CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130017-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 17
• Publication Date: August 9, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

August 9, 1 iDroved For R ? I18f4Ji 1EG(7RD7B0pj4dUSE 0300130017-7
subject to notice given by an immigration
officer at any time that a person cannot
enter, or cannot remain in the country. In
such case, the person(s) must leave im-
mediately. The Minister of Internal Affairs
can, at any time, classify a person as pro-
hibited. Immigrants must give security in
such amounts as the Minister may prescribe
(C, p. 22).
PANAMA
Gypsies and anyone who might lower the
standard of living are prohibited. Immi-
grants must deposit repatriation sum of 250
balboas (D, pp. 54 and 35).
PARAGUAY
Encourages American and European immi-
grants-limits entry of Asians and Africans
and others not included as American or Eu-
ropean. Persons over 60 years of age are
prohibited unless they have a child. Per-
sons advocating change of society are barred
(D, pp. 56, 57).
PERU
Immigration may not exceed the percent-
age of 2 per 1,000 of the total population of
Peru. Gypsies, nihilists, and persons who
profess doctrines or are members of parties
or groups advocating the destruction of the
established political and social order are pro-
hibited. Immigrant must be able to. read
and write and must have documents proving
filiation of all children (D, pp. 58, 59).
PHILIPPINES
Will not accept more than 60 individuals of
any 1 nationality for 1 year. Prohibits
those who cannot read or write, and un-
skilled manual laborers (D, pp. 76, 77) (let-
ter from Philippine Embassy).
SOUTH AFRICA
Immigration controlled by selective board
with complete discretionary powers. Minis-
ter of the Interior has the right to refuse
admission to any alien without giving any
reason. Persons of those races which the
selective board has determined are not easily
assimilated to the European trades or pro-
fessions are usually prohibited. Anyone who
cannot read or write any European language
is prohibited. It is almost impossible for
Asiatics to enter the county (C, pp. 25, 26).
SWITZERLAND
Accepts no immigrants. Has agreement
with several countries regarding visa regu-
lations and working permits (letter, Feb. 17,
1965).
SYRIA
Will not accept persons who hold national-
ity of any Arab State (letter, Feb. 12, 1965).
TURKEY
Must have Turkish background to obtain
citizenship. Immigrants who wish to engage
in business or profession reserved for Turk-
ish citizens are prohibited. Persons whose
activities are not compatible with Turkish
laws, usages, customs, and political require-
ments are also prohibited. Gypsies also pro-
hibited (C, pp. 7, 8).
UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
Must reside in Egypt 10 years and know
Arabic language to become citizen (C, p. 15).
U.S.S.R.
Accepts no immigrants except under ex-
ceptional circumstances.
URUGUAY
Failure to submit permit from Uruguayan
consul stating that immigrant has a trade or
profession results in prohibition. Immigrant
must obtain entry permit, certificate stating
that they do not belong to any social or poli-
tical group advocating the overthrow of the
Government, and proof of not being subver-
sive (D, pp. 65, 66, 68).
VENEZUELA
Persons who are not of the white race are
prohibited. Persons over 60 years old, per-
sons who can not prove good record and
18991
habits. Gypsies, peddlers, and persons who Until recently the anti-Communist powers
profess or advocate Ideas contrary to the in the Pacific have tried to maintain the
form of government are prohibited. Per- fiction that their wars were separate. Now,
sons whose presence may disturb the domes- in a very real sense, the wars are beginning
tic public order, persons who advocate com- to flow together. It is plain that the United
munism, and any foreigners who the Presi States, its partners, and friends, must rethink
dent of the Republic may consider inadmis- their Pacific strategy and alliances for the
sible, are prohibited (D, pp. 69, 70, 71). immense test in the making with Red China's
And now, gentlemen, I present the United power.
States. Under the McCarran-Walter Act, There was not much to see from 30,000
none of the above r str1Qtions or require- feet. In these near equatorial latitudes. the
mar+r 4.e ,,,vas ~'--^-
?""b "++ +u'~++ ? c a11cf Ulaall
usual, and much of the time the plane was
e
er n or over soggy, heavy cloud layers.
TRAVELER TO THE I IC WARS Soon after takeoff from Bangkok, however,
(Mr. LAIRD (at the request of Mr. I noticed that the pilot angled southward
MCCLORY) was given permission to ex- over the Gulf of Siam, so as to skirt the Cam-
tend his remarks at this point in the bedlan delta. Some few days before, the
left-leaning, somewhat frivolous Prince
RECORD.) Sihanouk had noisily broken off such diplo-
Mr. LAIRD. Mr. Speaker, a highly matic business as until then went on between
illuminating and deeply perceptive ac- Cambodia and the United States. His dis-
count of what is going on in Vietnam pleasure embraced Thailand as well, as Amer-
appeared' in the August Issue of Fortune ica's good and helpful ally, and it was there-
magazine. Written by Fortune Editor mer only common sense ear the That
-
com
ercial pilots to shy clear of the itchy-
-
Charles Murphy, the article raises some fingered gunners, friends and foes alike, who
very serious and fundamental questions man the Cambodian-Vietnamese borders.
about our policies and actions in that be- At this stage of my travels I was well up
leaguered country. It is an interesting, what I had come to think of as the Pacific
disturbing, and thought-provoking ac- ladder of trouble, which stretches from the
count by an eyewitness whose back- Antipodes through Malaysia and Thailand
ground ajournalistic experience en- into Taiwan and beyond to Panmunjom,
title him and
to in all. be heard. across some 10,000 miles of land and ocean
In
Borneo I So that all of my colleagues may have might in modesty be de cribedhas a VIP
an opportunity to read Mr. Murphy's view of that other major Asian war-the so-
analysis, under unanimous consent I ask called "confrontation war" between the new
that the article, entitled "Traveler to the British-protected state of Malaysia and Indo-
Pacific Wars" be included in the RECORD nesia. It's a bona fide war all right, sl-
at this point. though for cost and killing it doesn't begin
AM
are In for in Vi
t
to compare with the one that we Americans
~'
nam So-
e
I In es away,
TRAVELER TO THE PACIFIC WARS on the far shore Of t
he South China Sea.
(NoTE.-Fortune Editor Charles Murphy Still, there were small but sharp running
has been making an extended tour of the sea fights at night in Singapore Harbor while
South Pacific. His report on New Zealand I was there, and shooting was going on in
("Traveler in a Small Utopia") and Australia the rubber plantations of Johore and in the
("Traveler on the Rim of Asia") appeared in pepper groves of Sarawak and Sabah.
the May and June issues. From Australia From Singapore, in due course, I had gone
he flew on to Singapore and Bangkok. A on to Bangkok. Alone among the SEATO
report on that area will be detailed in an partners and the American allies in the Pa-
early issue. This letter begins with his re- cific, Thailand occupies a physical bridge,
flections as he approaches Saigon and the or link, between the British war to save for
larger war in Vietnam.) the West the sea gate between the Pacific
(By Charles J. V. Murphy) and Indian oceans and the American war to
u our yerspectfVe 01 U.h. strategy lodgment on the Asian continent. Though
in the Pacific, the present war in Vietnam is Bangkok itself is the capital of the SEATO
only part, though a crucial part, of a much alliance, Thailand is not yet formally a bel-
larger whole. The Involvement of the United ligerent in the Far East. Nevertheless, it
States and its allies stretches all the way h
as become in a studied way a de facto power
from the Antipodes to Japan and Korea, and in both situations. It has bravely lent its
in fact four wars are presently going on in geography to the Laotians and ourselves in
the Pacific area. The biggest, in South Viet- manners it does not wish specified for milf-
nam, engages on our side some 580,000 South tary pressures against the North Vietnamese
Vietnamese fighting men, at least 75,000 deployments that are a potential hazard to
United States troops, very substantial frac- Thailand. It has also begun to give serious
tions of United States tactical air and carrier attention, for the first time, to the feasibility
task forces, and Australian, New Zealand, and of a joint operation with the British and
Korean contingents. The other big war is Malaysian forces for the purpose of corner-
the one launched by Indonesia against its ing in the wild mountains of southern Thai-
neighbor Malaysia-the so-called confronta- land a band of Peiping-oriented guerrillas
tion war. This strange term was invented who are the last surviving cadres of the Com-
by President Sukarno for his so far unavailing munist movement that sought to take over
effort to pitch the British out of Malaysia postwar Malaya.
and most particularly off their commanding Nations and people of like minds in the
airfields and magnificent naval base at Sing- western and southern Pacific, it seemed to me,
apore. This has drawn in some 50,000 Brit- were finally beginning to come together out
ish (including 11,000 Gurkhas), about 50,000
Mala sians a realization of a growing commona
y (including internal security ger. A year ago the United States, , Britain,
n,
forces), and small Australian and New Zea- New Zealand, Australia, and Malaysia were
land forces. A war collaterally related to
the Vietnamese one is being fought in Laos pursuing their separate interests in the Pa-
against the Hanoi-directed Pathet Lao. cific with sidelong glances at each other to
a
see how the other Here the hitherto desultory neutralist Lao- mmonths, , the was faring, Australians Then, New
tian forces, with assistance from the Thais, matter
er and New
are attempting to block the Ho Chi-Minh Zealanders became engaged. Australians are
trails into South Vietnam. The fourth war, now fighting in Malaysia; both Australia and
between Taiwan and Red China, is in sus- New Zealand have taken the hard decision to
pense except for occasional air and naval send combat troops into South Vietnam. And
brushes. so the alliances are converging.
