrats who notes that that or-
ganization has "gone on record advocat-
ing a shift in our Vietnam policy."
Attorney General Katzen'bach has
stated "there are some Communists in-
volved" in this left-wing movement. Its
ranks are replete with so-called con-
scientious objectors, beatniks, and those
who in varying degrees oppose the south-
east Asian policy of our Government.
Mr. President, I am a devoted believer
in the right of constitutional free sr)eech
and of the constitutional right of any
citizen to petition his Government, but
what I have described here is far beyond
the pale of reasonable? or rational con-
stitutional discussion or petition. In-
deed, what has gone on sows the seeds of
treason.
This is an American problem and both
our American political parties share a
feeling of revulsion and a demand that
the laws of this Nation, including the
Selective Service Act, be respected and
enforced. -
The radical left in all its facets, glee-
fully infiltrated by Communists, under-
mines respect and faith in our American
Government. What a shocking paradox
it is that the radical right, and all its
self-styled superpatriotic leaders, simul-
taneously alleges that our American Gov-
ernment is 60 to 80 percent dominated by
Communists. Both extremes are a
menace to this land. Thank God, they
represent a very small percentage of the
tine, decent, patriotic citizens of our
country. Recently in Oakland, Calif., a
group was formed under the name of Re-
sponsible Citizens Aroused. They held a
rally over the weekend to counteract the
activities of the so-called Vietnam Com-
mittee, I sent a telegram to them. I
ask consent that a copy of my telegram
to that group of fellow citizens and its
statement on this general subject issued
on Constitution Day be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the telegram
and statement were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
OCTOBER 13, 1965.
ALEXANDER ORENDON,
Donner Laboratory, University of California,
Berkeley, Calif:
Regret that Senate schedule prevents me
from joining you and members of Responsi-
ble Citizens Aroused as you gather together
on October 16 to reaffirm your faith in the
principles of this Republic and to oppose ir-
responsible and dangerous actions by a few
in our country who object to America's role
in securing the cause of freedom in south-
east Asia. Please express my best wishes to
those who have gathered with you on this
occasion. I believe that the overwhelming
majority of Americans, regardless of party,
support the President of the United States
as he attempts to secure peace in that trou-
bled part of the world through the use of
American strength and the offer of American
compassion.
Regards,
THOMAS H. KUCHEL,
U.S. Senator.
- ?
STATEMENT OP RCA?RESPONSIBLE CITIZENS
AROUSED
Today, September 14, is Constitution Day.
It is on this occasion that we remember the
principles our country was founded upon
and the men who have made it great.
But today we also mark with some degree
of chagrin that there exists an element in
our immediate community which openly
challenges the basic framework of not only
the community, but the Nation as a whole.
This element, currently known as the Viet-
nam Day Committee, will, in 30 days,' stage
an organized riot for the purpose of amplify-
ing their position. We would wonder how
some 'of the defenders of our Constitution,
such as Sergeant York, Nathan Hale, General
MacArthur, and John F. Kennedy, would feel
when reflecting upon the Vietnam Day Coin-
mittee this Constitution Day of 1965.
Responsible Citizens Aroused believes in
the principles of constitutional democracy
upon whiCh our Government is based.
RCA supports the President's role in the
conduct of foreign affairs.
26291
RCA believes in, trusts, and has faith in
the discretion, dignity, and virtue of all
American people.
RCA is a group of young, bay area people
who intend to unite vocal support for our
country and its principles and display to the
community, the United States as a whole,
and the world, that the bay area is popu-
lated by responsible Americans. RCA asks
for other like-minded citizens to join this
effort.
Let us make our position clear:
We are not objecting to picketing and
peaceful demonstrations. As a matter of
fact, picketing is an old tradition in Amer-
ica. We abhor war and desire a just peace.
It is the U.S. leaders who are requesting
negotiations. You hear no requests for nego-
tiations from Peiping. We do not, however,
subscribe to a policy of peace at the price
of the freedom of the South Vietnamese.
The Vietnam Day Committee does not rep-
resent the feelings of Americans. Its actions
have insulted the integrity of the American
people. Its members have called the Presi-
dent of our country a "fascist" and a "dic-
tator." They have called the former U.S.
Ambassador to Vietnam a "murderer" and,
demanded he "stand trial" for his actions be-
fore five of their members. They have given
the name of bay area cities and institutions
a black eye all over the world.
We believe that the bay area community
has been insulted long enough. It is now
time for patriotic, responsible citizens to
stand up in active support of their country
and in opposition to the Vietnam Day Com-
mittee.
1. We call for pledges to attend a patriotic
program on October 16 at a location to be
announced, while the Vietnam Day Commit-
tee is "attacking" the Oakland Army Ter-
minal. Major speakers are now being invited
to address this program.
2. RCA calls for the public, Republicans
and Democrats alike, to write their Repre-
sentatives and Senators expressing support
of our Government and the President.
3. RCA calls for contributions to provide
advertising for the program and transporta-
tion for the speakers.
Contact: Responsible Citizens Aroused,
5350 College Avenue, Oakland, Calif., 655-
8601.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. KUCHEL. I yield to my able
friend, the majority leader.
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. President, I
have noted with growing concern the
demonstrations which have been taking
place throughout the Republic.
I believe in the right of assembly. I
believe in the right, of free speech. I
believe in the right of petition. But I
also believe in the law, and I believe in
the law whether I personally agree with
it or not.
I have been shocked at pictures show-
ing some of the demonstrators using cig-
arette lighters to burn their draft cards.
That is against the law. Within the
put month Congress has made it against
the law. I have been shocked to read
that there are certain schools of
thought?certain groups, that is?which
are telling young folks how to avoid the
draft; how, through the use of drugs, to
place themselves in such a condition that
the examining authorities would riot
find them eligible; how some of them
have feigned mental illness, how some of
them have posed as homosexuals, and
how some of them have used other de-
vious means to bring about a situation
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? the product of Communist leadership.
Countless innocent, uninformed youth of
the country are participating in them,
not knowing that they are following the
flag of the Reds and bowing to the voices
of the Communists dictating how they
shall create disorder and bring the Unit-
ed States into disrespect.
Mr. President, by unanimous consent,
may I have 3 additional minutes?
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LAUSCHE. The meeting which I
am describing as having taken place at
Ringwood, N.J., took place between June
10 and June 28. What I have said is
corroborated without question. This
matter has been on my mind for the last
2 weeks, and I have been checking to as-
certain whether the report is true or not.
Now I go to another matter. On Sep-
tember 11, 1965, at McMillin Theater at
Columbia University in New York City
there assembled the first panel of the
First Annual Conference of Socialist
Scholars in the United States. They
originally were supposed to Meet at Rut-
gers University. However, when word
got out that these Socialist scholars were
to meet at Rutgers University, indigna-
tion flashed into the mind of a candidate
for the Governor of New Jersey, State
Senator Wayne Dumont, Jr. He called
for the removal of the scholars on social-
ism. When he did, the decision was
nade to transfer the meeting from Rut-
'kers University. Mr. Wayne Dumont,
Jr., the man who raised the complaint,
called for the removal of Prof. Eugene D.
Genovese because of the latter's remarks
at the Rutger's teach-in on Vietnam on
last April 23, when Dr. Genovese said:
I am a Marxist and a Socialist. Therefore,
unlike most of my distinguished colleagues
here this morning, I do not fear or regret the
impending Vietcong victory in Vietnam. I
welcome it.
In other words, this scholar on social-
ism stated that he did not regret the im-
pending victory of the Vietcong in South
Vietnam; he welcomed it. The meeting
was held in Columbia University on Sep-
tember 11, 1965, and various scholars of
the Socialist philosophy were present.
Mr. President, I. ask unanimous con-
sent that I may have 3 additional min-
utes.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
Pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Speakers were among
others, Paul M. Sweezey, Connor Cruise
O'Brien, Said Shah, Staughton Lynd,
and Herbert Aptheker. One of them
was a person who spoke about the riots
in California, mentioned a moment ago
by the Senator from California [Mr.
KucireL] . He addressed the last meet-
ing. He repeated the words that were so
often spoken at Watts, Calif.: "Burn
baby burn"?meaning, burn down the
buildings and the property and the
houses in Making protest against what is
going on.
Mr. President, we cannot stand idly by
with referenee to this matter. The youth
who are serving our country in South
Vietnam are complaining about what we
are tolerating back home. They are not
complaining about the requirement to
stand by their country. Every one of
them is responding willingly. There was
in my office this morning a Lieutenant
Kapelka. Perhaps he is in the gallery
now. He received his notice to report to
Vietnam. He said:
I am glad to go, but do something about
stopping these disorders which are breaking
down the morale within our country.
Whatever steps we take within the
framework of the Constitution cannot
be too severe in handling this problem.
Long-whiskered beatniks, dirty in
clothes, worn down, seemingly, by a will-
ingness to look like a beatnik, are the
ones who are in the vanguard.
They are not entitled to our respect.
In my judgment most of them are the
antithesis of what a real patriot is. They
do not have the backbone or courage to
stand up for their country. They want
to go into some hiding place completely
devoid of the attributes and character of
genuine true-blooded Americans. They
are interfering with the lives of genuine
American citizens, and with the security
of our Nation.
I will in the next few days introduce
a bill making it a Federal felony for a
person to induce or influence a military
person or a prospective draftee not to
respond to the call of duty.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business?
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Pres-
ident.--
The PRESIDING OrriCER, The
Senator from Georgia.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Pres-
ident, I regret that I have not heard all
the statements made this morning on
this subject, but I cannot let this ?eta-
sion pass without expressing my own
profound contempt for these demon-
strations, and my sickness of soul at the
weakening of the body politic and the
patriotism and spiritual life of this Na-
tion that these demonstrations indicate.
Mr. President, on previous occasions
I have said on the floor of the Senate
that the fact that people in high places
had encouraged campaigns of civil dis-
obedience throughout this land in other
cases would tiring home at other times
under other conditions campaigns of
civil disobedience that would be much
more far-reaching and dangerous than
those they had encouraged.
One sure effect of these campaigns and
demonstrations, will be to prolong the
war in Vietnam. The prolongation of
the war will certainly increase the casu-
alty lists of American boys who are be-
ing sent there to support this country
and its flag. Every protest will cause the
Communists to believe they can win if
they hold on a little longer.
The time has passed now to discuss the
wisdom of our entrance into Vietnam.
Many of us have varied opinions on that
score. I was one of those who opposed
our involvement in that conflict. But we
are committed there now. Our flag is
committed, our national honor is com-
mitted, our prestige is committed, and
our-whole power for the maintenance of,
world peace and avoidance of a nuclear
war is laid squarely on the line in Viet-
nam today.
As for the young men taking part in
these demonstrations, some of them are
Pathetic because they are being misled
by wily agitators. These boys do not
know what they are doing.
Some of them are digging their own
graves, because when they encourage Ho
Chi Minh to extend and prolong this war,
many of them will be caught up in the
military draft. Some of them will be
trained and sent to Vietnam. Many of
them will not come back.
Either that or they will wind up behind
the bars and finally receive a dishonor-
able discharge. They will go through life
dishonored and die unsung. They will
have failed in the first duty of man?to
defend his homeland?and in this case
the greatest way of life ever known.
Mr. President I would that there were
some way to reach and punish those who
encourage and incite these young people.
On yesterday afternoon I paid a visit
to Walter Reed H.ospital where I had an
opportunity to talk to seven or eight bat-
tle casualties of the Vietcong who had
been flown back to this country. With-
out exception, the first thing that each
of these men mentioned was these dem-
onstrations. They asked what Con-
gress proposed to do about them. There
Is a great feeling of bitterness on the
part of men who have been out there on
, foreign soil that American citizens with-
out let or hindrance, and without vigor-
ous condemnation from the press and
other media of communication, are per-
mitted to take steps that will slow down
the war and inspire the hopes of eventu-
al victory in the mind of Ho Chi Minh.
He has stated again and again that
the American people do not have the
patience to carry to a successful con-
clusion the kind of war he intends to
fight there. These demonstrations will
lead him to believe that impatience with
the war, and war weariness, on which he
so strongly depends, is already being
manifested in this country.
It takes but a handful of people in a
demonstration of this kind to generate
the opinion overseas that there is a
great mass of similar thought, because
this is one of the few countries on earth
where there can be public demonstra-
tions of this kind against a fixed policy
of the Government.
We pay a terrible price sometimes for
the freedom to demonstrate in this coun-
try, and we pay too great a price when
it amounts to a conspiracy to injure
the U.S. fighting man 10,000 miles away.
I hope that all of those in positions
4.,f power?all of those who encouraged
these other demonstrations?will now
come out and say this one is aiding a
foreign enemy and that we must find a
means to deal with it.
It is sad, indeed, to think that so
many foolish, misled young people who
will themselves be caught up in the draft
and may pay the penalty of their lives
because their demonstrations have en-
couraged Ho Chi Minh and the Chinese
to think that if they will just hold on a
while longer, just carry on the war for a
few more months or years, the American
people will eventually weary of it and
pull out.
We cannot leave now, Mr. President.
If we do, we will leave behind In that
ceuntry, where this dirty war is being
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE October 18, 1965
fought, in the jungles and rice paddles?
if we tuck tall and run now?the heritage
of greatness, freedom, and courage that
has marked this country since its birth.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, the
spectacle of young men, willing to per-
jure themselves to avoid the draft and
willing to let the world know that they
do not support other young Americans
arrayed in battle in Vietnam in the cause
of freedom, is enough to make any per-
son loyal to his country weep.
Ascribing the blame to Communist in-
fluence or to leaders of Pacifist causes is
a subterfuge which does not come to
grips with the real issue and does not
place the blame where it belongs;
namely, on the wailing, quailing, protest-
ing young men themselves.
Where in the name of conscience is
their sense of history?
They can indulge in this counterfeit
undertaking because this is a free land.
But it is a free land because other young
men long before them faced up to their
duty to make it so and keep it so.
Perhaps they have forgotten that men
fought at Valley Forge under ghastly
conditions for 22 cents a day er perhaps
they are so cynical and cowardly as not
to care.
Perhaps they have forgotten that the
signers of the Declaration of Independ-
ence were hounded to their graves, and
perhaps they do not care.
Perhaps they have forgotten that two
generations ago, Millions of young Amer-
icans Went to the corners of the earth to
resist autocracy and that theusands of
theta did not return alive.
Perhaps they have forgotten that 17
Million were in uniform a generation MO
to defend the cause of freedom against
dictators.
It is high time they begin to rethink
their history and what it cost to give
them the lush benefits of a free country.
Shakespeare was right, lie said:
Cowards die many times before their death.
The valiant never taste of death but once.
What a tragic future lies ahead for
such craven souls.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
as a member of the Committee on Armed
? Services and of the Subcommittee ori De-
tense Appropriations, I should like to
add my word on the subject of the young
people who hold meetings and teach-ins
and who try to find ways to dodge the
draft and avoid military service.
I feel Certain that every Senator, has
had the experience I have had of having
to write the parents of young boys who
have been killed in Vietnam. They are
difficult letters to write. I know some-
thing of how those parents feel because
Mrs. Saltonstall and I lost a son in World
War II.
When, after writing a letter to be-
reaved parents of servicemen killed in
action,. I read about the fact that young
men and women in various parts of the
country?and especially in my own city
of Boston where they paraded last Sat-
urday and held meeting on Boston
Common?when, I read that young peo-
pte are organizing against Araerican pol-
icy and refusing to meet their service ob-
liga.tions, I am shocked.
As the Secretary of State, Dean Rusk,
put it so well in New York recently before
the Conference of NATO Parliamentar-
ians, it is because we believe so much in
the integrity of our Country's word that
we are giving assistance to the Vietnam-
ese. We have stated that we will help
them to maintain their freedom and to
maintain their own way of life as they
wish to do.
Therefore when we hear, read, and see
pictures of these demonstrations we are
.shocked to think that the participants
have no knowledge or understanding of
the problem that exists or of what our
country is doing to try to solve it. None
of us want American lives to be lost.
We all want a peaceful world.
I hope that the words that are ex-
pressed in this body today will have
some effect on the professors and others
who are teaching these young people as
well as on the leaders of this campaign
who are stimulating the young people to
act as they have been acting. I hope
that the heads of institutions which per-
mit the activities to take place will,
while they safeguard freedom of speech,
also promote patriotism.
