CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130007-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: August 23, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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20488 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 23, 1965
? OUTSTANDING YOUNG EDUCATORS
NATIONAL WINNERS HONORED
IN WASHINGTON, D.C.?U.S. JUN-
IOR CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
SPONSORS EVENT
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, a
soft-spoken 5th and 6th grade teacher
from Jackson, Miss.; a talented art
teacher from Devil's Lake, N. Dak.; a
courageous 10th and 12th grade English
teacher from Atlanta; and a demure 6th
grade teacher from Richmond, Va., were
recently named the four national win-
ners in the first annual Outstanding
Young Educator Awards program at the
Statler-Hilton hotel in the Nation's
Capital.
Each of the four won a $2,000 scholar-
ship with which to further their educa-
tion and a handsome trophy presented
by James A. Skidmore, Jr., president of
the U.S. Junior Chamber of Commerce
at the awards banquet attended by lead-
ing educators, Government officials, busi-
ness and civic leaders. The 4 winners
were selected from over 30,000 nominees
In city and State competition cospon-
sored by the U.S. Jaycees and World
Book Encyclopedia.
The national victors are: Helen Lee
Coleman, 29, of 4212 Kingcrest Park-
way, Richmond, Va., sixth grade teacher
of English at Thomas Jefferson School;
James Morgan Hale, 32, of 1150 Clifton
Road NE., Atlanta, Ga., who teaches
English at Roosevelt High School; Rob-
ert Hal Moore, 30, art education teacher
at the Devil's Lake Public School in
Devil's Lake, N. Dak.; and Betty Helen
Quinn, 29, of 3425 Casa Grande Circle,
a fifth and sixth grade teacher at Gallo-
way Elementary School in Jackson,
Miss.
The 4 were selected from finalists
representing 38 States, including the
District of Columbia. Contestants must
be teachers 21 through 35 years of age
who teach the 1st and including the 12th
grades.
The West Virginia finalist was
Martha Rose Roy of Philippi. Miss Roy
received her 13.S. degree from Alderson-
Broaddus College in 1951 and her M.A.
from West Virginia University in 1957.
She received an honor scholarship from
Alderson-Broacidus and was graduated
magna cum laude. Miss Roy is chaplain
of Alpha Delta Kappa?women teachers'
honorary sorority, and president of the
Teachers Association. The teachers of
Taylor County selected her to represent
the county in the Miss WVEA contest
during the centennial year. She is a
business education teacher at Grafton
High School in Grafton, W. Va.
The 38-State contestants came to
Washington Thursday, July 8. Their
original selection was made by the teach-
er's school principal on the basis of na-
tional standards developed by educators.
, The criteria followed by the panel of
judges included: professional back-
ground; teaching skill; instructional
procedures; self-evaluation and con-
tribution, to the profession, community
and the Nation.
The winners were selected by Dr.
Galen Jones, director for the advance-
ment of secondary education of the Na-
tional Education Association; Dr. Quen-
tin Earhart, assistant superintendent of
the Maryland State Board of Educa-
tion; and John Koontz, associate super-
intendent of the District of Columbia
Schools.
Helen Lee Coleman attended Mary-
mount College in Tarrytown, N.Y. She
majored in English and was awarded her
B.A. degree in 1957, and is vice president
of the College Alumnae Association and
a member of Delta Kappa Gamma. She
was recently a speaker at the English
teachers conference at the University of
Virginia.
James Morgan Hale, of Atlanta, is
president and former treasurer of the
Atlanta Area English Club; national di-
rector and State vice president of the
Georgia Jaycees. He attended Emory
University, and received his B.A. degree
in 1953 and M.A.T. in 1959.
As newly elected vice president of the
Jaycees, Hale read a newspaper item
about a routine zoning permit issued to
the Ku Klux Klan for the purpose of
building the national headquarters
across the street from an Atlanta ele-
mentary school. Hale went to work and
secured several thousand signatures nec-
essary to secure a public hearing, and
finally was able to arouse the community
in stopping the project.
This quick success for Hale and the
Jaycees brought nationwide recognition
but it is said it cost Hale and his family
many sleepless nights.
Robert Hal Moore teaches in the Dev-
il's Lake Public Schools. He attended
Minot State Teachers College and the
University of North Dakota. He is a
member of Delta Phi Delta and was one
of the 10 outstanding art teachers in the
Midwest. His works and those of his
students have been hung in Washington,
D.C.; Grand Forks and Minot, N. Dak.;
and Philadelphia. He received his BA:
degree in 1956. He believes that the
strongest characteristic of a teacher
should be the ability to inspire and to
motivate. He has written articles for
magazines and is writing a book on art
methods for students.
Betty Helen Quinn received her B.A.
degree in 1958 and her M.E. in 1961.
During her college years she received
the Kappa Delta Epsilon Award and
membership in "Who's Who Among Stu-
dents in American Colleges and Univer-
sities." She attended Belhaven and Mis-
sissippi Colleges. Miss Quinn believes
the strongest characteristic of a teacher
can be judged by the rapport she is able
to establish with her students.
Speakers at the OYE iluncheon in-
cluded Senator MAURINE NEUBERGER,
Democrat, of Oregon, and Representative
JAMES ROOSEVELT, of California. It was
my privilege to be present for this enjoy-
able and rewarding portion of the pro-
gram.
Panel discussions included: "National
Planning and Control in American Edu-
cation?Promise or Peril"; "American
Education Should Be Concerned With
General Pupil Development"; and
"American Education Should Be Focused
on Academic Excellence."
Allen Ludden, CBS television star of
the program "Password" was guest
speaker at the awards banquet.
Mr. President, commendations are due
the U.S. Jaycees and World Book En-
cyclopedia for their sponsorship of this
valuable activity. By recognizing ex-
cellence among our younger educators we
encourage a strengthening and broaden-
ing of that excellen e.
GI HELP FOR VIETNAM
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, the
maintenance of good morale and esprit
de corps among our troops in fighting in
the hills and valleys of South Vietnam
has been and will continue to be a matter
of great importance. The question has
been raised frequently whether these
brave men who are carrying the burden
of war in that faraway land realize why
they are fighting and what they are
fighting for.
I recently came into possession of a
letter from one American GI who has
been in South Vietnam for 4 years,
training the Vietnamese special forces in
guerrilla tactics. This letter was ad-
dressed by Maj. Robert Furman, of
Chicago, to hirfriend, Mrs. Ruth Sheldon
Knowles.
Mrs. Knowles, a writer and lecturer,
became acquainted with Major Furman
while visiting South Vietnam a few
months ago. This illustrious Oklahoma
Journalist also visited her son while tour-
ing a number of our furthermost out-
posts in the jungles of that embattled
country.
Major Furman, Mrs. Knowles tells me,
is a bachelor who went to South Viet-
nam after serving in Korea and the Phil-
ippines. Despite his grim and dangerous
tasks in the violence-ridden villages and
countryside, Major Furman has estab-
lished himself as a friend, as well as
an adviser, teacher and leader for those
South Vietnamese who want freedom.
Major Furman has adopted two blind
Vietnamese girls, 15 and 16 years old.
This American Army major is financing
the education of these Vietnamese girls
at the Perkins School for the Blind in
Watertown, Mass. He is arranging for
them to learn teaching skills, and when
he retires in 2 years, and after the girls
finish their training, he has planned for
the three of them to return to Saigon to
teach in a school for the blind to prove
to the Vietnamese that blind people can
overcome the handicap.
The helpfulness, the humanity which
this American soldier is demonstrating,
Is typical of the American way. Mrs.
Knowles, upon returning from South
Vietnam, wrote:
This is a typical American value?this is
what Americans do wherever they go, even
in a war, because this is the American nature.
Major Furman's letter to Mrs.
Knowles, dated August 4, 1965, reflects
a measure of understanding and high
morale which deserves our careful at-
tention. He also reflects upon recent
events within this country, from the per-
spective of one who is bearing a burden
for all of us. As a document, it affords
timely insight, and I ask unanimous con-
sent that it be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
AUGUST 4, 1965.
DEAR Rum': I just got back from a stay at
the hospital. Nothing serious, just a gut
Infection from amebic dysentery. I'm OK
now and raring to go. I have a stack of
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Britain, where the government has recently
tak.en major steps to hold down prices. In
Japan, where the cost of living had been ris-
ing especially swiftly, living costs actually
fell in a recent month.
The U.S. cost-of-living index, on the other
hand, has begun to move up at a faster
pace. In recent years, the U.S. index has
risen at the relatively mild rate of about 1.2
percent annually. In only the first half of
this year, however, the rise has amounted to
1.1 percent, a gain that clearly indicates
the recent period of 1.2 percent annual gains
may be over.
The rapid pace of the American economy,
of course, has tended to put increasing up-
pard pressure on U.S. prices. American fac-
tories, which a few years ago were tieing less
than 80 percent of their full capacity, now
are operating at about 90 percent, accord-
ing to Federal estimates This rate, his-
tory suggests, is dangerously near the level at
Which prices begin to move up swiftly.
Similar pressure on U.S. prices is indicated
by labor statistics. The rafe of unemploy-
ment among married men, the backbone of
the labor force, amounts to only 2.3 percent,
down sharply from 5.1 early in the current
economic expansion. On top of all this, the
prospect of rising defense outlays for Viet-
nam can only add inflationary pressure.
There appears to be no such mounting
price pressure in many countries that com-
pete with the United States in world mar-
kets A recent report by New York's Chase
Manhattan Bank states that the "tempo of
Europe's economic expansion has slowed con-
siderably this year" and attributes the slow-
down to "restrictive, anti-inflationary poli-
cies on the part of most governments."
For instance, according to the report, wage
rates in most European countries are rising
more slowly than a year ago. In France,
typically, wsget climbed only 2 percent in the
first half or 1965, down from a 3.2 percent
gain in the like 1964 period. It also should be
noted that the Vietnam war is placing rela-
tively little strain on most European econ-
omies; Britain, in fact, recently announced
a $616 million slash in its annual defense
budget, as part of its fight against inflation.
A study by the Boston Federal Reserve
Bank, discussed in the July issue of the
bank's monthly business review, also indi-
cates the U.S. competitive position in world
markets may be getting rapidly weaker. The
study, which covered some 200 types of con-
sumer godds, concludes that in foreign mar-
kets "our position has sharply deteriorated."
In addition to developments on the price
front, there is some increasing concern over
the make-up of U.S. trade statistics. Studies
indicate the big surpluses of recent years re-
flect more than simply successful competition
in the world markets. They also reflect such
factors as Government grants and exports by
U.S. companies to their foreign-based sub-
sidiaries. One study, which scrutinized the
trade figures for a recent year, found that a
$5.4 billion trade surplus Melted down to a
$500 million surplus after such factors were
discounted.
To be sure, it is by no means certain that
Uncle Sam is about to lose his position as
titan of world trade. It is not clew!, for in-
stance, that the recent jump in U.S. export
prices signals a long-term trend or that
Europe's drive against inflation will succeed.
Nevertheless, the record of recent months
suggests that continuing massive trade sur-
pluses are by no means guaranteed. Without
such surpluses, it is hardly necessary to add,
this country's balance-of-payments problem,
already worrisome, could become dire.
ALFRED L. MALABRE, Jr.
APPORTIONMENT
Mr. MORTON. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD an editorial
"TYDINGS to the Rescue" published in
the Washington Sunday Star on August
22, and an editorial entitled "Fair, but
Also Effective," published in the Wash-
ington Daily News on August 20, 1965.
There being no objection, the edi-
torials were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Star, Aug. 22,
1965]
TYDINGS TO THE RESCut,
It is no surprise to hear that a new move
is afoot to retain all of Baltimore's three con-
gressional seats?one of which would be
sacrificed, and properly so, under the redis-
tricting plan approved by the Maryland Leg-
islature this year.
The fact that the instigator of this plot
is Maryland's Senator JOSEPH TYD/NGS, how-
ever, has come as a shook to nearly everyone
especially his friends.
For it was Senator TYDINGS, during the
debate on legislative reapportionment, who
stood in the front rank of the Senate lib-
erals who lambasted the Dirksen amend-
ment. No one yelled louder than he about
the sanctity of the Supreme Court's one-
man, one-vote rule. For what, after all, is as
precious as the value of a citizen's vote?
Well, the exigencies of politics, apparently,
are one thing as precious. In any event,
without dwelling too long on the principle of
the thing, Senator Tarmacs has concluded
that Baltimore's three incumbent Members
of the House, all of whom have considerable
seniority, are simply too valuable politically
speaking, for Maryland to lose. So he has
urged the congressional delegation to draft
a new scheme, for presentation to the State
legislature, which would preserve Baltimore's
representation.
As the Star's James Rowland pointed out
the other day, the delegation had no luck
whatever in a similiar venture a year ago.
There is little question, however, that it will
try again.
And the shame of it is that this venture
will pose another hurdle for the equitable
redistricting plan already adopted. The
Baltimore Congressmen involved launched
a move some weeks ago to pigeonhole the
adopted plan until the electorate votes it up
or down in the 1966 elections. That move
could be circumvented, however, if the leg-
islature readopts its plan in January as an
emergency measure. And it should do pre-
cisely that?Senator TyDrams' efforts to the
contrary notwithstanding.
[From The Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
Aug. 20, 19651
FAIR, BUT ALSO EFFECTIVE
Senator DzassEN again is going to bat for
his constitutional amendment on the appor-
tionment of representation in State legisla-
tures. Be should. His cause is logical and
equitable.
Recently, the Senator was narrowly de-
feated in his proposal to offer the people the
right to make their own decision, in each
State, on how their legislatures should be
divided. This amendment simply would
have given the voters the right to choose
whether one house of their legislature should
be allotted along lines other than a strict
population basis.
The amendment lost because it was seven
votes short of the two-thirds majority re-
quired for a constitutional proposal.
But in the 1966 session of Congress, or in
the next Congress?eventually--an amend-
ment such as Senator DIRIESEN advocates will
be submitted to the States. Sooner or later
the people, understanding the problem, will
demand the return of their' own right?the
right to decide, for themselves.
20487
The liberals who oppose the Dirksen
amendment are wrong on two counts. They
are wrong because they, of all people, are
denying the voters the right to choose for
themselves the form of their own State legis-
latures. And they are wrong because they
persist in mixing the issues.
The only issue in the Dirksen amendment
is the right of the people to decide.
But the liberals insist on reading it as a
backhanded attempt to perpetuate mal-
apportioned legislatures.
There are mala.pportioned legislatures.
That's why the voters of Tennessee, for
example?went to the Supreme Court and got
a ruling that if the Tennessee legislature,
as the State constitution required, did not
apportion itself fairly the courts would
undertake the job.
The Dirksen amendment does not shut the
door on the reform of legislative apportion-
ment. It is an insurance against misappor-
tionment. Because it provides that any
allocation of legislative districts must be
approved by the voters. Moreover, in his
new version of the Dirksen amendment the
Senator proposes that any legislative plan
submitted to the voters first must have been
offered by a legislature in which at least one
house was properly apportioned on a popula-
tion basis.
The Dirksen amendment proposes to make
legislatures both fairly representative and
effectively respresentative.
So we hope Senator DIRKSEN keeps up his
fight along this line. And that those who
ha,ve been misrepresenting the purpose of
the amendment will get their sights in focus,
so they will see that this is a way toward the
goals they claim to favor?fair and effective
representation in State legislative halls.
FORTY- H ANNIVERSARY OF
SERVICE OF MARK TRICE IN THE
SENATE
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President,
join with my colleagues in paying tribute
to our very fine secretary to the minor-
ity, Mark Trice. I have not served in
the Senate nearly so long as many of my
fellow Senators, but in the time that I
have been here Mark Trice has always
been an excellent source of information
and a reliable counselor. He has always
been most helpful to both me and my
staff. Forty-five years of exemplary
service is certainly an enviable record.
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. President, it is a
distinct personal pleasure for me to join
my colleagues in saluting Mark Trice on
the occasion of his 45th anniversary of
service to the Senate.
In compiling this proud record he has
been unfailingly cheerful and competent.
It is amazing how he keeps tabs on what
is going on and I do not know what the
minority side would do without his guid-
ance and counsel.
My association with Mark precedes
my brief service as a Member of this body
because in the thirties I worked in a
senatorial office while going to law school
and came to know him then. Thirty
years ago the pace of the Senate was
slower than It is today, but Mark has
kept up with the times and runs things
just as well now as he did then.
I count him as a friend. I look to him
for guidance. I wish for him many more
years of serving the Senate and his coun-
try in his sensitive and important posi-
tion.
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August August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL REtORD ? SEIN
mail to answer so I am now buckling down
to it. I'll never be a correspondent, I hate
to write. I'm crummy at it but will give
it the old college try.
Things are a little busy here and tension
seems to be mounting, particularly among
the uninitiated. With Special Forces troops,
however, this is old hat. We have been do-
ing business at the same old stand for a
long time and don't panic easily.
That was a real fine letter you wrote, and
the boys and I appreciate what you have
said and the things you are doing. Maybe
when you are in college areas, you can set
some of those mixed-up kids straight. You
know, the demonstrators. I would rather
fight over here than in Anytown, U.S.A. If
some of those kids saw some of the men,
women and children butchered by the Viet
Cong maybe they would be a little less in-
clined to talk, and more ready to help. I
can't believe that today's American youth
are any less courageous and possess any less
love of country than they did in the past,
but the papers we read sure give us that
impression.
The guys over here don't expect to be ex-
tolled as heroes and don't expect the folks
back there to raise monuments to them.