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 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030013001 -7
18992 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ugust 9, 1965
There was no mystery about the circum- on so long. Indeed, I was hardly -back in ward, or Pacific, tilt of our military resources
stances that had finally begun to pull the Saigon before I began to wonder whether is generally much more pronounced than
Pacific alliances together. It was, first, the all of Lyndon Johnson's men have grasped most Americans realize.
sudden appalling realization that the fragile the full seriousness of the new situation. The capital input has also soared, although
structure of South Vietnam was on the verge After getting settled in the Caravelle Hotel its true magnitude has been to some degree
of falling apart and, next, the spectacle of in the center of the city, and sharing a meal concealed. As the battle went against "Mc-
the United States striking with its too long with several colleagues in a tiny bistro run Namara's war" (as he himself described it),
withheld airpower at North Vietnam and by an expatriate Frenchman with a perhaps he was able to absorb the rising costs without
moving tens of thousands of combat troops exaggerated reputation for occasional _ mur- a stiff boost in the defense budget by draw-
across the Pacific into South Vienam. But der, I took a walk in the direction of the tag upon the emergency-reserve stocks of the
it was not simply the agony of Vietnam, Saigon River. My path led me past the U.S. forcesand by reducing or deferring their
heart rending as that is, that finally galva- American Embassy, which had been all but less urgent normal operations. As a former
nized the non-Communist powers into action, demolished in March by terrorists' bombs. controller, the Secretary appreciates, of
What happened was that taridly but unblink- With the reconstruction not yet finished, it course, the eventual perils of such a practice
ingly the politicians in power in these Pacific put me in mind of the bridge structure of a for a defense strategy that stressed a high de-
nations finally recognized and faced up to battleship. The outer walls had been heavily gree of readiness for both general war and
a still distant but ultimate danger. reinforced; the once tall windows had been simultaneous limited wars oceans apart. The
THE TIME TO STOP MAO contracted to narrow turret-like slits; shat- running costs of the Vietnamese operation
Most certainly the danger does not rest terproof plastic was being substituted for appear to have risen to about $2.2 billion an-
simply with a fear that if South Vienam glass, to reduce the danger from lethal flying nually. These costs break down roughly as
should go down, then that wily septuagen- ;plinters in the event of another bombing; follows:
arian Ho Chi-Minh will fasten communism and the street approaches to the building Continuing economic aid to keep the Sai-
on a primitive community that does not itself had been closed off with upended sec- gon government afloat and to pay the bu-
really of sewer pipe weighted with concrete reaucracy: about $300 million annually.
realty want communna Vietnamese social ials orl of th dune to form a barricade. Other economic support for the Vietnamese
ger it the olve Ine the thee These defensive dispositions I noted with infrastructure: about $70 million.
ra , Military assistance wee ons, now quite desperate sAmerican efforts to hold approval. Then I was taken aback to hear y program ( P pay
it together, then the Red Chinese will have my companion, an officer of fairly senior for the Vietnamese forces, overhead cost of
stunningly proved the case for the so-called rank, say that on orders from Washington the military addnuorlestablishment) :
wars of national liberation, wars waged in construction of a new Embassy, to cost about about $330 million annually.
the guise (to borrow the jargon of the orig- $1 million, was to be started immediately in Indirect costs represented by other forms
anal Soviet handbook) of "anti-imperialist a residential area. The design had been of U.S. participation-including the combat
national-liberation movements." chosen some years ago, during the false lull forces, day-to-day military Operating costs-
be by the U.S. defense budget:
It may cone as a surprise to some, but the that followed the French defeat and with- that estimated abso absorbed
fact is that few understand this rising danger drawal; it calls for a handsome 3-story office annually.
more acutely than do the politicians and in- building with spacious windows and wide Extraordinary additindonaairfieldl c mill ary
tellectuals of the non-Communist socialist entrances appropriate for a tranquil garden costs, chiefly for port
left. In Auckland and Wellington, in Can- setting. The site was further attractive at tion, and for replacing reserve stocks of am-
berra and Melbourne and Sydney, in Sings- the time of its acquisition because of its munition, fuel, and so forth: $700 million, to the pore and Kuala Lumpur, one man after close proximity to the Premier's office. In be anted rys d s Johme nt asked app opria-
another said as much to me. Their shared the current mood of Saigon, however, this for in
reasoning went something like this: "You handiness no longer is an advantage. There May.
we are in for an eventual bill for the
Americans must never give up in Vietnam. have been 10 changes of government since And Red China is the enemy. Now is the time November 1963--or were there only 9?-and war that will be much stiffer than the Pen-
to stop Mao. Only you Americans have the the mobs have got into the habit of demon- tagon cares to divulge just now.
military power to do the job." Then, after strating in frontof their Premier's windows THE MONSOON OFFENSIVE
a pause, this sotto voce apology: "Of course every few months, usually in protest over Although McNamara has demonstrated his
you will appreciate why we can't say this his supposed subserviency to the American ability as are administrator of a vast bureaue-
publicly. Politics, you know." All the poll- Ambassador. To put up the new Embassy racy, the primary job of the Pentagon is to
titian in the Pacific knew that even Prime more or leas on the direct line of the mobs' conduct war--and the only war McNamara.
Minister Shastri of India, while publicly de- accustomed march struck me as a heedless has so far been called upon to conduct has
ploring the American air bombing of North action. Indeed, the whole scheme seemed gone very badly from the outset. When
Vietnam, had privately sponken admiringly most untimely; our diplomacy, my friend President Johnson finally decided in Febru-
of the American resolution. And the diplo- and I were agreed, might be most prudently ary to put North Vietnams below the 20th
matic grapevine vibrated with the news that conducted for the time being in the present parallel under the U.S. air counterattack,
even Prince Sihanouk and the somewhat an- bunker and the million dollars invested in and to bring U.S. jets to bear for the first
ti-American Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yu of ammunition. time in the battle for villages and roads in-
Singapore were agreed in their private con- OUR LONGEST LOSING WAR side South Vietnam, it was an act of despera-
versations in May at Pnompenh that Amerl- If I appear cynical about the conduct of tion. The South Vietnamese Army was ac-
can -military power had entered the battle American business in South Vietnam, it is tually disintegrating. To the extent that a
none too soon. because in the course of my visit here I find government remained in Saigon, it was the
What the Pacific: leaders are finally braced it hard to be anything but distressed and thinnest kind of film over the American
for, while still flinching from openly shocked by the American management of Presence.
acknowledging its inevitability, is a decisive what has become a large and costly war. The U.S. air counterattack achieved all that
contest between the United States and Red With the end nowhere in sight, it is already was expected of it, up to a point: it did
China. There can be no real peace in their the longest losing war that Americans have check the Communist offensive. It had the
world of non-Communist Asians--a commu- been engaged in since the French-Indian wars effect of driving home barely in time a bolt
riity of 1 billion people-until the power of the middle 16th century. to hold a door that was swinging widely on its
question has been settled one way or an- In President Eisenhower's last year, U.S. hinges. But by reason of the very limita-
other. I pondered what this judgment military aid to Vietnam came to only $65 tions that the political direction of the war
involves for us: can the United. States even million, and our military mission there in Washington imposed upon the air counter-
hold on in Vietnam without pressing the war totaled 773 officers and men. Within a year attack, the blows have only impaired, with-
home directly against North Vietnam and the our military aid to that country was more out paralyzing, the Vietcong's capacity for
power center in Hanoi itself? Judgment on than doubled, rising as it did in fiscal 1962 further heavy fighting. There is excellent
this was to be made soon enough on my to about $144 million, and the military mis- reason to believe that the North Vietnamese
arrival in Saigon. What r was sure of, sion was increased some twentyfold, the buildup was well advanced before the Feb-
already, was that a whole new experience, strength rising to nearly 17,000 men. As this ruary air attacks on the principal supply lines
a test, a struggle, possibly even some fantas- article went to press, early in July, something to the Vietcong forces in the battle zone.