We know the situation in Vietnam is a
serious one, to which our Government is
giving a great deal of attention and
thought. It is taking what it believes
to be are the right steps. Some boys
will not return from Vietnam. The boys
who are there, who are suffering and are
exposed to danger, are those who deserve
our support?not those who are trying to
avoid their duty to their country.
I commend Senators who have spoken
-on this subject this morning. I am
proud and honored to join with them.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
had not intended to speak today, for
the reason that at 4 o'clock on Sunday
mi eing I returned from a 19-day visit
to southeast Asia. Because of the time
differential of 12 hours between Vietnam
and Washington, I thought I would
rather get my feet on the ground before
I made a report to the Senate of my
observations there. I desire, of course,
to be exceedingly careful and to go over
MY notes, se that I will not disclose, in
the Senate or outside the Senate, any top
secret or classified matter that came to
my attention. However, I feel that I
should mention one or two incidents at
this time.
I was assigned to the visit by the
chairman of the Committee on Armed
Services, of which I am a member.
The junior Senator from Nevada [Mr.
Caaneoe], the senior Senator from Mary-
land [Mr. BREWSTER], and I, as mem-
bers of that committee, went first to
Korea as guests of the Government of
,Korea and at the expense of the Gov-
ernment of Korea. The Korean Govern-
ment requested that this great Nation be
represented at their Armed Services
Day, when they said goodby to a fine,
lean, well-trained division of Koreans?
ROK's, as they are called?who were
sent to Vietnam to aid in the struggle
against Communist aggression. We
were present at the departure of 22,000
young men, highly trained soldiers, of
Korea.
By the way, on my return trip, when
I stepped briefly at Clark Air Force Base
Hospital in the Philippine Islands, two
of the ROK soldiers who had been in
Vietnam were already casualties and
were being treated in the hospital.
? Today I merely wish to speak briefly
pertaining to the subject discussed
earlier. In the course of the days?and
they were hard, long days, extending
from early in the morning until night,
while in every part of Vietnam, and then
in every part of Thailand--I spoke with
and shook hand with almost 200 Ohio
boys who are serving there in our Armed
Forces.
When I asked each of those boys, "Have
you any problem?" The answer was
practically unanimous: "No, no problem;
no problem, sir." Perhaps 2 of almost
200 boys had some problem or grievance,
and as one who has served as a private
in our Armed Forces, and later as an offi-
cer, I could only think that they were
liabilities of Uncle Sam from the moment
they were inducted into the armed
services.
The morale of our soldiers in southeast
Asia is of the highest. They have no
problems.
I am sure that they are not interested
whatever in what the extremists do in
this country, and that it 'has no effect
on them.
Recently, in Vietnam, in a tent in az
receiving hospital for the armed service
with the temperature around 100 degrees,
saw seven women nurses who were as-
signed to that hospital. Three of them
were there at the time, assigned to work
around the clock. In going around and
shaking hands with the wounded, I was
told, "There is an Ohioan here." Right
at the end, I came across a young man,
John Hart, of Cuyahoga County, who
lived in the neighborhood where I lived
some 15 years ago. He is a fine athletic
-young man. His right leg was amputated
-below the knee. I talked with him and
said: "I am going to talk with your par-
ents when I return to Washington. I
shall call them in Cleveland."
? He and I talked briefly. When I was
leaving the hospital shortly after?and
this is something that made me feel very
good?the head nurse said: "Senator, I
want you to know that that young man
was feeling very despondent. His best
friend had been killed and he was feeling
very low because of losing part of his
right leg. When you spoke to him and
told him that modern medical science
had done miracles and would continue to
do miracles, and that, while perhaps he
will not be able to play football, he will
certainly be able to bowl and enjoy cer-
tain other activities, I believe that you
helped him greatly. I was fearful about
him. However, after you finished, I no
longer have any feeling of fear."
Shortly after that, at Clark Air Base
Hospital in the Philippine Islands, I
learned that this young man had already
been sent to Walter Reed Hospital. I
have an appointment to see him tonight.
That is the story of merely one young
'man who nearly gave his life for his
country.
While I was at that hospital, another
soldier died. Others were very cheerful
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and said, "We are just woundetrand
? be back in combat soon."
The practice is that if they are seri-
ously and permanently disabled, they are
sent back to their homes as soon as pos-
sible. If they are slightly injured, then,
While the extremists are denouncing the
fighting, they are sent back to their
units, and they continue to fight. As the
chairman of our committee stated, it is
? too late to say that we should not have
gone there in 1954, because we are now
there, and we have every reason to be
'protid of the conduct of our soldiers
? there.
I assure my colleagues that the morale
of our soldiers in Vietnam is not being
disturbed in the least by what a few ex-
tremists in this country may be saying
or doing.
AMERICAN VIETNAM PROTESTERS
PROLONG VIETNAM WAR
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, if
the Bill of Rights?the very heart of this
democracy of ours?is to mean some-
thing, the right to protest must be pre-
served, even when that protest contra-
dicts what most of us regard as our coun-
try's clear interest.
'The right of protest is feeble and
empty if it must confine itself to matters
that concern us little, or on which the
Nation's vital interests are not touched.
It is only when the protest offends us
and seems to strike at our country's deep-
est Purposes that the meaning of our Bill
of Rights?the right to disagree and pro-
test in this democracy?is really tested.
Thus, Mr. President, while I vehement-
ly disagree with the protests against our
Vietnam policy, while I am convinced
that they are woefully in error, and while
am convinced that they do our cause in
Vietnam a grievous disservice, never-
theless where they are lawful and non-
violent, they are in accordance with the
? essence of our free democracy?the Bill
of Rights.
Mr. President in an article published in
the New York Times this morning, James
Reston points out that one of the su-
preme ironies of recent years is that
these protesters are inadvertently work-
ing against all the things they want, and
are creating all the things they fear the
most.
They are not promoting peace, because
if there is any hope remaining in the
hearts of the Vietcong and their leaders
in Hanoi and Peiping, it is the distant
wish that somehow the American people
disapprove the Vietnam war and will
make their disapproval felt, reverse our
Vietnam policies and call our troops
home.
It is this wish?this gross misreading
of the attitude of the American people?
which more than anYthing else is keep-
ing the war going, in spite of our im-
mense power superiority and our solid
military victories. It is this which is
preventing peace.
And what is fostering the wish that
keeps vvar going but the, protests of the
so-talled pefiee .marehers" theinselves1'
As Reston says, they are not per-
suading the President or the Congress,
No. 194--13
but deceiving Ho CM Minh and General
Giap into prolonging it.
Mr. President, the President of the
United States has clearly and carefully
spoken his desire for peace and negotia-
tions, not once, but many times. This
country's leaders want peace, and any
protester who can read must in his heart
know that.
If these peace marchers want peace,
the best contribution they can make is to
address their plea to the Communists.
Let the Communists know that this
country is ready to negotiate and that
this country will keep on a massive mili-
tary pressure until they negotiate; but
let the Communists know that even the
peace groups in this country now recog-
nize that if peace is to be had in south-
east Asia, it will never come from an
American surrender, but from a Com-
munist recognition of the reality of mili-
tary power and a Communist recognition
of the absolute determination of this
country to pay whatever price is neces-
sary to keep our commitment to South
Vietnam.
I ask unanimous consent that the
article to which I have referred by James
Reston in today's New York Times be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WASHINGTON: THE STUPIDITY OF INTELLIGENCE
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, October 16.?It is not easy,
but let us assume that all the student dem-
onstrators against the war in Vietnam are
everything they say they are; sincerely for
an honorable peace; troubled by the bomb-
ing of the civil population of both North and
South Vietnam; genuinely afraid that we
may be trapped into a hopeless war with
China; and worried about the power of the
President and the Pentagon and the pug-
nacious bawling patriotism of many influen-
tial men in the Congress.
A case can be made for it. In a world of
accidents and nuclear weapons and damn
fools, even a dreaming pacifist has to 1-'3 an-
swered. And men who want peace, defy the
Government, and demonstrate for the sup-
port of the Congress, are not only within
their rights but must be heard.
THE PARADOX
The trouble is that they are inadvertently
working against all the things they want, and
creating all the things they fear the most.
They are not promoting peace but postpon-
ing it. They are not persuading the Presi-
dent or the Congress to end the war, but
deceiving Ho Chi Minh and General Giap
Into prolonging it. They are not proving the
superior wisdom of the university community
but unfortunately bringing it into serious
question.
When President Johnson was stubbornly
refusing to define his war aims in Vietnam,
and rejecting all thought of a negotiated
settlement, the student objector3 had a point,
and many of us here in the Washington press
corps and the Washington political com-
munity supported them, but they are now
out of date. They are making news, but they
are not making sense.
HEART' OF THE PROBLEM
The problem of peace now lies rot in Wash-
ington but in Hanoi, and probably the most
'reliable source of information in the Western
World about what is going on there is the
- Canadian representative on the Vietnam In-
ternational Control Commission, Blair Sea-
born.
He flies regularly to the North Vietnamese
capital with the Polish and Indian members
of that Commission, and he is personally in
favor of an honorable negotiated peace in
Vietnam. He is a cultivated man and a Pro-
fessional diplomat. Ile knows all the mis-
takes we have made, probably in more de-
tail than all the professors in all the teach-
ins in all the -universities of this country.
What he finds in Hanoi, however, is a total
misconception of American policy, and, par-
ticularly, a powerful conviction among Com-
munist officials there that the antiwar dem-
onstrations and editorials in the United
States will force the American Government
to give up the fight.
Not even the conscientious objectors on
the picket lines in this country really be-
lieve that they have the power or the sup-
port to bring about any such result, but
Hanoi apparently believes it and for an in-
teresting reason.
Ho Chi Minh and the other Communist
leaders in Hanoi remember that they de-
feated the French in Vietnam between 1950
and 1953 at least partly because of opposi-
tion to the Vietnam war inside France. The
Communists won the propaganda battle in
Paris before they won the military battle at
Dienbienphu.
COUNTING ON PROTEST
Now they think they see the same surge of
protest working against the Government in
Washington, no matter what Mr. Seaborn
says to the contrary. They have not been
able to challenge American air, naval, or even
ground power effectively since midsummer in
South Vietnam, but they apparently still
have the hope that the demonstrations
against the Johnson administration in the
United States will, in the end, give them the
victory they cannot achieve on the battle-
field.
So the Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United States want.
The7 reject the negotiations the American
Government has offered, and the demonstra-
tors are protesting, not against the nation
that is continuing the war but against their
own country that is offering to make peace.
Not surprisingly, this is creating an ugly
situation here in Washington. Instead of
winning allies in the Congress to change the
Johnson policy, the demonstrators are en-
couraging the very war psychology they de-
nounce.
WRONG OBJECTIVES
Senator STENNIS of Mississippi, chairman
of the Senate Preparedness Subcommittee, is
now demanding that the administration pull
up the antidraft movement "by the roots
and grind it to bits."
Honest consicentious objectors are being
confused with unconscientious objectors,
hangers-on, intellectual graduate school
draft dodgers and rent-a-crown boobs who
will demonstrate for or against anything.
And the universities and the Government's
policy are being hurt in the process.
So there are now all kinds of investigations
going on or being planned to find out who
and what are behind all these demonstra-
tions on the campuses. It is a paradoxical
situation, for it is working not for intelligent
objective analysis of the problem, which the
university community of the Nation is sup-
posed to represent, not for peace, which the
demonstrators are demanding, but in both
cases for precisely the opposite.
AMENDMENT OF AGRICULTURAL
MARKETING AGREEMENT ACT OF
1937
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore laid before the Senate the amend-
ments of the House of Representatives to
the bill (S. 2092) to amend the Agricul-
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tural Marketing Agreement Act of 1937
to permit marketing orders applicable
to celery, sweet corn; Hines, or avocados
to provide for paid advertising, which
were, to strike out all after the enacting
clause and insert:
That the Agricultural Adjustment Act of
1933, as amended, and as reenacted and
amended by the Agricultural Marketing
Agreement Act of 1937, as amended, is fur-
ther amended as follows:
a) Section 2(3) is amended by inserting
such container and pack requirements pro-
vided in section 8(c) (6) (H)", immediately
after "establish and maintain".
(c) The proviso at the end of section
Sc (6) (I) is amended by inserting: ", carrots,
citrus fruits, onions, Tokay grapes, fresh
pears, dates, plums, nettarines, celery, sweet
corn, limes, or avocados" immediately after
"applicable to cherries".
And to amend the title so as to read: "An
Act to amend the Agricultural Marketing
Agreement Act of 1937 to permit marketing
orders applicable to various fruits and vege-
tables to provide for paid advertising."
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, S.
2092, was passed by the Senate some
time ago. It went over to the House and
was amended by the House. That
amendment is contained in the mes-
sage from the House.
I shall ask that the House amendment
be concurred in as amended by an
amendment which I send to the desk.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. The amendment will be stated.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
On page 1, line 11, after "lines," insert
"olives, pecans.".
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, S.
2092, as passed by the Senate, would per-
mit marketing orders applicable to cel-
ery, sweet corn, limes, or avocados to in-
clude provisions for paid advertising.
This bill was introduced by me at the
request of the Florida Fruit & Vegetable
Association. It covers products which
are produced in Florida, as elsewhere,
and simply refers to marketing agree-
ments.
The House amendment extends the
Senate provision to the following addi-
tional fruits and vegetables: carrots,
citrus fruits, onions, Tokay grapes, fresh
pears, dates, plums, and nectarines.
The House amendment also authorizes
the container and pack requirements of
marketing orders to be effective when
the price of the commodity is above
parity. The present law does not per-
m tt that except when the price is below
parity.
The amendment I am Offering to the
House amendment would add olives and
pecans to the commodities covered by the
bill.
The distinguished Senator from
Georgia [Mr. TALMADGE] requested, on
behalf of pecan producers of his State
and elsewhere, that that commodity be
added. The distinguished Senator from
California [Mr. Kumar.] requested on
behalf of the olive producers in his State
that that commodity also be added to
this bill.
The Department of Agriculture has
advised informally that it has no objec-
tion to the inclusion of olives and pecans
in the bill, and so far as we have been
able to determine there is no objection
in the House. The bill merely provides
authority which may be used if the Sec-
retary finds that it will be useful, and if
the producers approve it by at least two-
thirds in number or volume in a
referendum.
At the time of reporting S. 2092, the
committee gave some consideration to a
proposal of the National Milk Producers
Federation that milk be added to the
commodities covered by the bill. At that
time the committee felt that marketing
orders for milk are substantially different
from marketing orders applicable to
other commodities and the inclusion of
advertising authority for milk would
therefore present a somewhat different
situation than for other commodities. In
fact, the form of the bill would have to
be completely changed since marketing
research and development projects are
not now authorized for milk. There is
sentiment on the part of some members
of our committee for the extension of
this authority to milk. In addition to
writing to the committee just prior to
the time the committee reported S. 2092,
the National Milk Producers Federation
offered testimony at page 1139 of the
committee's hearings on the Food and
Agriculture Act of 1965, suggesting a
draft bill to provide such authority for
milk. I do not, however, suggest that
milk be added at this time. Milk market-
ing orders do differ substantially from
those for fruits and vegetables, and I do
believe that a separate bill should be
introduced for milk by the sponsors of
such a proposal, so that the views of all
interested persons could be obtained and
the committee could have the advantage
of their testimony.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I shall
not detain the Senate more than a mo-
ment.
My able friend, the senior Senator
from Florida [Mr. HOLLAND], has once
again indicated his dedication to Amer-
ican agriculture and his ability to bring
about a successful solution to the
problem.
I thank the Senator on behalf of the
olive agriculture industry in my State
for accepting its position which will be
included in this rather excellent piece of
legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy
of my letter to my able friend the sen-
ior Senator from Florida may be printed
at this paint in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
OCTOBER 4, 1965.
HOO. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Agriculture
Production, Marketing and Stabilization
of Prices, Senate Committee on Agricul-
ture and Forestry, U.S. Senate, Washing-
ton, D.C.
