CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130014-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 14
• Publication Date: August 12, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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August 12, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE
Investing $2 billion of private money
needed to complete the replacement pro-
gram is not something that private in-
vestors can take lightly, nor is it some-
thing they can get into and get out of
In a hurry. They must have some as-
surances of firm Government policy or
we will see the entire U.S. fleet go down
the drain.
Labor, too, has a heavy responsibility
In this matter. The fruits of automa-
tion cannot be reaped if labor insists on
unrealistic manning requirements.
I know the deep concern that many of
the labor leaders feel for the industry
and its problems.
I know, too, some of the internal prob-
lems they have with the reduced crews
automation brings.
But, surely, as has happened in so
many other industries, labor statesman-
ship can come forth and survive by not
bucking automation and its conse-
quences. It can, instead, take a humane
view toward what is needed for the men
affected by the change. Unless volun-
tary cooperation leads to labor peace,
stronger measures are bound to be de-
manded.
I call on my friends in the maritime
labor unions to get together and look at
the needs of the membership in adjust-
ing to change rather than thinking in
terms of resisting the change which is
mandatory if the industry is to survive.
And, industry, too, has a deep respon-
sibility to its employees so effected.
Industry initiative of the kind the rail-
road industry demonstrated would go a
long way toward easing the pain that
change brings to men and their families
in any industry.
Labor, industry, and Government?all
have a tremendous responsibility, not
only to their immediate interests, but to
the overall national good, to see to it that
we remain a strong maritime nation.
Surely, no one would advocate that we
abandon our foreign trade to the mercy
of rates fully set abroad, nor would any-
one advocate that we again go through
the agony of having to recreate a mer-
chant marine every time there is a na-
tional emergency.
In peace and war, the arguments for a
strong and vigorous merchant marine
are compelling.
Let us then face up to the task and
move to an early and courageous deci-
sion which will permit stability and prog-
ress in our increasingly important mari-
time industry.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF OUR
DUCK POPULATION
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, the
Fish and Wildlife Service gave to the
press on August 10, a statement that sad-
dened the heart of every duck hunter and
every lover of the out of doors. That
statement was headed: "Interior Depart-
ment says duck breeding populations
reach record low."
As some of my Senate colleagues know,
I have been interested in hunting and the
out of doors for more than half a cen-
tury. In 1916, I helped to draft and put
through the Virginia Legislature, a bill
creating Virginia's first fish and game de-
partment. For years, I was a member of
the old American Game Conference and
on the Migratory Bird Advisory Board
of the predecessor to the Fish and Wild-
life Service, called the Bureau of Bio-
logical Survey. For a number of years,
I served on the Federal Migratory Bird
Commission that passes on the acquisi-
tion of migratory bird refuges. As a
Member of the House, I served for 12
years as chairman of a Select Committee
on Wildlife Conservation, during which
time I sponsored the Pittman-Robert-
son Act; the Duck Stamp Act, and the
Coordination Act of 1946, which requires
the consideration of wildlife interests in
all water impoundment projects by the
Federal Government,
Since I have known a period when there
would be rafts of canvasback and red-
head ducks on the Potomac River below
Washington, estimated from one-half to
1 million in number, and have heard
those rafts take flight with a roar com-
parable to a passenger train entering a
tunnel at 60 miles per hour, I cherished
the hope that I could do something to
pass on to generations yet unborn the
pleasures of the great out of doors which
I had known and enjoyed. The an-
nouncement today that our supply of
ducks is at the lowest period since we'
started making annual surveys, indicates
that my ambition to preserve duck hunt-
ing for future generations will probably
not be realized.
In my opinion, the greatest single
detriment to an adequate duck supply
has been the drainage of the duck breed-
ing areas both in this country and Can-
ada. Think of paying farmers $16 an
acre to drain potholes in the duck breed-
ing areas of the United States in order
to further increase the unmanageable
surplus of wheat. But that is "water
over the pothole," so to speak. Un-
doubtedly, the current situation calls for
drastic action. Consequently, I sent the
following telegram today to the Secre-
tary of the Interior, who within the next
2 weeks must decide whether or not there
will be an open season in the United
States on ducks and if an open season,
how long it is to run and what the daily
bag limit will be.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent for that telegram to be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
? Auousr 12, 1965.
Hon. STEWART L. UDALL,
'Secretary of the Interior,
Department of the Interior,
Washington, D.C.:
For more than half a century, I have
watched with distress the decline and fall of
our duck population. In view of the cur-
rent report that it is now at the lowest level
since surveys were started in 1947, I strongly
urge that you close the season in the United
States for this year and ask our Canadian
friends to take similar action, although the
kill in Canada is relatively small. If we wait
1 or 2 more years before taking drastic ac-
tion to save remnants of brood stock and
then close the season, it would probably never
be opened again because the brood stock
would have gone beyond the point of recall.
Many will purchase duck stamps to hunt
geese and a substantial number will be sold
to stamp collectors. In any event, revenue
19407
from the sale of stamps this fall to hunt
ducks would, in my opinion, be blood money.
A. WILLIS ROBERTSON,
U.S. Senate.
HOW TO INCREASE JOBLESSNESS
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, on
Wednesday, August 4, the Cleveland
Press carried an editorial: "How To In-
Crease Joblessness." The tenor of this
editorial holds that the recommenda-
tion of the House Education and Labor
Subcommittee instead of helping the
economy will undoubtedly hurt it.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial of the Cleveland Press: "How To
Increase Joblessness" be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
How To INCREASE JOBLESSNESS
We have in our country a problem of un-
employment, almost solely confined to those
who have little or no employable skills (con-
sult "help-wanted" pages of the Press to see
how high the demand for those who have
skills).
So, how is it proposed that Congress, in its
wisdom, shall cope with the problem?
A House Education and Labor Subcommit-
tee, Congressman JAMES ROOSEVELT, chair-
man, comes out with a bill providing that
the Federal minimum wage, now $1.25 per
hour, shall be raised to $1.75 per hour.
Not only shall those now getting the $1.25
minimum get a 50-cents-an-hour increase,
but also some 6 million additional workers,
not hitherto covered by Federal legislation,
shall be hired at the higher wage, if hired at
all.
Farmworkers, tenant farmers, sharecrop-
pers, nonprofessional employees of hospitals,
restaurants, hotels, laundry, and cleaning es-
tablishments.
Many already are receiving more than the
present minimum, even more than the pro-
posed higher minimum. And in those areas
where unskilled labor is paid less, the new
legislation can cause painful economic dis-
locations.
Thus those who can't get jobs for $1.25 per
hour ($10 for an 8-hour day) will have even
less chance of getting work at $1.75 per hour
($14 for an 8-hour day).
A law that tries to repeal the old proverb
that a laborer is wortly of his hire may in-
crease the relle;..-raii, lint, not the job rolls.
C.,"/ _
CAPITOL ftommoom DEBATE
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the
names "hawk" and "dove" have been
much overworked in connection with the
war in Vietnam. Neither label is accu-
rate in terms of the immediate action
to be taken; yet the labels do connote an
underlying difference in interpretation of
the war as it relates to our national
interest.
The two viewpoints were evidenced
recently in the CBS radio program
"Capitol Cloakroom," in a discussion
between Senators GEORGE MCGOVERN, of
South Dakota, and GALE MCGEE, of
Wyoming.