tic ordeal, is unmistakably in the making for like 75,000 U.S. troops were already deployed, Enough trained troops were by then already
the United States in the Pacific, and a new in one role or another, in South Vietnam. deployed inside South Vietnam, and enough
and formidable chapter has opened in V.S. This figure does not take into account some battle stocks had been laid by or were within
history. There Is no mistaking the character 27,000 flyers and sailors who man Carrier its reach, for the enemy to decide that it
and meaning of one fundamental happening. Task Force 77 of the 7th Fleet, and who are could still continue to sustain a powerful
It is that the U.S. strategic center of gravity wholly in the fight. Nor does it include the offensive by its standards through the mon-
has moved west of the 180th meridian, into general support being provided the forward soon season-i.e., into our autumn. Cer-
the Asian Pacific. It is almost certain to forces by the large permanent Air Force and tainly, it is acting as if it had such means.
stay there for years to come. Navy establishments in the Philippines, The Communist guerrilla forces are the
The pity, the folly, is that the famous men Japan, and on Okinawa. Very substantial lightest kind of infantry. Once armed and
who have been manipulating the American fractions of the Tactical Air Command and equipped, they do not need much replenish-
tactics and strategy in the struggle for South the Navy's fast carrier task forces have been ment other than ammunition. They live off
Vietnam let the rot and collapse there go concentrated in the Pacific, and the west- the country. U.S. Army intelligence meas-
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 Approved For Release 2003/-10/14: CIA-RDP671300 46R 00300130017-7
August 9, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD H US
Wes the Communist military strength at
present inside South Vietnam, in terms of
organized forces, at more than 100 battalions.
It further hypothesizes that this force, with
a daily average aggregate consumption of
from 100 to 150 tons of supplies, could
fight from 20 to 30 sharp 2-battalion-sizes
actions every month. Ho's flitting battal-
ions do not need much in their supply
wagons, because they are not required to
hold ground. The Marines and the U.S.
Army in their redoubts and strongpoints are
not the targets. The target is the exposed
hamlet or district or provincial capital, or
the column vulnerable to ambush.
So, the U.S. air counterattack notwith-
standing, the critical phase of the 1965 mon-
soon offensive remains to be fought. No
knowledgeable officer that I talked tb in
South Vietnam was sanguine about the out-
come of the summer's fighting. It is not a
question of our Marines', or our airborne
troops' getting overpowered. Ho Chi-Minh
is much too smart to send his light infantry
forward to be mowed down by American fire-
power. The U.S. military problem at this
late hour consists in finding some way to lift
the pressure from the exhausted Vietnamese
village and district garrisons. And if the
struggle continues to go as badly against the
South Vietnamese in the rest of the monsoon
season as was the case in May and June, a
force of from 200,000 to 300,000 American
troops will be none too many simply to shore
up a sagging Vietnam Army for the elemen-
tary tasks of holding Saigon, the major ports
and airfields, the strategic provincial capi-
tals, and the main highways.
AN OLD SOLDIER'S ADVICE
This is an outcome that was never meant
to be. U.S. ground forces fighting Asians in
Asia? Until the other day, the idea was all
but unthinkable. At the White House, for
example, whenever the question arose of how
U.S. military power might best be used in
Asia, President Johnson used to tell about
his last talk with Gen. Douglas MacArthur
at Walter Reed Hospital. "Son," the Presi-
dent quotes the dying soldier as saying to
him, "do not ever get yourself bogged down
in a land war in Asia."
MacArthur's view has been an article of
faith with U.S. military men and notably of
the Army Chiefs of Staff ever since the
bloody island campaigns against the Jap-
anese. It was a view shared by Gen. Maxwell
D. Taylor before he was sent to Saigon as
special U.S. Ambassador. Once there, and
with Vietnam falling apart around him, Tay-
lor reversed his position. He was not happy
about it. He was confronted with the test-
ing of a military policy by which he himself,
as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and Mc-
Namara had reshaped the Armed Forces over
a period of 31/2 years: making a great point
of preparing U.S. troops for limited and
counterinsurgency wars. The truth is the
Army's investment in these particular skills
was nothing like what it was cracked up
to be. Nevertheless, in the absence of de-
cision in Washintgon to aim the U.S. air
attack primarily at North Vietnam, Taylor
had no choice but to ask the President for
combat troops to be directly committed in
the south.
THE MORNING THE B-57 BLEW UP
As I looked around, I could not help feel-
ing that the condition of our forces left much
to be desired in the most elementary respects,
One of the major military air bases in Viet-
nam is at a place called Bien Hoa, 18 miles
northeast of Saigon. At the time of my
visit there, in May, jet operations were pos-
sible only from three runways in the entire
country, and Bien Hoa had one of them.
The original airstrip was built by the French
Air Force, on a rubber plantation that oc-
cupied the north bank of the Dongnai River.
No. 145-7
One can drive to Bien Hoa from downtown
Saigon in half an hour over a new three-lane
asphalt highway. Light-engineering plants
have sprung up on both sides of the roads,
and racing along with the crowded buses and
the careening trucks and the honking and
hooting motorbikes, one has the sense of
passing through a thriving, prospering,
mushrooming suburb. This impression is
valid enough, as regards the construction in-
dexes. But the area is also a genuine no
man's land. Open to traffic and commerce
with Saigon by day, it reverts to Vietcong
control at night. The notorious War Zone
D-a densely forested stronghold that the
B-52's have been methodically bombing-
begins just to the north of the airfield and,
every few days or so, black-suited Vietcong
in their outposts take potshots at planes on
the final approach.
When I came this way a year ago, the Air
Force contingent at Bien Hoa numbered only
400 men and they operated 40 light planes.
When I returned this year, one blindingly hot
Saturday morning, it was to find the Air
Force unit swollen to about 2,300 men and
they were operating 100 planes, including a
number of light jet B--57 bombers. And that
was not all. On the same field were jammed
another 100 U.S. Army planes, mostly heli-
copters, plus another 100 planes belonging to
the Vietnamese Air Force, mostly light, close-
support, propeller-driven craft. This made a
total of about 300 aircraft collected around
a single strip. It was the dirtiest, most
slovenly, ramshackle air operation I have ever
visited. One can excuse a lot in war, but
the confusion, disorder, and disarray here
were beyond excuse.
For one thing, more than 6 months
earlier, in the early morning hours of Novem-
ber 1, 1964, a handful of Vietcong mortar men
who had penetrated the base's outer defense
system laid down a fast and accurate barrage
that destroyed, in a matter of minutes, five
costly B-57 bombers on their hardstands.
The chances of a return visit by the Vietcong
were high and, indeed, shortly before my call,
a brigade of the U.S. 173d Airborne Division
was hastily taking up positions around the
base to guard it from an expected attack in
force. Yet even then, the costly planes, tens
of millions of dollars' worth of them, stood
wingtip to wingtip for want of dispersal
room; and incredibly, dozen or so simple
concrete and earth revetments to protect the
planes had not been finished. Funds for new
construction, I presently learned, were
difficult to come by in Washington. So
under the very eyes of the two-star Air
Force theatre commander, the four-star
Army general in command of the entire war,
and even the former Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs who sat in Saigon, the squalid, in-
efficient, and dangerous operation at Bien
Has was tolerated and left to an overworked
Air Force colonel to manage as best he could.
The poor chap didn't manage very well.
Less than 24 hours later, from an angled
distance of maybe 2,000 yards and a height
of 4,000 feet, I was a chance eyewitness of
Bien Hoa's second and far larger disaster.
I was aboard a Navy plane, en route to Task
Force 77 on station in the South China Sea.
Our course took us past the base and, as it
happened, while he was only 2 minutes or
so away, our pilot saw a puff of smoke, then
a swelling fireball, and he sent word aft that
Bien Hoa seemed to be "blowing up." When
the field came abeam, I saw that the entire'
block of B-57's was fiercely ablaze, and the
conflagration had spread to long files of light
piston-powered bombers, the A-1's. My first
thought was that the Vietcong mortar spe-
cialists had done it again; then I realized
that the recurring explosions were caused by
bombs exploding in the racks of the burning
planes. A careful inquiry by the Air Force
failed to identify the root cause of the dis-
aster. Most likely, a defective fuse or the
faulty stowing of an old 750-pound bomb
aboard one of the B-57's-the bombers there
still were being armed with 1944 vintage iron
bombs-started the chain reaction. Twenty-
two planes blew up, more were damaged; a
loss of that magnitude in an air battle would
have been cause for national anxiety. The
penny-pinching that contributed to this
episode and the timidity that impelled ex-
perienced officers to endure a scandalous
situation did credit to no one.
REFLECTIONS IN A HELICOPTER
The American officer corps is, needless to
say, a good deal more competent than this
incident may suggest. In Vietnam, though,
the Army is up against a slippery, slithering
kind of battle that it can't seem to get a
hard grip on. Doubts about the Army's pre-
paredness for such campaigning were amply
confirmed-despite all the high-flown theo-
rizing about counterinsurgency tactics. A
morning's helicopter tour of a crucial war
zone in the company of an intelligent, youth-
ful operations planning officer, Brig. Gen.