DEAR SPESSARD: I enclose a copy of the let-
ter from Congressman HARLAN HAGEN, of
California, with reference to H.R. 10206 now
before your committee. He notes that this
legislation permits certain specified com-
modities which are under Federal marketing
orders to expend money for advertising and
promotion. He states that he understands
the olive industry would like to have olives
included in the list of stipulated comModi-
ties which could take advantage of this
provision. I wonder if it would be possible
to include canned olives in this legislation
When it is reported from your committee?
If you feel testimony is needed from the
olive industry on this, I would be glad to
contact Mr. R. W. Henderson to whom Con-
gressman HAGEN refers.
With kindest regards.
Sincerely yours,
THOMAS H. MICHEL
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I thank
my able friend, the senior Senator from
Florida, for the service that he has rend-
ered to American agriculture.
Mr. HOLLAND. I thank the Senator.
Mr. President, I move that the Senate
concur in the House amendments, as
amended.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. The question is on agreeing to the
amendment offered by the Senator from
Florida [Mr. HOLLAND] to the House
amendments.
The amendment to the House amend-
ments was agreed to.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. The question now recurs on con-
curring in the House amendments as
amended.
The amendments of the House, as
amended, were concurred in.
THE GI BILL: AN INVESTMENT, NOT
A COST
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
20 years ago this fall, the veterans of the
Second World War began to enroll in
the educational institutions of this coun-
try under the GI bill. Although many
people had doubts about the success of
this bill, there has been no better proof
in our history of education being an in-
vestment, not merely a cost.
In the September issue of American
Education magazine, a publication begun
this year by the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, Dr. John R.
Ernens, president of Ball State Teachers
College in Muncie, Ind., has written an
article entitled, "Education Begets Edu-
cation." In this article, Dr. Emens de-
scribes the vast contributions to this Na-
tion which have come from the World
War II GI bill. There is no reason to
doubt that similar great and lasting ben-
efits to the Nation will come from the
cold war GI bill which this body passed
this year by a vote of more than 4 to 1,
but which now seems to be bottled up in
the House Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Dr. Emens described what happened
under the GI bill of World War II when
the colleges first opened their doors to
veterans in the fall of 1945. He said:
Twenty years ago this fall the first veterans
of the Second World War began to enroll in
the Nation's educational institutions. They
were the beneficiaries of one of the most
remarkable acts of faith in America's his-
tory?the GI bill of rights. Two decades
have passed. Today thousands of the esti-
mated 1,445,000 students beginning college
are the children of those former members of
the Armed Forces, many of whom were the
first of their family lines who had the oppor-
tunity of a higher education.
This is, therefore, the anniversary of a
precedent-setting moment in our country.
An act of Congress was to change the lives
' of millions of Americans and directly influ-
ence the decisions of their children.
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1965
here are expended in civic action programs.
This is not to sell our military role short,
for without security and an area free of
enemy combat units, the civic action pro-
gram is not possible. Security is a prerequi-
site for area improvement, but I would say
that 80 percent of our teams' efforts are
taken up in this program. We have super-
vised the building of 39 new schools in the
past year; rural electrification is expanding;
numerous road and bridge projects have
been completed, with more in the planning
stages, and 12 medical-aid stations have been
established. These are but few of the many
projects being paid for by the U.S. taxpayer.
I would be the first to admit that there
are many seemingly convincing arguments
opposing our presence in Vietnam, to wit:
"This is a civil war to be fought to its ulti-
mate conclusion by the Vietnamese without
our interference"; "We can never win a land
war in Asia"; "We are killing helpless women
and children", or "Life is meaningless to
these people and it's not worth the sacrifice
of one American life." How easy it would be
to follow these lines of reasoning, to go home
to our loved ones and to say "to hell with
this place." But, would this be a realistic
solution to our problem? Would things
improve? I am convinced that not 5 per-
cent of the 120,000 people in our district
would be willing to live under communism.
Certainly, the Catholics wouldn't. I am
equally convinced that without our assist-
ance they could not last 2 months against
an enemy supported from the north who
would gobble up the villages one by one until
there was nothing left. What would be the
solution for these people? Should we re-
partition the partition established in the
Geneva Convention of 1951? Should we tell
everyone who wishes to live in a democracy
to move south of Saigon and then in a few
years, as bands of Vietcong resume their
subversion and terrorism, repartition again,
and then again, until those millions of peo-
ple who don't wish to live under communism
have been pushed into the sea?
And how would you suggest that we inform
these people who believe in us and look to us
for assistance in this struggle? Should I go
to the village fathers and tell them that I am
very sorry but the Americans have decided
that "we are the true aggressors in this local
war; that we have discovered that every
time we send planes to the North to bomb
the bridges and roads that are used to bring
men, ammunition, and weapons used to at-
tack their villages that we risk the chance of
killing and maiming innocent victims;
that we have discovered that every time our
armed helicopters are called to assist one of
their beseiged villages, we end up killing the
attacking 'farmers'; that we have found
that we are taking unfair advantage of the
Vietcong's lack of sophisticated weaponry;
that we are gunning down in cold blood
an ill-equipped, underfed guerrilla foot
soldier with our sleek, push button super-
sonic jets when he is attacking their village
with an outmoded Russian gun, and that we
have determined that this is not in keeping
with the American tradition of 'airplay and
good sportsmanship'?.
In conclusion, I would say that our ances-
tors might be quite proud of our efforts here
in Vietnam, and perhaps even prouder of the
true "embattled farmers of 1965" in their
fight for freedom. It is a discouraging war
and the closer you get to it, the more you
realize what a senseless and tragic lesson in
futility war can be as an attempt to solve
man's problems. I only hope that the
strength of our convictions and our determi-
nation to see this war to a just conclusion will
convince our adversaries that they have
selected the wrong course of action. This, in
turn, might direct them toward the confer-
ence table, our only hope for peace in Viet-
nam.
I would entreat a gracious and loving God
in His infinite wisdom to impart a sense of
prudence and rational thinking to all those
in positions of responsibility and authority.
Without the support of those we respect and
believe in, our cause here is meaningless and
futile. I also ask your prayers for those who
carry out our country's policies, whether
you agree with those policies or not. It is not
exactly enjoyable to be the man with the
linger on the trigger or on the bombsight, but
we cannot falter before the challenge that
faces us, we cannot turn our back on choos-
ing between right and wrong, and we cannot
avoid our obligation to our fellow man.
I realize that this letter is a one-sided
opinion of one man, and I would welcome
hearing from you or anyone else on the
subject. If you would be interested, I would
be more than willing to ask some of our
Vietnamese friends to write to you and
express their vie
Sin ely
ROBERT L. AINSWORTH.
DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST OUR
POLICY IN VIETNAM
(Mr. ZABLOCKI asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, like
many of my colleagues I have been ex-
tremely disturbed and disgusted by the
demonstrations staged over the past sev-
eral days to protest our policy in Viet-
nam.
I was even more disturbed to learn
from press reports that the nationwide
series of demonstrati9ns this weekend
was planned and coordinated by an or-
ganization based in my own State of
Wisconsin at Madison, our capital.
The right of free speech and free as-
sembly is basic to our system and these
students and others are certainly free to
express their views on this subject.
With this freedom, however, comes the
responsibility of knowing the true facts
on Vietnam and of realizing the conse-
quences of their action.
Already the Chinese Communists and
the Communist press in China, North
Vietnam, and other areas are pointing
to these demonstrations as an indication
of widespread American dissatisfaction
with 'U.S. policy. Nothing could be fur-
ther from the truth.
We all know that these demonstrators
are a vocal but small minority of our
people. Unfortunately, however, this
fact may not be apparent to the rest of
the world.
The effects of these demonstrations
can only be a hardening of the Commu-
nist line on a negotiated settlement in
Vietnam. Therefore, the demonstra-
tions are self-defeating for they postpone
the day when a peaceful settlement can
be reached. Beyond that they condemn
the United States to extended involve-
ment in Vietnam with subsequent loss of
American lives. It should be clear by
now that those who really want peace in
Vietnam are supporting the policies of
President Johnson. The harmful effects
of these demonstrations have been vivid-
ly pointed out in an article by James
Reston in the New York Times of Sun-
day, October 17. In order to bring this
fine statement to the attention of my
colleagues I insert it in the RECORD at
this point.
The article follows:
WASHINGTON: THE STUPIDITY OF
INTELLIGENCE
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, October 16.?It is not easy,
but let us assume that all the student dem-
onstrators against the war in Vietnam are
everything they say they are: sincerely for
an honorable peace; troubled by the bomb-
ing of the civil population of both North and
South Vietnam; genuinely afraid that we
may be trapped into a hopeless war with
China; and worried about the power of the
President and the Pentagon and the pugna-
cious bawling patriotism of many influential
men in the Congress.
A case can be made for it. In a world of
accidents and nuclear weapons and damn
fools, even a dreaming pacifist has to be an-
swered. And men who want peace, defy the
C overnment, and demonStrate for the sup-
port of the Congress, are not only within
their rights but must be heard.
THE PARADOX
The trouble is that they are inadverently
working against all the things they want,
and creating all the things they fear the
most. They are not promoting peace but
postponing it. They are not persuading the
President or the Congress to end the war,
but deceiving Ho Chi Minh and General
Giap into prolonging it. They are not prov-
ing the superior wisdom of the university
community but unfortunately bringing it
into serious question.
When President Johnson was stubbornly
refusing to define his war aims in Vietnam,
and rejecting all thought of a negotiated
settlement, the student objectors had a
point, and many of us here in the Washing-
ton press corps and the Washington political
community supported them, but they are
now out of date. They are making news,
but they are not making sense.
HEART OF THE PROBLEM
The problem of peace now lies not in
Washington but in Hanoi, and probably the
r?ost reliable source of information in the
Western world about what is going on there
1:: the Canadian representative on the Viet-
nam International Control Commission,
Blair Seaborn.
He flies regularly to the North Vietnamese
capital with the Polish and Indian members
of that Commission, and he is personally in
favor of an honorable negotiated peace in
Vietnam. He is a cultivated man and a
professional diplomat. He knows all the
mistakes we have made, probably in more
detail than all the professors in all the
teach-ins in all the universities of this
country. What he finds in Hanoi, however,
is a total misconception of American policy,
and, particularly, a powerful conviction
among Communist officials there that the
antiwar demonstrations and editorials in
the United States will force the American
Government to give up the fight.
Not even the conscientious objectors on
the picket lines in this country really believe
that they have the power or the support to
bring about any such result, but Hanoi ap-
parently believes it and for an interesting
reason.
Ho Chi Minh and the other Communist
leaders in Hanoi remember that they de-
feated the French in Vietnam between 1950
and 1953 at least partly because of opposi-
tion to the Vietnam war inside France. The
Communists won the propaganda battle in
Paris before they won the military battle
at Dienbienphu.
COTJNTING ON PROTEST
Now they think they see the same surge
of protest working against the Government
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At this time I wish to commend the
committee for having obtained the views
of the Comptroller General in respect
to a policy matter which I am sure is of
vital interest to the Comptroller Gen-
eral.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. BROOKS. I thank the gentle-
man from Iowa for his usual objective
analysis of reports and constructive help
on legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests
for time, and I move the previous ques-
tion.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Thai-
ins) . The question is on the motion of
the gentleman from Texas that the House
suspend the rules and pass the bill S. 1004
as amended,
The question was taken; and (two-
thirds having voted in favor thereof) the
rules were suspended and the bill was
passed.
The title was amended so as to read:
"An Act to amend the Federal Property
and Administrative Services Act of 1949,
to make title III thereof directly ap-
plicable to procurement of property and
services by executive agencies, and for
other purposes."
A motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
sorely needed to meet the present high
cost of living.
To stimulate and improve the national
economy, the House reduced certain ex-
cise taxes in order that you and I?the
consumer?may save money.
In addition and of national impor-
tance, public works programs have been
established to help distressed communi-
ties and provide jobs for the unemployed.
A law has been placed on the statute
books to provide funds for our small
businessmen in order that they may con-
tinue to compete with big business. Fed-
eral moneys have been provided for finer
and safer highways, which will create
additional jobs.
Water and air pollution control pro-
grams have been approved. Our immi-
gration system has been updated and
revised. Those entitled to vote have been
guaranteed this right. An effective drug
control act is now law. Today we have
a Commission on the Arts and Humani-
ties.
Mr. Speaker, it has been a wonderful
year for the American people. We have
shown by our deed and our laws that
our first concern is for our people and
our Nation.
WONDERFUL YEAR FOR THE
AMERICAN PEOPLE
(Mr. BARRETT asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. BARRETT. Mr. Speaker, now
that the first session of the 89th Congress
Is about to adjourn, I would like to com-
mend you and my colleagues for a job
well done. In all my years of service in
the Congress of the United States, I can
truthfully say I have never witnessed a
more productive session.
As Representatives of the peoples of
this wonderful Nation, it is our duty to
care for them and to protect them. The
legislative proposals that have been
passed by the House this year will benefit
every man, woman, and child in the city
of Philadelphia now and in the future.
During this session of the Congress-
- month after month?billsliave been in-
troduced and passed by the House to
improve our Great Society.
For the elderly, this session has pro-
vided increased social security benefits;
more and better housing, and a fine medi-
cal care program.
For our children, we have provided ad-
ditional educational facilities as well as
Programs to financially assist worthy
students through college.
For the unemployed, programs like
the Peace Corps, the Job Corps, and on-
the-job training have been, enacted.
For our men and women serving in the
armed services, bills have been passed by
the House to grant them basic pay in-
creases and life insurance coverage.
For our Federal employees, the House
of Representatives has approved legis-
lation to grant a much needed pay raise.
For the Federal retirees, the House
has approved a bill to grant them in-
creased monthly benefits, which are
EMONSTRATIONS AGAINST
VIETNAM POLICY
(Mr. WOLFF asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, the past
weekend saw demonstrations against
American participation in the Vietnam
conflict. There were speeches, picketing
of draft boards?even burning of draft-
cards. I will not attempt to ascertain
the causes of these demonstrations, but I
would like to read a letter from Capt.
Robert Ainsworth, a young Army officer
serving in Vietnam. It gives some an-
swers to those who question our presence
there:
JULY 6, 1965.
The Reverend HARVEY LORD,
Bozrah Center Congregational Church,
Fitchville, Conn.
DEAR REVEREND LORD: I have just finished
reading your letter in the July 5 issue of
Newsweek magazine. It was particularly dis-
turbing to me because I felt that as a man
of God you, above all, should know the facts
before using your title in publicly express-
ing your views. I am sure you do not realize
the impact that a man in your position has
on the morale of those who daily risk their
lives in the belief that their efforts here are
In keeping with the Christian principles of
brotherly love and respect for the dignity
of man. YOUT rhetoric as exemplified by the
statement "It is a tragedy that the embat-
tled farmers of 1965 are being attacked and
bombed by the decedents of the embattled
farmers of 1776," was quite clever, but I hope
that before you preach your next sermon
or write your next article, you will consider
some of the pertinent facts about just one
of the many advisory teams in this country;
one small group of the "decendants of the
embattled farmers of 1776."
Our five-man team lives and works in the
district of Hoc Mon (similar to a county
in the United States), an area approximately
120 square kilometers, and located some 25
kilometers northwest of Saigon. There are
more than 120,000 inhabitants living In the
12 villages and 59 hamlets of the Hoc Mon
? 2627
district. The primary source of income is
derived from agriculture, and these people
could certainly be considered as the "em-
battled farmers of 1965." About 30 percent
of the total population are Catholics, most
of whom are refugees who left their homes
and belongings in 1954 and fled to the south.
Except for our small team, there are no
American units in the area. The security
of our district lies in the hands of a group
of 800 volunteers from the villages, who are
known as Popular Forces, and are organized
Into "self-defense" units scattered through-
out the district. In the past, these men
worked the fields during the day and man-
ned watch-posts at night. Now, because of
the Vietcong pressure, they work full-time
as security forces while their families work
the fields. Their pay is pitiful, their living
standards austere, but they never complain.
Their courage and sacrifice in trying to
maintain those things which we take for
granted are an inspiration, to say the least.
But what of those poor unfortunate souls
whom you seem to classify with the "em-
battled farmers of 1965," the Vietcong? In
our area there are no Vietcong units as such.