They have a job to do and they can see the
need. It does, however, get mighty sicken-
ing to read about those New York kids burn-
ing draft cards and probably going off to a
movie or hamburger joint afterwards brag-
ging about it. Our guys, same age, same
country, work, fight, bleed, and die so those
punks can theorize. I'd like to see some
demonstrations for our country, yes and wave
the flag, too. I have never been able to see
any shame in being a flag waver.
There is no one Who wants peace anymore
than the guy who is going to do the fighting
and possibly the dying. I want peace but
not at the cost of liberty.
Turning the other cheek and setting the
course by destroying our arsenal is suicide.
It has never worked and never will. Strength
is the way to peace. Nobody in their right
minds will attack anyone who will pulverize
them. They only attack when they are sure
they can win.
Well, how about that for a tirade? Off
soap box. Thanks again kiddo and keep up
the good work.
Dos.
DELAWARE RIVER BASIN WATER
SHORTAGE
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, millions
of people in the Northeast never stopped
to realize the value of water until they
were stopped by the acute water short-
age plagUing their area. The drought,
worst in the area's recorded history, has
lasted for 45 months, beginning in 1961,
and deficiencies can be expected to con-
tinue for at least another year even if
there is normal precipitation during the
coming year.
New York City depends on reservoirs
in the mountain upland areas of the
Hudson and Delaware River watersheds
whose present resources stand at only 48
percent capacity.
Half of Phildelphia's water supply is
taken directly from the Delaware River
at the Torresdale intake, and the re-
mainder comes from the Schuykill River.
The issue is of the interrelated sup-
ply for the two cities. New York City,
having the advantage of geographic
proximity to the headwaters of the
Delaware River, affects the needs of
Philadelphia by its diversions out of the
No. 155-5
river drainage. The low flow of the
Delaware increasingly threatens the
Philadelphia water supply with saline
contamination as salt water continues to
intrude toward the Torresdale intake.
In 1954 the U.S. Supreme Court au-
thorized New York City to take 490 mil-
lion gallons a day from the Delaware for
that city's use. The Court stipulated,
however, that New York City must re-
lease back into the Delaware 200 million
gallons a day from other New York
reservoirs to supplement the volume of
flow in the river. On June 14, 1965, New
York City stopped the required releases
to conserve its own supplies.
This and low runoff from the spring
thaws in the mountain area have caused
the water volume in the Delaware down-
stream from New York to reach a record
low, and the extent of the salt water
line threatening Philadelphia an alltime
high. The required 200 million gallons
a day releases were resumed in July 1965
by order of the Delaware River Basin
Commission effective until September 10,
1965.
The current crisis has not yet reached
the proportions of actual water depriva-
tion to the consumer. The water short-
age is defined in terms of rapid depletion
of reserve resources since the normal
sources have been used up. The drought
has forced the cities to operate on in-
adequate and hazardous reserves. Sec-
retary of the Interior Stewart Udall has
stated that New York City's shortage is
more critical than Philadelphia's, but
this situation cannot be considered in
Isolation. The obvious problems of a
water shortage in New York City are
widened and deepened by their impact on
cities with water supplies interrelated to
New York's.
These problems have been growing for
4 years. Last week the President called
a conference of Governors, mayors and
Senators from the stricken areas. I par-
ticipated in this conference then, and in
subsequent meetings I heard many rec-
ommendations for alleviating drought
conditions, such as metering, controlling
leakage, public appeals, further research,
appeals to industry and privately owned
reservoirs, and so forth.
At my request, Mr. Theodore Schad,
senior specialist in engineering and pub-
lic works at the Library of Congress, pre-
pared a memorandum on previous rec-
ommendations to ease the water shortage
problem. At present the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare is study-
ing water quality conditions in the Hud-
son River and New York City engineers
are planning emergency and limited use
of the Hudson River. As seen from Mr.
Schad's study, which I will submit for
publication in the RECORD, there is noth-
ing new in the concept of using the Hud-
son River as a primary source of water
supply for New York City.
In July 1951, an engineering panel on
water supply made recommendations to
the mayor of New York City an the sub-
ject of future water sources for the city.
Its letter of transmittal stated that the
committee believed that the Hudson
River with filtration was the best source
20489
and should be developed as the next step
for meeting the future needs of the city.
The quality of the water after filtration
was the same or better than the present
sources, the cost much lower?a saving
of $100 million over the 40-year period?
the volume eight times the present aver-
age annual use by New York. Use of the
Hudson would stop encroachment upon
mountain streams and would be flexible
in its utilization.
Despite these recommendations, New
York City decided to use the western
branch of the Delaware River for ex-
pansion of the city's water supply dur-
ing the 1950's on the assumption of better
quality, which has turned out to be
faulty. Had New York City followed the
committee's recommendations which
enumerated the assets of the Hudson as
the primary water source, the most crit-
ical problems facing the area today
would have been solved. But it does
little good to cry over spilt water. With
the problem facing the New York City
administration, and solutions based on
extensive studies before them, it would
seem that there is going to be a great
duplication of research and factiinding
efforts by the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare and Secretary
'Udall. Hopefully, the solution which
seems obvious to an impartial and in-
formed source, Mr. Schad, will become
obvious in the very near future to New
York City officials. The Hudson should
be developed as the primary source of
water for New York, thus allowing Phil-
adelphia and nearby New Jersey cities
unthreatened use of the Delaware.
There need not any longer be an objec-
tion to using purified sewerage water
since many major cities do so.
In the light of sound engineering facts,
it is not justifiable for New York City to
utilize its geographical upstream posi-
tion on the Delaware to deprive cities
further south of use of the Delaware
water when it has a much better source
in all technical aspects, namely the Hud-
son. And why should Philadelphia be
endangered unnecessarily by the waste-
ful and shortsighted plans of the New
York City administration?
As New York City's follies come into
public view, the Federal Government has
taken steps to effect a compromise be-
tween the two cities in the form of a
water bank, which would store the re-
quired releases into the Delaware in
reservoirs for use by New York City un-
less the security of Philadelphia's water
supply is further endangered by salt
water. I commend the Johnson admin-
istration for its efforts to bring about a
solution to the problem, but I wonder
why the administration is taking steps
to make amends for the mistakes of New
York City in its present policies, when
the need for an overhaul of the New
York City water supply system is obvious
from an engineering standpoint.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that Mr. Schad's report to which
I referred earlier be printed in the
RECORD.
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20490 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 23, 1965
There being no objection, the report
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE LIBRARY OE CONGRESS,
Washington, D.C., August 12, 1965.
To: Hon. HUGH SCOTT.
From: Theodore M. Schad, senior specialist
in engineering and public works.
Subject: Water shortage in the Northeastern
States.
This is in response to your request for icleaE
as to ways to alleviate drought conditions in
the Northeastern States, with particular ref-
erence to the water shortage in New York
City and its effect on the flow in the Delaware
River.
A report to the President dated July 21,
1965, by the Water Resources Council, en-
titled "Drought in Northeastern United
States," outlines a whole series of steps which
the Council recommends be taken by the
Federal Government to alleviate drought
conditions throughout the Northeastern
United States. As I understand you received
a copy of the report from the White House,
there is no need for me to reiterate the nu-
merous recommendations that are included
in that report. From the viewpoint of the
State of Pennsylvania and the Delaware
River Basin, however, it appears that in-
creased attention should be given to one
point that is mentioned in the Council's re-
port. I refer to the possibility of utilizing
the Hudson River as a primary source for
the New York City water supply.
On page 9, the report mentions that New
York City "has begun an engineering recon-
naissance to construct an emergency pump-
ing plant on the Hudson River." On page 13
it indicates that the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare is carrying out a
study of water quality conditions in the Hud-
son River. Actually, the use of the Hudson
River as a primary source of water supply has
been considered and favorably recommended
by eminent engineers as far back as the early
years of the present century. In fact, it could
be said that New York City brought on the
present water crisis, both for itself and Phila-
delphia. by its failure to accept such a recom-
mendation when it was most recently made
in 19M. Instead, it proceeded to construct
the CannonsviIle 'reservoir on the west branch
of the Delaware as the next increment of its
water supply system. The extended drought
over the last 4 years has resulted in the ina-
bility of this small watershed to produce
the, flow needed by New York City and down-
stream users on the Delaware. Although it
may be too late to help very much during the
present drought period, it would appear de-
sirable, from the viewpoint of Philadelphia,
to bring pressure to bear on New York City
to develop the Hudson River as a major
source of water supply, so that even more
serious water shortages can be avoided during
future periods of drought.
The Hudson River has many advantages as
a source of supply for New York City. For
example, the average discharge of the Hudson
River at Green Island near Albany for the 10-
year period of record 1946-66 was 10,430,000
acre-feet or roughly 9.4 billion gallons a day.
This is almost eight times the present average
annual use by the city of New York of 1.26
billion gallons per day. The minimum flow
of record is 1,270 cubic feet per second at
this point or about 800 million gallons per
day.
By contrast the flow of the Delaware at
Montague, N.J., just below Port Jervis, is less
than 4,800,000 acre-feet and the minimum
discharge has been as low as 412 cubic feet
per second (26$ m.g.d.) less than one-
third of the water available in the Hudson
River during the lowest period of record. The
west branch of the Delaware, from which the
newest water supply for the city of New York
has beer). developed in the Cannonville Res-
ervoir, is an even smaller stream having an
average flow of only 772.000 acre-feet (690
m.g.d.) with a minimum discharge recorded,
without regulation, of only 32 cubic feet per
second.
These facts were not unknown to the city
of New York when it made its decision to go
to the west branch of the Delaware River
for the expansion of its water supply during
the decade of the 1950's. in July 1951, an
engineering panel on water supply made rec-
ornmendationt to the mayor's committee on
management survey of the city of New York
on the subject of future water sources of the
city of New York. The panel consisted of
Thorndike Saville, Sr., W. W. Homer, Louis R.
Howson, and Abel Wolman, four the most dis-
tinguished consulting engineers in the field
of municipal water supply in the United
States. Among other things the committee
stated (letter of transmittal, p. sly) :
"After consideration of all available
sources, the panel believes the Hudson River,
with filtration, offers the best solution and
that it should be developed as the next step
for meeting the future needs of New York
City, Among the factors influencing this
opinion sue:
"(a) By standard filtration process, Hud-
son River water can be made equal to, if not
better in quality than, that now supplied to
the city of New York. The project also has
an important security valua resulting from
the ability of the Hudson River to free itself
of radioactive or biological contamination.
"(b,) The development cost per m.g.d. of
additional safe supply is much the lowest,
being less than one-third that of any upland
source to supply comparable quantities.
"(c) It is also lowest in annual cost, sav-
ing the city at least $100 million prior to the
year 2000 as compared to the proposed Can-
nonsville development of the board of water
supply.
"(d) It can be initially developed to mod-
erate proportions, and readily enlarged to
meet increased demands, unlike most upland
sources.
"(e) It is most flexible in its utilization,
requiring substantial operation only during
unusually dry periods when water from the
upland sources is insufficient.
" (f) The Hudson?particularly with the
upland storage, which in Sacandaga Reser-
voir alone is seven times the volume of the
Kensico Reservoir?Is substantially inex-
haustible.
"(g) No delays due to interstate negotia-
tions or application to the U.S. Supreme
Court are required for an initial Hudson
River development in contrast to any pro-
posals for new upland Delaware sources.
"(h) The encroachment of New York City
upon mountain streams for water supply
uses will be stopped for many years, thus
preserving such streams for fishing, wildlife,
recreation and other conservation uses. In
addition the city will not be charged for
taxes on lands taken for water supply pur-
poses, for policing, for sanitation and other
costs required by law when upland areas
are taken for water supply reservoirs."
The panel proposed a plan for pumping
water from an intake in the Hudson River
just below Hyde Park, N.Y. From this point
It would be pumped to a filtration plant near
Chelsea, N.Y., where it would be chlorinated,
filtered, and pumped into the Delaware
aqueduct and delivered to the existing New
York city water supply reservoirs. The panel
stated (p. 79) "It is shown that by ordinary
standard filtration processes Hudson River
water can be made to equal, if not better,
the quality of water now supplied to New
York City."
The committee made several other recom-
mendations which are still pertinent with re-
spect to dealing with the New York City
water supply problem. Among these was a
recommendation that consideration be given
to more extensive metering of customer serv-
ices, and that more attention be given to
reduction of leakage and waste from the
water distribution system. The panel sug-
gested that the latter source might lead to
a saving of 150 million gallons a day without
curtailing or restricting any proper water
usage.
The existence of this report and earlier
reports going back to 1900 by competent
engineers, recommending the Hudson as an
obvious source of water for New York City
suggests that development of the Hudson to
a far greater extent than the reinstallation
of the emergency intake and pumping plant
at Chelsea is warranted.
Accordingly, it would appear desirable for
Pennsylvania to insist in every way possible
that New York City be forced to develop the
Hudson River supplies even to the extent of
additional storage on the Hudson, if such is
needed, so that the Hudson would become a
major permanent source of water supply for
the New York City metropolitan area leaving
the Delaware for use of growing industry
and municipalities in the Delaware Valley.
THEODORE M. SCHAD.
THE CRITICAL COIN SHORTAGE
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, the Na-
tion has for more than a year been in-
volved in a critical coin shortage crisis.
The problems which this issue raises for
American commerce in all 50 States has
been well publicized. The Government
genuinely has tried to wrestle with this
problem and has considered all sorts of
voluntary and involuntary means of
finding a solution to this problem.
Recently?and to my deep regret?the
Congress. authorized a desilverization of
our coinage and a cutback in the silver
content of the 50-cent Piece.
But citizens generally have not ad-
dressed themselves to this problem which
is why I am particularly impressed with
the recommendation of a newspaper edi-
tor from my State calling on citizens to
agree among themselves not to hoard
coins and pledge themselves to oppose
hoarding or speculating in coins.
This is a subject that I hope will be
taken seriously by many communities
across this country because it involves
Individual responsibility in solving what
is a serious problem for all American
business and indeed for the future of the
U.S. monetary system.
I ask unanimous consent that the col-
umn of Paul K. Gardner in the Lovelock
Review Miner be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Witoss Do You LovE?
(An editorial by Paul K. Gardner)
Do you love your community?
Do you love your State?
Do you love America?
Or you do you only love yourself?
These questions are to the point. What
Is happening to our monetary system is in-
volved. An outflowing of local patriotism
could do much to relieve present difficulties.
We estimate that Lovelock people have
stored away over 5,000 silver dollars. They
are engaged at present in putting half dollars
and quarters in their socks and under their
mattresses. Some are foolishly storing silver
certificates. An estimated $10,000 is being
hoarded here.
A very few Pershing County business
people are grabbing all the change they can
get their hands on and concealing the fact.
We wouldn't be surprised that there are
millions of silver dollars and other coins
taken out of circulation in Reno. Hoarding
In Nevada could amount to 850 Million.
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20492
Approved For WillTtelygs3igi: ateempAmirtioo3ooi3000z-8
ziugust 23, 1965
Business Council, formerly known as the
Business Advisory Council. As you may
know, this organization, which was once as-
sociated with the Department of Commerce
but which is now independent, was formed
for the purpose of advising the Federal Gov-
ernment on matters of broad public policy
affecting the business community. The
council is composed predominantly of men
associated with private industry, and in all
cases they are men of proven character, abil-
ity, and sense of public responsibility. The
Business Council has been functioning suc-
cessfully since 1933, and its influence upon
important, Government policy decisions has
been great, and is even now felt to be ex-
panding.
Without going too fully into the operations
of the Business Council, we feel that an
organization of this nature could best serve
the travel industry?with all of its divergent
interests?at least initially. It would offer
the advantages of being advisory, it would
reflect an industrywide point of view, it
would serve as a listening post, it would
furnish two-way communication with the
Government, it would involve practically no
capital outlay or organizational expense, it
could?as the Business Council now does?
appoint special committees to study and deal
with specific problems as they arise, and?
above all?we have very good reason to be-
lieve that if such a council is established
and is composed of responsible representa-
tives of the travel industry, it will be recog-
nized by the Government.
In general, if modeled after the Business
Council, the Travel Advisory Council would
be constituted somewhat as follows:
1. Purposes: The Travel Advisory Council
would be dedicated to serving the national
interest and its primary objectives would be
to submit to any branch or agency of Gov-
ernment?or to any recognized public body?
a constructive point of view on matters of
public policy affecting the travel industry;
to respond to requests by any branch or
agency of the Government for advice and as-
sistance in carrying out their respective re-
sponsibilities; and to provide a medium for a
better understanding of Government prob-
lems by the travel business.
2. Membership: The Travel Advisory Coun-
cil shall consist of not more than 50 active
members, chogen to be broadly representa-
tive from both a geographic as well as a
functional point of view. There shall be no
political qualifications for membership.
The active membership of the Travel Ad-
visory Council shall change periodically so
that the council may enjoy the benefits
which accrue from the introduction of new
personalities and fresh points of view.
All active members shall be invited to serve
for a period of 1 year. They shall be selected
by the executive committee.
3. Executive committee and officers: The
executive committee of the council shall con-
sist of 10 members elected by the council
at its organizational meeting. A quorum of
the executive committee shall consist of six
members.
The council will elect a chairman and not
more than two vice chairmen. The chair-
man will also be chairman of the executive
committee.
If at some later time it is felt in the best
interests of the industry to employ an execu-
tive secretary to devote his full time to
Travel Advisory Council affairs, this position
will be filled by the executive committee,
which will also fix his compensation.
4. Appointment of committees: Since
much of the work of the council will be
done by special committees, the executive
committee is empowered to appoint such
committees and to name the chairmen
thereof,
Where desirable, committees may have
noncouncil members who are specifically
? qualified qualified to bring information on
matters under the committees' consideration.