I ask unanimous consent that a tran-
script of the program be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the tran-
script was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
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19408 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
From the Nation's Capitol, CBS radio
brings you the 884th presentation of "Capitol
Cloakroom." This week's guests are Senator
GALE McGee, Democrat, of Wyoming and
Senator GEORGE MCGOVERN, Democrat, of
South Dakota. Now, here is CBS correspond-
ent Martin Agronsky.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Secretary of Defense Robert
McNamara came back to Washington this
week from a 5-day survey in South Vietnam
with a depressing estimate of the state of the
Vietnamese war. The overall situation con-
tinues to be serious, he said. In many aspects
it has deteriorated since 15 months ago when
I was last here, the Defense Secretary con-
tinued. Then he documented his pessimism
with these reasons. The size of the Vietcong
forces has increased, he said. The rate of
operations and size of attacks have been ex-
panded, the disruption of lines of communi-
cations by rail, sea, and road become more
intense, terroristic attacks have increased,
Mr. McNamara's estimate is in the same un-
happy vein as the recent observation of
President Johnson last week. That it must
be expected that the war in Vietnam will get
worse before it becomes better. These grim
evaluations by the President and his Defense
Secretary are twined With the statements
that 'U.S. forme in Vietnam must be in-
creased, that reserve call-ups will become
greater and that the draft will be stepped up.
All of this is expected to precipitate a renewal
of congressional debate on the Vietnamese
crisis and the conflict between the so-called
Hawks who want the war effort intensified
and the Doves who want the peace effort in-
tensified. With us today is One of the Sen-
ate's most dedicated Hawks, Wyoming
DEEGOCNIt GALE McGee and the equally deter-
mined Dove, South Dakota's Democrat
GEORGE MCGOVERN.
Gentlemen, I think Senator McGee, since
you express in a sense the administration
viewpoint and defend it, I would like to
hear your reaction to Secretary of Defense
McNamara's estimate of the deterioration of
the situation in Vietnam.
Senator MCGEE. Secretary McNamara's
deterioration" to which he makes reference
refers to the status in Vietnam over a year
ago. And the reason that we have had these
debates, the reason for the President's new
citinensiona of his policy stem from the sharp
tthenge beginning in the late fall of last year
so that this is not necessarily a new dimen-
sion that the Secretazy is Making reference
to at all. But what the President outlined
In his February speech was What we outlined
in our discussions on the &Tor of the Senate
as the serious magnitude of the conflict there.
Seemly, that it makes a difference to us What
happens in Vietnam and southeast Asia.
The successful rebalancing of power in the
-world depends on the outcome there and
that China must be prevented from moving
into that area at all coste. The national
interest requires it as well as the chance for
peace. So in that context, all that we're
being asked for in Vietnam at the present
time is to put our material and our supplies
and our manpower where our words have
been.
Mr. Ameeeiseri. Well, that is your esti-
mate, sir. What about yours, Senator
McGomm?
Senator MCGOVERbT. Well, Mr. Agronsky,
It doesn't surprise me at all that Secretary
McNamara -reports the situation is worse
than he found it 15 months ago in spite of
the fact that when he was there in 1983 he
said he thought that we could leave by the
end of 1965. He thought then that our job
would be done by the end of this year. I
thought that that estimate was wrong at the
time. / think that it is not at all surprising
that the Secretary has' been forced to with-
draw his optimistic estimates of 2 years ago.
The /Teem for that is that we have been
following in recent years' is course that just
Will not work. We have been trying to solve
a Vietnamese political problem with increas-
ing amounts of American military power,
American military equipment, American sol-
diers and that formula just won't work in
southeast Asia or anywhere else.
Senator McGee. We got into that, George.
I disagree with that completely. I think that
our first priority in southeast Asia, the Pres-
ident has repeated it, Secretary McNamara
has repeated it, Secretary Rusk has repeated
it, and that Is that the first priority in south-
east Asia is to contain the forces of mili-
tant expansionism from mainland China and
its stooges and that we don't dare forfeit
southeast Asia to a power bloc that stands
upon a steady course of world imperialism.
That is the issue, the internal politics of
Vietnam comes second, not first.
Senator McGovener. Well, if that is the
doctrine, it represents a radical shift from
what our announced position was when we
first went into Vietnam in 1954, a position
that has been repeated up until recent
months by three Presidents. We have been
told up until the last few months that this
was a Vietnamese war, that it had to be
won by the people of Vietnam and that the
basic ingredient of victory was the popular
political support of the government that we
have been trying to assist in Saigon. Now
the facts are that we have not been able to
put together a government in Saigon that
has the support of the people and that is the
basic problem. We have been trying to deal
with a political rebellion in South Vietnam
by bombing villages, and you can't win pop-
ular support and influence people in that
fashion.
Senator McGee. I think you are in error
on such an allegation, that we are bombing
villages in order to bring about political
reform. We have been bombing villages, we
have been bombing across the 17th parallel
at the same time in an attempt to arrest or
stop an infiltration that certainly by its own
nature makes impossible any political ad-
vancement in Vietnam. Until the past year,
there was hope that it would be possible to
hold a line without such massive commit-
ments as this entails. But the clear action
from Hanoi and obviously backed from
Peiping that they could run the Americans
out, force them out and thus have an easier
opportunity to take over the area with all
of its gain, was a decision that has required
our much more stanch determination to
hold the line. And you have got to put
first things first as we did in Berlin, as we
did in Western Europe, as we did in Greece,
as we did in Iran and the line that balances
the world has to go all the way to the China
Sea, and this is the last link in the drawing
of that line.
Senator McGoveeN. Well, Senator McGee,
let me intervene here now. I think the
press media during this present week have
given us some indication again of why this
war le going so badly, because the same
news accounts that carried Secretary Mc-
Namara's statement that he found the sit-
uation in Vietnam much worse today than
it was 15 months ago in spite of the drastic
Increase in America's military effort there,
quoted an American captain who had walked
with his colleagues into a village in South
Vietnam that had been under bombard-
ment by American airplanes and .American
artillery. When they got into that village
they didn't find any dead Vietcong, what
they found were dead, wounded and hor-
ribly scarred and burned women and chil-
dren weeping in the shambles of that vil-
lage. The captain's comments were very
terse. He said: "This is why we are losing
this stupid war. It's senseless, just sense-
less." The captain is right. It's a senseless
operation to try to win a war by using
bombs against defenseless villages, against
women and children. This is not the way
to win either a political operation or a
military operation, and as long as we take
August 12, 1965
that formula we are just setting the stage
for a bigger debacle in the end.
Mr. AGRONSEY. Well, Senator, SeE/RtOr
Mc-
GovN, may I ask you "How would you win
it?"
Senator MCGOVERN. I don't think the war
can be won out there by American military
power. I think that if it is to be won it is
going to have to be won by the Vietnamese
Government forces and I am not at all sure
at this point that they can win a decisive
victory against the Vietcong. But let me
quote what President Kennedy had to say
about this just shortly before he died, and I
think this reflected the American position
very well. He said: "I don't think that unless
a greater effort is made by the South Viet-
namese Government to win popular support
that the wax can be won. In the final anal-
ysis, it is their war. They are the ones that
have to win or lose it. We can help them,"
he said. "We can give them equipment, we
can send some me out there as advisers,
but they have to win in?the people of Viet-
nam against the Communists." And then he
added this: "We're prepared to continue to
assist them, but I don't think the war can
be won unless the people out there support
the effort."
Senator McGee. May I just say to that
same point, Martin, that we are talking about
a condition that was long ago and has long
since changed, and we are faced with the
hard facts that are with us now, not with
the much more modest and moderate and
almost quiet circumstances that prevailed
before.
Mr. AGRONSKY. How has the situation
changed?
Senator McGee. It has changed because of
the rather flagrant and open substantial
intervention from the north by the Hanoi
government; in size and dimension that
threatens any chance for the emergence of
any stable government in the south. But
more importantly that intervention threat-
ens to knock over an established regime that
had survived for nearly a dozen years and
as a result is being watched by all of the
surrounding governments who know that in
this game of tenpins internationally they're
next. For that reason we have to stand.