This is primarily because they have received
no support from the populace. However, just
across the canal from our district in a
heavily vegetated area, there is a band of
Vieiceir? about 300 men strong. We have
rece,) tly received reports that a larger force
from North Vietnam has joined forces with
this unit. I have seen that face before in my
own country?the face of misguided youth
enjoying the thrill of a "Robin Hood exist-
ence," the hoodlums of the streets raised in
an atmosphere of poverty and despair, the
men who have decided that working in a rice
paddy is drudgery, or that group of disen-
chanted men who simply feel that com-
munism is the only way of life and is to be
attained at all costs. It is pure folly to
pretend that these men are actively engaged
in any vocation other than subversion. In
the past 30 days some of their "farming"
activities included kidnapping five youths
fishing for frogs along the canal; throwing a
grenade in a marketplace, wounding three
people; infiltrating a village on the outer
perimeter and executing the young brother
of one of the popular forces, and setting oft'
two mines in a residential area, injuring sev-
eral persons. They are neither selective nor
charitable in choosing their victims. A good
example you must have read about was the
detonating of two mines in a waterfront,
playground next to My Canh Restaurant in
Saigon recently, killing 42 persons of all
nationalities and ages.
Last week our popular forces captured 21
suspects who had infiltrated into one of the
hamlets during the night. There was no
doubt that they were not paying a social call,
but they had been careful to hide their
weapons, probably burying them in a nearby
field. They had to be released for lack of
evidence; released to fight another day.
Frustrating? Yes, but that's the rule book
we are trying to follow, and must follow if
we are to win.
I only wish that you could walk through
the villages, talk to these people, and get
to know them as I do, day after day. I be-
lieve that certain facts would become im-
mediately apparent. First, you would be
amazed at how knowledgeable and percep-
tive they are as to their present situation,
what they are fighting for and what the
Americans are trying to do here. Second,
you would find that the American soldier is
received with an appreciation unmatched
anywhere in the world, including our own
country. I am not referring to just the
village chiefs and school teachers. I am
talking about the man in the rice paddy,
walking behind his oxen. Third, you would
see that, contrary to all of the publicity that
our news media gives to the "glamor" of
the battlefield, the majority of our efforts
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in Washington, no matter what Mr. Seaborn
says to the contrary. They have not been
able to challenge American air, naval, or
even ground power effectively since midsum-
mer in South Vietnam, but they apparently
still have the hope that the demonstrations
against the Johnson administration in the
United States will in the end give them the
victory they cannot achieve on the battle-
field.
So the Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United States want.
They reject the negotiations the American
Government has offered, and the demonstra-
tors are protesting, not against the Nation
that Is continuing the war but against their
own country that is offering to make peace.
Not surprisingly, this is creating an ugly
situation here in Washington. Instead of
winning allies in the Congress to change the
Johnson policy, the demonstrators are en-
couraging the very war psychology they de-
nounce.
WRONG OBJECTIVES
Senator STENNIS, of Mississippi, chairman
of the Senate Preparedness Subcommittee, is
now demanding that the administration pull
up the antidraft movement by the roots and
grind it to bits.
Honest conscientious objectors are being
confused with unconscientious objectors,
hangers-on, intellectual graduate school
draft dodgers and rent-a-crown boobs who
will demonstrate for or against anything.
And the universities and the Government's
policy are being hurt in the process.
So there are now all kinds of investigations
going on or being planned to find out who
and what are behind all these demonstra-
tions on the campuses. It is a paradoxical
situation, for it is working not for intelligent
objective analysis of the problem, which the
university community of the Nation is sup-
posed to represent; not for peace, which the
demonstrators are demanding; but in both
cases for precisely the opposite.
THE WATTS MANIFESTO
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous material.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, with pene-
trating insight, Bayard Rustin has writ-
ten an account of the rioting in the
Watts section of Los Angeles. Everyone
concerned with the meaning of this ex-
plosion will find his article revealing, in-
formative, and moving. It is not a chro-
nology of events. It is, rather, a docu-
mentary of emotion and reaction. It
could be written only by one who has
both a deep understanding of the cur-
rents of feeling which generated the riot-
ing and the ability to translate this into
articulate thought.
For these reasons I urge that this ar-
ticle be read by my collegues and by
everyone who seeks to understand the
relationship between what happened in
Watts and what is happening in civil
rights across America. "The Watts
Manifesto" by Bayard Rustin follows:
[From the New America, Sept. 17, 19651
THE WATTS "Maisirrnsro"
(13y Bayard Rustin)
After Dr. King and I went to the Watts
area to Work with community people to find
a creative solution to the conflict and to
present demands to the public officials, many
sympathetic and troubled white people asked
me why Negroes, at a time when they are
achieving freedom, would revolt. But to
No. 194---6
raise such a question in innocence is al-
most to answer it.
Too many Americans still do not under-
stand what it means to be a Negro in the
United States?not one of the narrow strata
of middle class Negroes but what it means
to be an "average" Negro. I am talking about
the millions of Negroes earning less than
what Is considered necessary by the U.S.
Government to stay above the poverty line,
jobless or facing possible joblessness, and
stuck at the very bottom of the economic
ladder.
According to the State of California, over
30 percent of the Negroes in Watts are un-
employed. Michael Harrington, author of
"The Other America," puts the figure at clos-
er to 42 percent, because Government fig-
ures do not include the thousands who have
stopped looking for work after months of
fruitless search and those who work part
time or only intermittently. For the Ne-
gro of Watts and other black ghettos across
the land conditions have not improved, they
find unemployment deepening and quality
integrated schools far from realization.
These are the cold facts behind the flam-
ing ruins in Watts. They remain so even
after so many other things have changed
as a result of the civil rights revolution.
The historic Supreme Court decisions have
brought more justice before the law to Ne-
groes particularly in the South. President
Johnson has spoken out as no President
has ever spoken in our history in his Howard
University speech and "We Shall Overcome"
address on the eve of the march on Selma,
Ala. But the new civil rights legislation
passed by Congress, except for the FEPC
section of the 1965 civil rights bill, which
did not go into operation until this July,
did not have any effect on the North. Even
the antipoverty program and the social wel-
fare measures, while ameliorating some of
the misery, have not yet frontally attacked
the basic economic problems.
NOT 'UNDERSTOOD
What these economic facts mean in human
terms is still not understood because they
are not experienced by the observer. How
else would it be possible that a writer as
knowledgeable and perceptive as Walter
Lippmann, after pondering the implications
of the Watts riots and acknowledging Ameri-
ca's failure "to make free men of the great
mass of the descendants of the emancipated
slaves" could conclude:
"The young rioters are very close to being
past saving, and we have to face the grim
question of how they can be induced to re-
main quiet while the necessary reforms for
the benefit of other Negroes are worked out
in the slow process of political democracy
* *
The riots themselves refute Lippmann's
conclusions.
One of the first lessons of Watts is that
Negro ghetto youths cannot be "induced to
remain quiet." When I talked to young peo-
ple in Watts many of them referred to their
"manifesto." I asked a young girl what they
meant by the "manifesto." Who wrote it?
She said, "We wrote it." When / asked to see
a copy she burst into laughter and said,
"Daddy, we're not talking about nothing you
write, we're talking about the blood. We're
talking about the fires. That's our manifesto.
Now, you write something, you don't know
who's to read it. But, baby, all over the world
they know about our manifesto cause we
wrote it in blood."
Another young boy said to me, "What we
are trying to teach those white folks is to
render to Caesar what is his, but give us
what's ours."
If we can't read their "manifesto" in the
burnt buildings and the smashed store win-
dows in Watts, if things don't change, these
young people were saying they would do it
26239
again. They wanted more than anything to
be heard, to be recognized, to be listened to.
At a meeting that Dr. King and I attended,
a young man got up and said, "Dr. King we're
happy, you've come, but you're not what we
really want to hear. You go tell the Gov-
ernor and the mayor to come down here and
hear our grievances, and tell the goddamned
chief of police we want to talk to him and
tell them what's been happening dawn here."
But too many people are still not listening.
DIGNITY
A second paint is that these desperate
youth cannot be bought off with the dole.
They want jobs, decent houses and, above
all, dignity. A dramatic illustration of their
great hunger for pride and dignity occurred
when the city authorities brought food into
Watts. Many food stores had been destroyed
and others remained closed. There was no-
where to buy food and many residents who
had been kept away from work did not have
any money even should food have been avail-
able for purchase.
But when the relief groups came In and
started throwing bread and other food off
trucks to the crowds in the street, the people
refused to pick the food up. They said,
"Man, don't treat us like that, we don't want
your goddamn food." Hungry men, some
of whom had not eaten for days, refused the
food.
When the authorities turned the distribu-
tion over to more sensitive community vol-
unteers, the people took the food. But they
still refused to take the milk unless it came
out of glasses, bottles, or cartons. They
would not take it out of cans. They refused
to take bread and other staples that were not
properly wrapped.
And all this reveals to me that there is
something far greater than hunger and that
is the hunger for dignity. And when that
basic human desire for dignity is frustrated,
when hopes are smashed as they have been
for the masses of Negroes, their desires are
channeled into a destructive direction.
A young boy, who had been involved in
a number of situations of arson, told me that
he enjoyed it. "You mean you enjoyed seeing
buildings going up in fire?" I asked. "I did,"
he replied, "because it gave me a feeling of
being powerful, of being somebody. And if
I can't go downtown and be a man, at least
up here I can set something on fire." These
youths, blocked from asserting their man-
hood in constructive ways, turn to violence.
And this is a society in which violence has
come to be related to manhood.
Mr. Lippmann should recognize that these
young people cannot be bought off with relief
checks or bread lines. This generation of
ghetto youth will not accept being consigned
to the American scrap heap as past genera-
tions have been. They have peered over the
ghetto wall, they watch television and they
have observed America's affluence. They
want what most other young Americans
have?a decent life, and an opportunity to
better their existence?things that all Amer-
ica's children deserve.
swans
The families of these young people came
to Watts seeking these opportunities. Over
half of the Inhabitants of Watts have come
from the South over the past 25 years. The
attraction was not the relief doles as some
would have it. They came to California
mainly during the Second and Korean wars,
seeking lobs in the burgeoning defense in-
dustry and an expanding economy. They are
still pouring into Watts as more Negroes are
being displaced in Southern agriculture by
machines. Like the European immigrants
they were fleeing from misery and oppression.
They came with many of the same kinds of
hopes and illusions about "the gold in the
pay envelopes."
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26240 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE Cetob& 171965
But the difference is that today unskilled
and uneducated hands are no longer needed
to tend automated production. Their hopes
were dashed. They hear speeches about the
new opportunities opening up for Negroes
but there are no jobs to fulfill their expecta-
tions. The result is resentment and bitter-
ness.
TURN TO NATIONALISM
When no aid seemed forthcoming from
Outside the ghettoes to help them to con-
structively and creatively tear down the walls
that imprison them, they tried to burn them
down. Feeling alone and unwanted they
are turning to black nationalism.
I don't mean that they join the Muslims
of Black Nationalists, only a small number
do this. They develop a kind of nationalistic
pride. They cannot identify with America,
because this conception only emphasizes the
lowliness of their position as compared to
other Americans. Many of them identify
psychologically with the new African na-
tions where black men are assuming the posi-
tions of leadership and dignity that have
been denied Negro Americans. Thus their
skin color becomes transformed into a badge
of honor rather than one of shame.
it is so surprising that people deprived
of the economic and social necessities for
dignity find that the only things they have
to take pride in, are the color of their skin
and their hatred? It is a similar phenome-
non to what occurs in the thinking of the
whites in Mississippi. But this is a sicker
form of race pride because it can only be
Maintained through constant acts of oppres-
sion. The "poor white trash" also turn to
violence?they have for more than a cen-
tury?to maintain a feeling of worth and
dignity. And I saw this craving for dignity,
for nationalistic pride among the youth and
adults in Watts in a much stronger form than
I ever saw before. As a response to the
hostility and indifference they felt from the
white world, the black people of Watts grew
closer together. It was common to see chil-
dren, young people, and often adults, ex-
change a new kind of greeting: one puts his
thumb over his little finger, holds out the
three middle fingers, and says "brother."
- Paradoxically the communal bonds had
grown stronger during and after the riots.
The strangeness and loneliness which are
the experience of those who have newly
entered the northern ghettoes from the
South, gave way to a feeling of community
and relatedness. Many responded to this
much more than to the violence. The fra-
ternity of combatants?that is one of the few
admirable qualities of war.
Ironically for all those who advocate that
Negroes should ban together like other na-
tional groups?the Italians, Jews, and
Irish?for self-help programs, this was pre-
cisely what happened. But the organiza-
tions and programs were much more ex-
treme because the problems were more ex-
treme.
In Watts these relationships were devel-
oped on a class basis perhaps even more than
on a racial basis. This is natural because
the problem of the Negro in America is one
of class as well as race. The majority of
Negroes, together with the white poor--sepa-
rate but equal?make up what Gunnar Myr-
dal has so aptly called, the American "under-
class,"
During the riots there was almost as much
hatred and bitterness toward the Negro mid-
dle class "Who had made it" as toward the
whites. An illustration of this occurred at a
meeting held shortly after the riots. It was
proposed that all the community and civil
rights leaders join together to present their
demands to the authorities. This was re-
fused by those local leaders?block and gang
leaders, heads of nationalist sects and the
others most closely related to the poor. In
private they said if they joined with the
civil rights groups, churchmen, and middle-
class community leaders they would be re-
jected by their people and replaced by ex-
tremists.
Here the civil rights movement is faced
with profound difeculties. Divisions are
growing wider in the Negro community as
new opportunities open up to the middle
class as a result of progress in social integra-
tion but the great. masses of Negroes re-
main economically segregrated and impov-
erished.
The civil rights movement must develop
an effective economic program that responds
to this problem in order to bridge the gulf
emerging between the Negro leadership at
the grass roots and the national level. The
major civil rights organizations, from SNCC
to the Urban League, have not moved fast
enough toward developing and pressing for
necessary programs although stronger ef-
forts are now being made in this direction.
And too often, also, the grass-roots leader-
ship has offered only nationalistic slogans to
solve complicated economic and social prob-
lems.
But, essentially this is not the fault of the
Negro leadership. Negro poverty and unem-
ployement is built into our present economic
structure. It will require a major national
effort to redirect and transform our eco-
nomic and political institutions to resolve
the basic conflict.
In this kind of a situation, one should
think carefully before concluding, as Mr.
Lippman does, about how "the young riot-
ers are close to being past saving." This
kind of attitude in itself could be considered
an "incitrnent to riot" by those being cast
out of our society, by those who in fact have
never been given the opportunity to enter it.
In one sense the criminals in the Negro
community can be compared to the youth
who rioted?but certainly not in the way the
chief of police made this comparison.
Springing from the poor, the uneducated,
and the unskilled, many of the criminal
types are among those most able at surviv-
ing the harsh rigors of the ghetto. Neither
the Negro criminals nor the rioting youth
are simple phenomena to be dealt with or
dismissed easily.
The response to Government training and
job programs is amazing. Many more young
Negroes turned up to apply for these 0E0
projects than the openings provided for. If
American society cannot offer a decent and
humane solution to the awesome problems
of the Negro youth then it is our society
that, is hopeless and not these young people.
COMMUNITY INVOLVED
It should be clear that what we are deal-
ing with here is the problems of the entire
Negro community, not just the criminal ele-
ments, delinquent adolescents, and the hope-
lessly disintegrated. The riots were a warn-
ing and an appeal, not from the narrow sec-
tion of the Watts community, but from the
masses of Negroes.
could not count heads but reports I have
received arid my experiences with the people
leads me to believe that a large percentage
of the people living in the Watts area par-
ticipated. Most of them did not themselves
loot and burn but they were on the streets
at one time or other. The idea that most
of the people caught up in the rioting were
criminals, as Chief Parker would have it, is
belied even by the type of looting that took
place. Most of the people involved were
stealing things they thought they would
never otherwise have, and a great number
of touching stories can be told of this. There
was a husband and wife, both over 60, carry-
ing a couch about 8 blocks to their home.
They got so tired with this enormous couch
that they just plopped down in the middle
of the street and rested on the couch until
they could carry it further. These were
hardly criminal types?they were people
caught in a kind of carnival atmosphere of
stealing.
A large number of people were arrested
trying to match up furniture. One of them
was a woman who had gone out with her
children to get a kitchen set. But when
she got home she added up and discovered
that they needed another chain in order to
feed the whole family around the table.