5. Meetings: Meetings of the Travel Ad-
visory Council shall be held at least twice a
year or more often, at the discretion of the
executive committee.
The executive committee shall meet from
time to time as may be necessary and at any
time at the call of the chairman.
6. Reports: Committee reports shall be
submitted to the Travel Advisory Council
for approval unless prior authority is given
for a committee to deal directly with the
Government agency or branch involved.
7. Council fund: The chairman of the
council is authorized to solicit and collect a
previously determined fund adequate to
carry on the work of the council.
8. Amendments: This organizational struc-
ture may be amended or changed at any
regular meeting by a majority vote of all
the active members of the council.
Holiday has no wish to persuade the
travel industry into organizing itself, or in-
deed, to take any other action. But, we
wanted to present our findings to our friends
in the industry for whatever value they may
be. We are aware of the fact that many in-
dustry leaders are looking ahead in this di-
rection, and that many feel some form of
organization is necessary. Moreover, we
would be agreeable to taking the initiative
in calling together in Washington, or in any
other more convenient location, the leaders
of the travel industry for a symposium to
discuss this issue, and related topics. If
such a meeting should come about, we would
seek to have on hand some top Government
officials as well as a spokesman for the
business council who could describe in de-
tail the manner in which that organization
operates.
Any council which may be established,
such as that outlined here, should represent
domestic travel interests as well as those
promoting overseas travel, and its ultimate
purpose must be far broader than just block-
ing the imposition of a penalty tax or pro-
moting the "See the U.S.A." program. The
council can best serve the interests of the
entire travel market only if it provides a
continuous two-way channel of communi-
cation between the industry and the Gov-
ernment. We genuinely feel that the travel
industry is in a position to make great strides
within the next few years, but we know that
while there are enormous opportunities in
this field, it is inevitable that there shall also
be constant problems. We pledge our full
assistance to the industry in dealing with
both the opportunities and the problems.
Thank you for taking the time to review
this matter. Perhaps you agree that its im-
portance and urgency to your company and
the travel industry at large require imme-
diate attention. I would therefore appre-
ciate your comments or reaction at your
earliest convenience.
Sincerely yours,
GARTH Hrrz,
Vice resident and Publisher.
THE WAR, IN VIETNAM
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President,
there has come to my attention two ex-
cellent editorials from the Atlanta Con-
stitution and the Philadelphia Evening
tulletin concerning the President's
course of action in the war in Vietnam.
These editorials support the President's
Vietnam policy, and make the point that
our forces remain in Vietnam by invita-
tion and that we are there to assist in
turning back the tide of Communist ag-
gression in southeast Asia, and that radi-
cal attacks upon this policy in effect
gives aid and comfort to the enemy.
I ask unanimous consent that these
editorials be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
[From the Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution
Aug. 14, 19651
PRESIDENT JOHNSON SCOTCHES RUMOR?WE
REMAIN IN VIETNAM BY INVITATION
Both President Johnson and Henry Cabot
Lodge, our Ambassador to Vietnam, have
made special efforts to emphasize that the
United States is participating in the war
against the Vietcong only at the request of
the Vietnamese Government.
Earlier, Ambassador Lodge had been quoted
in a supposed leak from private committee
hearings as vowing that the United States
would stay in Vietnam with or without the
invitation of the legitimate government.
If that had been a true statement of Amer-
ican policy, it would have represented a sharp
shift of our long-standing ground rules and
would seriously have weakened America's
moral position in the war.
"I didn't say that, I'll tell you," Mr. Lodge
said of the unsubstantiated report.
And the President declared: "The United
States would never undertake the sacrifice
these efforts require if its help were not
wanted and requested."
Let us hope that the mischief done by the
report of alleged testimony now is undone.
It is true that the United States has in-
terests in Vietnam exclusive of protecting the
Vietnamese Government. Vietnam is, as
Korea was a decade and a half ago, the line
drawn against Communist aggression. It is
important that the tide be checked before
all of southeast Asia is flooded.
But we are, after all, lighting on Vietnam-
ese soil. To do so uninvited would not only
increase the danger to our troops manyfold,
but it would well nigh destroy our moral
position.
As long as we show the firmness of our
commitment to protect Vietnam, and strive
to help solve the social and political needs
of the people as well as the military, the
chances are very slim that we will be asked
out.
[From the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin,
Aug. 11, 19651
GIVING AID AND COMFORT
Teach-ins, public hearings, and grassroots
rallies, designed to excite the public against
American resistance to Communist aggres-
sion in southeast Asia, may be tolerated in
the name of free speech. Even a Rutgers
professor who said he would rejoice in a
Vietcong victory (that is, in a defeat for the
United States), is supposed to be merely ex-
pressing a permissible opinion, according to
the governing body of his university.
Obstructive action is something quite
different. Out in California, at Oakland, for
2 days running, demonstrators attempted to
impede the passage of troop trains carrying
men bound for the Pacific. In other places,
young men have been counseled to burn, and
some did burn, their draft cards. Declara-
tions of conscience are circulated, and those
signing them undertake to hamper the
prosecution of military action in Vietnam in
every possible way.
No nation involved in hostilities can per-
mit actions which give aid and comfort to
the enemy, unless all sense of the very defini-
tion of treason has been forgotten. Direct
obstruction should be met by stern and
prompt repression.
When the French were involved in Viet-
nam, after granting progressive independence
to their former colony, the Communists in
France laid a propaganda backfire on the
homefront which was much more effective
than the defeat at Dienblenphu (one lost
battle) in bringing about the surrender. It
is an object lesson worth recalling soberly be-
fore it is too late.
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 20491
Innocently, local adults and their children
have hundreds of piggy banks that are full
of much needed coins. They may have for-
gotten where such savings have been stpred.
Why all this hoarding, this miserliness?
Because the government is taking the Sil-
ver out of dimes and quarters, reducing it
in 50 cents pieces and refusing to mint more
silver dollars. They have the crazy idea that
they are going to make some big profit out
of holding the coins. But they fail to real-
ize that buried money earns no interest.
It is said that one can get $1.26 for a silver
dollar today. But a dollar deposited in re-
turn for a time certificate can yearly earn
1% cents. In 5 years, it will earn 25 cents.
But this is a very small part of the prob-
.
Money was made for use of the people just
as streets were. Hoarding money is like
blocking off a section of a street.
Hoarding change in Lovelock is already
hurting. If the selfish trend continues, it
will be a deadly hurt
But hoarding goes further. It is affecting
the gaming and tourist business. Lovelock,
Pershing County, and the State of Nevada
depend on these for a large part of their
income. If you are hoarding, you are hurt-
ing them.
By hoarding you are showing lack of faith
In America to survive. If you are afraid of
inflation, how are you going to cash in on it
with your dollars? Eventually, laws will be
passed to head you off. And eventually,
quarter, and half dollars will be replaced with
paper money, if hoarders, and their likes keep
np their practice.
We would like to see a movement started
In Pershing County, and Lovelock in par-
ticular, in which a public list is signed, agree-
ing net to hoard, and pledging oneself to take
every possible means of preventing hard cash
leaving the community.
This would involve turning in hoardings,
emptying piggy banks and arrangement with
the local bank to cooperate.
We appeal to the local loyalty and the
patriotism of Lovelock people to do their part
In correcting this evil situation.
"We would publish free of charge such a
TRAVEL ADVISORY COUNCIL URGED
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, recently
Holiday magazine has undertaken an
important initiative much needed in the
field of U.S. travel, namely to unite all
segments of the industry within a Travel
Advisory Council patterned after the
highly successful Business Council.
I believe that there is a great need for
such a Travel Advisory Council to give
the industry a spokesman and to provide
an effective bridge between the industry
and the Federal Government, and to
advise the latter an matters of broad
public policy.
On July 201 introduced a bill, S. 2305,
which, I believe, would put this Nation
on the road toward becoming a premier
travel Nation. I am pleased that Sen-
ators SCOTT, LONG of MISSOUT1., MCGEE,
Marla, CArrivoN, WILLrAms of New Jer-
sey, PEARSON, BREWSTER, BIBLE, and
CLARK have recognized the potential of
this bill and are cosponsoring it. Sen-
ator MAGNosoN, chairman of the Senate
Commerce Committee, has recently as-
sured me that early next session the
committee will schedule a full dress re-
view of U.S. tourist policies and at that
time the committee will give S. 2305 full
and careful consideration.
With an expanded U.S. Travel Service,
an effective domestic travel program, a
closely coordinated U.S. Government
travel effort; and a National Travel Re-
sources Review Commission in being?
which are provided for in S. 2305?and
a Travel Advisory Council, patterned
after the Business Council giving the in-
dustry a spokesman before Federal Gov-
ernment councils, the United States
would have the appropriate means to
transform this Nation into the first
ranking travel Nation it could and should
be.
I wish once again to commend Holi-
day magazine for undertaking to initiate
the Travel Advisory Council and urge
the U.S. travel industry to give this pro-
posal its earnest and sympathetic con-
siderations.
I ask unanimous consent that a letter
circulated among 'U.S. travel industry on
this subject by Garth Hite, vice presi-
dent and publisher of Holiday magazine
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
HoLmArr,
New York, N.Y.
Admittedly, this is a very long letter. It
concerns, however, a subject that is very
important to you and to us?the travel in-
dustry. I must ask your indulgence, then,
to spend a little more time with this letter
than with the usual correspondence.
The proposal seriously advanced earlier
this year to President Johnson by the Federal
Reserve Board and the Department of Treas-
ury to correct the balance-of-payments
deficit by imposing a $100 penalty tax upon
all Americans traveling butside the country
was viewed by Holiday with considerable
anxiety. While the proposal was discarded
by the President, this decision is considered
a temporary one to enable the President to
determine whether or not the deficit can
be erased by other means. In fact, officials
of the Department of Commerce have said
that as long as the balance-of-payments
deficit remains critical?and they still con-
sider It a crisis situation?the possibility of
a penalty tax of some kind being imposed
must be considered. Already passports Is-
sued to Americans in the first 3 months
of 1965 have shot up nearly 13 percent over
the total issued in the same period last year.
This development has been noted with mis-
givings by some Government officials.
Immediately after the head tax proposal
was offered, Holiday launched what eventu-
ally developed into a very thorough in-
vestigation of the travel industry and its
relations (or more accurately its lack of
them) with the Federal Government. We do
not believe that undue criticism should be
directed at the Government; the major
fault?if it can be called that?lies within
the travel industry as a whole in that it has
failed to communicate with Government.
Our primary goal was to determine how well
organized the industry was to deal with what
may have been a serious threat to overseas
travel, but this later was broadened into a
searching look at the industry's present
ability to protect itself, not merely against
the penalty tax threat, but against any other
danger, now unforeseen, that may arise with-
out warning in the months ahead. Equally
important, we sought to learn how well, if
at all, the travel industry had impressed
the Government and the public with its im-
portance to the national economy, and the
need for encouraging rather than harassing
an industry that is now the third largest in
the Nation. We are well aware, of course,
that other companies and groups?American
Express, Pan American, Travel Agent maga-
zine, Travel Weekly, ASTA, and Infoplan,
among others?have done considerable prob-
lng of the problem and have compiled a great
deal of information on this subject.
The results of Holiday's general inquiry,
which was based upon interviews with Gov-
ernment officials concerned with travel mat-
ters as well as with executives of the various
travel organizations, were predictable but
dismaying. While all of the different groups
within the industry were organized accord-
ing to their immediate interests, no organiza-
tion existed to speak for the industry as a
whole or to unite it for common defense.
Stated briefly, these facts emerged:
PROM THE GOVERNMENT
An acknowledgment that there was no
central, responsible source recognized by the
Government to which it could turn for sta-
tistics 'covering the entire travel industry.
2. An expressed willingness to recognize
and cooperate with a central organization
which would represent the industry.
3. Widely varying and often conflicting
data quoted by the Government in its state-
ments on the balance-of-payments deficit,
the value of travel to the national economy,
and the indirect responsibility of tourism in
enlarging certain sales and export figures.
(Notably in the aircraft industry.)
4. A determination to reduce by persua-
sion, if by no other means, the oversea travel
of U.S. citizens.
raom THE INDUSTRY
1. A general feeling of anxiety growing
from a realization that a large and powerful
industry lacks the organization to protect its
own welfare.
' 2. A universal feeling that the risks in-
herent in this situation are more likely to
increase than decrease in the years ahead,
since the established pattern of Government
control is obviously an expanding one.
3. A general conviction that the travel in-
dustry has grown to the point where, aside
from any Government threats, it would be
in its own best interests to have the means
of providing reliable statistics and informa-
tion to the public.
Many other facts, not connected with
spending or the economy, also- were disclosed
by these talks. Passport and custom policies,
the tying-in of the President's beautification
program with domestic travel, public invest-
ment in the expansion of our national park
system, future scope of the U.S. Travel Serv-
ice, and the difficulties faced by the White
Flouse in recruiting top travel executives for
Government posts?all were discussed with
the appropriate authorities and all reflected
a generally unilateral point of view rather
than one incorporating the views of both the
Government and the industry.
Admittedly, the travel industry is com-
posed of a number of businesses that are
widely divergent---such as motels, railroads,
gas stations, airlines, shiplines, resorts, and
car rentals?yet the mobility of man is a
common thread that links them together and
provides each with a stake in the economic
ren-being of the entire industry. But be-
cause the industry is splintered and ranges
so broadly, it is difficult to imagine a single
organization that can serve all of its varied
Interests. In fact, the usual trade associa-
tion concept would contain so many inev-
itable conflicts of interests, between types
of carriers, between overseas and domestic
travel, between regions, etc., that it would
be totally unworkable.
The full potential of the travel industry is
difficult to prophesy but it is conceivable
that within 25 years it will be established
as the world's largest industry. Long before
this happens, and hopefully before some now
unforeseen mishap occurs, the U.S. travel
industry should erect some kind of organiza-
tional structure to advance its best interests.
In studying examples of organizations cre-
ated to work with the Federal Government,
the one that seems most adaptable to the
peculiarities of the travel industry is the
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Atm CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 23, 1965
I think it is inappropriate to come in
at this late hour and try to change the
site without any provision for money
to buy the site. Th& bill merely provides
for a site in the vicinity of the Pennsyl-
vania Avenue development program. It
seems to me this is quite realistic. If it
had been provided for originally and we
had been able to get a site, it would be
another matter, but a great amount of
time, money, and effort have been ex-
pended on the development of the site.
Aside from that fact, I think it comes
too late to try to change it now. It
would destroy the present concept al-
together.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I am
very glad that the Senator from Ar-
kansas has commented on the pending
Cultural Center site. As a member of the
District of Columbia Committee, let me
say that in view of the developments, I
believe it is an excellent choice. It would
be a great mistake to try to disrupt the
program now by getting into controversy
over location of the center. The pro-
gram is coming along nicely.
As the Senator from Arkansas knows,
it is expected that a substantial drive
will be conducted to obtain private funds
and contributions. Our citizens have
been led to believe that the site has been
agreed upon.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Some $15 million
has been raised privately.
Mr. MORSE. Yes, the Senator is cor-
rect, but not only that, as we look at the
situation in retrospect, and when we take
into account the plans which are now in
the blueprint stage for other develop-
ments in the District of Columbia, I be-
lieve that it is an excellent site.
This may be a sentimental argument
on my part, but I believe it is a most
appropriate site in view of the fact that
President Kennedy's burial place is just
across the river, with its everlasting
torch aflame. Thus, this center will be
among other shrines in the area, such
as the Lincoln Memorial, the Jefferson
Memorial, and other memorials. The
Cultural Center is, after all, being built
as a great memorial to our great Presi-
dent Kennedy, and is most appropriately
located at the site ,which has been
selected.
Accordingly, I sincerely hope that
plans for completing the Center will pro-
ceed without any controversy being
raised at this date over its location.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I thank the
Senator from Oregon for his comments.
They are entirely appropriate.
REMARKS OF SENATOR THOMAS J.
DODD CONCERNING A CHRONOL-
OGY PUBLISHED BY THE COM-
MITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ON THE SITUATION IN THE DO-
MINICAN REPUBLIC
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the
senior Senator from Connecticut [Mr.
Dom] has today issued a press release
entitled "Senator DODD Charges Foreign
Relations Publication on Dominican
Crisis Slanted Against Administration."
The allegation is that the chronology
quoted exclusively from press sources
critical of administration policy in the
Dominican Republic. The remarks of
the senior Senator from Connecticut in-
cluded complaints that the chronology
did not bear statements favorable to the
position of the administration.
The facts are as follows:
First. The document to which the sen-
ior Senator refers was issued in early
July for use of the committee in connec-
tion with its effort to learn in detail of
developments in the Dominican Republic.
It was compiled, as noted in the preface,
from material "collected with the assist-
ance of the Legislative Reference Service
of the Library of Congress, the Depart-
ment of State, and the staff of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations." Because
of shortage of time, the staff of the com-
mittee in compiling the chronology made
extensive use of a research instrument to
which it subscribes entitled "Deadline
Data."
Second. The statement of the senior
Senator from Connecticut leaves the im-
pression that the administration views
were not? adequately presented in the
chronology. Members should note, how-
ever, that the chronology and the ac-
companying printed material includes
not only a numlier of documents issued
by the Organization of American States,
but six statements by President Johnson,
and a number of statements by the De-
partment of State and one by Ambas-
sador Stevenson.
Third. I do wish to expres my regret
that it has not been possible for the
senior Senator from Connecticut [Mr.
Dons] to attend meetings of the Foreign
Relations Committee on this subject.
Much of the material to which he re-
ferred has been considered by the com-
mittee.
Fourth. Finally, I wish the RECORD to
show that all of the witnesses which the
committee heard at the sessions not at-
tended by the Senator from Connecticut
were administration witnesses, save one.