The Vietnamese are the second priority, not
the first one. The first is the rebalancing of
this section of the world and that's the di-
mension that was not as obvious or as clear
cut as when President Kennedy made the
statement that Senator MeGovraer has just
alluded to or when the situation a year ago
was evaluated as not as serious as it is today.
Mr. AGamesivir. Well, if your answer is for,
Senator, and obviously it is, an increased
American force, would you then accept this
as an American war now, no longer a South
Vietnamese war. You keep saying the South
Vietnamese are subordinate. Do you really
mean that?
Senator MCGEE. Oh, I think yes I do at this
stage. I think it is very clear now that the
Vietnamese are never going to have a chance
to emerge in whatever image they chose.
I think they ought to have all the chance
they can get, unless the forces from the
outside can be restrained. We have made
it clear. We are not going to take Hanoi.
We don't want Hanoi or North Vietnam or
any part of anywhere else. We want the
outside intervention into the South to cease.
That is the basis on which we can have nego-
tiations. Now Senator McGoviatee suggested
to us that we cant' win a war here, but we
can turn that around in another way in the
proper dimension, you don't win wars in this
modern age of warfare, but you can lose
them, and we dare not lose this part of
the world under the duress and the threats
and the terrorism that have prevailed.
Otherwise we lose the next segment of the
world and then the next. And Hitler should
have taught us the folly of a piecemeal re-
sistance
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August 12, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 19409
Senator MCGOVERN. It is my view that the
course we are now following is playing the
Chinese Communists game. They are sit-
ting an the sidelines without a single soldier
committed to this war in South Vietnam and
all the while were playing into their hands
by lending credence to the propaganda they
have been distributing all over Asia?that
this is an American war, that it is not a
popular defense of their government by the
people of South Vietnam but a case of a
. white Western power coming back into Asia
on the heels of the discredited French and
trying to win a war against the people of
North Vietnam and against their supporters
in South Vietnam. What I am suggesting
here is that there is a limit to military
power.
Senator McGsre. Oh, I couldn't agree with
you more?and a military solution to this
question in southeast Asia. (Interrupting
each other.)
Mr. AGRONSKY. Military solution?you have
been proposing one.
Senator MCGEE. No, I have been propos-
ing that we win the chance for a political
solution and you cant win that chance if
you forfeit to the other side. This is exactly
what we were doing until we were determined
to draw the line and resist infiltration.
Senator MCGOVERN. Well, GALE, this is the
formula, of course, that has steadily drawn
us deeper and deeper into a military di-
lemma in South Vietnam. We said for a
long time that we couldn't negotiate except
from a position of military strength. Now,
I said 2 years ago and repeatedly since then,
and I repeat it now, that that's a formula
for escalation, because presumably the other
side feels exactly the same way, that they
are not going to negotiate until things are
running in their favor. I think our offers
to negotiate came at least a year too late.
I think a year from now it will be even
worse.
Senator MCGEE. GEORGE, as I see it the kind
of historical perspective as you and I appre-
ciate since you were a historian, too, before
you came to the Senate and that is the
Communists have clearly reached the con-
clusion that if they held on long enough
and created enough fuss that we were going
home, and they sought to-hasten the with-
drawal of the Americans. They were con-
vinced from reading our own country's his-
tory that we grow tired of these things, just
as the Russians gambled we were going to
withdraw from Europe at the end of World
War II and the parallel here we saw in Korea,
the seine arguments were made that the
Russians were sitting by while we tangled
with the Chinese and the North Koreans.
And what a mistake that was. You and I
know that it was necessary to do what we
did in Korea, not to win an all-out war, but
to restore the 38th parallel for the sake of
the U.N. and the security balance and the
same issue is here in southeast Asia. We
simply insist that South Vietnam have the
right to be independent without influence
from the outside. How they settle their in-
ternals is another matter.
Senator MCGOVERN. I think we have a
drastically different situation in Vietnam
than we had in Korea. When we went into
Korea we did it under the auspices and with
the support of the United Nations. In Viet-
nam we stand virtually alone. In the case
of Korea there was an overt, naked, identi-
fiable act of invasion where the forces of
North Korea swept across the 38th parallel
into South Vietnam in large invading armies.
There has been nothing comparable to that
in Vietnam where there was a revolt that
seemed to develop from the countryside and
from the villages in South Vietnam which
to be sure has been aided and abetted and
encouraged from North Vietnam. But most
of the outside aid has come in the last year
and a half since we stepped up our effort.
Senator MCGEE. Our effort 1-1 as been stepped
up. May I say, GEORGE, b^r-in-i,g in the early
spring of this year we made a massive step-up
in our efforts. The step-up followed a very
considerable infiltration beyond any dimen-
sions of in comfort 'and sympathy to a'
common kin across the lines. In Korea,
it was an American war. We were able be-
cause of an absence of mind?we were able to
pull that off very deftly because the Rus-
sians made the mistake of absenting them-
selves one afternoon from the UN. Other-
wise, it couldn't have been done. The Com-
munists are not static enough to fight every
new exercise in the same way they fought the
first one. Thus, the Berlin question was
fought with the threat of an air strike. The
threat in Cuba was fought with the threat
of nuclear bases. In Korea, it was the in-
filtration of a massive assault by the troops
there. Now, we have a new phase of Com-
munist technique of imperialism from Peping
and that is infiltration which makes it all
the more difficult but it doesn't alter the
impact. The impact Is to take the area by
whatever device they can try that will win.
And this is the toughest one of all.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Senator MCGOVERN, what
would be your alternative? You say that they
cannot bring into being in South Vietnam
a government with popular support. You
indicate in effect, I think, that we should
mill out? Do you want us to do that or do
you have an alternative? What should we
do beyond intensification?
Senator MCGOVERN. Before answering that
question, let me say, first of all, that when
you recommend that a man not jump off a
10-story building and he jumps anyway it
is very difficult to advise him when he reaches
the fifth floor as to what he ought to do at
that point. We are now following a course
of action which I have consistently advised
against, and it has led us into a trap from
which there is no easy way out. But I
recognize that, even at this late date, those
of us that are critics of our deepening in-
volvement in Vietnam have to look at the
facts as they stand today and then begin
from there with our recommendations. I
think one step we might very usefully take
would be a serious effort to determine whether
or not the people of South Vietnam really
want to continue the war. Do they want
us to continue our military effort? If we can
establish, as I think we can, that there is
little support among the Vietnamese people
for this war, we ought to get out as quickly
as we can. It does not necessarily follow
that even if Ho Chi Minh or somebody of that
type should take over the leadership of Viet-
nam that the country would automatically
be a puppet of Red China. Senator McGEE
has implied that the real enemy here is
China. I don't think it follows that Ho
Chi Minh or the other leaders of North
Vietnam want their country controlled by
Red China anymore than Yugoslavia wanted
their country controlled by the Soviet Union.
Senator MCGEE. Senator, first of all, Yugo-
slavia was able to play both sides each
against the other because it was wedged be-
. tween the front lines of the major opposing
sides. Here in southeast Asia who stands in
the way of China? Ho Chi Minh can sti)p
China because he doesn't like the Chinese.
Can South Vietnam stop China? Can Burma
stop China?
Senator MCGOVERN. Have we had any in-
dication that China is moving into North
Vietnam to take it over?
Senator MCGEE. I think that without any
case for contradiction that the intentions of
the Chinese through the technique of pres-
sure and infiltration have been clear not only
now but historically. They have been inter-
fered with sometimes in the past by the
fact that the British wanted the area in-
stead of the Chinese and the Japanese
started World War II to get the area or the
Portuguese got it or the Germans did, but
what it does suggest is that this is a major
prize in the world and it is imperative that
we not let it fall into the hands of someone
else.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Senator MCGEE, can you
document however the answer to Senator
MCGOVERN'S question? What proof is there
that the Chinese Communists are in there?
that they are the prime movers.