They went back to get the additional chair
and they all got arrested. There was an
amusing, tragically amusing, side to the
manner in which people who are not used
to theft can get caught up in a mob situa-
tion where these things are going on. And
the greatest number of arrests were for loot-
ing, not arson or shooting.
As a person who deplores violence I want
to say something that May sound shocking
if it is not carefully understood. The vi-
lance in the Watts area was a relatively
healthy reaction to the situation. The con-
ditions in the Negro ghetto generate enor-
mous amounts of violence, but here-to-fore
it has almost always been Negroes who have
-suffered from that violence and were its
victims.
Frustrated black men beat up their women
and abused their children, they knifed other
black men in barroom brawls. The number
of murders last year in Watts was extraordi-
narily high. It is well known that the police
care little and do little about the violence
Negroes inflict on each other. But this time
Negro violence was expressed. outwardly to-
ward hated objects, belonging to the white
world. Psychologists would say this was a
healthier expression of 'anger than the usual
self-destruction. Even so, more Negroes
than whites were killed.
But in a sense, Negroes were willing to
pay this price. In some families Negro men
who had participated in the riots were
treated with awe and respect by the wives
and children. They were no longer the pas-
sive victims of the ghetto, to be either pitied
or hated, often both, by their families. Now
they were?if even for a moment?men who
had asserted themselves through action. A
jobless young man of eighteen who already
had a number of common law marriages and
six children by different women, told me
that the first time he felt like a man was
when he saw the building he set on fire, burn
to the ground.
Family counseling and psychotherapy can't
solve the Negro family problem. These can
only help in some cases and under certain
conditions. But without a program that
provides jobs at decent wages counseling and
therapy are impotent. It should be clear
that we can't solve the Negro family problem
without solving the unemployment problem.
I have described the feelings and attitudes
of the people who rioted?the nationalism,
the anger, the class and economic nature
of the problem. All of these factors were
reflected in the events. Now I want to
describe the riots. The events almost speak
for themselves and they refute two theories
presented about the riots. The riots were
neither a plot nor a totally irrational out-
burst of madness, although there -were many
irrational aspects.
While a ghetto riot doesn't have a head it
does roll on with a kind of logic. Violence
was not indiscriminate in Watts. Where
Negro storekeepers put up signs, "I am a
poor working Negro trying to make a busi-
ness," they were not touched. Where a sign
said "blood brother" the mobs passed it by.
Even where there were white-owned busi-
nesses which had given the community
people a break--allowed them credit or pur-
chases on time, even at relatively high prices
some stores were spared. But where mer-
chants were known to be gougers -they were
looted and destroyed.
That the direction the rioters took was
not entirely antisocial is demonstrated by
their treatment of the liquor stores. All the
liquor stores were broken into and burned.
But I was told by a number of reliable ob-
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October 18, 26251
credit by the skin of my teeth, but only after
taking the regular rise in interest costs
which occurred at that time and an addi-
tional cost of 25 percent penalty. Some
other small companies were squeezed out
completely. During this same period, we had
Much less trouble from small banks. Small
banks have no choice, they must, in but ex-
ceptional cases, do business with smaller
companies and people.
Every bank merger eliminates at least
one bank from the banking industry. Every
time that a bank is eliminated the public
has one less bank to which it can present a
loan request. This does not affect large cor-
porations, but for smaller businesses and in-
dividuals, it may mean the difference
between obtaining a loan on the one hand
and going under on the other hand.
S. 1698 should be defeated.
Congress should not, however, stop there.
It should also repeal the Bank Merger Act
of 1960.
Senator A. Wmtas ROBERTSON, of Virginia,
the sponsor of S. 1698, has stated: "The deci-
sions of the Supreme Court in the Phila-
delphia and Lexington cases imposed on
bank mergers the strict standards of section
7 of the Clayton Act and what apparently
have become the equally strict standards of
the Sherman Act. Clearly, these decisions
have changed the situation on which the
Bank Merger Act was based. If these cases
had been decided before 19,59, the Bank
Merger Act would have been considered
unnecessary."
Now that those cases have been decided,
the Bank Merger Act of 1960 is as unneces-
sary today as it would have been in 1960 had
those cases been decided before 1959.
Bank mergers should be measured by the
same standards that mergers in other indus-
tries are measured by. It should be left to
the Justice Department to determine ini-
tially whether a bank merger violates the
Sherman Act or the Clayton Act and, upon
the institution of suit by the Justice De-
partment, to enjoin a bank merger or to
divest banks which have already merged, it
should be left to the Federal courts to decide
whether the merger should be permitted or
prohibited. Let the banking supervisory
agencies regulate in those areas in which
they are well equipped to regulate. But if
competition is to be preserved and the pub-
lic interest protected, do not give them the
authority to permit banks to merge.
(Mr. PATMAN asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.) -
[Mr. PATMAN'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
and must be taken. Because the editorial
will be of general interest, I insert it in
the RECORD:
WATER CONSERVATION EFFORTS: WASHINGTON
TAKES A HAND
The hearings on Hudson River pollution
which opened Tuesday emphasize the in-
creasingly active role of the Federal Govern-
ment in water policy. U.S. Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare John W.
Gardner in announcing the hearings called
the fouling of the Hudson "a shocking .exam-
pie of the destruction of resources that are
vital to the health and welfare of our peo-
ple." The U.S. Public Health Service said
that the river now carries pollution from
the equivalent of 10 million people.
The Federal Government's growing water
role is largely a matter of lack of local re-
sponsibility and inability of States and lo-
calities to settle their differences over water
use. By historical accident, great river sys-
tems of the continental United States are
boundaries between various States, between
the United States and Mexico, and in part
between the United States and Canada.
These rivers are thus subject to Federal juris-
diction, in whole or in part, under the com-
merce clause of the Constitution.
The Potomac River Basin, for example,
runs into four States. Federal, State, and
local officials are now working together to-
ward a plan for rescuing the river from
pollution and siltation. The planners, in-
cidentally, oppose major reservoirs proposed
by the Army Engineers, but encourage devel-
opment of a network of small headwater
impoundments.
The recent drought may prove to be not
an unmixed disaster. For one thing, it gave
urgency to the search for a cheap way to
desalt water. Congress completed action
last month on a bill to enlarge and extend
the saline water program through fiscal
1972. President Johnson at the same time
told Federal officials concerned with the re-
search to proceed "as if you knew that you
were going to run out of drinking water
in the next S months."
The drought also made cooperation among
States, localities, and the Federal Govern-
ment more urgent. Congress took a modest
step recently toward formulating a national
water policy. The Water Resources Planning
Act of 1965, approved by the President in
July, gave statutory authority to the exist-
ing ad hoc water resources council created
by President Kennedy 4 years ago.
President Johnson has outlined an emer-
gency water program for the New York,
New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania area.
This effort will not provide a permanent
solution to the problems of the Delaware and
Hudson basins, of c urse; to succeed at all
it must be ac npied. the President said,
y "aggr onservation measures."
WATER CONSERVATION
(Mr. VIGORITO asked and was gk
permission to address the House for f
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. VIGORITO. Mr. Speaker, in our
land of abundance, it seems strange that
customers in New York restaurants are
not served water unless they ask for it.
This brings home to all of us, however,
the need for conservation of our natural
reSoUrees. -
We are now taking two important
steps: we are going to clean up this Na-
tion's polluted streams, and we are going
to make desalting feasible.
A recent article in the Sharon, Pa.,
Herald,. hails these advances and notes
the President's admonition that "aggres-
sive conservation measures" are needed
VIETNAM: THE DEMONSTRATIONS
(Mr. COHELAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, the
demonstrations against the war in Viet-
nam which were held in several cities
across our country this last weekend, in-
cluding my own district in California,
have generated feelings ranging from
fervent support to outright hostility.
They have stirred many comments and
raised many questions. But let us take a
minute to put the issue in perspective.
The right of protest, dissent, and free
speech is, of course, a tradition of our
society and a guarantee of our Constitu-
tion. Of no less importance is our tra-
ditional respect for and our reliance on
a system of law and order. It seems al-
most needless to say, but perhaps it bears
repeating at this time, that both have
contributed to make our country what it
is today; that neither can be compro-
mised at the expense of the other; that
both must be respected and sustained.
The war in Vietnam is most certainly
a vital national issue. It both deserves
and demands public thought and com-
ment. But if this comment and par-
ticipation is to be constructive it must be
conducted in a lawful and a responsible
manner. The very values of our form of
government and our way of life require
no less.
In commenting on the demonstrations,
the Washington Post quite correctly
stated this morning:
That small minority can be and ought to
be allowed to exercise all the liberties of free
assembly and free speech that it needs to
make its case known; and it ought to be
denied only such means of publicizing its
point of view as genuinely conflict with mili-
tary security and public safety.
But, the terrible irony of the demon-
strations this last week is, as the distin-
guished columnist and associate editor of
the New York Times?Mr. James Res-
ton?pointed out yesterday:
They (the demonstrators) are inadvertently
working against all the things they want, and
creating all the things they most fear. They
are not promoting peace but postponing it.
They are not persuading the President or
the Congress to end the war, but deceiving
Ho Chi Minh and General Giap into prolong-
ing it.
The awful paradox, as Mr. Reston goes
on, is that?
The Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United States want.
They reject the negotiations the American
Government has offered, and the demon-
strators are protesting, not against the na-
tion that is continuing the war but against
their own country that is offering to make
peace.
Or as the Washington Post stated it:
If the demonstrations did little mischief
and caused little misunderstanding in this
country they may have done quite a bit of
mischief abroad. * * * The demonstrators
may have revived the hopes and prolonged
the resistance of the Vietcong.
For the record is quite clear that Hanoi
and the Vietcong, despite the American
military buildup which has blunted their
long-expected monsoon offensive and de-
spite a very recent and intensive 10-week
diplomatic effort on our part, have evi-
denced no interest at all in reducing the
fighting or coming to the conference
table.
. Mr. Speaker, I include Mr. Reston's
thoughtful article along with the Wash-
ington Post's timely comment for the
careful consideration of our colleagues
and all other concerned Americans.
I would also like to take this opportu-
nity once again to state my belief that
the United States measured response is
the only reasonable alternative to Com-
munist aggression and terror and subver-
sion in Vietnam. I would like to state my
strong and continued support for nego-
tiations which can end the war and in-
sure the people of South Vietnam self-
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determination under United Nations
guarantees at the earliest possible time.
And I would like to urge, despite the
Communist's continued intransignce
and the apparent turning of the military
tide, that we continue to mount the dip-
lomatic offensive which is absolutely es-
sential in peace is to be secured, inde-
pendent choice guaranteed and the great
task of building and rebuilding begun.
[From the New York Times, Oct. 17, 1965]
WASHINGTON: THE STTJPIDITY OF
INTELLIGENCE
(By James Reston) ,
WASHINGTON, October 16.?It is not easy,
but let us assume that an the student dem-
onstrators against the war in Vietnam are
everything they say they are: sincerely for
an honorable peace; troubled by the bomb-
ing of the civil population of both North
and South Vietnam; genuinely afraid that
we may be trapped into a hopeless war with
China; and worried about the power of the
President and the Pentagon and the pug-
nacious bawling patriotism of many influ-
ential men in the Congress.
A case can be made for it. In a world of
accidents and nuclear weapons and damn
fools, even a dreaming pacifist has to be
answered. And men who want peace, defy
the Government, and demonstrate for the
support of the Congress, are not only within
their rights but must be heard.
' THE PARADOX
The trouble is that they are inadvertently
working against all the things they want,
and, creating all the things they fear the
most. They are not promoting peace but
postponing it. They are not persuading the
President or the Congress to end the war, but
deceiving Ho Chi Minh and General Giap
into prolonging it. They are not proving
the superior wisdom of the university com-
munity but unfortunately bringing it into
serious question.
When President Johnson was stubbornly
refusing to define his war aims in Vietnam,
and rejecting all thought of a negotiated set-
tlement, the student objectors had a point,
and many of us here in the Washington
press corps and the Washington political
community supported them, but they are
now out of date. They are making news,
but they are not making sense.
HEART or THE PROBLEM
The problem of peace now lies not in
Washington but in Hanoi, and probably the
most reliable source of information in the
Western world about what is going on there
Is the Canadian representative on the Viet-
nam International Control Commission,
Blair Seaborn.
He flies regularly to the North Vietnamese
capital with the Polish and Indian members
of that comMission, and he is personally in
favor of an honorable negotiated peace in
Vietnam. He is a cultivated man and a
professional diplomat. He knows all the
mistakes we have made, probably in more
detail than all the professors in all the
teach-ins in all the universities of this
country. What he finds in Hanoi, however,
Is a total misconception of American policy,
and, particularly, a powerful conviction
among Communist officials there that the
antiwar demonstrations and editorials in
the United States will force the American
Government to give up the fight.
Not even the conscientious objectors on
the picket lines in this country really believe
that they have the power or the support to
bring about any such result, but Hanoi ap-
parently believes it and for an interesting
reason.
Ho Chi Minh and the other Communist
leaders in Hanoi remember that they de-
feated the French,. in Vietnam between 1958
and 1963 at least partly because of opposi-
tion to the Vietnam war inside France. The
Communists won the propaganda battle in
Paris before they won the military battle at
Dien bienphu.
COUNTING ON PROTEST
Now they think they see the same surge
of protest working against the Government
in Washington, no matter what Mr. Seaborn
says to the contrary. They have not been
able to challenge American air, naval, or
even ground power effectively since mid-
summer in South Vietnam, but they appar-
ently still have the hope that the demon-
strations against the Johnson administration
in the United States will in the end give
them the victory they cannot achieve on the
battlefield.
So the Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United States want.
They reject the negotiations the American
Government has offered, and the demon-
strators are protesting, not against the na-
tion that is continuing the war but against
their own country that is offering to make
peace.
Not surprisingly, this is creating an ugly
situation here in Washington. Instead of
winning allies in the Congress to change
the Johnson policy, the demonstrators are
encouraging the very war psychology they
denounce.
WRONG OBJECTIVES
Senator STENNIS, of Mississippi, chairman
of the Senate Preparedness Subcommittee, is
now demanding that the administration
pull up the antidraft movement "by the roots
and grind it to bits."
Honest conscientious objectors are being
confused with unconscientious objectors,
hangers-on, intellectual graduate school
draft-dodgers, and rent-a-crown boobs who
will demonstrate for or against anything.
And the universities and the Government's
policy are being hurt in the process.
So there are now all kinds of investiga-
tions going on or being planned to find out
who and what are behind all these demon-
strations on the campuses. It is a paradoxi-
cal situation, for it Is working not for in-
telligent objective analysis of the problem,
which the university community of the Na-
tion is supposed to represent, not for peace,
which the demonstrators are demanding, but
in both cases for precisely the opposite.
[From the Washington Post, Oct. 18, 1965]
THE DEMONSTRATORS
The meaning of the demonstrations
against the war in Vietnam will be under-
stood in this country. The pressure groups
mobilized by the National Coordinating Com-
mittee To End the War in Vietnam are fa-
miliar here. All the expected elements were
Included, from Communists whose purpose
is to destroy this country to earnest pacifists
motivated by patriotic impulses.
The demonstrations revealed what the
polls have long shown, that the determined
popular opposition to the policy of the Gov-
ernment of the United States in South Viet-
nam has diminished to that irreducible dis-
senting minimum inevitable in a democratic
society. That small minority can be and
ought to be allowed to exercise all the
liberties of free assembly and free speech
that it needs to make its case known; and
it ought to be denied only such means of
publicizing its point of view as genuinely
conflict with military security and public
safety. The police, in most cities, seem to
have dealt with the demonstrators and spec-
tators with commendable restraint and pa-
tience and success. It is gratifying to know
that we live in a country where the smallest
minorities are free to disclose sentiments
against the policies of the Government.
If the demonstrations did little mischief
and caused little misunderstanding in this
country they may have done quite a bit of
mischief abroad. The National Liberation
Front, for many long months, has been
counting on public opinion in the United
States to accomplish what it has been un-
able to achieve by armed force. Its officials
have been sustained by the belief that
American public opinion will do for them
what French public opinion did for the
Vietminh. They are bound to see the
straggling marchers, the ineffectual protest
meetings, and the feeble demonstrations
through prisms made out of their own nar-
row and restricted experience. They
Imagine that the United States is governed
by a ruling elite or clique ruling as precari-
ously as did Diem or the colonial puppets of
France. And they fancy that such a govern-
ment can be toppled by a handful of pickets
and marchers.