We heard the testimony of Secretary of
State Rusk, Under Secretary of State
Mann, Deputy Secretary of Defense
Vance, Ambassador Bennett, Admiral
Raborn, Director of the Central Intelli-
gence Agency, and Assistant Secretary of
State for American Republics Affairs
Vaughn. The only non-Government wit-
ness called before the committee was the
former Governor of Puerto Rico, the
Honorable Luis Mulioz-Marin.
Investgiations of acts of the executive
department by their very nature, as the
Senator well knows, put the burden on
the administration to prove that its ac-
tions were correct. I believe that a fair
criticism of the committee might be that
It put too much time and effort into the
examination of Government witnesses,
and not enough into examination of
Government critics.
The committee has met on 13 different
occasions, compiling some 760 pages of
testimony. Most of the meetings have
been 2 or 3 hours in length. The senior
Senator from Connecticut attended one
of these meetings, and a search of the
committee records indicates that he has
not seen fit to consult the transcripts of
those hearings.
FURTHER AMENDMENT OF FOR-
EIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961?
CONFERENCE REPORT
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
submit a report of the committee of con-
ference on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses on the amendment of the
Senate to the bill (H.R. 7750) to amend
further the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, as amended, and for other purposes.
I ask unanimous consent for the present
consideration of the report.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
report will be read for the information
of the Senate.
The legislative clerk read the report.
(For conference report, see House pro-
ceedings of Aug. 18, 1965, pp. 20132-
20135, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.)
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the report?
There being jio objection, the Senate
proceeded to ccisider the report.
TNAM
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, to-
day, there came to my attention a docu-
ment entitled "Why Vietnam," which in-
cludes some historical documents?let-
ters written by President Kennedy and
President Eisenhower, and statements
made by President Johnson and Secre-
tary of State Dean Rusk. It is a most
informative document and will be help-
ful to citizens who wish to study step by
step the nature and extent of our in-
volvement in Vietnam.
I ask unanimous consent to have this
document printed in the RECORD for the
information of all Senators.
There being no objection, the docu-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
WHY VIETNAM
FOREWORD
MY FELLOW AMER/CANS: Once again in
man's age-old struggle for a better life and
a world of peace, the wisdom, courage, and
compassion of the American people are being
put to the test. This is the meaning of the
tragic conflict in Vietnam.
In meeting the present challenge, it is es-
sential that our people seek understanding,
and that our leaders speak with candor.
I have therefore directed that this report
to the American people be compiled and
widely distributed. In its pages you will
find statements on Vietnam by three lead-
ers of your Government?by your President,
your Secretary of State, and your Secretary
of Defense.
These statements were prepared for differ-
ent audiences, and they reflect the differing
responsibilities of each speaker. The con-
gressional testimony has been edited to avoid
undue repetition and to incorporate the
sense of the discussions that ensued.
Together, they construct a clear definition
of America's role in the Vietnam conflict:
the dangers and hopes that Vietnam holds
for all free men, the fullness and limits of
our national objectives in a war we did not
seek, the constant effort on our part to bring
this war we do not desire to a quick and hon-
orable end.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
AUGUST 20, 1965.
THE ROOTS Or COMMITMENT
In the historic documents that follow,
two American Presidents define and affirm
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 20615
farmland in the flood plain area from the
reservoir to the mouth of Wolf Creek, Op-
erating in conjunction with Fort Supply
Reservoir, it would provide protection to ap-
proximately 29,000 additional acres of farm-
land from the mouth of Wolf Creek to the
upper limits of Canton Reservoir. Operating
in conjunction with Canton Reservoir, Op-
tima would aid in flood protection to approxi-
mately 68,000 additional acres of farmland
from Canton Reservoir to Oklahoma City.
In addition to these impressive flood con-
trol benefits, Optima Reservoir will also pro-
vide a dependable yield of 10 million gallons
oi water per day for water supply. The cities
of Guymon and Hardesty, Okla., and the city
of Goodwell, Panhandle A. & M. College, have
adopted resolutions requesting this water
for their municipal and industrial uses. The
resolutions provide assurances that the costs
allocated to water supply will be repaid to
the Federal Government as required by the
Water Supply Act of 1958.
Mr. Chairman, and members of the com-
mittee, keeping in mind the present invest-
ment of over half a million dollars of Federal
funds, plus the vast benefits which the
Optima Reservoir will provide the people of
Oklahoma, through the prevention of dis-
astrous floods, the availability of water for
recreation, and for domestic reserves to meet
the demands of an ever-increasing popula-
tion, and finally the protection afforded the
valuable, productive farmlands of the North
Canadian Valley, I respectfully request that
the committee include in the fiscal Year 1966
appropriations the 61,200,000 needed to in-
itiate construction on the Optima project.
With these three exceptions, I will stand
In support of the President's budget re-
quests.
Also, Mr. Chairman, I would like to point
to the Arkansas River navigation project
which is of vital interest to the people of
Arkansas and Oklahoma. The President's
budget asks for $136,300,000 for this project
as follows:
Project:
Arkansas River and tributar-
Amount
les (bank stabilization) ---_
$14,
700,
000
Arkansas River and tributar-
ies (navigation locks and
dams)
79,
000,
000
Dardanelle lock and dam_
1,
700,
000
Ozark lock and dam
9,
000,
000
Keystone Reservoir.
5,
500,
000
Robert S. Kerr lock and dam_
18,
100,
000
Webbers Palls lock and dam_
8,300, GOO
Total
136, 300,
000
Mr. Chairman, this budget request will
keep the project on schedule for completion
in 1970, and / would like to express my ap-
preciation for the full cooperation which ye
have had from the President, this commit-
tee, the Congress, and the Corps of Engineers
in continually keeping this project on
schedule.
Your consideration of my requests is ap-
preciated.
Thank you.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
having been read the third time, the
question is, Shall it pass?
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President...I wish to
take a Minute to state to the Senator
from Louisiana that I am certainly glad
the country has had the services of the
Senator from Louisiana. He serves with
great distinction, but at the same time
I would say he should have been a judge,
for I do not know of anyone who carries
out his public services with a finer judi-
cial temperament than does the Senator
from Louisiana in handling the public
works appropriations and items before
his subcommittee each year,
It would certainly be unappreciative
of me as a Senator from Oregon if I did
not take just a minute, in behalf of the
people of my State, to express our thanks
to the Senator from Louisiana for his
Impartiality.
That does not mean that certain
groups have always been pleased in in-
stances in which certain groups have felt
they should have obtained some projects,
but I have said to them, when they have
expressed their 'disappointment at not
getting what they wanted, that they are
indebted and the State is indebted to
the Senator from Louisiana for his iii-
partiality and fairness and his insistence
that a group come in and establish its
ease on its merits.
The Senator knows that in the many
years we have served together in the
Senate I have never asked for anything
except on the basis of the facts. He has
weighed them carefully. This year he
has demonstrated again his judicial tem-
perament. That is why we place so much
trust and faith in his impartiality.
The PRESIDING OlorICER. The bill
having been read the third time, the
`question is, Shall it pass?
The bill (H.R. 9220) was passed.
Mr. EL.LENDER. Mr. President, I
move to reconsider the vote by which
the bill was passed.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I
move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was
agreed to.
The title was amended so as to read:
'*An act making appropriations for cer-
tain civil functions administered by the
Department of Defense, the Panama
Canal, certain agencies of the Depart-
ment of the Interior, the Atomic Energy
Commission. the Saint Lawrence Seaway
Development Corporation, the Tennessee
Valley Authority, the Delaware River
Basin Commission, and the Interoceanic
Canal Commission, for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1966, and for other pur-
poses."
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I
,move that the Senate insist on its
amendments and request a conference
With the House of Representatives there-
on, and that the Chair appoint the con-
ferees on the part of the Senate.
The motion WES agreed to; and the
Presiding Officer appointed Mr. EL-
LENDER, Mr. HAYDEN, Mr. RUSSELL Of
Georgia, Mr. MCCLELLAN, Mr. HILL, Mr.
MAGNUSON, Mr. HOLLAND, Mr. BIBLE, Mr.
MCNAMARA, Mr. PASTURE, Mr. HRUSKA,
Mr. YOUNG Of North Dakota, Mr. MUNDT,
And Mrs. &Ors conferees on the part of
the Senate.
ADJUSTMENTS IN ANNUITIES UN-
DER THE FOREIGN SERVICE RE-
TIREMENT AND DISABILITY
SYSTEM
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
for the immediate consideration of cal-
endar No. 614, H.R. 4170.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. Calendar No.
614, H.R. 4170, to provide for adjustments
in annuities under the Foreign Service
retirement and disability system.
The PRESIDING Or k iCER. Without
objection, the Senate will proceed to the
consideration?
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does
the Senator object?
Mr. LATJSCHE. I believe that this bill
should go over.
Mr. INOUYE. Over, Mr. President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objec-
tion is heard.
FURTHER AMENDMENT OF FOR-
EIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961?
CONFERENCE REPORT
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the conference
report on the Foreign Assistance Act of
1965 be made the pending business.
The PRESIDING OF.FICER. Will
the Senator from Arkansas submit the
conference report?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
Intend to call up the conference report on
the amendment of the Foreign Assist-
ance Act of 1961, H.R. 7750, and ask for
its immediate consideration.
I have one or two other items I would
like to refer to while the conference re-
port is being obtained.
KENNEDY CENTER FOR THE
PERFORMING ARTS
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a
few days ago Representative WIDNALL
introduced a bill in the House of Repre-
sentatives which requires the relocation
nof the Kennedy Center for the Perform-
ing Arts.
I have a memorandum on that subject
from Roger L. Stevens, who is the Spe-
cial Assistant to the White House on
the Arts, and is Chairman of the Board
of Trustees of the Kennedy Center. I ask
unanimous consent that it be printed in
the RECORD at this point of my remarks.
There being no objection, the memo-
randum was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
MEMORANDUM FOR THE HONORABLE WILLIAM
B. WiDNALL
Concerning your memorandum which I
received on August 16 about the Kennedy
Center for the Performing Arts. I will be
glad to present all your points to the trust-
ees at their next meeting.
I would like to call your attention to the
fact that the board of trustees consists of
a very prominent group of Americans who
have given both time and money to the
Center. They are a group that is outstand-
ing in the fields of business, government and
the performing arts. I am sure they will
give the points raised every consideration.
ROGER L. STEVENS,
Special Assistant on the Arts.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
only wish to add that this matter has
been pending a long time in Congress.
I introduced the original bill to provide
for a site for a center back in 1957. The
Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDER-
SON] and I had a long controversy as to
where it should be located, I tried to
get it located on the Mall near the
Smithsonian Institution. I found that
the Air Museum had preempted the
ground. I tried all over the city. This
was the only site to be obtained.
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the commitment of the United States to
the people of South Vietnam.
In letters to Prime Minister Churchill in
1954 and to President Diem in 1954 and 1960,
President Eisenhower describes the issues at
stake and pledges United States assistance
to South Vietnam's resistance to subversion
and aggressidn.
And in December 1961 President Kennedy
reaffirms that pledge.
EXTRACTS FROM LETTER FROM PRESIDENT EISEN-
HOWER TO PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL, APRIL
4, 1954
(Prom Dwight D. Eisenhower, "Mandate for
Change, 1963-56," New York, 1963)
DEAR WrNsTorr: I am sure * * * you are
following with the deepest interest and an-
xiety the daily reports of the gallant fight
being put up by the French at Dien Bien
Phu. Today, the situation there does not
seem hopeless.
But regardless of the outcome of this par-
ticular battle, I fear that the French can-
not alone see the thing through, this despite
the very substantial assistance in money and
materiel that we are giving them. It is no
solution simply to urge the French to in-
tensify their efforts. And if they do not
see it through and Indochina passes into
the hands of the Communists the ultimate
effect on our and your global strategic posi-
tion with the consequent shift in the power
ratios throughout Asia and the Pacific could
be disastrous and, I know, unacceptable to
yotk and me. * * * This has led us to the
hard conclusion that the situation in south-
east Asia requires us urgently to take serious
and far-reaching decisions.
Geneva is less than 4 weeks away. There
the possibility of the Communists driving
a wedge between us will, given the state of
mind in France, be infinitely greater than
-at Berlin. I can understand the very natural
desire of the French to seek an end to this
war which has been, bleeding them for 8
years. But our _painstaking search for a way
out of the impasse has reluctantly forced us
to the conclusion that there is no negotiated
solution of the Indochina problem which in
its essence would not be either a face-saving
device to cover a French. surrender or a face-
saving device to cover a Communist retire-
ment. The first alternative is too serious in
its broad strategic implications for us and
fOr you to be acceptable. * * *
Somehow we must contrive to bring about
the second alternative. The preliminary
lines of our thinking were sketched out by
Foster [Dulles] in his speech last Monday
night when he said that under the conditions
of today the imposition on southeast Asia
of the political system of Communist Rus-
sia and its Chinese Communist ally, by what-
ever means, would be a grave threat to the
whole free community, and that in our 'View
this possibility should now be met by united
action and not passively accepted. * * *
I believe that the best way to put teeth in
this concept and to bring greater moral and
material resources to the support of the
French effort is through the establishment
of a new, ad hoc grouping or coalition com-
posed of nations which have a vital concern
in the checking of Communist expansion in
the area. ,/ have in mind, in addition to our
two countries, France, the Associated States,
Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the
Philippines. The U.S. Government would ex-
pect to play its full part in such a coali-
tion. * * *
The important thing is that the coalition
must be strong and it must be willing to
join the fight if necessary. I do not en-
visage the need of any appreciable ground
forces on your or our part. * * *
11 I may refer again to history; we failed
to halt Hirohito, Mussolini, and Hitler by not
acting in unity and in time. That marked
the beginning of many years of stark tragedy
No. 155-21
and desperate peril. May it not be that our
nations have learned something from that
lesson? * *
With warm regard,
IKE.
LETTER FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER TO
PRESIDENT DIEM, OCTOBER 1, 1954
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I have been following
with great interest the course of develop-
ments in Vietnam, particularly since the
conclusion of the conference at Geneva. The
implications of the agreement concerning
Vietnam have caused grave concern regard-
ing the future of a country temporarily di-
vided by an artificial military grouping,
weakened by a long and exhausting war and
faced with enemies without and by their
subversive collaborators within.
Your recent requests for aid to assist in
the formidable project of the movement of
several hundred thousand loyal Vietnamese
citizens away from areas which are passing
under a de facto rule and political ideology
which they abhor, are being fulfilled. I am
glad that the United States is able to assist
in this humanitarian effort.
We have been exploring ways and means to
permit our aid to Vietnam to be more effec-
tive and to make a greater contribution to
the welfare and stability of the Government
of Vietnam. / am, accordingly, instructing
the American Ambassador to Vietnam to ex-
amine with you in your capacity as Chief of
Government, how an intelligent program of
American aid given directly to your govern-
ment can serve to assist Vietnam in its pres-
ent hour of trial, provided that your govern-
ment is prepared to give assurances as to the
standards of performance it would be able to
maintain in the event such aid were supplied.
The purpose of this offer is to assist the
Government of Vietnam in developing and
maintaining a strong, viable state, capable of
resisting attempted subversion or aggression
through military means. The Government of
the United States expects that this aid will
be met by performance on the part of the
Government of Vietnam in undertaking
needed reforms. It hopes that such aid,
combined with your own continuing efforts,
will contribute effectively toward an inde-
pendent Vietnam endowed with a strong
government. Such a government 'would, I
hope, be so responsive to the nationalist as-
pirations of its people, so enlightened in pur-
pose and effective in performance, that it
will be respected both at home and abroad
and discourage any who might wish to im-
pose a foreign ideology on your free people.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER.
LETTER FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER TO PRESI-
DENT DIEM, OCTOBER 26, 1960
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: My countrymen and I
are proud to convey our good wishes to you
and to the citizens of Vietnam on the fifth
anniversary of the birth of the Republic of
Vietnam.
We? have watched the courage and daring
with which you and the Vietnamese people
attained independence in a situation so peri-
lous that many thought it hopeless. We
have admired the rapidity with which chaos
yielded to order and progress replaced des-
pair.
During the years of your independence it
has been refreshing for us to observe how
clearly the Government and the citizens of
Vietnam have faced the fact that the great-
test danger to their independence was com-
munism. You and your countrymen have
used your strength well in accepting the dqu-
ble challenge of building your country and
resisting Communist imperialism. In five
short years since the founding of the Re-
public, the Vietnamese people have developed
their country in almost every sector. I was
particularly impressed by one example. I
am informed that last year over 1,200,000
20617
Vietnamese children were able to go to ele-
mentary school; three times as many as were
enrolled 5 years earlier. This is certainly
a heartening development for Vietnam's -fu-
tufe. At the same time Vietnam's ability to
defend itself from the Communists has
grown immeasurably since its successful
struggle to become an independent republic.
Vietnam's very success as well as its poten-
tial wealth and its strategic location have led
the Communists of Hanoi, goaded by the
bitterness of their failure to enslave all
Vietnam, to use increasing violence in their
attempts to destroy your country's freedom.
This grave threat, added to the strains and
fatigues of the long struggle to achieve and
strengthen independence, must be a burden
that would cause moments of tension and
concern in almost any human heart. Yet
from long observation I sense how deeply
the Vietnamese value their country's inde-
pendence and strength and I know how well
you used your boldness when you led your
countrymen in winning it. I also know that
your determination has been a vital factor
in guarding that independence while stead-
ily advancing the economic development of
your country. I am confident that these
same qualities of determination and boldness
will meet the renewed threat as well as the
needs and desires of your Countrymen for
further progress on all fronts.