William E. DePuy, was highly informative in
this respect.
A helicopter can't be beaten for enabling a
general of infantry to get around to see what
is going on beyond his headquarters. On this
particular morning, General DePuy, at the
cost of being only five hours away from his
busy desk in Saigon as the senior U.S. mili-
tary planner, made a swing in his clattering
helicopter that took him into three provinces,
afforded him a grandstand view of a heli-
copter attack in company strength, brought
him into a quick conference with the staff
of a Vietnamese division engaged in a "search
and destroy" sweep on the edges of a Viet-
cong staging area, and finally put him down
at the heavily barricaded headquarters of a
great French-operated rubber plantation for
a canvass of the tactical situation with the
U.S. advisers to a Vietnamese battalion that
was braced, behind its sandbags and slitted
brick walls and barbed wire, for a night
descent by the Vietcong.
Helicopter etiquette orders the seating of
the noncombatant guest inside, 'between the
escort officer and the port and starboard rifle-
men; their bodies are interposed between
him and the open doors through which a
sniper would sensibly aim. The guest must
take his chances even Stephen, of course,
with whatever ill-aimed shot might come up
through the floor. DePuy sat alongside me,
and as we flew west by north, he kept up a
running commentary on places and events in
the changing neighborhood in view. I was
familiar with the region, having traveled over
the same area the year before. But I mar-
veled again at how close the swirl of battle
remains to Saigon, and how vague and im-
palpable the enemy remains. From our alti-
tude one could see 40 miles or so, and in this
watery domain, north and west of Saigon,
given over to rice paddies, rubber and tea
growing, at least 1,000 sharp battles of one
kind or another-ambushes, night rushes on
sleeping hamlets, skirmishes-have been
fought during the past 3 years. To the west,
I had a fine view through broken cloud of
Cambodia and the forested waterways over
which the Vietcong come and go in sampans.
We flew at 5,000 feet. But I never did see a
Vietcong.
THE TROUBLESOME REDOUBT
The educational aspects of the flight in-
cluded a skirting of the zone D area north
of Bien Hoa. As described earlier, this is
reputedly the major Vietcong base for their
operations against Saigon itself. From the
air, it put me in mind of the Louisiana river
country, except that the forest here is much
more dense, with the tree canopy reaching
In places to heights of 200 feet. The forest
redoubt covers about 150 square miles, and
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from the accounts of defectors and prisoners
it is both a maze and trap made up of secret
trails, hidden strongpoints and ? supply
dumps, and bunkers connected with deep
tunnels impregnable to air bombing.
None of this can be seen from the air. I
was shown a short, narrow gray swath in the
forest left by the Air Force in its forlorn ex-
periment some months ago to defoliate the
region by saturating the tree tops with a mix-
ture of napalm and chemicals. The chemi-
cals were expected to dry out the trees and
the napalm to set the forest ablaze. But,
for various reasons, the hoped-for conflagra-
tion never got going, and the experiment was
abandoned as being to costly and tricky.
Now the Air Force is trying to reduce the for-
est to matchwood with B-52's.
I doubt even the B-52's will make much
of an impression With TNT, unless McNa-
mara wants to make tree-feeling a new ca-
reer for SAC, or unless SAC has the extraor-
dinary good luck to pinpoint and smash
the headquarters area. But it was equally
obvious that the job of prying the enemy
out of the forest tangle was hopelessly be-
yond the competence and means of the
troops we had committed. In recent major
engagements the air attack has again and
again finally turned the tide of battle. But
it must also be said that, for the Viet-
namese garrisons, the turn has usually come
too late. Since the Vietcong time their as-
saults at night, and in the monsoon sea-
son at intervals when they can count on cov-
er from rain and clouds, the Air Force's abil-
ity to react quickly has been sorely limited
on occasion, and in consequence battalion
after battalion of Vietnamese regional troops
were cut to ribbons before help came. One
doesn't have to look very far to observe that,
except for the introduction of the helicopter,
there has been little new invention to pre-
pare the ground forces for the kind of war
they are now being asked to fight. Indeed,
the United States doesn't even yet have a
satisfactory airplane to support this kind of
action. We are therefore obliged to use
planes that are either obsolete (A-1's and
B-57's) or too valuable (F-105's and F-4's).
THE CASE FOR GOING NORTH
It is time that the E-ring in the Pentagon
stopped kidding the troops, and that the
rest of us stopped. kidding ourselves. It
makes no sense to send American foot sol-
diers, rifles and grenades at the ready, into
the rain forests and the rice paddies and the
dim mountain trails to grapple with a foe
whom they cannot distinguish by face or
tongue from the same racial stock whom they
seek to defend. On every count-disease,
tropical heat, and rain, the language cur-
taln-the odds are much too high against
their making much of an impression. When
the question arose last year of sending U.S.
combat forces into South Vietnam as stiff-
eners, serious consideration was given to
the proposition of forming them into a line,
a sort of cordon sanitaire, across the jungle
and mountain approaches through Laos and
Cambodia, with the object of thereby seal-
ing off the Communist supply routes. This
impractical scheme was discarded in view
of the all but impossible cost of supplying
the Army at anything like its desired stand-
ards, and the further consideration that
nine-tenths of the force's energies and means
would be consumed merely in looking after
itself. The solution that was adopted and
is being followed now is to settle the troops
in garrison-like strongpoints along the coast.
It has been romantically suggested that these
places will in due course become sally ports
from which our troops will issue forth into
the hinterland, spreading in ink-spot fashion
stability and hope among the hamlets. But
such a process could take a decade or two
short of forever. It also means military oc-
cupation, the last thing Kennedy, McNamara,
Taylor and Company had in their minds when
they resolved in 1961 to risk a stand in South
Vietnam. Taylor understood this perfectly,
and the dreary outlook no doubt made It
easier for him to leave Saigon.
THE U.B. ADVANTAGE
Is there an alternative strategy? There
certainly Is. It is one, however, that re-
volves around a different set of premises than
the McNamara-Taylor strategy has so far
favored. Most particularly, it means shifting
the main weight of the American counter-
attack from a ground war below the seven-
teenth parallel to an air offensive in North
Vietnam itself, accompanied by a blockade
of the North Vietnamese coast. Does this
mean leveling Hanoi? No. It means, if nec-
essary, the deliberate, progressive destruc-
tion of the North Vietnamese infrastruc-
ture-the plants, the railroads, and electric
power systems, the ports--to a point where
Ho Chi Minh can no longer support his-ag-
gression in the south. Will this cause Ho
to capitulate? Not necessarily. Ho is an
elderly Asian revolutionary whose education
in communism began in Europe after the
Bolshevik revolution. More of his adult
life has been spent outside Vietnam than in-
side. His government will probably be wher-
ever he chooses to hang his hat.
But if his capacity for mischief is reduced,
then our object is served. That object, it
seems to me, is to lift from South Vietnam,
at all possible speed, the terrible pressure on
its hamlets. Because that task is manifestly
beyond the competence of the Army and
Marine Corps, except in a prolonged and
costly test of endurance, then we must pick
up our weapons of technological advantage-
the air arms, both sea and ground based.
What has made the American fighting man
better than his enemies is his higher tech-
nological proficiency. It seems folly for us
to fight in Asia without drawing on this
technological advantage. It may be highly
desirable, for instance, to use our sea power
and ground troops to a limited extent to
establish a beachhead near Haiphong, thus
threatening the enemy's main supply lines
and forcing it to pull its troops out of south-
ern Vietnam. Such tactics were immensely
successful in Leyte Gulf and later at Inchon
and had a salutory effect On equally stubborn
enemies.
Would a truly stern attack on the North
bring China into the war? Expert opinion
splits sharply over the answer. High value
would certainly have to be given to that
possibility in any plan for enlarging the
theater of action. We are already in an un-
declared contest of power with Red China
and the question that the President has to
face up to is whether in the months imme-
diately ahead he settles for a partial defeat
or failure in a war one full remove from the
major enemy, or risks a clash with Red China
in order to bring the secondary war under
control. My own view is that Mao, should he
elect to engage, will do so reluctantly and
within cautious limits. He is certainly not
likely to force an engagement on terms that
will compel the United States to employ its
technological advantage a outrance (to use
an old-fashinoned term). And I find it hard
to believe he would dare to send his infantry
masses over the wretched roads to do battle
in southeast Asia, while Chiang Kai-shek
waits and watches hopefully close by on the
sea flank, with a spirited army of 400,000 men
and the sharpest, most experienced, small air
force in the world.
THE BIG BLUE-WATER CHIPS
It is, I suggest, the looming struggle with
Red China that we Americans must keep in
the forefront of our minds as we grope for
the right mixture of political and military
strategy for ending the mischief in Vietnam.
This is why the map shown at the start of
this report now grows luminous with mean-
ing. Now, while hoping for a satisfactory
outcome in the going war, we should be sen-
sibly preparing the dispositions we shall need
if it turns out badly.