So the demonstrators may have revived
the hopes and prolonged the resistance of
the Vietcong. The Communists who
marched on Saturday, of course, will be de-
lighted to have this happen. But it must
be confusing to the liberals and real pacifists
who sincerely desire the end of the war to
realize that demonstrations such as theirs
are the chief hope of the National Libera-
tion Front for prolonging the war. It prob-
ably will take a few more months of fight-
ing than it otherwise would have taken to
bring the NLF to the conference table. This
cannot be what most of the unsophisticateA
young people wish to accomplish
VIETNAM PROTRSTS
(Mr. PELLY asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. Pgr.I Y. Mr. Speaker. I was in-
terested to read in the paper this morn-
ing that President Johnson's pastor, the
Reverend Dr. George R. Davis, in his
sermon yesterday, strongly criticized
Saturday's demonstrations in protest to
the United States helping defend South
Vietnam.
I am sure that most Americans, al-
though they must defend the right of
petition and peaceful assembly, will
agree with Dr. Davis, or will at least con-
sider these demonstrators as doing a
great disservice to the cause of freedom.
Meanwhile, as Dr. Davis pointed out, to
uphold democracy, some free Nation has
got to stand?as he said?at the ram-
parts.
Speaking as a Republican who sup-
orts the administration's policy, I abhor
,cc ar--as does everyone else--but right
now, we must put freedom first. I think
that military assistance to South Viet-
nam is the shortest way and the best
hope of lasting world peace.
THE COMMUNISTS GAIN: FREEDOM
LOSES IN DOMINICAN REPUBLIC?
ANOTHER LAOS IN THE MAKING?
(Mr. CRAMER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute to revise and extend his remarks
and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, many
Latin American editors meeting in San
Diego apparently confirmed what I have
been saying for some time about the re-
sults of the 'United States yielding to
Communist demands after military in-
tervention in the Dorairdcan Republic,
that is, that the strength of the Commu-
Approved For Release 2003110114: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140006-8
%.-11?...1:...30
determination under United Nations and 1953 at least partly because of opposi- country they may have done quite a bit of
guarantees at thementAteito tion the:Vietnam war inside Prance. Tee mischief abroad. The National Liberation.
And I would ilk
Communist's continued intransignce Vn ahlAmeGiAyeilaRt6N3004461460030011c4Oreoinmontbs, has been
Paris beforethey won the military. battle at counting on pub Lc op ion in the United
and the apparent turning of the military
tide, that we continue to mount the dip-
lomatic offensive which is absolutely es-
sential in peaCe Ia to be secured. inde-
pendent choice guaranteed and the great
task of building and rebuilding begun.
(Prom the New York Times, Oct. 17. 19651
WASHINGTON : THZ STUPIDITY OP
iNTIWGCNCII
(By James Heston)
Wssurnorow, October 16.?It is not easy,
but let us assume that all the student dem-
onstrators against the war in Vietnam are
everything they say they are: sincerely for
an. honorable peace: troubled by the bomb-
ing of the civil population of both North
and South Vietnam; genuinely afraid that
we may be trapped into a hopeless war with
China: and worried about the power of the
President and the Pentagon and the pug-
nations bawling patriotism of many influ-
ential men in the Congress.
A case can be made for it. In a world of
accidents and nuclear weapons and damn
fools, even a dreaming pacifist has to be
answered. And men who want peace, defy
the CoVernmettt, and demonstrate for the
support of the Congress. are not only within
their rights but must be heard.
THS PARADOX
The trouble Is that they are inadvertently
working against all the things they want,
and creating all the things they fear the
most. They are not promoting peace but
postponing it. They are not persuading the
President or the Congress to end the war, but
deceiving HO Chi With and General Giap
into prolonging it. They are not proving
the superior wisdom of the university COM
munity but unfortunately bringing it into
serious question.
When President Johnson was stubbornly
refusing to define his war alms in Vietnam,
arid rejecting all thought of a negotiated set-
tlement. the student objectors had a point,
and many of here in the Washington
press corps and the Washington political
community supported them, but they are
now out of date. They are making news,
but they are not making sense.
wow or THE PRODLRAZ ?
The problem of peace now lies not in
Washington but in Hanoi, and probably the
most reliable source of information in the
Western world about what is going on there
I. the Canadian representative on the Viet-
nam International . Control Commission,
Blair Seaborn.
He files regularly to the North Vietnamese
capital withthe Polish and Indian members
of that tom/Maslen, and he M personally in
favor of an honorable negotiated peace in
Vietnam. He is a cultivated man and a
professional diplomat, He knows ell the
mistakes we have made, probably In more
detail than all the professors In all the
teach-Ins in all the universities of this
country. Whet he finds in Hanoi, however,
Is a total misccateeption of American policy,
and, particularly, a powerful conviction
among CommUnist officiale there that the
antiwar demonstrations and editorials in
the United States will force the American
Government to give up the fight.
Not even the conscientious objectors on
the picket lines In this country really believe
that they have the power or the support to
bring about any such result, but Hanoi ap-
parently -belleVea It and ? for .an interesting.
reason.
Ho Obi .1dinia and the other Communist
leadere.^ ;Hanoi remember that . they de-
fasted the French in Vietnam. between 1960
Alenbienphu.
COUNTING ON PRCYNCEIT
Now they think they see the same surge
of protest working against the Governtrient
in Washington, no matter what Wt. Seaborn
says to the contrary. They have not been
able to challenge American air, naval, or
even ground power effectively since mid-
summer in South Vietnam, but they iipper.o
ently still .have the hope that the demon-
strations against the Johnson administration
in the United States will in the end, give
them the victory they cannot achieve on the
battlefield.
So the Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United Statee want.
They reject the negotiations the ambito=
Government has offered, and the demon-
strators are protesting, not against the na-
tion that is continuing the war but against.
their own country that is offering to make
peace.
Not surprisingly, this is creating an ugly
situation here in Washington. Instead of
winning allies in the Congress to change
the Johnson policy, the demonstrators are
encouraging the very war psychology they
denounce.
imam ORJZCITVIN
Senator ferennis, of Mississippi, chairman
of the Senate Preparedness Subconunittee, is
now demanding that the administration
pull up the anticiraft movement "by the roots
and grind it to bits."
Honest conscientious objectors are being
confused with unconscientious objector*,
hangers-on, intellectual graduate school
draft-dodgers, and rent-a-crown boobs who
win demonstrate for or against anything.
And the universities , and the Government's.
policy are being hurt in the process...
So there are now all kinds of investiga-
tions going on or being planned to find out
who and What are behind all these demon-
etratione on the campuses. It Is a paradoxi-
cal situation, for it is working not for in-
telligent objective analysis of the problem.
which the university ,ocanmunity of tbeNa-
don is supposed to represent, not for peeve,
which the demonstrators are demanding, but
in both cane for precisely the opposite,.
[Prom the Washington Post, Oct. 1E, lila]
lers DZKONIMATORIS
The meaning of the demonstrations
against the war in Vietnam will be under-
stood in this country.. The 'pressure ?groups
mobilized by the National Coordinating Com-
mittee To End Me War in Vietnam are fa-
miliar here. All the expected elements were
included, from Communists whoa purpose
is to destroy this country to earnest pacifists
motivated by patriotic impulses.
The demonstrations revealed What the
polls have long shown, that the determined
popular opposition to the policy of the Gov-
ernment of the United States in South Viet-.
non has diennlahed to that irreducible dis-
senting minimum inevitable ins democratle
society. That small minority can, be apd
ought to be allowed to exercise - all the
liberties of free assembly and tree Speech
that it needs to make its ease known; and
It ought to be denied only such means of
publicizing it pant of view, as genuinely
conflict with military security and pulibc
safety. The police, in most Mita seen to
have dealt with the denionetratOre *AA 04907,
tators with commendable restraint and pa-
tience and success. It is gratfflhill trikhow'
that we live in a Country where the suialket
minorities are ;roe to ,,diecithet eitheimenta
against the policies of the Clawson:leen!.
U the dereonstrationaatid?little .inlqohl*f.
and caused little inisunderaterattngin sois
States to. accomplish what it has been . un-
able to achieve by armed force. Its officiale
have been luetained by the belief that
American public opinion will do for them
what Preach public opinion did for the
Vietminh. They are bound to age 1"the
straggling marchers, the ineffectual protest
Meetings, and the feeble demonstratiOns -
through prima made out of their 'Oil* nar-
row and restricted experience. :They
imagine that the 'United States' telOierned:
by a ruling elite or elimul .hlUn'U elteloomi-
oust,' as did Diem or the colonial.puppeteof
Prance. And they fancy that such a govern-
ment can be toppled by a handful of pickets
and marChers.
the hopes and prokeigsd the of
So the demonstrators may ha relived
the Vietcong. The Communists who
marched on Saturday. of coupe, WW1* de-
lighted to have this happqn.,,'Sut it7niust-
be confusing to the nherabi and real pacifists
Who sincerely desire the end of the war to.
realize that dernonstrsitions such as theirs
are the chief hope of the Natio:end Zama-
ably will take a few mere months: or t-
tion Front for Prolonging teeing than it otherwise would have tiiken to
bring the NIP to the conference isible. ? This
cannot be what most of the unsciphisticatea4
young people wiah to accomplish.
17107iMil* :
(Mr. PELLY asked ant was given
permission to address the Mouse /Or 1
minute and to revise and extend his
Mr. PELLY. Mr, iineaker,
terested to read in the paper this morn-
ing that President Johnson'apastor, the
Reverend-Dr. George R. Davii; in his
sermon yesterday, strongly criticized
Saturday's demonstrations In. protest to
the United States helping defend. South
Vietnam. _
I am sure that most Aniesioans, al-
though they mutt defend-the'r? right 'of
Petition end peaceful isthbb"wiU with Dr. Davis, Or will at least con-
sider these demonstrators as doing a
great disservice to the tame Of freedom.
Meanwhile, as Dr. Davis pointed mit, to
uphold democracy. some free 'Nation has
got to stand-4s he said?at the rain-'
parts.
Speaking. as a Republican Mu), torts the administratton's policy, I abhor
ar?as does everyone else?but right,
now, we must put freedom first. I think
that military assistance to Sotith Viet-
nam Is the shortest WAY an4. the :best
hope. of lasting world peace,
THE COMMUNISTS GAIN: FREEDOM
LMIES IN DOMINICAN
ANOTHER LAOS IN 'ruz MAZU4O?
(Mr. CRAMER asked and was given
permission to address the House tor 1
minute to revise and extend his remarks
and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. CRAMER, Mr. Speaker. many
Latin American editors meeting in Sus
Diego apparently eon/lamed whit I him
been saying for some time abont-tbe re?
sults of the United States ylektingi, to
Commnnist -demands fbf , fairl
terventiOn Me
that ifix-that tile.14-444;
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credit by.the skin of ray teeth, but only after
taking the mender rise in intermit costs
tenich oonirred at that
ti
tiOnal ot 25 percentniggire
giV)
other Amen companies were &queened out
ecirannitety.' .. During tnis same period. 'we held
much less trout.* from small banks. Small
bauk. hirtern choice, they must, in but ex-
eliPtidinel rages. do business with mailer
COMP.**. wee PeoPla
Seery back 'merger. eliminates at least
onenintit bran the banking industry. Every
USW that bank Ls eliminated the public
his Iseilebank to. which It can present a
10112 ' This does not affect large car-
negations, letition moaner businsitees and in-
dividuals, -tt may mean the difference
betraralt obtaining a loan on the one hand
and graft' tinder on the other hand.
8...1.0911 should be defeated. '
Congress 'Mould not. however, stop there.
It atiraddl edict repeal the Bank Merger Lot
of 1140.
Senator A. 'While Rossersom of Virginia,
the egxelese Gds.- 1698, has stated: ".The deci-
sions of the Supreme Court in the Phila-
delphia and Lexington cases imposed on
bank mer?the strict standards of amnion
7 oUthe, yton Act and what apparently
have become the equally strict standardi of
the Sharman Mt. Clearly, these decisions
have changed the situation on which the
Bank Merger Act WM based. It these cases
had been decided before 1969, the Bank
Merger Act would have been considered
Now thet those craft have been deoided.
the Dank Merger Act of 1960 is as unneces-
sary today as it would have been in 1960 had
thosernesa been decided before 1960.
Bank mergers should be measured by the
sante standards that mergers in other indus-
tries see measured by. It should be lett to
the Justice Department to determthe ini-
tially whether a bank merger violates the
Sherman Act or the Clayton Act and, upon
the institution of suit by tlie Justice De-
partment,. to. enjoin a bank merger or to
diveet_banka which have already merged, it
should be left to the Federal courts to decide
whether the merger should be permitted or
prohibited. Let the banldng supervisory
sesacies regulate in those .areas in. which
Mai piff t,-?1141 otluIPPolt to ;erne*: ;Due le
?rampant:14M. is to be proper ved and the pub-,
lic intrassit 'protected; do not give them the
authority to permit banks to merge.
?
(Mr.. PATMAN asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the ReCoRD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
,
(Mr. PATMAN'S rein its will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.)
?, 'WATER COMER' VATION? ?
(Me. VItIORITO asked Mid viss given.
permission to address the Reuse fOr 1-
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.) ?
Mr. V/(310RITO. Mr. Speaker, in our
land of abundance, it seems strange that
customers in New York restaurante are
not served water unless they ask for it.
This beings home to all of us however.
the need for conservation of our' natural
resources...
We are - now taking two important
stens: we are going to clean up this Na-
tion% poilcstettatreanis, and we ate going
to niake:desalting feasible. ? '
A...reaent article in the Sharon.
Herald, hills -theise advances and notes
the President's admonition that "aurae.
sive conservation Measures" are needed
and must be taken. Because the editorial ditional respect for and our reliant* on
evitetie biesettreate6tterfrIMMIMAttgAdraiggirthipsseeniaiter
Warm COlatIttrATION Erroars: WASIUKCITON repeating at this time, that both have
TAW a Mare contributed to make our country what it
The hearings on Hudson River pollution is today; that neither can be compro-
wmah opened Tuesday emphasise the in. mised at the expense of the other; that
cresaingly aotive role cd the Federal Govan- both must be respected and sustained,
ment in water policy., U.S. 13scretary of
Health. Education, and. Welfere? John W.
Gardner in sumouncing the hearings called
the fouling of the Hudson "a shocking exem-
pla of the destruction of resources that are
vital to the health and welfare of Our peo-
ple." ,The U.S. Public Health &reran saM
that the' river now carries pollution from
the equivalent of 10 million people.
The rederai Government's growing water
role is largely a matter of lack of local re-
spotudbinty end inability of States and lo-
calities to settle their differences over water
use. By historical accident, great river eye-
ramie of. the continental United States are
boundaries between various States, between
the United States and Mexico, and in part
between the United States and Canada.
Them rivers are thus subject to Federal juris-
diction, in whole or in part, under the com-
merce clause of the Constitution.
The Potomac River Basin, for example..
runs into four States. Federal, State, and
local officials are now working together to-
ward a plan for resettling the river from
pollution and siltation. The plenums, in-
cidentally. oppose major reservoirs proposed
by the Army Engineers, but encourage devel-
opment of a network of small headwater
impoundments.
The recent drought may prove to be not
an unmixed disaster. For one thing, it gave
urgency to the search for a cheap way to
desalt water. Congress completed action
last month .on a bill to enlarge and extend
the saline water program through fiscal
1972. President Johnson at the same time
told Federal oracle's concerned with the re-
search to proceed "as if you knew that you
were going to run out of drinking water
In the next 6 months."
- The drought also made cooperation among
States, localities, and the Federal Govern-
ment more urgent. Congress took a modest
step recently toward formulating a national.
water policy. The Water Reecannes Planning
Act of 1966, approved by the President in
July, gave statutory authority to the exist-
ing ad hoc water resources council created
by President Kennedy 4 years ago.
-President Johnson has outlined an emer-
gency water program for the New York,
New Jersey, Delaware. and Pennsylvania area.