Senator MCGEE. The Chinese Communists
are following the same technique the Rus-
sians followed in Korea that you get others
to do the job, that you get the local groups?
it isn't a group. The same that they were
pursuing this. May I say in Greece (inter-
ruption) I think it is very clearly docu-
mented. These are the reports that are
brought out at Peiping by the visitors that
have gone in there to talk to them, to the
reports that are brought out of Hanoi, that
the tune is clearly being called from Peiping
and that the dimensions of Chinese expan-
sionism, if we can leave the word "Commu-
nist" out for the moment, are likewise his-
torical. This is a great prize for China that
has too many people and too few resources.
Here is' the last resource area of the world,
and if this is not china's goal, if you assume
the other extreme?that it is not China's
goal?then China has no stake in worrying
about keeping these people independent and
that's the only goal we have?is to preserve
the independence of this entire area without
the application of force from the outside.
Senator MCGOVERN. Now, Senator MCGEE,
I hold no brief for China, but I don't think
you can assume that the Chinese are basic-
ally responsible for the troubles of south-
east Asia. I think we would have revolu-
tions in that area and in a good many other
parts of the world even if China had never
existed. One reason for that is the unpop-
ular regimes that do not have the support
of the people. Consider, for example, the
Prime Minister of our ally, South Vietnam.
This is the man who said that his political
hero was Adolph Hitler. Now, how can we
say that we are advancing the cause of free-
dom in South Vietnam when the govern-
ment that we are attempting to prop up
with American military_power is headed by
a man who says his heroTs Hitler.
Senator MCGEE. I can answer that, Sen-
ator, in this way. That if for the same rea-
son that we had to back the wrong side in
Greece at the end of the war. We had to
back the monarchy and the black mar-
keteers to prevent a Communist force from
the north from taking over. Otherwise, the
forces of freedom in Greece would never
have had a chance. 11 is exactly that same
issue that is at stake here in Vietnam. You
speak of having a plebiscite there. The
French left no legacy in South Vietnam
where anybody could have any kind of
meaningful measure. Democracy as you
know it is a long way off in Vietnam and
so we have to face the facts of life and
those facts are that we are in the real test-
ing period in the Minh era here that we
have to survive and only through the sub-
jection of this area to American committal
to try to hold the line.
Mr. AGRONSKY. A brief last word, Senator
MCGOVERN.
Senator MCGOVERN. I want to repeat again
that as long as we try to solve the political
problems of the people of Vietnam by in-
creasing the number of American soldiers
and American military equipment, we are
headed for trouble.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Gentlemen, thank you both
for being with us this week on "Capitol
Cloakroom."
VETERANS' ADMINISTRATION HOS-
PITAL IN THE DISTRICT OF CO-
LUMBIA RENAMED MELVIN J.
MAAS MEMORIAL HOSPITAL
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
on yesterday, the Senate passed S. 788,
a bill which designates the Veterans' Ad-
ministration hospital in the District of
Columbia as the Melvin J. Maas
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19410 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE August 12, 1965
Memorial Hospital. This is a most
worthy piece of legislation and will en-
able the example of the courageous and
gallant General ,of
to be an inspira-
tion to future generations.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that an explanation of the bill and
a short biography of General Maas be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the Material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
EXPLANATION OF S. 788
The bill (S. 788), if enacted, would desig-
nate the Veterans' Administration hospital
in the District of Columbia as the Melvin J.
Maas Memorial Hospital.
BIOGRAPHY OF GENERAL MAAS
General Maas was reappointed Chairman
of the President's Committee on Employ-
ment of the Handicapped on March 4, 1961,
by President Kennedy. He had previously
served as Chairman since appointed on April
13, 1954, by President Eisenhower. In addi-
tion he served as chairman emeritus of the
Committee for the Handicapped People-to-
People programs, having been named chair-
man by President Eisenhower on May 29,
1956.
His career included 16 years as a Congress-
man from Minnesota; service in the U.S.
Marines, rising from a private in marine avia-
tion in 1917 to the rank of major general in
August 1352. He was a native of Duluth,
Minn.
CONGRESS
General Maas was first elected to Congress
from Minnesota in 1926, at the age of 27.
He served from 1927 to 1933 and from 1935
to 1945. In 1933 he received national rec-
ognition and the Carnegie Silver Medal for
heroism when he disarmed a man in the
House galleries who.was threatening Mem-
bers with a loaded revolver. During his ca-
reer in Congress, he specialized in legisla-
tion promoting aviation, national defense,
and measures to improve the unemployment
situation. As a member of the Foreign Af-
fairs Committee of the House, General Maas
sponsored several international conferences
designed to bring about better relations with
foreign powers. Prior to World War II he
sponsored legislation Lo fortify Guam and
was joint author of legislation setting up
a promotion system for the Nary. He also
was sponsoring author of the Naval Reserve
Act of 1938 which governed the Naval and
Marine Corps Reserve until passage of the
Armed Forces Reserve Act. He was also the
congressional author of the legislation cre-
ating the first military women's reserve.
MARINE CORPS
General Maas entered the Marine Corps
April 6, 1917. He served with Marine avia-
tion in the Azores throughout the war. In.
1926 he accepted a Marine Reserve commis-
sion prior to entering Congress. In the sum-
mer of 1941 he returned to active duty and
served at sea on the staff of Adm. William
Halsey and in 1942 With Adm. Frank J.
Fletcher in the Solomons campaign. He also
served as a Marine Corps observer with Gen_
Douglas MacArthur in Australia and New
Guinea. He was awarded the Silver Star
Medal for service with the Army Air Force
at the Battle of Milne Bay in 1942. He also
won the Legion of Merit in combat. In ad-
dition he was awarded 12 other ribbons. In
the fall of 1942 General Maas resumed his
duties in Congress but returned to active
duty in January 1945. In May of that year
he assumed command of the Awase Air Base,
Okinawa, where he received the Purple Heart.
He was promoted to brigadier general in the
Marine Reserve, June 1, 1950. Blindness
overtook him in 1951 and on August 1 of
that year he retired and was advanced to
major general rank for having been specially
commended in combat.
PUBLIC LIFE
For his untiring efforts in behalf of the
Marine Corps Reserve he was known as "Mr.
Marine Corps Reserve." For 6 years he served
as a member of the Reserve Forces Policy
Board in the Department of Defense. He
served as chairman of the board, Marine
Corps Reserve Officers Association, and was
a past commander in chief, Military Order of
the World War, past national commander,
Disabled American Veterans (1955-56), and
past national president of the Blinded Vet-
erans-Association (1960-61 ) .
In his early business career he was a sales-
man and sales manager. Later, he managed
a manufacturing firm in St. Paul, Minn. In
1925 he organized his own insurance firm.
He was assistant to the board chairman of
the Sperry Corp. from 1946 until recalled to
active duty in the Korean conflict. He was a
director of the United Services Life Insur-
ance Co. and of Mutual of Omaha.
PRESIDENT'S COMMITTEE
On June 4, 1954, General' Maas was award-
ed a degree of doctor of laws at the College
of St. Thomas, St. Paul, Minn., his alma
mater. Subsequently, he was honored by
Marquette University, Goodwill Industries of
America, ,United Cerebral Palsy, National Re-
habilitation Association, American Founda-
tion for the Blind, Tri-Organization Scien-
tific and Rehabilitation Conference, 1961,
and with the Veterans' Administration cita-
tion for exceptional service. In 1958 General
Maas received the AMVETS Silver Helmet
Award for his long career in public service.
On January 17, 1961, General Maas received
a Presidential citation signed by President
Eisenhower, noting his major contribution
to the cause of the handicapped. On the
following day he was presented with the De-
partment of Defense Distinguished Public
Service Medal in recognition of his contribu-
tion to national defense.