Although the main responsibility for
guarding that independence will always, as
it has in the past, belong to the Vietnamese
people and their government, I want to as-
sure you that for so long as our strength
can be useful, the United States will con-
tinue to assist Vietnam in the difficult yet
hopeful struggle ahead.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER.
LETTER FROM PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO PRESIDENT
DIEM, DECEMBER 14, 1961
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I have received your
recent letter in which you described so
cogently the dangerous condition caused by
North Vietnam's efforts to take over your
country. The situation in your embattled
country is well known to me and to the
American people. We have been deeply dis-
turbed by the assault on your country. Our
indignation has mounted as the deliberate
savagery of the Communist program of
assassination, kidnaping, and wanton vio-
lence became clear.
Your letter underlines what our own in-
formation has convincingly shown?that the
campaign of force and terror now being
waged against your people and your Govern-
ment is supported and directed from the
outside by the authorities at Hanoi. They
have thus violated the provisions of the
Geneva accords designed to insure peace in
Vietnam and to which they bound themselves
in 1954.
At that time, the United States, although
not a party to the accords, declared that it
"would view any renewal of the aggression
in violation of the agreements with grave
concern and as seriously threatening inter-
national peace and security." We continue
to maintain that view.
In accordance with that declaration, and
in response to your request, we are prepared
to help the Republic of Vietnam to protect its
people and to preserve its independence. We
shall promptly increase our assistance to
your defense effort as well as help relieve the
destruction of the floods which you describe.
I have already given the orders to get these
programs underway.
The United States, like the Republic of
Vietnam, remains devoted to the cause of
peace and our primary purpose is to help
your people maintain their independence. If
the Communist authorities in North Vietnam
will stop their campaign to destroy the Re-
public of Vietnam, the measures we are tak-
ing to assist your defense efforts will no
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20618
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 3, 1965
longer be necessary. We shall seek to per-
suade the Communists to give up their
attempts of force and subversion. In any
case, we are confident that the Vietnamese
people will preserve their independence and
gain the peace and prosperity for which they
have sought so hard and so long.
Jostle F. KENNEDY.
TOWARD PEACE WITH HONOR ,
(Press conference statement by the Presi-
dent, the White House, July 28, 1965)
Not long ago I received a letter from a
woman in the Midwest. She wrote:
"DEAR MR. PREZIDENT: In my humble way
I am writing to you about the crisis in Viet-
nam. I have a eon who is now in Vietnam.
My husband served in World War IL Our
country was at war, but now, this time, it is
just something I don't understand. Why?"
I have tried to answer that question a doz-
en times and more in practically every State
in this Union. I discussed it fully in Balti-
more in April, in Washington in May, in San
Francisco in June, I.,et me, again, now, dis-
cuss it here in the East Room of the White
House.
Why must young Americans, born into a
land exultant with hope end golden with
promise, toil and suffer and sometimes die in
such a remote and distant place? ,
The answer, like the war itself, is not an
easy one. But it echoes Clearly from the
painful lessons of half a century. Thrcc
times in my lifetime, in two world wars and
In Korea, Americans have gone to far lands
to fight for freedom. We have learned at a
terrible and brutal cost that retreat does not
bring safety, and weakness does not bring
peace.
The nature of the war
It is this lesson that has brought us to
Vietnam. This is a different kind of war.
There are no marching armies or solemn dec-
larations. Some citizens of South Vietnam,
at times with understandable grievances,
have joined in the attack on their own gov-
ernrnent. But we must not let this mask the
Central fact that this is really war. It is
guided by North Vietnam and spurred by
Communist China. Its goal is to conquer
the South, to defeat "Arneriean power, and to
extend the Asiatic dominion of communism.
The stakes in Vietnam
And there are great stakes in the balance.
Most of the non-Communist nations of
Asia cannot, by themselves and alone, resist
the growing might and grasping ambition
of Asian communism. Our asower,ttherefore,
is a vital shield. If we are driven from the
field in Vietnam, then no? nation can ever
again have the same confidence in American
promise, or in American protection. In each
land the forces of independence would be
considerably weakened. And an Asia so
threatened by communist domination would
imperil the security of the United States
itself.
We did not choose to be the guardians at
the gate, but there is no one else.
Nor would surrender in Vietnam bring
peace. We learned from Hitler at Munich
that success only feeds the appetite of ag-
gression. The battle would be renewed in
one country and then another, bringing with
it perhaps even larger and crueler conflict.
Moreover, we are in Vietnam to fulfill one
of the most solemn pledges of the American
Nation. Three Presidents?President Eisen-
hower, President Kennedy, and your present
President?over 11 years, have committed
themselves and have promised to help defend
this small and valiant nation.
Strengthened by that promise, the people
of South Vietnam have fought for many long
years. Thousands of them have died. Thou-
sands more have been crippled and scarred
by war. We cannot now dishonor our word
Or abandon our corhbeitment or leave those
Who believed Its and who trusted us to the
error and repression and murder that would
follow.
This, then, my fellow Americans, is why
we are in Vietnam.
Increased effort to halt aggression
What are our goals in that war-stained
land?
First: We intend to convince the Commu-
nists that we cannot be defeated by force
of arms or by superior power. They are not
easily convinced. In recent months they
have greatly increased their , fighting forces,
their attacks, and the number of incidents.
I have asked the commanding general, Gen-
eral Westmoreland, what more he needs to
meet this mounting aggression. He has told
me. We will meet his needs.
I have today ordered to Vietnam the Air
Mobile Division and certain other forces
which will raise our fighting strength from
75,000 to 125,000 men almost immediately.
Additional forces will be needed later, and
they will be sent as requested. This will
make it necessary to increase our active fight-
ing forces by raising the monthly draft call
from 17,000 over a period of time, to 35,000
per month, and stepping up our campaign for
voluntary enlistments.
After this past week of deliberations, I have
concluded that it is not essential to order
Reserve units into service now. If that ne-
cessity should later be indicated, I will give
the matter most careful consideration. And
I will give the country adequate notice before
taking such action, but only after full
preparations.
We have also discussed with the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam lately the steps that
they will take to substantially increase their
own effort?both on the battlefield and
toward reform and progress in the villages.
Ambassador Lodge is now formulating a new
program to be tested upon his return to
that area.
I have directed Secretary Rusk and Secre-
tary McNamara to be available immediately
to the Congress to review with the appro-
priate congressional committees our plan in
these areas. I have asked them to be avail-
able to answer the questions of any Member
of Congress.
Secretary McNamara, in addition, will ask
the Senate Appropriations Committee to add
a limited amount to present legislation to
help meet part of this new cost until a sup-
plemental measure is ready and hearings can
-be held when the Congress assembles in
January.
Di the meantime, we will use the authority
contained in the present Defense appropri-
ations bill now to transfer funds, in addition
to the additional money that we will request.
These steps, like our actions in the past,
are carefully measured to do what must be
done to bring an end to aggression and a
peaceful settlement. We do not want an
expanding struggle with consequences that
no one can foresee. Nor will we bluster or
bully or flaunt our power.
But We will not surrender, And we will
not retreat.
For behind our American pledge lies the
determination and resources of all of the
American Nation.
Toward a peaceful solution
Second, once the Communists know, as we
know, that a violent solution is impossible,
then a peaceful solution is inevitable. We
are ready now, as we have always been, to
move from the battlefield to the conference
table. I have stated publicly, and many
times. America's willingness to begin un-
conditional discussions with any government
at any place at any time. l'ifteen efforts
have been made to start these discussions,
with the help of 40 nations throughout the
world. But there has been no answer.
But We are going to continue to persist,
If persist we must, until death and desola-
tion have led to the same conference table
where Others could noW join us at a much
smaller cost.
I have spoken many times of our objec-
tives in Vietnam. So has the Government of
South Vietnam. Hanoi has set forth its own
proposal. We are ready to discuss their pro-
posals and our proposals and any proposals of
any government whose people may be af-
fected. For we fear the meeting room no
more than we fear the battlefield.
The United Nations
In this pursuit we welcome, and we ask
for, the concern and the assistance of any
nation and all nations. If the United Na-
tions and its officials?or any one of its 114
members?can, by deed or word, private ini-
tiative or public action, bring us nearer an
honorable peace, then they will have the
support and the gratitude of the United
States of America.
I have directed Ambassador Goldberg to go
to New York today and to present immedi-
ately to Secretary-General U Thant a letter
from me requesting that all of the resources,
energy, and immense prestige of the United
Nations be employed to find ways to halt
aggression and to bring peace in Vietnam.
I made a similar request at San Francisco a
few weeks ago.
Free choice for Vietnam
We do not seek the destruction of any
government, nor do we covet a foot of any
territory. But we insist, and we will always
insist, that the people of South Vietnam
shall have the right of choice, the right to
shape their own destiny in free elections in
the South, or throughout all Vietnam under
international supervision. And they shall
not have any government imposed upon
them by force and terror so long as we can
prevent it.
This was the purpose of the 1954 agree-
ments which the Communists have now
cruelly shattered. If the machinery of those
agreements was tragically weak, its purposes
still guide our action.
As battle rages, we scull continue as best
we can to help the good people of South
Vietnam enrich the condition of their life--
to feed the hungry, to tend the sick?teach
the young, shelter the homeless, and help
the farmer to increase his crops, and the
worker to find a job.
Progress in human welfare
It is an ancient, but still terrible, irony
that while many leaders of men create divi-
sion in pursuit of grand ambitions, the chil-
dren of man are united in the simple elusive
desire for a life of fruitful and rewarding
toil.
As I said at Johns Hopkins in Baltimoee. I
hope that one day we can help all the people
of Asia toward that desire. Eugene Black
has made great progress since my appearance
in Baltimore in that direction, not as the
price of peace?for we are ready always to
bear a snore painful cost?but rather as a
part of our obligations of justice toward our
fellow man.
The difficulty of decision
Let me also add a personal note. I do not
find it easy to send the flower of our youth,
our finest young men, into battle. I have
spoken to you today of the divisions and the
forces and the battalions and the unite. But
I know them all, every one. I have seen them
in a thousand streets, in a hundred towns, in
every State in this Union?working aril
laughing, building, and filled with hope and
life. I think that I k:now, too, how their
mothers weep and how their families sorrow.
This is the most agonizing and the most
painful duty of your President.
A nation which builds
There is something else, too. When I was
young, poverty was so common that we didn't
know it had a name. Education was some-
thing you had to fight for. And water wee
life itself. I have now been in public life
35 years, more than three decades, and in
each of those 35 years I have seen good men,
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
and wise leaders, struggle to bring the
blessings of this land to all of our people.
Now I am the President. It is now my op-
portunity to help every child get an educa-
tion, to help every Negro and every American
citizen have an equal opportunity, to help
every family get a decent home a..nd to help
bring healing to the sick and dignity to the
old.
As I have said before, that is what I have
lived for. That is what I have wanted all
my life. And I do not want to see all those
hopes and all those dreams of so many peo-
ple for so many years now drowned in the
wasteful ravages of war. I am going to do all
I can to see that that never happens,
But I also know, as a realistic public
servant, that as long as there are men who
hate and destroy we must have the courage
to resist, or we will see it all, all that we have
built, all that we hope to build, all of our
dreams for freedom?all swept away on the
flood, of conquest.
So this too shall not happen; we will stand
In Vietnam.
THE TAERIP OP DIPLOMACY
(Statement by Secretary of State Dean Rusk,
before the House Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee, August 3, 1965)
As the President has said, ''there are great
stakes in the balance", in Vietnam today.
Let us be clear about those stakes. With
its archipelagos, southeast Asia contains rich
natural resources and some 200 million peo-
ple. Geographically, it has great strategic
importance-4t dominates the gateway be-
tween the Pacific and Indian Oceans and
flanks the Indian subcontinent on one side,
and Australia and New Zealand on the other.
The loss of southeast Asia to the Communists
would constitute a serious shift in the bal-
ance of power against the interests of the free
world, And the loss of South Vietnam would
make the defense of the rest of southeast
Asia Much more costly and difficult. That
is why the SEATO Council has said that the
defeat of the aggression against South Viet-
nam is "essential" to the security of south-
east Asia.
But much more is at stake than preserv-
ing the independence of the peoples of south-
east Asia and preventing the vast resources
of that area from being swallowed by those
hostile to freedom.
The test
The war in Vietnam is a test of a techniqne
of aggression: what the Communists, in
their upside-down language, call wars of na-
tional liberation. They use the term to de-
scribe any effort by Communists, short of
large-scale war, to destroy by force any non-
Communist government. Thus the leaders
of the Communist terrorists in such an in-
dependent democracy as Venezuela are de-
scribed as leaders of a fight for "national
liberation." And a recent editorial in Pravda
said that "the upsurge of the national libera-
tion movement in Latin American countries
has been to a great extent a result of the ac-
tivities of Communist Parties."
Communist leaders know, as the rest of the
world knows, that thermonuclear war would
be ruinous. They know that large-scale in-
vasions, such as that launched in Korea 15
years ago, would bring great risks and heavy
penalties. So, they have resorted to semi-
concealed aggression through the infiltration
of arms and trained military personnel across
national frontiers. And the Asian Commu-
nists themselves regard the war in Vietnam
as a critical test of that technique. Re-
cently General Giap, leader of North Viet-
nam's army said:
"If the special warfare that the U.S. im-
perialists are testing in South Vietnam is
overcome, then it can be defeated everywhere
In the world."
In southeast Asia, the Communists al-
ready have publicly designated Thailand as
the next target. And if the aggression
against South Vietnam were permitted to
succeed, the forces of militant communism
everywhere would be vastly heartened and
we could expect to see a series of so-called
wars of liberation in Asia, Latin America, and
Africa. ?
International law does not restrict internal
revolution. But it does restrict what third
powers may lawfully do in sending arms and
men to bring about insurrection. What
North Vietnam is doing in South Vietnam
flouts not only the Geneva Accords of 1954
and 1962 but general international law.
The assault on the Republic of Vietnam is,
beyond question, an aggression. It was orga-
nized and has been directed by North Viet-
nam, with the backing of Communist China.
The cadres of guerrilla fighters, saboteurs,
and assassins who form the backbone of the
Vietcong were specially trained in the North.
Initially, many of them were men of South
Vietnamese birth who had fought with the
Viet Minh against the French and gone North
in their military units after Vietnam was
divided in 1954. But that reservoir was
gradually exhausted. During 1964 and since,
most of the military men infiltrated from
the North have been natives of North Viet-
nam. And near the end of last year they
began to include complete units of the regu-
lar North Vietnamese army. In addition to
trained men and political and military direc-
tion, the North has supplied arms and am-
munition in increasing quantities?in con-
siderable part of Chinese manufacture.
Between 1959 and the end of 1964, 40,000
trained military personnel came down from
the North into South Vietnam, by conserva-
tive estimate. More have come this year.
Had all these crossed the line at once?as
the North Koreans did in invading South
Korea 15 years ago?nobody in the free world
could have doubted that the assault on Viet-
nam was an aggression. That the dividing
line between North and South Vietnam was
intended to be temporary does not make the
attack any less of an aggression. The di-
viding line in Korea also was intended to be
temporary.
If there is ever to be peace in this world,
aggression must cease. We as a Nation are
committed to peace and the rule of law. We
recognize also the harsh reality that our se-
curity is involved.
We are committed to oppose aggression not
only through the United Nations Charter
but through many defensive alliances. We
have'42 allies, not counting the Republic of
Vietnam. And many other nations know
that their security depends upon us. Our
power and our readiness to use it to assist
others to resist aggression, the integrity of
our commitment, these are the bulwarks of
peace in the world.
If we were to fail in Vietnam, serious con-
sequences would ensue. Our adversaries
would be encouraged to take greater risks
elsewhere. At the same time, the confidence
which our allies and other free nations now
have in our commitments would be seriously
impaired.
The commitment
Let us be clear about our commitment in
Vietnam.
It began with the Southeast Asir Treaty,
which was negotiated and signed after the
Geneva agreements and the cease-fire in
Indochina in 1954 and was approved by the
U.S. Senate by a vote of 82 to 1 in February
1955. That treaty protects against Com-
munist aggression not only its members but
any of the three non-Communist states
growing out of former French Indochina
which asks for protection.
Late in 1954 President Eisenhower, with
bipartisan support, decided to extend aid to
South Vietnam, both economic aid and aid
in training its armed forces. His purpose,
as he said, was to "assist the Government
of Vietnam in developing and maintaining
20619
a strong, viable state, capable of resistinr;
attempted subversion or aggression through
military Means."
Vietnam became a republic in 1955, was
recognized as an independent nation by 36
nations initially, and is so recognized by more
than 50 today.
Beginning in 1955, the Congress has each
year approved overall economic and military
assistance programs in which the continua-
tion of major aid to South Vietnam has been
specifically considered.
During the next 5 years, South Vietnam
made remarkable economic and social prog-
ress?what some observers described as a
-miracle."
Nearly a million refugees from the north
were settled. These were the stouthearted
people of whom the late Dr. Tom Dooley
wrote so eloquently in his first book, "Deliver
Us From Evil," and who led him to devote
the rest of his all-too-brief life to helping
the people of Vietnam and Laos.
A land-reform program was launched. A
comprehensive system of agricultural credit
was set up. Thousands of new schools and
more than 3.500 village health stations were
built. Rail transportation was restored and
roads were repaired and improved. South
Vietnam not only fed itself but resumed
ric-, exports. Production of rubber and sugar
rose sharply. New industries were started.
Per capita income rose by 20 percent.
By contrast, North Vietnam suffered a drop
of 10 percent in food production and dis-
apoointments in industrial production.