This effort will not provide a permanent
solution to the problem' at the Delaware and
Hudson basins, of course: to succeed at all
it must be accompanied. the President said,
by. "aggressive conservation meesurea."
VLETNAM: THE DEMONSTRATIONS
? (Mr. COHELAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, the,
demonstrations against the war in Viet-
nam which were held in several cities
across our country this last weekend, in-
cluding my own district in California,
have generated feelings ranging from
fervent support to outright hostility.
They have stirred many comments and
raised many questions. But let us take a
minute to put the issue in perspective.
? The right of protest, dissent, and free
speech is, of course, a tradition of our
society and a guarantee of our Constitu-
tion. Of no less importance is our tra-
? The War hi Vietnam is most certainly
a vital national Issue. It both deserves
and demands public thought and com-
ment. But if this comment and par-
ticipation is to be constructive it must be
conducted in a lawful and a responsible
manner. The very' values of our form of
government and our way of life require
no less.
In commenting on the demonstrations,
the Washington Post quite correctly
stated this morning:
That small minority can be and ought to
be allowed to exercise all the liberties of free
assembly and free speech that it needs to
make its case known; and it ought to be
denied only such means of publicising its
point of view as genuinely conflict with mili-
tary security and public safety.
But, the terrible irony of the .demon-
strations this last week is, as the distin-
guished columnist and associate editor of
the New York Times?Mr. James Res-
ton?pointed out yesterday:
They ( the demonstrators) are inadvertently
working against all the things they want, and
creating all the things they moot fear. They
are not promoting peace but postponing it.
They are not persuading the President or
the Congress to end the war, but deceiving
Ho Chi Minh and General Giap into prolong.,
Mg it.
The awful paradox, as Mr. Reston goes
on, Is that?
Tee Communists reject the negotiations
the demonstrators in the United States want.
Thery reject the negotiations the American
Government has offered, and the demon-
StratOri AM Protesting. not Within Out nit-.
UM that is continuing. the war but against
their own country that Is offering to make
Or as the Washington Post stated it:
If the demonstrations did little mischief
and catteed little misunderstanding in this
country they may have done quite a bit of
mischief abroad. * " ? The demonstrators
may have revived the hopes and prolonged
the resistance of the Vietcong.
' For the record is quite clear that Hanoi
and the Vietcong. despite the American
military buildup which has blunted their
long-expected monsoon offensive and de-,
spite a very recent and intensive 10-week
diplomatic effort on our part, have evi-
denced no interest at all in reducing the
fighting or coming to the conference
table.
, Mr. Speaker, I include Mr. Reston's
thoughtful article along with the Wash-
ington Post's timely comment for the
careful consideration of our colleagues
and all other Concerned Americans.
I would also like to take this opportu-
nity once again to state my belief that
the United States measured response is
the only reasonable alternative to Com-
munist aggression and terror and isubvei-
aion in Vietnam. I would like to state my.
strong and continued support for Twee-
tiatiens2whIch can end the wet and in-
sure the people of South Vietnam self-
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tillat /piny more bottles of liquor
,fl?tToyecf than were stolen to be drunk.
hink this happened because although on
hand the people needed liquor to make
ir hves bearable, they revolted against the
thaj. they iiae to live on it. I think
//they aemonstratecra kind of logic by which
peopie turn against the things that destroy
the,91.
No simple-minded conclusions that the
riots were instigated by "malcontents or
subversives" lit the facts. From information
I got from trusted observers and partici-
pants, and from my own personal experience
during the Harlem riots, the two events fol-
low a similar pattern.
rirst, both were spontaneous, sparked by
an incident involving the police. Second,
as the situation began to get out of hand
the police became frightened and used exces-
sive violence. More people joined the rioters
? and then criminal gangs took over, looted
and encouraged others to loot, sometimes
? Justifying the action with civil rights and
nationalistic arguments. And lastly, some
-political elements tried to take advantage
of the situation by making themselves visible
through leaflets and Speeches to the crowds.
Of course there was much that was irra-
tional in the riots. But the irrationality of
people forced by society to live in insane
conditions is far different from the irration-
ality of the police chief and mayor of Los
Angeles. They denounced the Negro leader-
ship, and refused to meet with them early
enough. it was the mayor who acted ir-
responsibly by contributing to block4ng the
- poverty program. He had attempted to con-
trol it to strengthen his own political ma-
chine by excluding other political factions
and representatives from the Negro commu-
nity. As a result, Los Angeles was one of
the few cities in the 'United States that had
no poverty program, and this made the situ-
ation even more desperate.
? 'The mayor and the chief of police, by
their statements and actions before and
during the riots, put the community leaders
in an untenable position, limiting their in-
fluence over the rioters and preventing them
fropi turning the violence into constructive
protest action. The rioters' response to the
appeals of the Negro leadership was that only
one thing could affect the mayor and the
police chief?violence. And I must say that
Parker and Yorty are themselves convincing
arguments that the people on the street
were right. But, as I pointed out earlier, the
situation was one in which, even if these
public officials had been angels, it is doubtful
that violence could have been wholly
averted, ?
KARL= Axn. WATTS COMPARED
During the Harlem riots we urged rioters
to stop the violence and organize nonviolent
protest, but we met with very slight success.
This is understandable, because when we
tell them to go home, they feel we are asking
them to accept the conditions of their lives.
Dr. King and I were not surprised when we
were booed in Watts.
The situation in Watts was more difficult
than in Harlem for a number of reasons.
Time had passed and the situation for the
ghetto Negro had not improved. A number
of gangs existed whose activities, though
mainly petty crime and violence, had begun
to develop a nationalistic strain. The fact
that Dick Gregory was shot when he tried to
calm the crowd was an indication that the
situation had gotten worse.
I have witnessed a., number of riots and
there is another important difference be-
tween past riots and the explosion in Watts.
Almost all of these other riots turned back
toward some programmatic aspect of the
civil rights struggle.
I remember the Harlem riot in 1942 which
started out as a protest against the OPA's
not watching and controlling prices In
Harlem. It ended with the destruction of
A. Philip Randolph's march on Washington
office. The crowd was saying, "Randolph,
why don't you march?" A short time before,
Mr. Randolph had planned to march unless
President Roosevelt established a Fair Em-
ployment Practices Commission. Roosevelt
gave in to the pressure and the march was
called off. But the Negro community wanted
to go further.
The situation subsequently improved. At
the time war production was expanding
rapidly and there were soon jobs for Negroes
in the full employment war economy. Today
the job situation is much worse, and while
there were still programmatic aspects to the
riots in Watts recently, and in Harlem last
summer, the ideological basis this time was
predominantly nationalistic and narrow in
its implications. The rioters were saying,
"You white folks won't help us and we black
people in the ghetto will have to do it our-
selves. If we can't have what you have we're
going to destroy what you have. We are go-
ing to turn this country upside down."
There was a stronger element of despair than
ever before.
The heightened aspirations and expecta-
tions inspired by the civil rights revolution
have not been fulfilled for the masses of Ne-
groes. And as a result, not only was the ex-
tent of violence and destruction greater than
in Harlem last summer but the psychological
attitude of the rioters was different. In
Harlem the youth and adults on the streets
screamed at the police, "You want to kill a
nigger? kill me." But in Watts, the cry of
the crowd was "burn baby, burn."
TAX SHARING
(Mr. TODD asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. TODD. Mr. Speaker, tax sharing
between Federal and local governmental
units was suggested in 1961 as a means
of meeting the increasing needs of State
and local governments by the then Chair-
man of the President's Council of Eco-
nomic Advisers, Prof. Walter Heller.
More recently, it was the subject of a
study by a special task force headed by
Dr. Joseph Peckman, director of eco-
nomics at the Brookings Institution. The
details of this study have not yet been
released. The principle of tax sharing
has recently been endorsed by a number
of Governors at their conference. In my
opinion, this proposal has a great deal of
merit and should be considered by the
Congress in its next session. It has much
to recommend it:
Those of us who are familiar with mill-
age battles at home know how hard it is
to raise the funds needed for our local
school systems and how the millage is
never voted until 2 or 3 years after the
crisis has occurred. We know of the per-
son living on a fixed income or annuity
whose increased property tax comes out
of their food allowance and who justifi-
ably complains that property taxes can
go no higher. We know of the business-
man who may be taxed 5 percent on his
inventory, even though he may be in a
business, such as food sales, in which he
realizes a profit of only 1 or 2 percent on
his Inventory. We know of the farmer
who doesn't buy a machine he needs or
cannot store his grain on his farm be-
cause the property tax is too high. We
know that property taxes, which provide
37 percent of the State and local reve-
nues, cannot substantially be increased.
In States such as my own, the sales
tax is already at its upper limit, and
might even appropriately be reduced on
certain necessities of life. In addition, a
variety of other taxes?business activi-
ties, nuisance and intangibles provide a
hodge-podge of revenues which cannot
be expanded without driving business
into other States. City and State in-
come taxes, if in existence, cannot read-
ily be extended without tending to drive
businesses and citizens into other cities
and States where these taxes do not exist.
One of the communities in my district,
at this very moment, is deciding on
whether or not to impose a city income
tax. This city has a problem shared by
many of this Nation's smaller and larger
communities alike?it is a core city, sur-
rounded by residential and light indus-
trial city and township governments.
The core city is expected to provide most
of the needs of the entire metropolitan
area, with only a portion of the metro-
politan tax base within its borders. In
addition, it is being asked to provide so-
cial and welfare services which benefit
the surrounding communities, without
their substantial financial involvement.
Some say a city income tax appears to
provide a means of securing the needed
revenue?but will it, in fact, do so? If
a city income tax is imposed, will in-
dustry settle and expand within the city
or instead move outside the city?either
near or far away?to avoid the tax?
Certainly the presence of the tax will
tend to keep out potential new industries.
Will industries already in the city prefer
discontinuing their operations by shift-
ing them to other plants in other parts of
the country? Certainly they must seri-
ously consider doing so, for if they are
selling in competitive markets, without
Government subsidies, they cannot ab-
sorb the city income tax increases if their
competitors in other cities do not have
the same increases imposed on them.
This city, like many others in our land,
must face the hard decision: whether to
impose a new tax to increase revenue to
pay for needed services and thereby take
the substantial risk of driving industries
and citizens away or to neglect the needs
of the community and leave taxes at
their present levels. Both courses of
action are, in a very real sense, self-
defeating. There is no obviously pref-
erable course.
In short, local units of government are
going to have a hard time expanding
their sources of revenue. Although tax
revision and reform may be undertaken
by the more courageous State legisla-
tures, it will not necessarily entail a
needed expansion in State revenues, be-
cause States and their tax structure still
remain in competition with each other.
It is also obvious that the needs of
State and local governments will grow
rapidly. During the period 1953 to 1963,
State and local governments increased
their expenditures by 132 percent. Their
expenditure on education increased by
155 percent to a total of $24 billion.
Their expenditures on public welfare,
and on health and hospitals doubled. It
is expected that State and local expendi-
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tff -MC aalUIN AL --- HOUSE
tures must rise at a rate of at least 7
Percent a year if they are to satisfy local
needs.
If we make the bold assertion that
State and local revenues from existing
taxes grow as fast as the national prod-
uct-5 percent per year?there will still
be a gap of 2 percent between their reve-
nue and their expenditures. This will
be of a magnitude of $2 to $3 billion per
-L..izaarlya970.
MT-tny ?Wic ahead, then, the options are
clear: States and local governments will
have to increase the types of taxes which
are already at their upper limit; or they
Will have to receive Federal grants in
aid for specific programs; or they will
fail to meet service Jamas of...their ?com-
munities; or they will have to receive a
share of Federal tax revenues. Of all
these options, the last is clearly the most
acceptable.
It is estimated by a number of students
on the subject that Federal tax revenues
will continue to grow at a rate of $4 to
$7 billion per year. In the absence of
an armed conflict?which will severely
tighten our belts?we can anticipate the
Possibility of further tax reductions, fur-
ther increases in Federal nondefense
programs, and/or a reallocation of some
of this growing Federal revenue to the
States and communities. I would favor
a combination of tax reduction and of
tax sharing with the local units of gov-
ernment.
I am, accordingly, introducing today a
bill which provides a mechanism of shar-
ing Federal tax revenues with the States
and local units of government. In many
respects, this bill is similar to S. 2619. in-
troduced on Octeber 11 by Senators
JAMS and EMITKE and to 11.R. 11535 in
the House introduced by Representative
Rim of New York. But it is dissirai
in that it shares tax revenues wit he
States without tying strings on fund use.
Whereas the Senate bill says that the
funds must be used only for purposes of
health, education, and welfare, I prefer
to allow the local governmental units
to use the funds in any manner they de-
sire, except highway construction. I see
no wisdom in telling a State, county, city,
or village, that they need to spend money
on this activity and not that. In fact,
they need to spend money on all the ac-
tivities for which they are held account-
able, in the best judgment of their citi-
zens. And I respect the judgment of
these citizens, as well as differences of
opinion which may exist from one com-
munity to another. If we in Congress
see other needs?transportation, educa-
tion, recreation, or conservation?which
cannot be met by State action, we can
make use of existing programs of grants
in aid.
My bill, like the Senate proposal, limits
revenue sharing to Federal personal in-
come tax receipts, since these are among
the least volatile of Federal revenues.
My bill distributes this shared Fed-
eral tax on the basis of a State's ,popu-
lation. It makes no provision for ad-
justing the allocation UP or down on
the basis of the State's per capita Ince
or Its own effort to raise revenues.. If
we wish to redistribute income further
than my bill would do it, I believe we
should use the technique of grants-in-
aid, so that we know just what we are
doing and how much it is costing.
There is enough hidden redistribution
going on right now.
I believe this approach is consistent
with the proposition that our citizens
are best able to determine their needs
for themselves, and that governmental
decisions should be as decentralized as
Possible. It accepts the traditional be-
lief that the needs of our citizens for
health and education and comfort can
best be met at the local level. It will
arrest the tendency to transfer some of
these responsibilities to the Federal
Government just because the local gov-
ernments do not have funds to provide
for them.
Although my bill is merely an early
proposal, I hope to discuss its ideas,
merits, and imperfections with my con-
stituents during the recess, and to make
further contributions to this dialog
when Congress reconvenes in January.
The problem is pressing, the need is
great. I believe the Congress has a re-
sponsibility to seriously consider this
and other proposals right away. Our
State and local governments are now
facing a severe crisis. They are facing
demands in the present?particularly
with regard to water and air pollution,
overcrowded and substandard schools,
insufficient recreation facilities, and
even inadequate health care. But their
sources of revenue are years out of date
and available taxes have been pushed
about as high as they can go.
I believe the bill will help strengthen
the cap3city of local governments to
servQ tir citizens more effectively and
esponsiblY.
ED COMMUNISTS INSTIGATE
PEACE DEMONSTRATIONS
(Mr. DORN asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the peace
demonstrations and riots over the week-
end were instigated and prepared by the
Communist leaders of the worldwide
Communist demonstrations against our
Vietnam policy.
It is incredible that some students and
professors in this country would join
hands with the ruthless, bloody Vietcong
aggressor in South Vietnam in timing
and coordinating these anti-American
demonstrations. We are at war against
the Red aggressor in South Vietnam.
Our Armed Forces are actively engaged
in a death struggle to preserve freedom.
Demonstrations in the United States
are designed to weaken our military po-
sition and undermine the morale of our
people. These demonstrations are an
attack upon this country no less than
the Communist attacks upon our men by
the aggressor in South Vietnam.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the Congress to
launch an immediate and thorough in-
vestigation of these peace demonstra-
tions and teach-ins. Their sinister ob-
jectives should be exposed. These dem-
onstrations have duped and hoodwinked
some innocent people. These demon-
strations have by design and false prop-
aganda enlisted the support of some
well-meaning people. We should expose
now the connection between these dem-
onstrations in our country and the
worldwide demonstrations called by the
Communists to force a withdrawal from
South Vietnam. These demonstrations
are carefully designed with the ending of
the monsoon season in the hope of pre-
venting a complete free world victory in
southeast Asia. These demonstrations
are a frantic, desperate Communist ef-
fort to slow down progress being made
by our Armed Forces in South Vietnam.
THE TEACHER CORPS PROGRAM
(Mr. SCHEUER asked and was given
Permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. SCHEUER. Mr. Speaker, the
Higher Education Act of 1965 is one of
the most important elements of the leg-
islative program of the 89th Congress.