The huge naval base at Subic Bay with its
fine runways and the Air Force's runways,
repair shops, and storage facilities at Clark
Field in the Philippines are indispensable
for any forward strategy in the Pacific. It
stands to reason that the British air estab-
lishment and truly superb naval base at
Singapore, all greatly refurbished in the past
decade, are also crucial for the control of
the Pacific sea routes and the approaches to
Australia and New Zealand. Hundreds of
millions of U.S. dollars have been invested
in air and sea facilities in Okinawa and
Japan. And Japan must itself be persuaded
to become the north hinge of any grand
strategy scheme in the Pacific.
Then, too, there is Thailand, which has
generously opened its geography for new jet
airfields. This to me is the most stunning
recent development of all. It could have the
effect of transforming Thailand from being
a weak ground flank on the U.S. position in
South Vietnam into becoming the main air-
strike position, of which South Vietnam be-
comes the weak ground flank. And, finally,
there are South Korea and Taiwan, the only
other friendly countries in the area with
large, ready, experienced forces. It seems to
me our diplomacy should be cultivating this
vast garden with more assiduity than it has
shown.
HE MISUNDERSTOOD
(Mr. CHAMBERLAIN (at the request
of Mr. MCCLORY) was given permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker.
there is growing clarification in the Na-
tion's press of an unfounded verbal
attack made against Minority Leader
GERALD R. FORD by President Johnson. It
has been proven that Mr. FORD is inno-
cent of charges that he divulged so-called
confidential information to reporters fol-
lowing a White House conference with
the President. Among strong repudia-
tions of the unwarranted attack against
Mr. FORD was a letter from Newsweek
writer Samuel Shaffer which described
the President's criticism as unfounded
and as "wholly unfair."
One of the most respected newspapers
in the world has come to the defense of
Mr. FORD. The Detroit Free Press in an
editorial published August 5, 1965, ar-
ticulately explored the incident.
This is the Detroit Free Press editorial
titled "He Misunderstood":
HE MISUNDERSTOOD
Now it's Lyndon Johnson's turn to plead
a misunderstanding.
After royally chewing out Representative
GERALD R. FORD, of Grand Rapids, Sunday for
leaking information from a White House
skull session on Vietnam the previous Tues-
day night, it turns out not to have been FORD
at all.
The key point of the leak was the report
that Johnson had planned to call up the
reserves for duty in Vietnam until he was
dissuaded by a memo read by Senate Major-
ity Leader MIKE MANSFIELD. MANSFIELD said
the move wouldn't be popular among con-
gressional Democrats.
Since this kind of a report would, indeed.
be embarrassing to the Democrats, Johnson
would, indeed, not want it known, and would
deny it. And since it got to be public knowl-
edge, Johnson felt some enemy-a Republi-
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Bolivia Celebrates 140th Anniversary
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
O5' CALIFORNIA
to Bolivia's taking an even greater re- her husband was in the First World War,
sponsibility for improving the lot and therefore she knew how bad a war can
of her people and the welfare of the be. "I hope the President can find some
solution in Vietnam before it becomes a
hemisphere, full-scale war. But I don't see what he can
And so, Mr. Speaker, it is with a feel- do about it. It seems to me the matter is
ing of deep pride and admiration that out of our hands."
I rise to honor the Independence Day Miss Catherine Berggren, 6976 North Ridge,
thinks we should never have gone into Viet-
nam. "I have a nephew going into the
Army, and I hope he doesn't get involved
in it. But what can we do, we have to fight
it out. I am sure President Johnson will
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of our neighbour to the south, and to
Monday, August 9, 1965 extend to Bolivia my every best wish for
future growth, prosperity, and progress.
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, on
August 6, 1825, a congress of delegates
meeting in the city of Chuquisaca for-
mally declared the independence of Up-
per Peru, later to be renamed Bolivia.
A review of this action, which climaxed
years of struggle in that country and
throughout all of South America, can
help us renew our faith in the desire
of all men to obtain freedom from out-
side control. So on the 140th anniversary
of that historic date, which was cele-
brated last Friday, I rise to pay tribute
to the' courageous men of Bolivia who
fought and gave their lives so that their
offspring could enjoy the benefits of a
national state.
Bolivia has always been a country rich
in natural resources, but before 1826 it
was not free to use them herself. The
Spanish conquered Bolivia in 1532, and
it quickly became one of their most
valued possessions. The discovery of
silver around Potosi made the area known
around the world. In 1559 Bolivia was
made part of the Viceroyalty of Peru,
but the seeds of unrest were already
growing. Creoles-Spaniards born in
the New World-were denied the right
to hold. high office, while the Indians
were assigned tracts of land to cultivate
and were forced to work. in the mines.
The first uprising, which began in the
year 1661, was unsuccessful, but they
continued fairly steadily through the
years after that. At first the uprisings
were headed solely by the Creoles, but
the Indians were included later on. The
Spaniards were able to defeat the rebel-
lions until trouble in Europe set the
stage for a successful one. In 1808
Napoleon tried to force a French ruler
on Spain and the Americas but his plan
met with failure. The Audienca of
Charcas advocated freedom from Spain
for the New World in 1809, and the fight
began in earnest.
But Bolivia did not gain its independ-
ence easily; it was not until Bolivar's
great general, Antonio Jose de Sucre,
won the decisive battle of Ayacucho in
1824 that the complete independence of
Bolivia was assured. The extraordinary
length of this fight for freedom is cer-
tainly a great tribute to the spirit and
unquenchable thirst for liberty of the
people of Bolivia.
Over the years since the congress of
delegates met in Chuquisaca, Bolivia has
had its share of turbulence, but its ex-
ports have always contributed greatly
to world trade.. Tin has long been a very
important Bolivian commodity, on the
world market. Growing petroleum and
rubber industries are sure to aid in the
further development of the Bolivian
economy. As a member of both the
O.A.S. and the United Nations, and with
increasing government stability, it now
appears that we can now look forward
do the right thing."
Mrs. Ronald Niznik
1614 Balmoral
does
,
,
in Vietna n not think we should back down in Vietnam.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, much
is being said about what position the
United States should assume in Vietnam.
I should like to call attention today
to an excellent survey which appeared in
the Lerner newspapers published
throughout my district. This survey re-
flects what the people in Chicago feel
should be done about Vietnam.
The Lerner newspapers and Mr.
Leonard Dubkin have performed a most
significant public service by compiling a
grassroots opinion on what the people
feel should be our position in Vietnam.
I am aware of the flow of comments by
self-styled experts being published daily
in the large metropolitan newspapers and
national magazines, but the Lerner news-
papers have taken the trouble to see
what the people themselves feel on this
very important subject.
The combined circulation of the Lerner
newspapers in Chicago exceeds most of
the larger newspapers of America, and so
we can readily see the impact that the
Lerner survey has on a significant area
of our Nation.
I am particularly inspired by the fact
that this cross-section of public opinion
clearly indicates that while the people
are deeply concerned about our involve-
ment in Vietnam, there is an almost
unanimous decision at the grassroots
level for the United States not to abandon
our position in Vietnam.
This mature and deeply understanding
attitude by the American people should
be of the greatest comfort to President
Johnson in his present deliberations.
I wish to take this opportunity to con-
gratulate the publishers of the Lerner
newspapers for this most significant con-
tribution toward a better understanding
among Americans regarding the difficult
decision in Vietnam.
Mr. Speaker, the Lerner survey fol-
lows:
WHAT To Do IN VIETNAM
(By Leonard Dubkin)
What do you think we should. do in
Vietnam?
We asked 20 north-siders this question,
and we got as many different Opinions as
there were answers. People seem to feel
very strongly about our involvement in Viet-
nam, but they are mostly undecided about
what we should do there.
Mrs. Carleton Emry, 2165 Giddings, said
"We can't let the Communists take over
the whole country, that would be cowardly.
We are only defending our rights, but it
looks like we are headed for war."
Miss Linda Abrams, 6917 North Rockwell,
believes the whole situation is tragic. "My
brother is going to be called up soon, so I
have a personal involvement. Still I can't
see us _backing out of Vietnam. We have
to go on until a solution is reached, one way
or the other."
Mrs. Joseph Schanes, 4443 North Maple-
wood, has a 19-year-old son who may be in
the service soon. I'd hate to see him sent to
Vietnam. I don't like the situation over
there at all. France was in there for 18 years,
and it didn't do them any good; they had to
pull out. We should do the same."
"I'm very sad about the whole thing," re-
lated Mrs. Thomas Chappell, 2635 Greenleaf.
"I don't think it's necessary for us to fight
in Vietnam. The powers that be want war,
but the people want peace. Now we've got
our foot in the bottom of the barrel, and we
can't get it out. The truth is that we here in
Chicago don't know what's going on behind
the scenes in Washington."