President Lyndon B. Johnson made the
following statement upon being notified of
General Maas' death, April 13, 1964:
"Not just the handicapped, but all the
land grieves the passing of one of America's
true heroes, Maj. Gen. Mel Maas.
"Blinded in the service of his country a
decade ago, he taught himself a new exist-
ence without sight, traveled the world over,
and inspired people everywhere about the
capacities and abilities of the handicapped.
Arthritis crippled his limbs, and massive
heart attacks limited his mobility; yet his
spirit was whole; his spirit was never dis-
abled.
"He has shown us how to live in the face
of adversity. His courage and conviction
have enriched us all. His spirit marches in
us and in our land."
The courageous and gallant spirit of Gen.
Melvin J. Maag will live on for untold future
generations through the designation of this
hospital in his memory.
- DEATH OF STUART URBACH
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, I was
shocked and saddened to learn of the
sudden death last Saturday of Stuart
Urbach, a senior analyst on the staff of
the Advisory Commission on Intergov-
ernmental Relations. All of us who are
members of the Commission knew well
the brilliance of his work as an expert
in the law of Federal-State-local rela-
tions.
His efforts since 1961 produced two
very important Commission reports.
One, on the apportionment of State leg-
islatures, has been cited by the U.S. Su-
preme Court and other Federal and State
courts. His study of "The Problems of
Special Districts in American Govern-
ment" is a landmark in its field, and some
of the recommendations in it are found
in pending legislation.
Further, his wise advice and counsel
was very highly valued by the Subcom-
mittee on Intergovernmental Relations.
He assisted in framing S. 561, the Inter-
governmental Cooperation Act of 1965,
which was passed by the Senate unani-
mously just 2 days before his death.
It is a tragedy that the career of this
young man, already marked by such a
high degree of accomplishment, should
be cut short. All of us who work in the
area of intergovernmental relations will
miss his perceptive analysis of the Fed-
eral system, and the Federal Govern-
ment will feel the loss of this dedicated
servant.
RATIFICATION OF THE HAGUE
PROTOCOL
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, the Senate has before it at this
time two Proposals which are of great
Importance to every American who
travels abroad by airplane. Pending on
the executive calendar is the Hague
protocol, a series of amendments to the
Warsaw Convention on international air
travel. Pending in the Commerce Com-
mittee is S. 2032, a bill to require U.S.
flag international air carriers to take out
$50,000 in accident insurance for each
passenger who flies with them. To-
gether these items make up a package
which the administration is seeking as a
means of providing more adequate pro-
tection for international air travelers
than they n6w receive under the War-
saw Convention.
Over 2 million Americans travel an-
nually on international flights. Assuring
that they and their families are ade-
quately protected in case of accident is.
consequently, a matter of widespread im-
portance, and it is our responsibility in
Congress to take a long and careful look
at the Hague protocol and S. 2032 to see
If these proposals will, in fact, do the job
that needs to be done.
No one questions the fact that the pro-
tection now afforded international
travelers is woefully inadequate. The
question is what to do about it. The
governing document at present is the
Warsaw Convention, which has been in
operation in this country since 1934
Under its provisions the liability of inter-
national airlines to passengers for loss of
life or injury due to negligence is limited
to $8,300 for each person, except where
willful misconduct is established.
When Warsaw was adopted, these
limitations made sense. Commercial air
passenger transportation was in its
formative stage and the airlines needed
such protection. Without it one crash
could have sent a company into bank-
ruptcy.
Now, however, airlines are recording
huge annual profits?both Pan American
and TWA netted over $35 million after
taxes last year. And the financial loss
to a family in losing its breadwinner and
the burdens involved in hospital and
medical care are greater today than ever
before. The $3,300 limitation in War-
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Small use now to point out, as our south-
ern Senators and Congressmen have done on
every possible occasion, that each State has
determined the qualifications of its own vot-
ers since the Constitution was ratified in
1789. Until the reign of L.B.J. even Southern
States enjoyed this prerogative.
The Times is on record as having opposed
the stiff literacy test required for registration
in Alabama up to last week. It has never
taken the stand that there was no room for
Improvement in Alabama's voting regulations.
But it cannot accept with good grace a
Presidential measure that is obviously retal-
iatory and obviously discriminatory.
And it deplores the President's vindictive-
ness in rushing Federal registrars to the
South and losing no time in getting poll tax
suits underway.
Mr. Johnson fancies himself a latter-day
Lincoln.
Yet he misses completely the essence of
Lincoln's character:
"With nytlice toward none, with charity
for all * * *."
National Selected Morticians?Code of
Good Practice
.N..2S. 1 h.NSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. HORACE R. KORNEGAY
OR' NORTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 12, 1965
Mr. KORNEGAY. Mr. Speaker, in
recent years there has been much dis-
cussion regarding the standards and
procedures of funeral directors.
Today, it was publicly announced that
a draft code of good practice containing
guidelines for its members has been ap-
proved by the board of directors of the
National Selected Morticians. National
Selected Morticians is a society of 800
funeral directors located in the United
States, Canada, Mexico, Great Britain,
Europe, Ceylon, Australia, and New Zea-
land, with its headquarters located in
Evanston, Ill.
The code, which has been forwarded
to interested persons, groups, and orga-
nizations for comment and suggestions,
contains 23 standards of good practice
to guide member funeral directors in
their relationships with the public, their
clients, and the clergy.
An outline of high ethical principles
to guide member funeral directors, the
code was adopted by the board under
the direction of its NSM president, Al-
bert S. Lineberry. Mr. Lineberry, in ad-
dition to serving as president of NSM,
is owner and president of Hanes-Line-
berry Funeral Service in Greensboro,
NC.
It has been my good fortune to know
Mr. Lineberry as a friend and fellow
resident of Greensboro. He has served
his community unfailingly in a number
of ways. He is a leader in church, civic,
and social affairs in Greensboro and has
earned the admiration and respect of his
community. He has given freely of his
time and his talents in guiding the
affairs of the National Selected Morti-
cians since assuming the presidency of
that organization and it is largely
through his efforts that this professional
code of ethics has been promulgated and
adopted by the board of NSM.
Mr. Lineberry and his organization
are to be commended for acting in the
public interest in the adoption of a guide
for a professional standard of conduct.
For the benefit of all, I include the
code of good practice in the RECORD.
The code follows:
CODE OF GOOD PRACTICE AS ADOPTED BY THE
BOARD OF DIRECTORS, NATIONAL SELECTED
MORTICIANS
As funeral directors, we are. mindful that
our calling involves special responsibilities
to the public at large, to those we serve in
time of need, to the clergy, and to our col-
leagues in the field of funeral service. Ac-
cordingly, we reaffirm the following stand-
ards of good practice and pledge to observe c.
them at all times:
To the public at large:
I_ To make avaliable in advance of need
full information about funeral prices and
services.
2. To provide a continuing opportunity to
all persons to make funeral arrangements in
advance of need.
3. To offer funeral services in as wide a
range of price categories, as posible so that
any person may select a funeral service which
is within his means.
4. To be prepared to furnish, as repre-
sented, any and all services and goods which
have been advertised.
8. To maintian an establishment, includ-
ing a suitable selection of caskets and other
merchandise, equipment, facilities, and
trained personnel, fully capable of provid-
ing services and goods offered.
To those we serve in time of need:
6. To respect all religious faiths, creeds,
and customs.
7. To provide dignity and competence in
the conduct of all services.
8. To treat with reverence and respect de-
cedents entrusted to our care.
9. To assure-each purchaser complete free-
dom to exercise his preference in selecting a
funeral service within his means.
10. To plainly mark the prices charged for
all funeral services offered, to disclose af-
firmatively and in a conspicuous manner the
caskets, services, and facilities comprising
the funeral services so offered, and to with-
hold from no one the privilege of inspecting
and freely considering each of them.