It contains a brilliant new concept by
which master teachers and apprentices
will be subsidized by the Federal Gov-
ernment and sent to those local areas
most in need of teachers.
This concept, formally entitled the
National Teacher Corps, is now under
fire by a small minority of my colleagues
who claim that it injects an element of
Federal influence into local school ad-
ministration. I do not see the truth or
logic in this.
The Teacher Corps members would be
assigned at the request of local school
authorities and would serve under local
control. The teachers would be paid
according to the prevailing local salaries.
They would teach whatever subjects the
employing school assigned them to teach.
They would be hired, paid, administered
and, if necessary, fired by local authori-
ties.
The need for more teachers is welt-
known. Last year, nearly 400,000 of our
children went to school for less than a
Lull school day because there simply were
not enough teachers to go around. There
are now nearly 50 million youngsters in
our public and nonpublic elementary and
secondary schools. The average teacher-
pupil ratio in elementary schools is 28
to 1. In some schools it is as much as
40 to 1. Thus, for too many children are
denied the benefits of close contact with
the teacher, the individual needs, and
talents of these children go unnoticed;
the needs unmet; the talents undevel-
oped.
President Harry S. Truman had a sign
on his desk when he was in the White
House, which read: "The buck stops
here." Hundreds of thousands of our
children are carrying similar signs:
"The buck stopped here." And they will
carry that blight-educational impover-
ishment for the rest of their lives.
Last month, when schools opened
across the country, there was a need for
about 250,000 new teachers. This need
was not met. Only about 100,000
teachers were recruited. Thus, the chil-
dren of this Nation were denied the edu-
cational opportunities to which they are
entitled, by the laws of the land, by our
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not seen fit to put this aircraft into use,
and it was only after a long, hard strug-
gle that authority was given for the
construction of these two experimental
models. The more this aircraft flies, the
more conquests it makes?and the more
Secretary McNamara's decision seems
1...ytexplainable.
4
THEY ARE NOT ALL "PEACENIKS"
(Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and ex-
tend his remarks.)
Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, the whistles could be heard from
New York to California this past weekend
as police tried to keep protesting "peace-
niks" in line and prevent riots. It is get-
ting to be a weekend thing to do?stag-
ing demonstrations and marches against
Our involvement in Vietnam's struggle
with the Communists.
Whether you live in the big city, in a
small town, or even out in the wide open
country, you are never far from a lively
demonstration. There is no admission
charge. All one has to do to join the
crowd is to abuse some of the great
privileges he has as an American citizen.
As thousands of would-be rioters
waged protests in the streets and
public squares of our Nation, a quiet dig-
nified group of over 700 young students
in Knoxville, Tenn., were also speaking
their opinions and backing their Govern-
ment. They are for freedom. They are
against communism. They respect and
love their country. They are proud to
say: "I am an American." They are not
just followers of the crowd. They are
not just "out for kicks." They realize the
sorrows of families who have members
serving in Vietnam. They are supporting
these soldiers. They themselves are will-
ing to fight for freedom and against
hunger and communism or any other
threat to happy and productive lives for
There is a great contrast here?be-
tween those protesting our service in
Vietnam and those who speak out in fa-
vor of our fight against communism. I
would like to point to specific incidents to
show you this vast difference between
these two groups of our young society. I
think the thousands who marched
throughout our Nation, from east to west,
in protest of our policy in Vietnam should
be ashamed of their actions. But, I am
very proud of the young people, their
teachers, and ministers who, in dignified
ceremony, paid respect to our Nation and
thanked the brave men who are making
great sacrifices in Vietnam.
The students at the University of Ten-
nessee in Knoxville, led by their student
president and other campus leaders, let
their fellow citizens know that they were
for peace and behind their Nation's ef-
forts in -Vietnam. Their ceremony was
quiet, reverent, dignified, patriotic. This
large student gathering on October 14
opened with a solemn pledge of allegiance
to the flag as Old Glory unfurled from
many directions, displayed by proud
Army and Air Force color guards.
The students' leader, David White,
president of the student government as-
sociation, introduCed the program:
This is a memorial to our men who have
been killed and others who are serving there
for each of us.
After short talks and prayers, the
University of Tennessee students and
many University of Tennessee adminis-
trators stood in hushed silence for medi-
tation as the sound of taps was heard
across the campus.
The University of Tennessee vote of
confidence for the U.S. fight against
Communist aggressors was echoed by
other groups this weekend. Perhaps the
one drawing the largest representation
was the reverse teach-in held in our Na-
tion's Capital. Six University of Ten-
nessee students joined college students
from throughout the country for a peace-
ful program in support of the war against
the Vietcong.
Let us look at some other scenes of
this past weekend. For example, in
New York, our largest, most bustling
city, an estimated 10,000 marchers pro-
testing U.S. policy in Vietnam swept
down famous Fifth Avenue. Unapprov-
ing and irritated lookers-on threw red
paint at the demonstrators, and even
tried to attack them. In Berkeley,
Calif., scene of repeated demonstrations,
a march was staged. Broken up just as
? it reached the Oakland city limits, it al-
ready had resulted in injury to several of
the participants who engaged in scuffles
with nondemonstrators, and one police
officer was carried away with a broken
leg.
But wherever they marched?New
York, California, or even in Trafalgar
Square, London?the demonstrators met
opposition from Americans who are sup-
porting their Nation and who are not
afraid to say so. Above the roar of the
crowds can be heard such disturbed
shouts as "back our troops in Vietnam,
you traitors."
Americans have always stood by their
Nation through bad times as well as the
good times. There has always been
thankfulness for our great heritage and
for our many freedoms. It is encourag-
ing now to know that the loud, protest-
ing youth are in the minority. They
make a lot of noise and they cause a lot
of damage to persons and property, but
what they say and do cannot override
the patriotism of proud Americans.
I am a proud American, happy to' rep-
resent such dignified young people as
those who attend the University of Ten-
nessee. Their demonstration in Knox-
ville will not win our struggle in Viet-
nam, but multiply it a few times, and it
will be a tremendous boost to our Na-
tion's policy and most of all to the brave
Americans who are serving there for
each of us.
[Mr. FINDLEY addressed the House.
His remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.]
VACATION OF SPECIAL ORDER
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent to vacate the special
order previously granted to me.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentle-
man from Iowa?
There was no objection.
CROPLAND RESTORATION
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Missouri [Mr. HALL] is recog-
nized for 30 minutes.
(Mr. HALL asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, not long ago
a Washington newsletter described a
"new policy on agriculture" being qui-
etly developed, the scope of which would
include: first, the gradual abolishment
of production controls; second, the en-
couragement of greater production; and,
third, a vast food bank for the underfed.
I think all would agree that our so-
called omnibus farm bill finally approved
by the Congress a few days ago will not
achieve any of these ends, but that bill
does include a title and provision, which,
if properly expanded and modified, can
bring us closer to the goal of a workable
farm policy that will not only benefit the
farmer but the consumer human beings
throughout the world who depend on
him?that farmer?for their food and
fiber.
One of the titles of the omnibus farm
bill entitled "cropland adjustment" calls
for conversion of so-called unneeded
cropland to vegetative cover, water stor-
age facilities, or other soil, water, wild-
life, or forest conserving uses with a peak
participation of 40 million acres envi-
sioned by 1970. The only word with
which I strongly disagree is the word
"unneeded." In view of the so-called
population explosion, we will not only
desperately need this acreage; we will
need to convert much of it from marginal
land to highly productive land, land ca-
pable of producing an abundant quan-
tity of food and fiber at reasonable prices
and of high nutritive value to consumers,
and abovbe all with a fair return for the
fanner. This is important domestically
if we are to continue to survive. It is
paramount internationally if we are to
continue the Public Law 480 program
and others and be our brother's keepers
around the world.
Towards the general principle of con-
structive farm legislation I have intro-
duced H.R. 7184, whose dominant theme
is not cropland adjustment but, rather,
cropland restoration. If the small
farmer is given the chance to increase
the fertility of his low, inefficient acres
through a second market for soil restora-
tion, he is at once placed on the same
level with the large commercial farm.
In addition, he has the advantage of
lower labor costs and bargaining power
at a level which will keep him in busi-
ness. Large commercial farms may also
take advantage of this second market,
but their costs of labor, management,
and capital will perhaps be higher.
There is an additional advantage, Mr.
Speaker, the fanner will have multiple
options at the time the Government as-
sayer comes around to review the cover
crop and cut a swath and measure the
value he will assign to the farmer for a
short ton of coverage crop plowed under
each year. He may plow it under, and
accept the estimated base of $25 per ton
from a grateful Government for a res-
torative practice. He may say, "No, I
will use it for the fertility of my own
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October 18, Pipithfaved For Re 40006-8
New England utilities to furnish a far
cheaper alternative. This would be a com-
bination nuclear-power pumped storage de-
velopment estimated to cost approximately
$71 million including transmission facilities,
compared with Dickey's $300 million price
tag. Annual cost of producing power at the
alternate facility would be approximately 27
percent less, including taxes, and nearly SO
percent less, excluding taxes, than the esti-
mated annual cost for Dickey.
Another dismal facet of Dickey's economic
image is that the project would get the usual
stibstantial, taxpayer-borne interest subsidy
and would contribute nothing in the way
of national or regional taxes.
If Dickey required the approval of some
expert and objective licensing authority, it
doubtless wouldn't have a shadow of a
chance. But, authorization by a body ruled
largely by politics, not statesmanship, is quite
another thing. The project was included in
the rivers and harbors bill reported favor-
ably last month, on a close vote, by the
House Public Works Committee. Prompt ap-
proval is expected, provided logrolling legis-
lation does not get snarled up in the lin,les
Committee.
Construction of Dickey would be a first
step toward almost endless possibilities for
Federal power activity in the East. Certain
to be formed would be a Northeastern Power
Administration to take over the so-called
marketing. (And if the power couldn't be
peddled at cost, it would in all likelihood
go for less than cost, as has been the case at
Bonneville.) The full import of such a set-
up shows clearly in the light of Interior's in-
tention to launch a study of an EHV grid
for New England, looking to the possibility of
tying in with other area power systems and
maybe Canadian systems. Interior's plan
also includes continued study and possible
redesign of Quoddy to give further consid-
eratiCsa to the project's economic benefits
"associated with recreation, economic cle-
velopment, and elimination of poverty in the
region."
It is no secret, either, that Interior is in-
terested in pumped storage in New England
and has far more than a passing interest in
the power that may be brought down from
Labrador's Churchill Falls.
Should the Government get a solid power
foothold in this yet uniederalized area, it
Would not be beyond reason to expect that its
tie-ins eventually would extend from New
England to the Tennessee Valley Authority
and. beyond. And it's a safe bet that some-
where in the process the taxpayer will be
shoved between the proverbial irresistible
force and immovable object.
Mr. Speaker, it is my understanding
that the question of the DickeY-Lincoln
School project will be before this body
again tomorrow in the conference.reDort
on S. 2300. At that time, it is My sincere
hope that the, Members of the House of
Representatives will again stand firm in
their resolve that the project must be
further studied. It seems to me to be in
rather Pow legislative taste to have
Members of the other body, where this
project was not even oonsislerecl In open
hearing nor discussed in own debate be-
fore its approval, attempt to force their
will on the Members of this body, where,
after thormigh discussion in open hear-
ings, and extended debate on the floor of
this Chamber, the decision was ma4e that
further study was required. We must
stand firm.
No. 194---8
THE 129TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
BIRTH OF ELLEN BROWNING
SCRIPPS
(Mr. UTT asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, I take this
opportunity to bring to the attention of
the Members of the House the fact that
today is the 129th anniversary of the
birth of Ellen Browning Scripps. Mrs.
Scripps was barn in London. England,
and came to this country early in life.
She was associated with the Detroit Trib-
une, the Detroit News, and was one of
the founders of the Cleveland Penny
Press. Miss Scripps was an outstanding
newspaperwoman and her column, "Miss
Ellen's Miscellany" was the beginning of
what is now known as newspaper fea-
tures.
She and her brother, Edward Willis
Scripps, amassed a great fortune in the
newspaper field and, in 1890, Miss Scripps
moved to southern California and estab-
lished her home, in 1897, in La Jolla,
Calif. At that time, she was 61 years of
age and she dedicated the rest of her
life to philanthropy.
Many of the institutions which she
founded and endowed are of Interna-
tional reputation. Among these are the
La Jolla Scripps Metabolic Clinic, the
Scripps Institution of Oceanography, the
Scripps Clinic and Research Foundation,
and the Scripps Memorial Hospital. Oth-
er public contributions included the Tor-
rey Pines State Park, the La Jolla Pub-
lic Playground and Cornitiunity Center.
the La Jolla Woman's Club House, the
children's pool, Scripps Field, the tower
and carillon, and the La Jolla Public
Library. She also established the Bish-
op's School.
Here let me interject a personal note.
The Bishop's School is always referred
to as the Bishop's School for Girls. One
of my nieces attended this school. When
I came to Washington, D.C., in 1953, one
of my first acquaintances was Congress-
man FRANK T. Bow, of Ohio. He knew
that I came from southern California
and he said, "I attended the Bishop's
School," and I replied, 'Twat, that is a
school for girls. How did you get in?"
He informed me that, when he was a boy.
the Bishop's School was coeducational
and he was a student. When it changed
from coeducational to a girl's school, I
do net know.
The city of San Diego, of which La
Jolla is a part, did, by resolution, des-
ignate today as "Ellen Browning Scripps
Day" in recognition of her outstanding
philanthropy, which included much
more than I have narrated above. I
know of no other woman in history who
has contributed so much of themselves
or of their substance to the betterment
of mankind.
Miss Scripps died in La Jolla on August
3, 1932, at the age of 96 years. Her
name will long live in the memory of
man, and especially in the memory of
26255
La Jollans. I am happy to join in the
tribute to her.
THE XB-70A HITS MACH 3
(Mr. REINECts.s1 asked and was given
Permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. REINECKE. Mr. Speaker, his-
tory was. made last week at Edwards Air
Force Base in California. The world's
most advanced aircraft, the 1:13-70A.
made its 17th flight, and in the process
compiled some staggering statistics. -
With a gross weight of over 500,000
Pounds, the XB-70A climbed to an alti-
tude of 70,000 feet? and attained a speed
of mach 3, or three times the speed of
sound. In this 1 hour and 47 minutes
flight, which began last Thursday, Oc-
tober 14, 1965, at 12:07 p.m., e.d.s.t., the
huge XB-70A research plane was piloted
by North American Aviation Chief Pilot
Alvin S. White and Col. Joseph Cotton,
chief XB-70 project pilot for the U.S.
Air Force.
Last Thursday's flight was the first
time that this magnificent aircraft at-
tained its designed cruise speed of over
2,000 miles per hour, and this achieve-
ment is of great significance in aviation,
for it is this same cruise speed that our
supersonic transports will someday
attain.,
About 70 percent of the XB-70A, which
was built by North American Aviation,
is made of stainless steel honeycomb?
the first time such a form of steel has
ever been used. The entire forward sec-
tion of the craft is made of titanium, a
metal which can withstand temperatures
much higher than those which can be
tolerated by aluminum. Featured in the
airplane are the most sophisticated hy-
draulic and electrical systems ever
devised?an electrical system that can
withstand temperatures of 600? and the
first 4,000-pound-per-square-inch hy-
draulic System. The cabin environ-
mental system will allow the crew to fly
in the comfort of 700 and 8,000-foot cabin
pressure, even though the actual altitude
is about 70,000 feet and the skin tem-
perature of the aircraft is above 6300.
Mr. Speaker, this plane has been flying
for exactly 1 year, and the officials and
employees of North American Aviation,
Inc., are to be congratulated for this
remarkable contribution to America's
future. The research data gathered is
the most significant information appli-
cable to the U.S. supersonic transport
program which Is so vital to our Nation.
The pilots of this aircraft, and all of
those who have worked on the important
XB-70 program, deserve the praise of a
Nation which is grateful for the contri-
butions. these people have made toward
the advancement of aeronautical science.
In view of the remarkable achieve-
ments of the X13-70A, it seems incredible
that this aircraft will not go into pro-
duction. Two of these planes have been
built, but the Secretary of Defense has
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