In 1954, Hanoi almost certainly had ex-
pected to take over South Vietnam within a
few years. But by 1959 its hopes had with-
ered and the south was far outstripping the
heralded "Communist paradise." These al-
most certainly were the factors which led
Hanoi to organize and launch the assault
on the south.
I beg leave to quote from a statement I
made at a press conference on May 4, 1961:
"Since-late in 1959 organized Communist
activity in the form of guerrilla raids against
army and security units of the Government
of Vietnam, terrorist acts against local offi-
cials and civilians, and other subversive
activities in the Republic of Vietnam have
increased to levels unprecedented since the
Geneva agreements of 1954. During this
period the organized armed strength of the
Vietcong, the Communist apparatus oper-
ating in the Republic of Vietnam, has grown
from about 3,000 to over 12,000 personnel.
This armed strength has been supplemented
by an increase in the numbers of political
and propaganda agents in the area.
"During 1960 alone, Communist armed
units and terrorists assassinated or kidnaped
over 3,000 local officials, military personnel,
and civilians. Their-activities took the form
of armed attacks against isolated garrisons,
attacks on newly established townships, am-
bushes on roads and canals, destruction of
bridges, and well-planned sabotage against
public works and communication lines. Be-
cause of Communist guerrilla activity 200 ele-
mentary schools had to be closed at various
times, affecting over 25,000 students and 800
teachers.
"This upsurge of Communist guerrilla ac-
tivity apparently stemmed from a decision
made in May 1959 by the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of North Vietnam
which called for the reunification of Vietnam
by all 'appropriate means.' In July of the
same year the Central Committee was re-
organized and charged with intelligence
duties and the liberation of South Viet-
nam. In retrospect this decision to step up
guerrilla activity was made to reverse the
remarkable success which the Government
of the Republic of Vietnam under President
Ngo Dinh Diem had achieved in consolidating
its political position and in attaining sig-
nificant economc recovery in the 5 years
between 1954 and 1959.
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20620 CONGRESSIONAL itrainli ? SENATE August 2,1965
"Remarkably coincidental with the re-
newed Communist activity in Laos, the Com-
munist Party of North Vietnam at its Third
Congress on September 10, 1960, adopted a
resolution which declared that the Vietna-
mese revolution ha a as a Major strategic teak
the liberation of the South from the 'rule of
U.S. hriperialists and their henchmen! This
resolution called for the direct overtinoW
the Government of the Republic of Viet-
nam."
Next door to South Vietnam, Laos Was
threatened by a similar Comniunist assault.
The active agent of attack on both was Com-
munist North Vietnam, with the backing of
Peiping and Moscow. In the case of Laos, we
were able to negotiate an agreement in 1962
that it should be neutral and that all foreign
military personnel should be withdrawn.
We complied with that agreement. But
North Vietnam never did. In gross violation
of its pledge, it left armed units in Laos and
continued to use Laos as es eerrictor to infil-
trate arms and trained Mali into South
Vietnam.
There was no new agreement, even on
paper, on Vietnam. Late in 1961, President
Kennedy therefore increased our assistance
to the Republic of Vietnam. During that
year, the infiltration of arms and military
personnel from the North continued to in-
crease. To cope with that escalation, Presi-
dent Kennedy decided to send more
American minter/ personnel?to assist with
logistics and transportation and communi-
cations as well as with training and as ad-
visers to Se:31th Viet'sufmese forces in the
field. Likewise, isa eisparided our economic
assistance and teehriical advice, particularly
with a view to improving living conditions
in the vallages.
During 1962 and 1963, Hanoi continued to
increase its assistance te the Vietcong. In
response, President Kennedy and later Pres-
ident Johnson increased Our aid.
Ealaol keen on escalating the war through-
out 1964. -And the Vietcong intensified its
drafting and training of men in the areas it
controls. '
Laid August, you will recall, North Viet-
namese forces attacked American destroyers
in international waters. That attack was met
by appropriate air response against North
Vietnamese naval Installations. And Con-
greet, by a tombined vote of tem to 2, passed
a
resolution expressing its support for actions
by the Executive "Including the use of armed
force" to meet aggression in southeast Asia,
inch:Wing specifically aggression against
South Vietnam. The resolution and the con-
gressional debate specifically envisaged that,
ttablect iso continuing congressional consulta-
tion, the Armed Forces of the United States
might be committed in the defense of South
Vietnam in any way that seemed necessary
including employment in combat.
In summary, our coMItiltwent in Vietnam
has been set forth in the Southeast Asia,
Treaty, whir+, was almost unanimously ap-
proved by the U.S. Senates the pledges made
with bipartisan support by three successive
Presidents of the United States; the assist-
ance programs approved annually, beginning
in 1955, by bipartisan majorities in both
Honies of Congress; the declarations which
we joined 'our SEATO and ANZUS allies in
making at their Ministerial Coumeil Meetings
in 1964 and 1966 'the joint congressional ras -
olution of August 1964; which was approved
bye combined vote of 504 tOS2
Cear cortimitnient is to assist the Govern-
ment and people of South Vietnam to repel
this aggression, thus preserving their free-
dom, This commitment is to the South
Vietnamese as a nation and people. It has
continued through various changes of gov-
ernment, just as our comMiltments to our
NATO allies remain unaltered by changes in
government.
Continued escalation of the aggression by
the other side has required continued
strengthening Of the military" defenses of
South Vietnam. Whether still more Ameri-
can military personnel will be needed will
depend on events, especially on whether the
other side continues to escalate the aggres-
sion. As the President has made plain, we
will provide the South Vietnamese with
whatever assistance may be necessary to en-
sure that the aggression against them is ef-
fectively repelled?that is, to make good on
our commitment.
The -pursuit of a peaceful settlement
As President Johnson and his predecessors
have repeatedly emphasized, our objective
in southeast Asia is peace?a peace in which
the various peoples of the area can manage
their own affairs in their own ways and ad-
dress themselves to economic and social prog-
ress. ,
We seek no bases or special position for the
United States. We do not seek to destroy or
overturn the Communist regimes in Hanoi
and Peiping. We ask only that they cease
their aggressions, that they leave their neigh-
bors alone:
Repeatedly, we and others have sought to
achieve a peaceful settlement of the war in
Vietnam.
We have had many talks with the Soviet
authorities over a period of more than 4
years. But their influence in Hanoi appears
to be 'Malted. Recently, when approached,
their response has been, in. substance: You
have come to the wrong address?nobody has
authorized us to negotiate. Talk to Hanoi.
We have had a long series of talks with the
Chinese Communists in Warsaw. Although
Peiping is more cautious in action than in
word, it is unbending in it hostility to us
and plainly opposed to any negotiated settle-
ment in Vietnam.
There have been repeated contacts with
Hanoi. Many channels are open. And many
have volunteered to use them. But so far
there has been no indication that Hanoi is
seriously interested in peace on any terms
except those which would assure a Comniu-
nist takeover of South Vietnam.
We and others have sought to open the
way for conferences on the neighboring
states of Laos and Cambodia, where progress
toward peace Might be reflected in Vietnam.
These approaches have been blocked by
Hanoi and Peiping.
The United Kingdom, as cochairman of the
Geneva conferences, has repeatedly sought a
path to a settlement?first by working to-
ward a new Geneva Conference, then by a
visit by a senior British statesman. Both
efforts were blocked by the Communists?
and neither Hanoi nor Peiping would even
receive the senior British statesman.
In April, President Johnson offered uncon-
ditional discussions with the governments
concerned. Hanoi and Peiping called this
offer a "hoax."
Seventeen nonalined nations appealed for
a peaceful solution, by negotiations with-
out preconditions. We accepted the pro-
posal. Hanoi and Red China rejected it with
scorn, calling some of its authors "mon-
sters and freaks,"
The President of India made a construc-
tive proposal for an end to hostilities and
an Afro-Asian patrol force. We welcomed
this proposal with interest and hope. Hanoi
and Peiping rejected it as a betrayal.
In May, the United States and South Viet-
nam suspended air attacks on North Viet-
nam. This action was made known to the
other side to see if there would be a response
in kind. But Hanoi denounced the pause as
"a wornout trick" and Peiping denounced
it as a "swindle." Some say the pause was
not long enough. But We knees the nega-
tive reaction from the other side before we
resumed. And we had paused previously for
more than 4 years while thousands of armed
men invaded the sosith and killed thousands
of South Vietnamese, incruding women and
children, and deliberately destroyed school-
holism and playgrounds and hospitals and
health centers and other facilities that the
South Vietnamese had built to improve their
lives and give their children a chance for a
better education and better health.
In late June, the Commonwealth Prime
Ministers established a mission of four of
their members to explore with all parties
concerned the possibilities for a conference
leading to a just and lasting peace. Hanoi
and Peiping made it plain that they would
not receive the mission.
Mr. Harold Davies, a member of the British
Parliament, went to Hanoi with the approval
of Prime Minister Wilson. But the high of-
ficials there would not even talk with him.
And the lower-ranking officials who did talk
with him made it clear that Hanoi was not
yet interested in negotiations, that it was
intent on a total victory in South Vietnam.
As Prime Minister Wilson reported to the
House of Cotnrnons, Mr. Davies met with a
conviction among the North Vietnamese that
their prospects of victory were too imminent
for them to forsake the battlefield for the
conference table.
We and others have made repeated efforts
at discussions through the United Nations.
In the Security Council, after the August at-
tacks in the Gulf of Tonkin, we supported a
Soviet proposal that the Government of
North Vietnam be invited to come to the
Security Council. But Hanoi refused.
In April, Secretary General U Thant con-
sidered visits to Hanoi and Peiping to ex-
plore the possibilities of peace. But both
those Communist regimes made it plain that
they did not regard the United Nations as
competent to deal with that matter.
The President's San Francisco speech in
June requested help from the 'United Na-
tions' membership at large in getting peace
talks started.
In late July the President sent our new
Ambassador to the United Nations, Arthur J.
Goldberg, to New York with a letter to
Secretary General IT Thant requesting that
all the resources, energy and immense prestige
of the United Nations be employed to find
ways to halt aggression and to bring peace
in Vietnam. The Secretary General has al-
ready accepted this assignment.
We sent a letter to the Security Council
calling attention to the special responsibil-
ity in this regard of the Security Council
and of the nations which happen to be mem-
bers of the Council. We have considered
from time to time placing the matter formal-
ly before the Security Council. But we have
been advised by many nations?and by many
individuals?who are trying to help to
achieve a peaceful settlement that to force
debate and a vote in the Security Council
might tend to harden positions and make
useful explorations and discussions even
more difficult.
President Johnson has publicly invited
any and all members of the United Nations
to do all they can to bring about a peaceful
settlement.
By these moves the United States has in-
tended to engage the serious attention and
efforts of the United Nations as an institu-
tion, and its members as signatories of its
charter, in getting the Communists to talk
rather than fight?while continuing with
determination an increasing effort to demon-
strafe that Hanoi and the Vietcong can-
not settle the issue on the battlefield.
We have not only placed the Vietnam issue
before the United Nations, but believe that
we have done so in the most constructive
ways.
The conditions for peace
What are the essential conditions for peace
in South Vietnam?
In late June, the Foreign Minister of South
Vietnam set forth the fundamental princi-
ples of a "just and enduring peace." In
summary, those principles are:
An end to aggression and subversion.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
August 23, 1965
rreedom for SOuth Vietnam to choose and
shape for itself its Ow destiny "in con-
formity with democratic principles and with-
out any foreign interference from whatever
sources."
As soon as egression has ceased, the end-
ing of the military measures now necessary
by the Government of South Vietnam and
the nations that have come to its aid to de-
fend South Vietnam; and the removal of
foreign military forces from South Vietnam.
And effective guarantees for the freedom
of the people of South Vietnam.
We endorse those principles. In essence,
the would constitute a return to the basic
purpose of the Geneva accords of 1954.
Whether they require reaffirmation of those
accords or new agreements embodying these
essential points, but with provision in either
case for more effective international ma-
chinery and guarantees, could be determined
in discussions and negotiations.
Once the basic points set forth by South
Vietnam's Foreign Minister were achieved,
future relations between North Vietnam and
South Vietnam could be worked out by
peaceful means. And-this would include the
question of a free decision by the people of
North and South Vietnam on the matter of
reunification.
When, the aggression has ceased and the
freedom of South Vietnam is assured by other
means, we will withdraw our forces. Three
Presidents of the United States have said
Many times that we want no permanent bases
and no special position there. Our military
forces are there because of the North Viet-
namese aggression against South Vietnam
and for no other reason. When the men and
arms inffitrated by the North are withdrawn
and Hanoi ceases its support and guidance
of the war in the South, whatever remains
in the form of indigenous dissent is a matter
for the South Vietnamese themselves. As for
South Vietnamese lighting in the Vietcong or
under its control or influece, they must in
time be integrated into their national soci-
ety. But that is a process which must be
brought about by the people of South Viet-
nam, not by foreign diplomats.
Apart from the search for a solution in
Vietnam itself, the U.S. Government has
hoped that discussions could be held on the
problems concerning Cambodia and Laon.
We supported the proposal of Prince Siha-
nouk for a conference on Cambodia, to be
attended by the governments that partici-
pated in the 1954 conference, and noted the
joint statement of the Soviet Union and the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, in April, to
the effect that both favored the convening
of conferences on Cambodia and Laos. Sub-
sequently, however, Hanoi appeared to draw
back and to impose conditions at variance
with the Cambodian proposal.
We look beyond a just and enduring peace
for Vietnam and Laos and Cambodia, to the
day when Peiping will be ready to join in a
general settlement in the Far East?a gen-
eral settlement that would remove the threat
of aggression and make it possible for all the
peoples of the area to devote themselves to
economic and social progress.
Several of the nations of Asia are densely
populated. And high rates of population
growth make it difficult for them to increase
per capita incomes. The solution to these
problems cannot be found through external
aggression. They must be achieved inter-
nally within each nation.
As President Johnson has said, the United
States stands ready to assist and support co-
operative programs for economic develop-
ment in Asia. Already we are making avail-
able additional funds for the development of
the Mekong Valley. And we are taking the
lead in organizing an Asian Development
Bank, which we hope will be supported by
all the major industrialized nations, includ-
ing the Soviet Union. We would welcome
membership by North Vietnam, when it has
ceased its aggression.
Those are our objectives?peace and a
better life for all who are willing to live at
peace with their neighbors.
The present path
I turn now to the specific actions we are
taking to convince Hanoi that it will not suc-
ceed and that it must move toward a peace-
ful solution.
Secretary McNamara is appearing before
the appropriate committees of the Congress
to discuss the military situation within
South Vietnam in detail. In essence, our
present view is that it is crucial to turn the
tide in the south, and that for this purpose
it is necessary to send substantial numbers
of additional American forces.
The primary responsibility for defeating
the Vietcong will remain, however, with the
South Vietnamese. They have some 545,000
men in military and paramilitary forces. De-
spite losses, every branch of the armed forces
of South Vietnam has more men under arms
than it had 6 months ago. And they are
making systematic efforts to increase their
forces still further. The primary missions
of American ground forces are to secure the
air bases used by the South Vietnamese and
ourselves and to provide a strategic reserve.
thus releasing South Vietnamese troops for
offensive actions against the Vietcong. In
securing the air bases and related military
installations, American Forces are pushing
out into the countryside to prevent build-
ups for surprise attacks. And they may be
used in emergencies to help the South Viet-
namese in combat. But the main task of
rooting out the Vietcong will continue to be
the responsibility of the South Vietnamese.
And we have seen no sign that they are
about to try to shift that responsibility to
us. On the contrary, the presence of in-
creasing numbers of American combat troops
seems to have stimulated greater efforts on
the part of the fighting men of South Viet-
nam.
At the same time, on the military side, we
shall maintain, with the South Vietnamese,
our program of limited air attacks on mili-
tary targets in North Vietnam. This pro-
gram is a part of the total strategy. We had
never expected that air attacks on North
Vietnam alone would bring Hanoi to a quick
decision to cease its aggression. Hanoi has
been committed to its aggression too long
?and too deeply to turn around overnight.
It must be convinced that it faces not only
continuing, and perhaps increased, pressure
on the North itself, but also that it simply
cannot win in the South.
The air attacks on the North have also had
specific military effects in reducing the scale
of increased infiltration from the North.
Finally, they are important as a warning to
all concerned that there are no longer
sanctuaries for aggression.
It has been suggested in some quarters
that Hanoi would be more disposed to move
to negotiations and to cease its aggression if
we stopped hornbill.% the North. We do not
rule out the possibility of another and longer
pause in bombing, but the question re-
mains?and we have repeatedly asked it:
What would happen from the North in re-
sponse? Would Hanoi withdraw the 325th
Division of the Regular Army, which is now
deployed in South Vietnam and across the
line in Laos? Would it take home the other
men it has infiltrated into the South? Would
it stop sending arms and ammunition into
South Vietnam? Would the campaign of as-
sassination and sabotage in the South cease?
We have been trying to find out what would
happen if we were to suspend our bombing
of the North. We have not been able to get
an answer or even a hint.
Those who complain about air atacks on
military targets in North Vietnam would
carry more weight if they had manifested, or
would manifest now, appropriate concern
about the infiltrations from, the North, the
high rate of military activit in the South,
20621
and the ruthless campaign of terror and as-
sassination which is being conducted in the
South under the direction of Hanoi and with
its active support.
The situation in South Vietnam
Let me now underline just a few points
about the political and economic situation
in South Vietnam. For we know well that,
while security is fundamental to turning the
tide, it remains vital to do all we can on the
political and economic fronts.