11. To furnish to every purchaser at the
time of purchase a memorandum or other
document which contains an accurate ac-
counting of all charges including all mer-
chandise, services, and facilities' listed in the
offered price, and to charge for no further
or additional items of expense except with
the express authorization of the purchaser.
12. To charge nondiscriminatory prices to
all purchasers.
13. To avoid any representation, written or
oral, which may be false or misleading.
14. In case of hardship, to accept as a
community responsibility the obligation of
providing a funeral service within the fi-
nancial means of the family, however limited.
To the clergy:
15. To observe at all times the principle
that the funeral ceremony is a religious ob-
servance and that in all religious matters the
clergy shall be in charge.
16. To provide all services in a manner that
complies fully with the instructions of the
clergyman acting for the family.
17. To cooperate with the clergy at all
times and to render such assistance as the
clergy may deem appropriate.
To our colleagues in funeral service:
18. To set an example of good citizenship
and business and professional integrity in
all transactions.
19. To observe, promote and maintain all
laws and regulations affecting public health.
20. To refrain from all unlawful acts of
salicitation, including the direct or indirect
utilization of cappers, steerers, solicitors or
other persons for the purpose of influencing
patronage.
21. To recognize at all times the right of
the public to freedom of choice in the selec-
tion of a funeral director.
22. To comply fully with the statutory or
regulatory acts of duly constituted govern-
ment authority, including the requirements
of State licensing boards and the laws pro-
hibiting price-fixing and other unfair meth-
ods of competition, and to exhibit at all times
loyalty to the ideals of public service.
23. To conduct ourselves at all times in a
dignified, respectful and professional man-
ner, and to observe in every business trans-
action the principle that our responsibility
to the pOlic and to those we serve is above
Prtairen Johnion-Again Extends Olive
Branch and Sword
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOE L. EVINS
OR TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 12, 1965
Mr. EVINS of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, the President's recent press
announcement relating to Vietnam has
brought strong expressions of support
from individuals, from all sectors of our
society, and from the press.
The Nashville Tennessean, in an edi-
torial last July 29, analyzes the situation
with keen perspective and approves the
President's strong stand against aggres-
sion as indicating the will needed "to
pluck from the nettle of danger the
blossom of peace."
Under unanimous consent I place this
editorial in the Appendix of the RECORD
since it is of broad general interest and
directly concerns the American people.
The editorial follows:
PRESIDENT' AGAIN EXTENDS OLIVE BRANCH AND
SWORD
In his news conference comments on the
war in Vietnam, President Johnson yester-
day invoked both the sword and the olive
branch. He reiterated this Nation's willing-
ness to talk peace, but warned the United
States cannot be defeated by force of arms.
To meet mounting aggression from the
north, the Chief Executive ordered a step-up
in U.S. troop numbers from 75,000 to 125,000
men. He said the draft calls would be
doubled over the current 17,000 monthly
figure and called for a step-up in the cam-
paign for voluntary enlistments.
It was a less drastic move than had been
expected by some observers, for the President
stopped short of ordering Reserve units into
service. He did indicate this might be
necessary at a later date, and he left little
doubt that increasing needs would come.
Unquestionably he gave less than the U.S.
command forces in Vietnam had requested,
and possibly less than Defense Secretary Mc-
Namara had recommended, In making his
judgment, the President evidently had kept
in mind both military needs and public senti-
ment?as well as possible congressional
outcry.
It was one of the President's better press
conference appearances. He spoke calmly
and persuasively and indicated in every way
his reluctance to step up the war in Vietnam.
He injected the personal note that he does
not find it easy to send young Americans to
battle, "for I know them all. I have seen
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A4502 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX August 12, 1965
them in a thousand streets of a hundred
towns, of every State in this Union."
At another point, taking note of fears of
a general Asian war, the Chief Executive said,
"We do not want an expanding Struggle with
consequences that no one can perceive,"
adding that, "We are ready now, as we have
always been, to move fram the battlefield,
to the conference table."
In the interests of peaceful solution, the
President said he had sent a letter to the
United Nations inviting U.N. officials and
any of its members to do what they could
to help seize the initiative for peace. He
said the Nation "asks for and welcomes the
concern and assistance of any and all na-
tions in this effort."
However, in the continued absence of any
interest on the part of the Communists in
peaceful negotiations, the President made
It plain this Nation has no choice but to
persist. His remarks laid stress on the fact
that in the larger context, the alternative
may not be between this war and peace, but
between war in Vietnam and war elsewhere
In southeast Asia.
He said: "Nor would surrender in Vietnam
bring peace, because we learned from Hitler
at Munich that success only feeds the ap-
petite of aggression. The battle would be
renewed in one country and then another
country, bringing with it perhaps even larger
and crueler conflict."
The President is right when he assumes
that the war in South Vietnam is a test case
In conflict for what has become virtually a
doctrine of strategy, and a crucial link in
Communist ideology for conquest. If the
so-called war of liberation is successful in
Vietnam, it will quickly be used elsewhere.
If it can be broken, more than Red ideology
will crumble.
The President is a man who gages the
winds of political and public sentiment care-
fully. He is well aware the U.S. effort in
Vietnam cannot prevail unless the people of
the nation are supporting that effort. He
left no illusion yesterday?the effort will be
long and harsh and require great burdens in
material and manpower. But he vowed to
move in a careful and measured manner, not
seeking to widen the war, but to win it.
The first goal, he noted, was to convince
the Communists that "we cannot be defeated
by force of arms." He asserted that the
Nation must and will persist in seeing It
through.
The President has said to the people that
where there is a will there is a way, and he
has left no dcapt of his own will to pluck
from the nettle of danger the blossom of
peace.
Anniversary Salute to India
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ADAM C. POWELL
OF NEW YORK
/N THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 12, 1965
Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, on Sun-
day, August 15, India will celebrate the
18th anniversary of her independence.
Since the House will not be in session on
that date, we wish today to extend warm
felicitations to Hi,s Excellency Lal
Bahadur Sha.stri, the Prime Minister of
India; and to His Excellency B. K.
Nehru, the Indian Ambassador, to the
United States.
One of the paradoxes that exist in his-
tory is with us today as we congratulate
the nation of India on the 18th an-
niversary of its independence, for the
existence of an Indian state is not a 20th-
century innovation.
Some 5,000 years ago, when the rest of
the world was still wandering in the
mists of precivilization, there developed
on the shores of the Indus River one of
the world's earliest civilizations. Speed-
ing from the river valley to the surround-
ing countryside, and extending over a
large area, the Indus Valley civilization
proved the foundation for the sub-
sequent development of many incoming
peoples, and thus has come down to us
as part of mankind's great legacy of the
past. No, India is not a new land. It is
steeped in valued tradition and the wis-
dom of ages of scholars that were but
dim memories by the time of the Greeks.
It possesses a culture so rich and so
varied that it is almost impossible to
comprehend its extent and wealth. It is
a land of nearly 475 million people, a
situation difficult to comprehend for
those of us in the United States with our
fraction of this huge aggregation of
souls. It is a land of great geographic
and climatologic differences, of natural
channels of transportation and com-
munication, and of equally prominent
natural barriers to accessibility. It is a
land of a great past, a problem-filled
present, and a tremendously potential
future. It is truly unique among the
world's nations. It is India.
The subcontinent of India has been
the home of many succeeding stages of
civilization. The Indus Valley culture,
Aryan?or Indo-Aryan?Greek, Maurya,
Hindu, and Mogul were followed by the
European, introduced by Vasco da Gama
in 1498, inaugurating a 200-year struggle
by the Europeans for control of the fabu-
lous jewel of the Indies. ty the middle
of the 1800's, the British had achieved
complete control of the river valleys and
coastal plains, the sources of most of the
colonial wealth Britain sought. Interior
and less-accessible areas were left under
the control of the local hereditary rulers,
but with British supervision.