Joseph Dickstein, 2832 Estes, told us he is
21, but since he is a student at the Univer-
sity of Chicago, he is not likely to be called
to the Army. "But something has to be
done in Vietnam, I see no solution the way
things are going now. All the troops we have
there now don't seem to be helping matters,
but pulling our troops out would do no good,
either. I guess we'll have to increase our
forces."
Robert Oarlock, 1744 Juneway, admitted
that he was a pacifist, a member of the Fel-
lowship of Reconciliation and active with the
Voters for Peace:
"I am against all killing, whether it is
done in Vietnam or in Stateville. I am 29
years old, but I will refuse to take part in
this war, or any unjust war. I will not co-
operate in any way, and I will not pay taxes
to keep the war going. The Vietcong are na-
tive to all of Vietnam, not only the northern
portion of it. There was supposed to be an
election in Vietnam a long time ago, but our
then President Eisenhower refused to allow
it.,,
Miss Catherine O'Connell, 6356 North
Paulina, thinks we shouldn't be in Vietnam
at all. "I'm glad I haven't got a son, to go
marching off to that place to fight. Why
don't they use their own men, instead of ex-
pecting us to send our boys over? It won't
be long before we'll be fighting China, too. I
say its all politics, rotten politics."
A woman who claimed to have some degree
of intuition was Mrs. Raymond Allen, 6231
North Mozart. "The fighting will be ended
before the end of the year," she prognosti-
cated. "And we won't have to pull out,
either, because they will surrender."
"I'm an old lady," said Mrs. Jack Schnur,
1971 Farragut, "and I'm lucky to be alive.
I lost one boy in the last war, and I think
war is a terrible thing. But we have to do
something, we can't let the Communists take
over the whole world."
Mrs. Gus Edelman, 6301 North Sheridan,
says she views the situation in Vietnam with
mixed emotions. "The South Vietnamese
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.0, 1965
need help, but why should it be only us to
hell) them? It should be all the nations of
the world. There's going to be a war even-
tually, and after we've won it were going to
have to police the country forever.
"I have a son, 18, and to tell you the truth,
I'm frightened. We're being polite to keep
the other nations from stepping in. I go to
bed at nights wondering what it's all about.
I guess all we can do is hope and pray."
":[ only know what I read in the papers,"
confided Mrs. Benjamin Brown, "but I think
President Johnson is doing the right thing.
I'm not happy about us sending more troops
into Vietnam, but the aggressor must be
stopped In time, or he will go on, taking one
country after another, the way Hitler did."
We got the reaction of a 13-year-old when
we talked to Blanche Wajda, 1807 Lunt.
"Wen, she replied, "the only thing I've got
to say is, I hope too many people don't get
killed, either ours or theirs."
Mrs. Irving Rubin, 1823 Lunt, was pessi-
mistic. "Things don't look very good for us
right now, but, as President Johnson said,
'We have to keep going.' I feel sorry for the
poor boys who are going over there to fight,
for what? We can only hope for the best."
Dorothy Becker, 524.4 North California,
thinks we should go along with the Presi-
dent. "He is planning things, so let's go
along with him and see what happens, It
doesn't look too good for us now, but those
mean in Washington know what they're do-
119.11
Another woman who said she had mixed
emotions was Mrs. Abe Siegel. "Everything
that can be done is being done. We can't
leave the South Vietnamese alone; they will
be completely overrun by the Communists.
I don't like to see our boys being sent over
there, but we can't let the Communists take
over."
Mrs. William Burns, 1438 Hollywood, told
us she had nephews in both the Marines and
then Army. "I don't like this whole business
in Vietnam. I don't feel we have any bust-
nees being there, because we don't really
know what's going on. If we wanted to go in,
we should have gone In full force, not the
way we did It."
Mrs. Walter Anderson, 7410 North Win-
chester, declared, "We can't pull out, and
we can't win the way we're going. It's cost-
ing us a fortune in lives and in money.
France fought there for years and couldn't
will. I say the only solution is to use the
atom bomb on them."
Mrs. Leon Barazoweki, 1619 Balmoral,
thinks it would be useless to use the atom
bomb In Vietnam because the people are
scattered all over the ,,countryside. "We
should either get out, or go in and clean up,
not diddle-daddle around. We are the
strongest Nation in the strength to clean up
a little world, and we have enough war like
that one."
Benjamin R. Hanby-"The Stephen
Foster of Ohio"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CLARENCE J. BROWN
Or OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 9, 1965
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker,
Hon. Earl R. Hoover, of Cleveland, Ohio,
one of our State's most prominent Jur-
ists, on yesterday evening, Sunday,
August 8, delivered an address at the
National Presbyterian Church, well-
known as the church of the !?residents,
here in Washington, on the life of one
of Ohio's greatest sons, Benjamin R.
Hanby, often called the Stephen Foster
of Ohio.
Benjamin R. Hanby made history not
only in Ohio, but for the entire American
Republic during the dark days of the
Civil War, and before and after them.
I feel that the story of his life, as so well
outlined by Judge Hoover in his address,
should become a matter of public record,
and for that reason I have asked unani-
mous consent that the same be printed
in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD.
The address is as follows:
BENJAMIN R. HANBX-THE STEPHEN FOSTER
OF OHIO
An address given by Judge Earl R. Hoover,
of Cleveland, Ohio, to the Sunday Evening
Club, at the National Presbyterian Church,
known as the church of the Presidents,
Connecticut Avenue and N Street NW.,
Washington, D.C'. August 8, 1965
Really now, that title doesn't sound very
exciting, does tt? To the contrary, the life
of this young Ohio composer was one of the
vital. exciting ones that challenged the Amer-
ican scene a hundred years ago. He was just
a youth, he was completely obscure, and he
lived, at small places, just at crossroads, but
he did something that more of us should do
more often. He took an interest in the big
problems of his time. Some hurled sermons
and speeches at them. Some hurled columns
of soldiers or columns of print. He did it in
a different way: He hurled his songs at them
with unbelievable historymaking effect. I
challenge you to listen and not be inspired
by this amazing life.
This is the story of Ohio's bard. The youth
whose music has now become so world fa-
mous that fie is called "The Stephen Foster
of Ohio." Indeed, this is a gripping saga of
Ohio, of the Whole United States, and of the
world.
It begins in that typically American way.
The year is now 1833. In a humble cottage
a half mile from the village of Rushville,
near Lancaster, there in southeastern Ohio,
proud parents-the Reverend and Mrs. Wil-
l1am Hanby-look down into the cradle of
a new son. They christen him Benjamin-
Benjamin Russell Hanby. Born in 1833 near
an Ohio crossroad, Ben dies prematurely In
Chicago in 1887, but I'd like to prove tonight
that what he crowded into those 33 short
years can never die.
In this epic story move Generals Grant,
Sherman, Sheridan, Lee, and Pickett; slav-
ery; the underground railroad; the War Be-
tween the States; the Battle of Gettysburg;
the siege of Vicksburg; the march from
Atlanta to the sea; politics; political cam-
paigns; Negro aninistrel troupes; Col. Robert
G. Ingersoll and James G. Blaine; Dwight L.
Moody and Ira D. Sankey; Robert Todd Lin-
coln. and Teddy Roosevelt; folk song and folk
dancing; the Kentucky mountains; the
Church of England; a young principal of an
Ohio academy who had to resign because he
wrote a song; a young Ohio minister who
was forced to give up his pulpit because he
brought musical instruments into the
church; a youth whose music swerved the
course of history, helped to bring on the War
Between the States, enlivened the campfires
both of the Confederacy and of the Union,
of the pioneer traveling West In his covered
wagon, and of cowboys driving cattle on that
Old Chisholm Trail from Texas to Abilene;
music-immortal music that encompassed
'the globe and still, after a century, is sung
on every continent.
Yes, almost 100 years have gone since that
premature death at the age of 33, but the
printing presses still grind out more than
four of his songs. Three are sung around the
world. Two are so generally known that
they are sung by schoolchildren, yours and
mine. One song, a Christian hymn, is fa-
mous throughout the British Empire and is
heard wherever British men lift their voices
to God, from the most stately cathedrals of
the Church of England in that little rock-
ribbed isle to the most rustic missions in the
far-flung reaches of Empire. And one song,
written when he was only 23, stirred this
Nation, made history.
It would be interesting to ask. the first 10
people you meet tomorrow: "Have you ever
heard of Benjamin Hanby?" The nays would
be almost unanimous. Yet, if you were to
ask, "Have you ever heard of the. old favorite
song `Darling Nelly Gray,' " the ayes would
be unanimous. Then, shocked would they be
if you were to tell them that "Darling"Nelly
Gray" was written, not by Pennsylvania's
Stephen Foster, but by Ohio"s Benjamin
Hanby. Even few Ohioans know that "Nellie
Gray" was written on Ohio soil by a native
son and has been officially dedicated as
"Ohio's Folk Song." And even so peerless an
historian as Bruce Cotton has twice mistak-
enly credited it to Foster.