All of us have been concerned, of course,
by the difficulties of the South Vietnamese
in. developing an effective and stable gov-
ernment. But this failure should not as-
tonish us. South Vietnam is a highly plural
society striving to find its political feet un-
der very adverse conditions. Other nations?
new and old?with fewer difficulties and un-
molested by determined aggressors have done
no better. South Vietnam emerged from the
French Indochina war with many political
factions, most of which were firmly anti-
Communist. Despite several significant ini-
tial successes in establishing a degree of po-
litical harmony, the government of President
Diem could not maintain a lasting unity
among the many factions. The recent shift-
ing and reshuffling of Vietnamese Govern-
ments is largely the continuing search for
political unity and a viable regime which can
overcome these long-evident political divi-
sions.
And we should not forget that the destruc-
tion of the fabric of government at all levels
has been a primary objective of the Viet-
cong. The Vietcong has assassinated thou-
sands of local officials?and health workers
and schoolteachers and others who were
helping to improve the life of the people
of the countryside. In the last year and a
half, it has killed, wounded, or kidnaped
2,291 village officials and 22,146 other civil-
ians?these on top of its thousands of earlier
victims.
Despite the risks to themselves and their
families, Vietnamese have continued to come
forward to fill these posts. And in the last
6 years, no political dissenter of any con-
sequence has gone over to the Vietcong.
The Buddhists, the Catholics, the sects, the
Cambodians (of whom there are about a
million in South Vietnam), the Montag-
nards?all the principal elements in South
Vietnamese political life except the Viet-
cong itself, which is a very small minority?
remain overwhelmingly anti-Communist.
The suggestion that Ho Chi Minh probably
could win a free election in South Vietnam is
directly contrary to all the evidence we have.
And we have a great deal of evidence, for
we have Americans?in twos and threes and
fours and sixes?in the countryside in all
parts of Vietnam. In years past Ho Chi
Minh was a hero throughout Vietnam. For
he had led the fight against' the Japanese
and then against the French. But his glamor
began to fade when he set up a Communist
police state in the North?and the South, by
contrast, made great progress under a non-
Communist nationalist government. Today
the North Vietnamese regime is badly dis-
credited. We find the South Vietnamese in
the countryside ready to cooperate with their
own government when they can do so with
reasonable hope of not being assassinated by
the Vietcong the next night.
At the present time, somewhat more than
50 percent of the people of Vietnam live in
areas under shifting control. And about 25
percent live in areas under varying degrees
of Vietcong control. But even where it suc-
ceeds in imposing taxes, drafting recruits
and commandeering labor, th Vietcong has
not usually been able to organize the area.
We have jj, good deal of evidence that Viet-
cong tax exactions and terrorism have in-
creasingly alienated the villagers. And one
of the problems with which the South Viet-
namese Government and we have to deal is
the large scale exodus from the Central High-
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20622 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 23, 1965
lands to the coastal areas of refugees from
the Vietcong.
It is of the greatest significance that, de-
spite many years of harsh war, despite the
political instability of the central govern-
ment, and despite division of their country
since 1954, the people of South Vietnam fight
on with uncommon determination. There Is
no evidence among polititians, the bureauc-
raty, the military, the major religious groups
the youth, or even the peasantry of a desire
for peace at any price. They all oppose sur-
render or accommodatien on a basis which
would lead to a Conurninist take-over, The
will to resist the aggression from the North
has survived through periods of great stress
and remains strong.
The central objective of our foreign policy
is a peaceful community of nations, each free
to choose its own institutions but cooperat-
ing with one another to promote their
mutual welt are. It is the kind of world order
envisaged in the opening sections of the
united Nations Charter. But there have been
and Still are important forces in the world
which seek a different goal?which deny the
right of free choice, which seek to expand
their influence and empires by every means,
including force.
The bulwark of peace
In defense of peace and freedom and the
right of free choice:
We and others insisted that the Soviets
withdraw their forces from Iran.
We went to the aid of Turkey and Greece.
We joined in organizing the European re-
covery program and in forming the North
Atlantic Alliance.
We and our allies have defended the free-
dom of west Berlin.
We and 15 other nations joined in repel-
linethe aggression in Korea.
We have joined defensive alliances with
many other nations and have helped them to
strengthen their defensive military forces.
We supported the 'United Nations in its
effecrU to preserve the independence of the
Oarigo.
We insisted that the Soviet Union with-
drawastrategie weapons rrom Cuba.
Had we not done the things?and
others?the enemies of freedom would now
control much of the world and be in a posi-
tion to destroy us or at least to sap our
strength by economic strangulation.
For the same basic reasons that we took
all those other measures to deter or to repel
aggression, we are determined to assist the
people of South Vietnam to defeat this
aggression.
In his last public utterance, recorded only
half an hour before his death, a peat and
beloved American, Adlai Stevenson, said:
"There has been a great deal of pressure on
me In the United States from many sources
to take a position?a public position?incon-
sistent with that of my Government. Ac-
tually, I don't agree with those protestants.
My hope in Vietnam is that resistance there
may establish the fact that changes in Asia
are not to be precipitated by outside forces."
believe, with the President, that "once
the Communists know, as We know, that
violent solution is impossible, then a peaceful
solution is inevitable."
The great bulwark of peace for all free-
men?and therefore of peace for the milliOns
ruled by the adversaries of freedom?has
been, and is today, the power of the 'United
States and our readiness to use that power,
in pooperation with other free nations, to
deter or to defeat aggression, and to help
other free nations to go forward econorni-
cany, socially, and politically.
We have had to cope with a long series of
dangerous crises caused by the aggressive
appetites of others. But we are a great na-
tion and people. / am confident that we will
meet this test, as we have met lathers.
THE TASKS OF =PEN=
(Statement by Secretary of Defense Robert
S. McNamara, before the Defense Subcom-
mittee of the Senate Appropriations Com-
mittee, August 4, 1965)
The issue in Vietnam is essentially the
same as it was in 1954 when President
Eisenhower said:
"I think it is no longer necessary to enter
into a long argument or exposition to show
the importance to the United States of
Indochina and of the struggle going on there.
No matter how the struggle may have started,
it has long since become one of the testing
places between a free form of government
and dictatorship. Its outcome is going to
have the greatest significance for us, and
possibly for a long time into the future.
"We have here a sort of co-k in the bottle,
the bottle being the great area that includes
Indonesia, Burma, Thailand, all of the sur-
rounding areas of Asia with its hundreds of
millions of people. ? * *"
The nature of the conflict
What is at stake in Vietnam today is the
ability of the free world to block Commu-
nist =axed aggression and prevent the
loss of all of southeast Asia, a loss which
in its ultimate consequences could draeti-
cally alter the strategic situation in Asia
and the Pacific to the grave detriment of our
own security and that of our allies. While
15 years ago, in Korea, Communist aggres-
sion took the form of an overt armed attack,
today in South Vietnana, it has taken the
form of a large scale intensive guerrilla
operation.
The covert nature of this aggression, which
characterized the earlier years of the struggle
In South Vietnam, has now all but been
stripped away. The control of the Vietcong
effort by the regime in Hanoi, supported and
incited by Communist China, has become
increasingly apparent.
The struggle there has enormous implica-
tions for the security of the United States and
the free world, and for that matter, the
Soviet Union as well. The North Vietnamese
and the Chinese Communists have chosen to
make South Vietnam the test case for their
particular version of the so-called wars of
national liberation. The extent to which
violence should be used in overthrowing
non-Communist governments has been one
of the most bitterly contested issues between
the Chinese and the Soviet Communists,
Although the former Chairman, Mr. Khru-
shchev, fully endorsed wars of national lib-
eration as the preferred means of extending
the sway of communism, he cautioned that
"this does not necessarily mean that the
transition to socialism will everywhere and
in all cases be linked with armed uprising
and civil war. * * Revolution by peaceful
means accords with the interests of the
working class and the masses.
The Chinese Communists, however, insist
that:
"Peaceful coexistence cennot replace the
revolutionary struggles of the people. The
transition from capitalism to socialism in
any country can only be brought about
through proletarian revolution and the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat in that coun-
try. * * * The vanguard of the proletariat
will remain unconquerable in all circuin-
stances only if it masters all forms of strug-
gle?peaceful and armed, open and secret,
legal and illegal, parliamentary struggle and
mass struggle, and so forth." (Letter to the
Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union, June 14, 1963.)
Their preference for violence was even
more emphatically expressed in an article in
the Peiping People's Daily of March 31, 1964:
"It is advantageous from the point of
view of tactics to refer to the desire for
peaceful transition, but it would be inappro-
priate to emphasize the possibility of peace-
ful transition. ? ? ? the proletarian party
must never substitute parliamentary strug-
gle for proletarian revolution or entertain
the illusion that the transition to socialism
can be achieved through the parliamentary
road. Violent revolution is a universal law
of proletarian revolution. To realize the
transition to socialism, the proletariat must
wage armed struggle, smash the old state
machine and establish the dictatorship of
the proletariat. ? * 5"
"Political power," the article quotes Mao
Tse-tung as saying, "grows out of the barrel
of a gun."
Throughout the world we see the fruits
of these policies and in Vietnam, particu-
larly, we see the effects of the Chinese Com-
munists' more militant stance and their
hatred of the free world. They make no
secret of the fact that Vietnam is the teat
case, and neither does the regime in Hanoi.
General Giap, head of the North Vietname:e
Army, recently said that "South Vietnam is
the model of the national liberation move-
ment of our time. ? ? a if the special wax-
fare that the 'U.S. imperialists are testing in
South Vietnam is overcome, then it can be
defeated everywhere in the world." And,
Pham Van Dong, Premier of North Vietnam,
pointed out that "The experience of our
compatriots in South Vietnam attracts the
attention of the world, especially the peoples
of South America."
It is clear that a Communist success in
South Vietnam would be taken as proof that
the Chinese Communists' position is correct
and they will have made a giant step forward
in their efforts to seize control of the world
Communist movement.
Furthermore, such a success would greatly
increase the prestige of Communist China
among the nonalined nations and strength-
en the position of their followers everywhere.
In that event we would then have to be
prepared to cope with the same kind of
aggression in other parts of the world wher-
ever the existing governments are weak and
the social structures fragmented. If Com-
munist armed aggression is not stopped in
Vietnam, as it was in Korea, the confidence
of small nations in America's pledges of sup-
port will be weakened and many of them,
in widely separated areas of the world, will
feel unsafe.
Thus, the stakes in South Vietnam are far
greater than the loss of one small country
to communism. Its loss would be a most
serious setback to the cause of freedom and
would greatly complicate the task of prevent-
ing the further spread of militant Asian com-
munism. And, if that spread is not halted,
our strategic position in the world will be
weakened and our national security directly
endangered.
Conditions leading to the present situation
in South Vietnam
Essential to a proper understanding of the
present situation in South Vietnam is a
recognition of the fact that the so-called
Insurgency there is planned, directed, con-
trolled and supported from Hanoi.
True, there is a small dissident minority in
South Vietnam, but the government could
cope with it if it were not directed and sup-
plied from the outside. As early as 1980, at
the Third Congress of the North Vietnamese
Communist Party, both Ho Chi Minh and
General Map spoke of the need to "step up"
the "revolution in the South." In March
1963 the party organ Hoc Tap stated that the
authorities in South Vietnam "are well aware
that North Vietnam is the firm hese for the
southern revolution and the point on which
it leans, and that our party is the steady and
experienced vanguard unit of the working
class and people and is the brain and factor
that decides all victories of the revolution."
Through most of the past decade the North
Vietnamese Government denied and went to
great efforts to conceal the scale of its per-
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23
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 20623
sonnel and materiel support, in addition to
direction and encouragement, to the Viet-
cong.
It had strong reasons to do so. The North
Vietnamese regime had no wish to force upon
the attention of the world its massive and
persistent violations of its Geneva pledges
of 1954 and 1962 regarding noninterference
in South Vietnam and Laos.
However, in building up the Vietcong forces
for a decisive challenge, the authorities in
North Vietnam have increasingly dropped
the disguises that gave their earlier support
a clandestine character.
Through 1963, the bulk of the arms in-
filtrated from the North were old French and
American models acquired prior to 1954 in
Indochina and Korea.
Now, the flow of weapons from North Viet-
nam consists almost entirely of the latest
arms acquired from Communist China; and
the flow is large enough to have entirely re-
equipped the main force units, despite the
capture this year by government forces of
thousands of these weapons and millions of
rounds of the new ammunition.
Likewise, through 1963, nearly all the per-
sonnel infiltrating through Laos, trained and
equipped in the North and ordered South,
were former Southerners.
But in the last 18 months, the great ma-
jority of the infiltrators?more than 10,000
Of them?have been ethnic northerners,
mostly draftees ordered into the People's
Army of Vietnam for duty in the South.
And it now appears that, starting their Jour-
ney through Laos last December, from one to
three regiments of a North Vietnamese regu-
lar division, the 325th Division of the North
Vietnamese Army, have deployed into the
Central Highlands of South Vietnam for
combat alongside the Vietcong.
Thus, despite all its reasons for secrecy.
Hanoi's desire for decisive results this sum-
mer has forced it to reveal its hand even
more openly.
The United States during the last 4 years
has steadily increased its help to the people
of South Vietnam in an effort to counter
this ever-increasing scale of Communist
aggression. These efforts achieved some
-measure of success during 1962. The South
Vietnamese forces in that year made good
progress in suppressing the Vietcong insur-
rection.
Although combat deaths suffered by these
forces in 1962 rose by 11 percent over the
1961 level (from about 4?000 to 4,450), 3/iet-
cong combat deaths increased by 72 percent
(from about 12,000 to 21,000). Weapons lost
by the South Vietnamese fell from 5,900 in
1961 to 5,200 in 1962, while the number lost
by the Vietcong rose from 2,750 to 4050. The
Government's new strategic hamlet program
was just getting underway and was showing
promise. The economy was growing and the
Government seemed firmly in control.
Therefore, in early 1963, I was able to say:
"* * * victory over the Vietcong will most
likely take many years. But now, as a result
of the operations of the last year, there is a
new feeling of confidence, not only on the
part of the Government of South Vietnam
but also among the populace, that victory
is possible."
But at the same time I also cautioned:
"We are not unmindful of the fact that
the pressures on South Vietnam may well
continue through infiltration via the Laos
corridor. Nor are we unmindful of the pos-
sibility that the Communists, sensing defeat
in their covert efforts, might resort to overt
aggression from North Vietnam. Obviously,
this latter contingency could , require a
greater direct participation by the United
States. The survival of an independent
government lb South Vietnam is so impor-
tant to the security of all southeast Asia and
to the free world that we must be prepared
to take all necessary measures within our
capability to prevent a Communist victory."
Unfortunately, the caution voiced in early
1963 proved to be well founded. Late in
1963, the Communists stepped up their
efforts, and the military situation began to
deteriorate. The Diem government came
under increasing internal pressure, and in
November it was overthrown. As I reported
in February 1964:
"The Vietcong was quick to take advantage
of the growing opposition to the Diem Gov-
ermnent and the period of uncertainty fol-
lowing its overthrow. Vietcong activities
were already increasing in September and
continued to increase at an accelerated rate
in October and November, particularly in the
delta area. And I must report that they
have made considerable progress since the
coup."
Following the coup, the lack of stability
in the central government and the rapid
turnover of key personnel, particularly senior
military commanders, began to be reflected
in combat operations and throughout the
entire fabric of the political and economic
structure. And, in 1964, the Communists
greatly increased the scope and tempo of
their subversive efforts. Larger scale attacks
became more frequent and the flow of men
and supplies from the North expanded. The
incidence of terrorism and sabotage rose
rapidly and the pressure on the civilian
population was intensified.
The deteriorating military situation was
clearly reflected in the statistics. South
Vietnamese combat deaths rose from 5,650 in
1963 to 7,450 in 1964 and the number of
weapons lost from 8,250 to 14,100. In con-
trast, Vietcong combat deaths dropped from
20,600 to 16,800 and, considering the
stepped-up ternpo of activity, they experi-
enced only a very modest rise in the rate of
weapons lost (from 5,400 to .5,900).
At various times in recent months, I have
called attention to the continued buildup
of Communist forces in South Vietnam. I
pointed out that although these forces had
not been committed to combat in any sig-
nificant degree, they probably -would be after
the start of the monsoon season. It is 110W
clear that these forces are being committed
in increasing numbers and that the Com-
munists have decided to make an all-out
attempt to bring down the Government of
South Vietnam,
The entire economic and social structure
is under attack. Bridges, railroads, and high-
ways are being destroyed and interdicted.
Agricultural products are being barred from
the cities. Electric powerplants and com-
munication lines are being sabotaged.
Whole villages are being burned and their
population driven away, increasing the
refugee burden on the South Vietnamese
Government.
In addition to the continued infiltration of
increasing numbers of individuals and the
acceleration of the flow of modern equip-
ment and supplies organized units of the
North Vietnamese Army have been identified
in South Vietnam. We now estimate the
hard care Vietcong strength at some '70,000
men, including a recently reported increase
in the number of combat battalions. In ad-
dition, they have some 90,000 to 100,000 ir-
regulars and some 30,000 in their political
-cadres; i.e., tax collectors, propagandists,
etc. We have also identified at least three
battalions of the regular North Vietnamese
Army, and there are probably considerably
more.
At the same time the Government of
South Vietnam has found it increasingly dif-
ficult to make a commensurate increase in
the size of its own forces, which now stand at
about 545,000 men, including the regional
and local defense forces but excluding the
national pence.
Combat deaths on both sides have been
mounting?for the South Vietnamese from
an average of 143 men a week in 1964, to
about 270 a week for the 4-week period end-
,
ing July 24 this year. Vietcong losses have
gone from 322 a week last year to about 680
a week for the four-week period ending
July 24.