In 1947, following years of protest, con-
sultation, and careful planning, India
finally achieved her rightful independ-
ence again, under the leadership of the
immortal Mohandas Gandhi, the Ma-
hatma, Gandhi's greatest contribution
to his country may have been his work
and influence toward peaceful independ-
ence. There are many, however, who
would prefer to regard as his greatest
gift to India the legacy of spiritual truth
and love that he so impressed in his Peo-
ple that it has become inseparable from
their national character. Certainly he
must be considered with Siddhartha
Gautama, the Buddha, as one of the
greatest of India's contributions to the
spiritual well-being of mankind. He is
symbolic of the India of peace and
moderation, of contemplation and mercy,
of understanding and cooperation for
peace.
India today certainly faces great prob-
lems, yet she is not alone. The greatest
cooperation has been shown, for example,
by the nation of India in working with
international organizations on the prob-
lem of nutrition and population growth.
In the United Nations, as in other world
organizations, the voice of India has been
well-regarded and carefully considered.
Her contributions to world understand-
ing and cooperation are many and valu-
able. That a nation with such pressing
Internal development and standard-of -
living problems could be able to devote
this much time and such careful, rea-
soned effort to the international prob-
lems of the world is indeed a sign cf a
right spirit and a dedication to the con-
tinued progress and peace of mankind.
It is most certainly with a great pleas-
ure that I today extend my salutations
and congratulations to the Government
and people of India. I know, also, that
my colleagues join with me in extending
our best wishes for the future, as one
free people to another.
Small Business Leader Joins in Tribute to
Wright Patman
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BARRATT O'HARA
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 12, 1965
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
to the many tributes that have been
made to the Honorable WRIGHT PATMAN
in connection with the 72d birthday of
this great American, I would add a let-
ter I have just received from Edward
Wimmer, vice president of the National
Federation of Independent Business who
for more than three decades has been an
active and outstanding champion of
small business.
Mr. Wimmer's letter follows:
NATIONAL FEDERATION OF
INDEPENDENT BUSINESS,
San Mateo, Calif.
Hon. BARRATT O'HARA,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR CONGRESSMAN: Your tribute to
WRIGHT PATMAN is a tribute to yourself for its
inclusion in the REcolia. 'I would find only
one fault; that is, your failure to mention
that no man in public office stood so solidly
behind the family farm, independent mer-
chant and other small businesses for so
many years as WRIGHT PATMAN, or was ever
known to be so formidable a foe of monopoly
power.
In the early thirties we worked together for
passage of the Robinson-Patman Act, and his
voice rang out amid unbridled attacks and
heaped-up criticism against the discrimina-
tory practices between the big manufacture s
and chains, and the uneconomic growth of
giantism that was resulting.
When small businessmen gathered at Con-
stitution Hall in 1937 to support WRIGFT
PATMAN and Senator Joe Robinson in their
attempts to end discriminatory practices, the
chain-hated Congressman from Texas called
small business the backbone of America and
the best hope of the youth who wanted to
strike out on his own.
Had he been listened to, and if you had
been listened to when we were all see'riog
square deal for the family farm, small busi-
ness and local bank, there would be no need
today for the great waves of countermeasures
against the uncertainties of the future.
You speak of Mr. PATMAN as a money ex-
pert, and he was at his best in the thirties
when he said, "Money is like fertilizer; you
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August 12, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
What requires some thinking about is why
this European negativism toward the United
States, so contagious among expatriates, ex-
ists in the strength it now has. If it were
the result of honest, reasoned differences of
opinion over foreign policy, one could not
suspect it or quarrel with it, though one
could disagree with it. But only in part is
this the cause. It is emotional, visceral, and
has become an automatic reflex among all
manner. of Europeans with education or pre-
tenses to education. Almost no matter what
the United States does in the world they
oppose, though very few of them, Commu-
nists and true-believing Gaullists excepted,
offer alternative courses.
The element of unconscious jealousy felt
by Europeans who too suddenly have lost
power and influence in the world is too
obvious to belabor. The contempt for any
form of Americana is, in large measure, a
self-serving emotion; the person who derides
feels a bit better about himself and his own
society. But one has to look deeper and to
remember, first oft, that for years now the
criticism has flowed chiefly in our direction,
not in the direction of the Communist pow-
ers, the true imperialists, the true interna-
tional law breakers and vulgarians.
Why should so many Europeans, who, at
bottom, share the same concepts of life in
freedom that America holds, direct their daily
attacks, privately and publicly, only in our
?
direction?
The answer is so simple that everyone
seems to have lost sight of it. It is be-
cause Americans will listen to criticism and
advice while the Russians, Chinese, North
Vietnamese and Cubans will not.
Years of this have created a kind of habit
of mind in Europe. A theme music about
U.S. policy and the American society, has
been written and everybody recognizes it and
feels at home with it. Variations on the
theme are not welcomed because they de-
mand special attention and that requires
effort, i.e., the meaning of the civil rights
movement is that American Negroes live in
hellish conditions, not that the Great So-
ciety is demanding an end to third-class
status for the Negro; the point about the
Dominician Republic affair was not the dan-
ger of Communist enslavement but reck-
less American power-lust; the rise in Amer-
ican crime is entirely believable, but no one
wants to hear about the immense rise in
popular culture. So it goes.
There are further complications. The
Communist countries are not really criti-
cized partly because they are not really re-
ported, and cannot be. The European press
shows pictures of South Vietnamese sol-
diers beating up Vietcong prisoners. They
never show the Vietcong engaging in the as-
sassination of village leaders?about 20 a
week by military intelligence estimates?be-
cause there are no such pictures. Results:
speeches in the British House of Lords about
the cruelty in South Vietnam.
One or two British television programs,
reaching many millions every week, have ex-
hibited such consistent bias that some 'U.S.
officials have made complaints, severe rows
have broken out in TV's inner circles and
even Britain's security people have been con-
cerned.
None of this is to suggest that the Brit-
ish people are fundamentally or decisively
anti-American; they will stand with us in
any final test. It is to suggest that the
American case encounters severe handicaps ?
unrelated to any inherent deficiencies in the
case.
THEY SOON FORGET
(By Inez Robb)
In the' Western World, a generation Is go-
ing to the polls that thinks of Munich?if it
thinks of Munich at all?as just another
German city where the beer and the opera
are first rate.
The Munich of 1938, the Munich of my
generation, is something writ in water in a
history book, vague and no more real tJaan
Xenophon.'s "Anabasis."
Indeed, even for my generation the in-
glorious shame and immorality of Munich
has begun to dim. But that Munich re-
cently came to bitter life for an hour on the
home screen in a TV documentary, "Prelude
to World War II."
This superb program, pieced together from
newsreels taken at the time, spelled out in
detail the story of the Munich surrender
and pact. In chapter and verse, it recalled
the abject submission of England and France
to Adolf Hitler's every demand for the dis-
memberment of Czechoslovakia.
From the moment Mr. Chamberlain came,
umbrella in hand, to Berchtesgaden and then
Bad Godesberg and finally Munich, Hitler
knew no one would lift a finger to stop him.
Now, memory is one of mankind's handiest
conveniences. It is long when it wants to be
and woefully short when it is expedient.
That seemed painfully obvious when I came
across a full-page advertisement in the New
York Times headed "British Artists' Protest."
What these artists are protesting is Amer-
ican involvement in Vietnam -and "a foreign
policy grown more nakedly inhuman with
each passing day," despite persistent efforts
of a U.S. President to arrange "uncondi-
tional negotiations," looking toward peace,
with Hanoi.