It would be unfair to ask this generation
who "Nelly Gray" was, or how the song hap-
pened to be written, or what tremendous ef-
fect it had upon American history. That is
the thrilling story time forgot. May we try
to recapture it tonight?
The year is now 1856. Franklin Pierce is
President. The Nation is in turmoil over
slavery. In 5 years, the rumble of drums
and the rumble of artillery will touch off
civil war. Over in central Ohio, about 10
miles north of Columbus, upon what to now
State route No. 3, the village of Westerville
wallows in the mud and nurtures a small
debt-ridden college that had been founded
there only 9 years before by the United
Brethren Church.
Small Otterbein College, with no historic
prestige and only a handful of students, how
could anything great or immortal come out
of you. But wait destiny. You have yet to
reckon with a young sophomore who is en-
rolled now. His name is Benjamin Hanby.
Of all the living creatures that remain in
Westerville today that saw the young sopho-
more take his pen in hand, and, on a desk
made by his own hands, write a song that he
called "Darling Nelly Gray"-all that remain
are those giant elms spreading their protec-
tive arms over the campus, keeping the vigil
of a century that Otterbein celebrated 18
years ago in 1947.
Little does the young Otterbein College
sophomore dream this day as he mails his
manuscript to a Boston publisher, the great
Oliver Ditson Co., that the words and melody
from his pen,will be so historymaking that
some day, 80" years later, the great State of
Ohio will come to the village of Westerville,
and acquire, to preserve as a museum and
shrine for all time, the humble little house
facing the Otterbein College campus in which
he lived and wrote "Darling Nelly Gray"--
the first shrine established by the State of
Ohio in tribute to a musician.
I submit that this is a singular tribute by
a great State that has given such eminent
songwriters to the world as Dan Emmett.
born and buried in Mt. Vernon, Ohio, who
wrote "Dixie"; Tell Taylor, of Findlay, Ohio,
who wrote "Down by the Old Mill Stream";
Oley Speaks, of Canal Winchester, Ohio, who
composed "On the Road to Mandalay"; and
Cleveland's own Ernest B.. Ball.
Who ever heard of Ernest Ball? Let me
see your hands? Well, I get very few or no
hands from a Cleveland audience either.
Ernest Ball just happened to compose
"Mother Macliree," "When Irish Eyes Are
Smiling," "Let the Rest of the World Go By,"
"A Little Bit of Heaven," "Till the Sands of
the Desert Grow Cold," "In the Garden of
My Heart," "I'll Forget You," "Love Me and
the World Is Mine," "Dear Little Boy of
Inc." !d"West of the Great Divide" and, in
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 August 9, INKoved For (39QJ,: 8RB6 BA$,~" 00130017-7
With all strength, all sincerity I can
command, I say, "Happy birthday
WRIGHT PATMAN" or, in one of the lan-
guages of the border country, "Feliz cum-
pleafios, Seflor PATMAN."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
A4403
tributed to 111 countries its documentary special interests. He has been a valiant
motion picture, "The President," which warrior in behalf of those least able to
emphasized that the policies promul- defend their own interests, and he has
gated by the slain President would be the satisfaction of knowing that he has
Johnson. It is estimated that all USIA
film attendance records were broken by
this film, with the number of viewers
at over 750 million.
,'During Mr. Rowan's administration,
extraordinary progress was made in
transmitting USIA broadcasts over tel-
evision stations abroad. On August 29,
Polish television will transmit a 45-
minute program, marking the first oc-
casion that USIA and Poland have col-
laborated on the production of TV doc-
Monday, August 9, 1965
umentary. The program will be divided
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, Carl between the visit of the Pittsburgh Sym-
T. Rowan recently announced his resig- phony Orchestra to Poland and the visit
nation as Director of the U.S. Informa- of the Warsaw Philharmonic Orchestra
tion Agency. This is a great loss to the to the United States. By the end of
country and to the world. May, five communications satellite pro-
I had, the great pleasure of knowing grams to Europe had originated in
Mr. Rowan when we both served as al- USIA's television studios.
ternate US representatives to the 17th Of the various issues faced by Mr.
I am personally most appreciative of
Chairman PATMAN'S unfailing patience
and consideration. His wisdom, endur-
ance, integrity, devotion to duty, serenity
and kindliness have earned him the af-
fection and admiration of all the mem-
bership and have made service under his
chairmanship most rewarding in all re-
spects.
I congratulate Mr. PATMAN upon all his
achievements and I wish him many
more years of service.
In Reply-to . ippmann
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
session of the United Nations General Rowan, none proved more troublesome OF NEW YORK
Assembly in 1962. At that time he was than the struggle in Vietnam. Despite IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the great difficulties, it is my hope that
Public Affairs. He subsequently served the USIA will continue to rely on the
with distinction as Ambassador to Fin- truth as its best weapon. United States
land until he assumed the directorship purposes in Vietnam, as the rest of the
of the USIA in January 1964. world, will be best achieved by following
In the year and a half he spent at that the advice Carl Rowan gave in a speech
post, Carl Rowan succeeded admirably he delivered at Washburn University on
in the crucial task of interpreting to the May 31, 1964:
world the true quality of American life. I have no weapon except the truth-the
The three chief mandates of the USIA truth about what man can achieve in a so-
are to encourage public support abroad ciety where the individual is respected and
for the goal of a peaceful world corn- where men are free to worship and speak,
free to be different, free to live by the dic-
munity of free and independent states, tates of their own consciences so long as
free to choose their own future so long they do not deny the same freedoms to
as it does not threaten the freedom of others.
others; to identify the United States as
a strong, democratic nation qualified for
its leadership in world efforts toward
this goal; and to counter hostile at-
tempts to distort these objectives of the
United States.
During Mr. Rowan's administration,
the Agency attempted to provide ac-
curate and balanced information on civil
rights and racial issues in the United
States. One of the Agency's films,
"Nine From Little Rock," won an Acad-
emy Award in April 1965. The docu-
mentary illustrates civil rights progress
by showing the successes achieved by the
original nine students integrated into
I want to join with Carl Rowan's many
friends here in the House in wishing
him well in his future activities. But he
will be sorely missed in the U.S. Govern-
ment.
The Honorable Wright Patman
SPEECH
OF
HON. JOSEPH G. MINISH
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Little Rock High School in 1957. This Thursday, August 5, 1965
marked the first occasion that the Mr. MINISH. Mr. Speaker, I am
Agency won an Oscar for it productions, happy to join in paying well deserved tri-
The Agency's efforts to put our racial biite to the gentleman from Texas, the
tensions into honest perspective are be- distinguished chairman of the Banking
ginning to bear fruit. The worldwide and Currency Committee, the Honorable
reaction to events in and around Selma, WRIGHT PATMAN, upon the occasion of his
Ala.,-was markedly better than reaction 72d birthday.
to earlier racial crises.' The bulk of in- It has been a treasured experience to
t
S
l
h
r Mr
P
t
nd
ma even
AT-
ion to t
e
.
e
ternational atten
e
s serve on the committee u
e
gave . less weight to. the tragic events MAN, whose wholehearted dedication to Southeast in which Asia, the Unit, he nit, United States corner has of thasJ
there than to the sweeping response of world d in
the welfare of the American people is an sumed special responsibilities, and thus spe-
the National Government and the Amer- example and a spur to all his colleagues. cial obligations; it is, furthermore, a fighting
scan people. He is eloquent proof of the adage that front in which the confrontation is di-
In. addition to explaining civil rights hard work never killed anyone-he has rectly with the Vietcong and the. North
progress to our overseas audience, much thrived under an incredible workload Vietnamese, but indirectly with the Chinese
puts it in a very special light.
of .Mr. Rowan's term was devoted to re- during his long and brilliant service in There is s This no secret of
assuringthe world that the assassina- the House. The whole Nation has im- nose e ambitions. the e Neither can there Red ce be any
any
tion of President Kennedy would not in- measurably benefited from his cou- illusion that a surrender in South Vietnam
terfere with the orderly continuation of rageous, unyielding insistence that the would satisfy the Chinese appetite. Quite
our form of democracy. - The USIA dis- rights of the people must prevail over the contrary, it would prove Mao's thesis that
Monday, August 9, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following editorial from the July 27,
1965, edition of the New York Herald
Tribune. Mr. Walter Lippmann, in his
column of the same date, criticized the
U.S. policy in Vietnam, calling it "the
conception of ourselves as the solitary
policeman of mankind." I agree with
the editorial in taking exception to this
criticism. The United States does not
involve itself indiscriminately in any
instance of conflict in the world. South-
east Asia is an area in which this coun-
try has been called upon to assume
special responsibilities and obligations.