Most of the 96 British artists who paid for
and signed the manifesto are old enough to
remember Munich. I wonder if they pro-
tested the murder of Czechoslovakia by their
Government in 1938? I also wonder it they
paid for and signed a full-page advertise-
ment in any Hanoi paper, chiding Hanoi for
its refusal to talk peace.
Surely such signers of the advertisement
as Sir Alec Guinness, .7. B. Priestley, Dame
Sybil Thorndike, Leonard Woolf, Benjamin
Britten, E. M. Forster, Doris Leasing, Paul
Schofield, Graham Sutherland, C. Day Lewis,
and Iris Murdock have vivid memories of Mr.
Chamberlain, Munich and appeasement, and
what that combination cost the world.
The same can be said for members of the
Women's International League for Peace and
Freedom, which has just solicited me for a
contribution for an advertisement denounc-
ing the American presence in Vietnam.
This proposed ad would demand "a cease-
fire for all parties," toward which the United
States continues to work.
If these women are interested in placing
such a proposal in the papers of North Viet-
nam, I might be interested.
7.11
77-
CBS Special Report?Vietnam Per-
spective: "The Decisions"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HERBERT TENZER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 12, 1965
Mr. TENZER. Mr. Speaker, on Mon-
day evening, August 9, 1965, millions of
Americans were able to see and hear our
distinguished Secretary of State, Dean
Rusk and equally distinguished Secretary
of Defense Robert McNamara, on a CBS
Special Report "Vietnam Perspective:
The Decisions."
The public service which CBS contrib-
uted has made many Americans more
aware of the reasons for our Nation's
commitments and a better understanding
of why we are in southeast Asia, the
A4525
policy which we are pursuing in Vietnam,
and the efforts which we are exerting to
secure peace in that corner of the globe.
No legislative or national issue has
caused as much comment in my congres-
sional district or resulted in as many let-
ters from my constituents as our policy
In South Vietnam. The questions of
whether we have had sufficient debate
on United States foreign policy or wheth-
er we have truly made every effort to
achieve peace in Vietnam have been
asked by constituents to their Senators
and Representatives time and time again.
These questions have been answered in
my letters to constituents and in my re-
ports from Washington. In addition to
my own views on the subject, I have dis-
tributed to my constituents other mate-
rials such as the State Department's
white paper and the publication entitled
"The Third Face of War."
In this latest presentation to the Pub-
lic via national television, the President
has made it clear that he wants the
American people to know the facts so
that their judgment concerning our
policy in Vietnam can be based upon the
best available information and by hear-
ing the opinions of those who have the
facts in hand.
In the August 11, 1965, edition of
Newsday, a daily newspaper published in
Nassau County, Long Island, the follow-
ing editorial on the Vietnam special re-
port appeared:
A CASE WELL STATED
Secretaries Rusk and McNamara, on TV
the night before last (and President John-
son, talking to the press Monday) made a
good, a solid and a convincing case for the
American presence in Vietnam. The two
Secretaries said little that was new, but they
said it so well as to deserve a rousing hand.
They gave cogent, lucid responses to the
questions that trouble some Americans. It
was a first-class presentation.
I have proposed to Secretaries Rusk
and McNamara, and to the White House
that they make available for the widest
possible distribution?a transcript of the
CBS -program referred to?in question
and answer form which I would like to
send to my constituents in a special re-
port on the Vietnam situation. The
President said in a special briefing at
which I was present on Wednesday, "Your
judgment is no better than your informa-
tion." I agree with the President and
that is why I want to supply to my con-
stituents the available information upon
which they can base their judgment of
the. President's policy, which I heartily
endorse.
PRINTING OF CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
EXTRACTS
It shall be lawful for the Public Printer
to print and deliver upon the order of any
Senator, Representative, or Delegate, extracts
from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, the person
ordering the same paying the cost thereof
(U.S. Code, title 41, sec. 185, p. 1942).
CHANGE OF RESIDENCE
Senators, Representatives, and Delegates
who have changed their residences will please
give information thereof to the Government
Printing Office, that their addresses may be
correctly given in the RECORD.
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Thursday, August 12, 1965
Daily Digest
HIGHLIGHTS
Senate passed State-Justice-Commerce appropriations bill and 24 measures
on calendar call, and worked on tariff schedules bill.
House passed Public Works and Economic Development Act and cleared bills
on military pay increase and Presidential assassinations for the President.
Senate
Chamber Action
Routine Proceedings, pages 19399-19421
Bills Introduced: Seven bills were introduced, as
follows: S. 2401-2407. Pages 19400-19401
Bills Reported: Reports were made as follows:
H.J. Res. 95, to designate the lake to be formed by the
waters impounded by Sanford Dam, Canadian River
project, Texas, as "Lake Meredith" (S. Rept. 578) ;
H.R. 7181, authorizing commemoration of certain
historical events in Kansas with appropriate markers
(S. Rept. 579) ;
H.R. 3320, authorizing establishment of the Hubbell
Trading Post National Historic Site, Ariz. (S. Rept.
58o) ;
H.R. 881, to authorize establishment of the Alibates
Flint Quarries and Texas Panhandle Pueblo Culture
National Monument, with amendment (S. Rept. 581);
H.R. 1044, authorizing exchange of certain lands in
Norfolk, Va. (S. Rept. 582);
H.R. 5519, to authorize language training for de-
pendents of members of the Armed Forces overseas,
with amendment (S. Rept. 583) ;
H.R. 7843, authorizing survivor of a member of the
Armed Forces who dies while on active duty to be paid
for unused accrued leave (S. Rept. 584);
H.R. 7595, authorizing transportation for dependents
requiring medical care who accompany members of
uniformed services overseas (S. Rept. 585);
H.R. 3037, to provide for payment of cost of trans-
porting remains of deceased dependents of members of
the Armed Forces (S. Rept. 586) ;
H.R. 5034, authorizing the disposition of lost, aban-
doned, or unclaimed personal property that comes into
control of the Departments of Defense or the Treasury
(S. Rept. 587) ;
H.R. 546, to retrocede to State of Wisconsin concur-
rent jurisdiction over rights-of-way of those portions of
highways which are in Camp McCoy (S. Rept. 588) ;
S. 2381, to make the mutilation or destruction of a
D782
draft card a criminal offense, with amendment (S. Rept.
589);
S. 683, H.R. 1291, 4024, and 5819, private bills
(S. Repts. 590-593) ;
H.R. 3044, authorizing payment of incentive pay for
hazardous duty on flight decks of aircraft carriers
(S. Rept. 594); and
H.R. 4025, S. 766, and S. 1873, private bills (S. Repts.
595-597)? Page 19400
Bill Placed on Calendar: H.R. 10306, to make the
mutilation or destruction of a draft card a criminal
offense, was ordered to be placed on calendar.
Page 19404
Call of Calendar: On call of calendar, 24 measures, of
which 13 were private, were passed as follows:
Without amendment and cleared for President:
Copyrights: H.J. Res. 431, extending the duration of
copyright protection in certain cases;
Veterans: H.R. 206, increasing subsistence allowances
paid to disabled veterans pursuing vocational rehabili-
tation;
Veterans: H.R. 208, extending time limitations for
totally disabled veterans pursuing vocational rehabilita-
tion; and
House Members: H.R. 10139, relating to telephone
and telegraph service furnished Members of the House
of Representatives.
With amendment, to be sent back to House:
Youth: H.R. 3329, to incorporate the Youth Councils
on Civic Affairs;
War Orphans' Education: H.R. 205, increasing edu-
cational assistance allowances paid under the War
Orphans' Educational Assistance Act; and
House Members: H.R. 9947, providing for reimburse-
ment of transportation expenses for Members of the
House of Representatives.
Without amendment and cleared for House:
Private bills: io private bills,_ S. Con. Res. 49, S. 343,
505, 1397, 1647, 1651, 1678, 1736, 1775, and 1919.
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