Weakening now would only invite ex-
panded aggression and label the United
States an undependable ally. Our role
in Vietnam is -anti-imperialist, a role in
which we need never fear being solitary.
The editorial follows:
IN REPLY TO MR. LIPPMANN
In his column today, Mr. Walter Lippmann
equates the Herald Tribune's defense of the
American role in Vietnam with "the con-
ception of ourselves as the solitary policeman
of mankind,' 7a conception which he calls
"a dangerous form of self-delusion."
To recognize that the United States has a
policeman's role to play in Vietnam-in the
sense of enforcing the "laws" against armed
aggression-is hardly to set the United
States up as "the solitary policeman of man-
kind.". This latter is a role the United States
neither should nor could play; an ordinary
border dispute between, say, two African
states, or even the grueling contest between
Greeks and Turks on Cyprus, doesn't com-
mand the dispatch of U.S. troops to keep or
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 A.4404
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 9, 1965
the United States Is, when the going gets
rough, an undependable ally. with the les-
son lost neither on Peiping nor on its next-
targeted victims.
When Mr. Lippman, asks how many Viet-
nams the United States can defend in Asia,
perhaps the best reply Is an indirect one.
How many are there to be? And it we yield
in the present confrontation, how much
more difficult will be the next? The one
thing as nearly certain as anything can be
in that agonizing contest is that to weaken
now would openly invite expanded aggres-
sion. For better or for worse, the United
States is the "policeman" on which the
threatened peoples in China's expansionist
path depend for whatever hope they have of
independence and freedom. And, unless and
until the enemy shows a disposition to nego-
tiate a settlement or to halt his Incursions,
this imposes a burden not lightly to be laid
down.
Our role In Vietnam is not antirevolu-
tionary; not merely a defender of the status
quo or of an established regime. It's basical-
ly anti-imperialist, which is quite another
thing entirely-and one on which we
shouldn't fear for our company.
Repeal of Section 14(b)
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. BASIL L. WHITENER
OF NORTH CAROISNA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 9, 1965
Mr. WHITENER. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently there has been a great deal of
concern on the part of many with refer-
ence to the activities of the National
Council of Churches of Christ in the
United States of America. This has been
particularly true since the appearance of
a representative of that organization be-
fore the Committee on Education and
Labor when that committee was hearing
testimony on the repeal of section 14(b)
of the Taft-Hartley Act.
On August 3, 1965, Bishop Earl Q.
Hunt, Jr., of the Western North Carolina
Annual Conference of the Methodist
Church wrote to me outlining the posi-
tion of his cabinet on this very contro-
versial issue. Since I was greatly im-
pressed by the statement of Bishop Hunt
and the cabinet, I hope It will be of equal
interest to my colleagues. I, therefore,
Insert the letter in the Appendix of the
RECORD:
THE METHODIST CHUzCH,
Charlotte, N.C. August 3,1965.
Son. BASn, L. WHrrwzs,
House of Representatives.
Washington, D.C..
Dzsz Ma. WHITENER:, It has come to the
attention of the bishop and the district
superintendents of the Western North Caro-
lina Annual Conference of the Methodist
Church that the National Council of
Churches of Christ in the United States of
America on June 4, 1965, presented testimony
at the hearing of the Special Subcommittee
on Labor of the House Committee on Edu-
cat:ion and Labor on the proposed repeal of
section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act. This
testimony, offered by the Reverend J. Ed-
ward Carothers, associate general secretary
of the National Division of the Board of Mis-
sions of the Methodist Church, and also a
member of the program board of the Division
of Christian Life and Mission of the National
Council of Churches and secretary of its
Commission on the Church and Economic
We, dealt with the National Council's de-
clared belief 4n "the freedom of labor and
management to bargain on issues of mutual
concern." and espoused repeal of the law in
question on the ground that it presently
interferes with such bargaining freedom.
Widespread objection to this position has
appeared in the more heavily industrialized
areas of the South, based upon the convic-
tion that the repeal of section 14(b) of the
Taft-Hartley Act would be tantamount, in
some instances, to compulsory union mem-
bership.
The cabinet of the Western North Carolina
Annual Conference of the Methodist Church
recognizes that, in harmony with the catho-
lic dimension of the denomination, Method-
ism must always keep ample room within
itself for authentic Christian representation
of the viewpoint of both management and
labor. The cabinet further acknowledges
the full right of Dr. Carothers, both as an
individual Christian and a duly authorized
officer of the National Council of Churches,
to appear before the Subcommittee on Labor.
However, because of Its own intimate ex-
posure to certain problems implicit in highly
industrialized communities and because of
its grave official concern that basic freedom
for both management and labor shall at all
times have adequate safeguards, the cabi-
net desires to reflect to you its conviction
that the position taken by Dr. Carothers on
behalf of the National Council of Churches
in the testimony referred does not represent
the point of view of large members of
Methodists in this annual conference.
The cabinet also wishes to record its con-
viction that the position taken by Dr. Car-
others on behalf of the National Council of
Churches Is weakened by the fact that it does
not suggest the necessity of providing new
safeguards in lieu of those which would be
removed by the repeal of section 14(b). It
is our judgment that union membership as
a basis of continued employment should
neither be required nor prohibited by law, or
by contract resulting from union manage-
ment negotiations. To compel a person to
be it contributing, member of any organiza-
tion against his conscience is wrong, wheth-
er the vehicle of compulsion is legislation
or a contract negotiated by representatives
of management and organized labor requir-
ing union membership as a-condition of em-
ployment.
We appreciate the opportunity to present
our point of view to you.
Sincerely yours,
Bishop EARL G. HUNT, Jr?
Resident Bishop of the Charlotte Area.
R. HERMAN NICHOLSON,
Secretary to the Cabinet.
A Vacation - for Congress
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 9, 1965
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, in
my testimony before the Joint Commit-
tee on the Organization of the Congress
on May 11, 1 voiced a plea for a con-
gressional vacation each summer, par-
tieularly in view of the fact that the
sessions seem to grow longer and longer
each year, thus depriving those of us
with children the pleasure of spending
some time with our families.
In the Long Island Press of yesterday,
I was therefore delighted to read its ed-
itorial proposing a permanent policy of
summer vacations, I could not agree
more heartily, and am taking the liberty
of inserting the editorial in the Cox-
GRESSIONAL RECORD for the benefit of my
colleagues.
The article follows:
A VACATION FOR CONGRESS
Congress is showing an increasing fretful-
ness commonly called adjournment fever.
It is a congenital ailment, but this year it
seems more acute than usual.
The 89th Congress' symptoms became
strikingly apparent around the Fourth of
July. After the long winter through spring
haul, the lawmakers expected a 10-day re-
cess. They didn't get it because of the pres-
sure of administration measures regarded as
must legislation-
Since then there has been a noticeable
effort to get long weekends whenever pos-
sible. That explains the rush-sessions on
certain bills along about Thursday of the
workweek.
Andrew J. Viglietta, manager of our Wash-
ington bureau, in his column today, tells
how Congress is, looking forward to adjourn-
ment by the Labor Day weekend.
Congressmen are like other human beings.
When they work hard they tire. When they
work too hard or for too long an unbroken
period they get irritable. When they get
irritable the pressure rises. If they get too
Irritable and clone in, there's the danger
we're not getting the best work out of them.
Like other people they wish they could
take vacations when other people are taking
theirs. They'd like to be free when their
children are having vacations from school.
Who can blame them?
Congress should have a summer vacation.
It wouldn't be too bad for the country if it
had one right now, say until after Labor Day.
Members could then come back fresh and
finish up their work. But Congress, hungry
as it is for a rest, wouldn't like that. It
would rather grin and bear it, and push
through until labor Day, and then be free
until January. barring emergencies.
A better idea perhaps would be to change
Congress' schedule, giving It by law a sum-
mer vacation, say the month of August.
Members then could plan their work accord-
ingly.
Some years Congress dawdles, particularly
in the early months. In election years-
every 2 years-it puts the pressure on, If need
be, by straining to get free to do their elec-
tioneering.
With the record it is setting this session,
Congress should be able to look forward to
surcease in 1966. The more work on admin-
istration bills accomplished this year, the
better the chances of early adjournment next
summer.
Congress has, indeed, made a remarkable
record-with the President, of course, push-
ing. Medicare, voting rights, excise tax re-
duction, aid to education, progress on mod-
ernizing immigration laws-all are brilliant
feathers in its cap.
Congress has not been shy about pay de-
mands. Last year it voted Itself $7,500 raises
bringing the pay to $30,000 a year. This
week a House committee voted to give Con-
gress a raise along with other Federal em-
ployees, which could lift Congressmen's
salaries to $33,400 in the next 2 years.
Why it doesn't ask for a permanent policy
of summer vacations is beyond us.
That would come under the heading of
working conditions and what working man
today doesn't regard conditions as impor-
tant as pay guarantees in his working ar-
rangement?
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