_Most important, the ratio of South Viet-
namese to Vietcong strength has seriously
declined in the last 6 or 7 months from about
5 to 1 to about 3 or 31/2 to 1; the ratio of
combat battalions is substantially less. This
is far too low a ratio for a guerrilla war even
though the greater mobility and firepower
provided to the South Vietnamese forces by
the United States help to offset that dis-
advantage.
The South Vietnamese forces have to de-
fend 'hundreds of cities, towns, and hamlets
while the Vietcong are free to choose the
time and place of their attack. As a result,
the South Vietnamese are stretched thin in
defensive positions, leaving only a small cen-
tral reserve for offensive action against the
Vietcong, while the latter are left free to con-
centrate their forces and throw them against
selected targets. It is not surprising, there-
fore, that the Vietcong retains most of the
initiative.
Even so, we may not as yet have seen the
full weight of the Communist attack. Pres-
ently, the situation is particularly acute in
the northern part of the country where the
Communists have mobilized large military
forces which pose a threat to the entire re-
gion and its major cities and towns. Our
air attack may have helped to keep these
forces off balance but the threat remains
and it is very real.
Clearly, the time has come when the people
of South Vietnam need more help from us
and other nations if they are to retain their
freedom and independence.
We have already responded to that need
with some 75,000 U.S. military personnel,
including some combat units. This number
will be raised to 12.5,000 almost immediately
with the deployment of the Air Mobile Divi-
sion and certain other forces. But, more
help will be needed in the months ahead and
additional U.S. combat forces will be required
to back up the hard-pressed Army of South
Vietnam. Two other nations have provided
combat forces?Australia and New Zealand.
We hope that by the end of this year others
will join them. In this regard, the Koreans
have just recently approved a combat cUvi-
sion for deployment to Vietnam., which is
scheduled to arrive this fall.
Role of U.S. combat forces in South Vietnam
As I noted earlier, the central reserve of
the South Vietnamese Army has been seri-
ously depleted in recent months. The prin-
cipal role of U.S. ground combat forces will
be to supplement this reserve in support of
the frontline forces of the South Vietnamese
Army. The indigenous paramilitary forces
will deal with the pacification of areas
cleared of organized Vietcong and North
Vietnamese units, a role more appropriate for
them than for our forces.
The Government of South Vietnam's
strategy, with which we concur, is to achieve
the initiative, to expand gradually its area of
control by breaking up major concentrations
of enemy forces, using to the maximum our
preponderance of airpower, both land and
sea based. The number of fixed-wing attack
sorties by U.S. aircraft in South Vietnam will
Increase manifold by the end of the year.
Armed helicopter sorties will also increase
dramatically over the same period, and ex-
tension use will be made of heavy artillery,
both land based and sea based. At the same
time our air and naval forces will continue
to interdict the Vietcong supplies line from
North Vietnam, both land and sea.
Although our tactics have changed, our
objective remains the same.
We have no desire to widen the war. We
have no desire to overthrow the North Viet-
namese regime, seize its territory or achieve
the unification of North and South Vietnam
by force of arms. We have no need for per-
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20621 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 23, 1965
manent military bases in South Vietnam or
for special privileges of any kind.
What we are seeking through the planned
military buildup is to block the Vietcong
offensive, to give the people of South Viet-
nam and their armed forces Some relief from
the unrelenting Conishuniet pressures?to
give them time to strengthen their govern-
ment, to reestablish law and order, and to
revive their economic life Which has been
seriously disrupted by Vietcong harassment
and attack in recent months. We have no
Illusions that success will be achieved quick-
ly, but we are confident that it will be
achieved much more surely by the plan I
have outlined.
Increases in U military forces
Fortunately, we have greatly increased the
strength and readiness of our Military Estab-
lishment since 1961, particularly in the kinds
o forces which we no require in southeast
Asia. The Active Arrny has been expanded
from 11 to 16 combat ready divisions.
Twenty thousand men have been added to
the Marine Corps to allow them to fill out
their combat structure and at the same time
facilitate the Mobilization of the Marine
Coeps Reserve. The tactical fighter sqlied-
roris of the Air Force have been increased by
51 percent. Our airlift capability has more
than doubled. Special forces trained to deal
With insurgency threats hats been multiplied
elevenfold. General ship construction and
conversion has been doubled.
During this same period, procurement for
the expanded force has been increased great-
ly: Air Force tactical aircraft?from $360 mil-
lion in 1961 to about $1.1 billion in the orig-
inal fiscal year 1068 budget; Navy aircraft?
from $1.8 billion to $2.2 billion; Army helicop-
ters?from 288 aircraft to over 1,000. Pro-
curement a ordnance, vehicles and related
equipment was increased about 150 percent
in the fiscal years 1962-64 period, compared
with the preceding 2 years. The teninage of
modern nonnuclear air-to-ground ordnance
in stock tripled between natal year 1961 and
flees' year 1965. In brief, the Military Estab-
lishment of the United States, today, is in
far better shape than it ever has been in
peacetime to face whatever tasks may lie
ahead.
Nevertheless, some further increases in
forces, military personnel, produetion, and
construction will be required if V:te are to de-
ploy addition's' forces to Southeast Asia and
provide for combat consUiription while, at
the same time, maintaining our capabilities
to deal with Crises elsewhere in the werld.
To offset the deployments now planfied to
southeast Asia, and provide some additional
forces for possible new deployments, we pro-
pose to increase the preeently authorized
farce leeels. These increases will be of three
types: (1) Additional Units for the active
forces, over and above these reflected in the
January budget; (2) military perst)hhel aug-
mentations for presently authoriaed units in
the Active Forces to man new bases, to handle
the larger logistics Workload, etc.; and (3)
additional personnel and extra training for
selected Reserve compote= units to increase
their readiness for quick deployment We
believe we can achieve this buildup without
calling up the Reserves or-ordering the invol-
untary extension of tours, except as already
authorized by law for the Department of the
Navy. Even here the extension of officer
tours win be on a selective basis and exten-
sions for enlisted men will be limited, in gen-
eral, to not more than 4 months.
The program I have outlined here today
and the $1.7 billion amendment to the fiscal
year 1966 Defense appropriation bill now be-
fore the committee will, in the collective
judgment of my principal military and ci-
vilian advisers and myself, provide the men,
materiel, and facilities required to fulfill the
President's pledge to meet the rnounting ag-
gression in South Vietnam, While at the same
time maintaining the forces required to meet
commitments elsewhere in the world.
THE CHALLENGE OE HUMAN NEED
(Address by the President to the Association
of American Editorial Cartoonists, the
White House, May 13, 1085)
The th,ird face of the war
The war in Vietnam has many faces.
There is the face a armet. conflict?of ter-
ror and gunfire?of bomb-heavy planes and
campaign-weary soldiers. ? ? *
The second face of war in Vietnam is the
quest for a political solution?the face of
diplomacy and politics?of the ambitions and
the interests of other nations. ? * *
The third face of war in Vietnam is, at
once, the most tragic and most hopeful. It
is the face of human need. It is the un-
tended sick, the hungry family, and the il-
literate child. It is men and women, many
without shelter, with rags for clothing, strug-
gling for survival in a very rich and a very
fertile land.
It is the most important battle of all in
Which we are engaged.
For a nation cannot be built by armed
power or by political agreement. It will rest
on the expectation by individual men and
women that their future will be better than
their past.
It is not enough to just fight against some-
thing. People must fight for something, and
? the people of South Vietnam must know that
after the long, brutal journey through the
dark tunnel of conflict there breaks the light
of a happier day. And only if this is so can
they be expected to sustain the enduring will
for continued strife. Only in this way can
long-run stability and peace come to their
land.
And there is another, more profound rea-
son. In Vietnam communism seeks to really
Impose its will by force of arms. But we
would be deeply mistaken to think that this
was the only weapon. Here, as other places
In the world, they speak to restless people?
people rising to shatter the old ways which
have imprisoned hope?people fiercely and
Justly reaching for the material fruits from
the tree of modern knowledge.
It is this desire, and not simply lust for
conquest, which moves many of the individ-
ual fighting men that we must now, sadly,
call the enemy.
It is, therefore, our task to show that free-
dom from the control of other nations offers
the surest road to progress, that history and
experience testify to this truth. But it is not
enough to call upon reason or point to ex-
amples. We must show it through action
and we must show it through accomplish-
ment, and even were there no war?either
hot or cold?we would always be active in
humanity's search for progress.
This task is commanded to us by the
moral values of our civilization, and it rests
on the inescapable nature a the world that
we have now entered. For in that Weed, as
long as we can foresee, every threat to man's
welfare will be a threat to the welfare of our
own people. Those who live in the emerging
community of nations Will ignore the perils
of their neighbors at the risk of their own
prospects.
Cooperative development in southeast Asia
This is true not only for Vietnam but for
every part of the developing world. This is
why, on your behalf, I recently proposed a
massive, cooperative development effort for
all of southeast Asia. I named the respected
leader, Eugene Black, as my personal repre-
sentative to inaugurate our participation in
theee programs.
Since that time rapid progress has been
made, I am glad to report. Mr. Black has
met with the top officials of the United Na-
tions on several occasions. He has talked to
other interested parties. He has found in-
creasing enthusiasm. The United Nations is
already setting up new mechanisms to help
carry forward the work of development.
In addition, the United States is now pre-
pared to participate irt, and to support, an
Asian Development Bank, to carry out and
help finance the economic progress in that
area of the world and the development that
we desire to see in that area of the world.
So this morning I call on every other in-
dustrialized nation, including the Soviet
Union, to help create a better life for all of
the people of southeast Asia.
Surely, surely', the works of peace can
bring men together in a common effort to
abandon forever the works of war.
But, as South Vietnam. is the central place
of conflict, it is also a principal focus for
our work, to increase the well-being of people.
It is that effort in South Vietnam, of which
I think we are too little informed, which I
want to relate to you this morning.
Strengthening Vietnam's economy
We began in 1954, when Vietnam became
Independent, before the war between the
north and the south. Since that time we
have spent more than $2 billion in economic
help for the 16 million people of South Viet-
nam. And despite the ravages of war, we
have made steady, continuing gains. We
have concentrated on food and health and
education and housing and industry.
Like most developing countries, South
Vietnam's economy rests on agriculture.
Unlike many, it has large uncrowded areas
of very rich and very fertile land. Because
of this, it is one of the great rice bowls of
the entre world. With our help, since 1954,
South Vietnam has already doubled its rice
production, providing food for the people as
well as providing a vital export for that
nation.
We have put our American farm know-
how to work on other crops. This year, for
Instance, several hundred million cuttings
of a new variety of sweet potato, that prom-
ises a sixfold increase in yield will be dis-
tributed to these Vietnamese farmers. Corn
output should rise from 25,000 tons in 1982
to 100,000 tons by 1968. Pig production has
more than doubled since 1955. Many ant-
ma' diseases have been eliminated entirely.
Disease and epidemic brood over every
Vietnamese village. In a country of more
than 16 million people with a life expectancy
of only 35 years, there are only 200 civilian
doctors. If the Vietnamese had doctors in
the same ratio as the 'United States has doc-
tors, they would have not the 200 that they
do have but they would have more than
5,000 doctors.
We have helped vaccinate, already, over 7
million people against cholera, and millions
more against other diseases. Hundreds of
thousands of Vietnamese can now receive
treatment in the more than: 12,000 hamlet
health stations that America has built and
has stocked. New clinics and surgical suites
are scattered throughout the entire coun-
try; and the medical school that we are now
helping to build will graduate as many doc-
tors in a single year as now serve the entire
civilian population of South Vietnam.
Education is the keystone of future devel-
opment in Vietnam. It takes trained people
to man the factories, to conduct the admin-
istration, and to form the human founda-
tion for an advancing nation. More than
a quarter million young Vietnamese can now
learn in more than 4,000 classrooms that
America has helped to build in the last 2
years; and 2,000 more schools are going to
be built by us in the next 12 months. The
number of students in vocational schools
has gone up four ti.mes. Enrollment was
300,000 in 1955, when we first entered there
and started helping with our program. To-
day it is more than 1,500,000. The 8 million
textbooks that we have supplied to Viet-
namese children will rise to more than 15
million by 1967.
AgricnIture is the foundation. Health,
education, and housing are the urgent hu-
man needs. But industrial development is
the great pathway to their future.
When Vietnam was divided, most of the
industry was in the North. The South was
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August 23, 1965 - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
barren of manufacturing and the founda-
tions for industry. Today more than 700
new or rehabilitated factories?textile mills
and cement plants, electronics and plastics?
are changing the entire face of that nation.
New roads and coxrununications, railroad
equipment, and electric generators are a
spreading base on which this new industry
can, and is, growing.
Progress in the midst of war
All this progress goes on, and it is going
to continue to go on, under circumstances of
staggering adversity.
Communist terrorists have made aid pro-
grams that we administer a very special tar-
get of their attack. They fear them, be-
cause agricultural stations are being de-
stroyed and medical centers are being
burned. More than 100 Vietnamese malaria
fighters are dead. Our own AID officials
have been wounded and kidnapped. These
are not Just the accidents of war. They are
a part of a deliberate campaign, in the words
of the Communists, "to cut the fingers off
the hands of the Government."
We intend to continue, and we intend to
Increase our help to Vietnam.
Nor can anyone doubt the determination
of the South Vietnamese themselves. They
have lost more than 12,000 of their men
since I became your President a little over a
year ago.
But progress does not come from invest-
ment alone, or plans on a desk, or even the
directives and the orders that we approve
here in Washington. It takes men. Men
must take the_ seed to the farmer. Men
must teach the use of fertilizer. Men must
help in harvest. Men must build the
schools, and men must instruct the students.
Men must carry medicine into the Jungle,
and treat the sick, and shelter the homeless.
And men?brave, tireless, filled with love
for their fellows?are doing this today.
They are doing it through the long, hot,
danger-filled Vietnamese days and the sultry
nights.
The fullest glory must go, also, to those
South Vietnamese that are laboring and
dying for their own people and their own
nation. In hospitals and schools, along the
rice fields and the roads, they continue to
labor, never knowing when death or terror
may strike.
How incredible it is that there are a few
who still say that the South Vietnamese do
not want to continue the struggle. They
are sacrificing and they are dying by the
thousands. Their patient valor in the heavy
presence of personal physical danger should
be a helpful lesson to those of us who, here
in America, only have to read about it, or
hear about it on the television or radio.
We have our own heroes who labor at the
works of peace in the midst of war. They
toil unarmed and out of uniform. They
know the humanity of their concern does not
exempt them from the horrors of conflict, yet
they go on from day to day. They bring
food to the hungry over there. They supply
the sick with necessary medicine. They help
the farmer with his crops, families to find
clean water, villages to receive the healing
miracles of electricity. These are Americans
who have joined our AID program, and we
welcome others to their ranks.
A call for aid
For, most Americans this an easy war. Men
fight and men suffer and men die, as they
always do in war. But the lives of most of
us, at least those of us in this room and those
listening to me this morning, are untroubled.
Prosperity rises, abundance increases, the
Nation flourishes.
I will report to the Cabinet when I leave
this room that we are in the 51st month of
continued prosperity, the longest peacetime
prosperity for America since our country was
founded. Yet our entire future is at stake.
No. 155 22
-. -
What a difference it would make if we
could only call upon a small fraction of our
unmatched private resources?businesses and
unions, agricultural groups and builders?if
we could call them to the task of peaceful
progress in Vietnam. With such a spirit of
-patriotic sacrifice we might well strike an
irresistible blow for freedom there and for
freedom throughout the world.
I therefore hope that every person within
the sound of my voice in this country this
morning will look for ways?and those citi-
zens of other nations who believe in human-
ity as we do, I hope that they will find ways
to help progress in South Vietnam.
This, then, is the third face of our struggle
In Vietnam. It was there?the illiterate, the
hungry, the sick?before this war began. It
will be there when peace comes to us?and
so will we?not with soldiers and planes, not
with bombs and bullets, but with all the
wondrous weapons of peace in the 20th
century.
And then, perhaps, together, all of the
people of the world can share that gracious
task with all the people of Vietnam, North
and South alike.
HOPE FOR PEACE IN YEMEN
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, at a
time when a number of world issues are
in crisis or in deadlock, it is gratifying
to note an act of statesmanship and con-
ciliation. I refer to President Nasser's
decision to go to Saudi Arabia on August
22 to discuss the situation in Yemen with
King Faisal. In preparation for his dis-
cussions with King Faisal, President Nas-
ser has been meeting in Alexandria with
Yemeni leaders in an "effort to devise
proposals for ending the festering
Yemeni war.
In the meantime, tensions along the
Saudi-Yemeni border, which until quite
recently were rising, are now visibly abat-
ing. It is to be hoped that reduced hos-
tilities will create a favorable atmosphere
for peace negotiations.
President Nasser is often criticized in
the United States for provocative actions
and policies. It is fair and proper that
we commend the President of the United
Arab Republic when he takes conciliatory
action for peace, as he is now doing with
respect to Yemen.
Mr. President, I hope that the negotia-
tions will turn out successfully, as it was
a very dangerous situation in that area,
and has been for some 3 years.
FURTHER AMENDMENT OF FOR-
EIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961?
CONFERENCE REPORT
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (HR. 7750) to amend further
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and for other purposes.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the
conferees on the Foreign Assistance Act
met 14 times before final agreement was
reached on the text now before the Sen-
ate. As usual, the subject of foreign
aid has been. actively before the Senate
in one form or another since March, a
period of 6-months, and we have not yet
acted on the appropriations bill.
I wish I could report to my colleagues
that they would not need to begin the
process all over again 3 or 4 months
hence. But this is not the case because
20625
the Senate conferees reluctantly?cer-
tainly, from my point of view, most
reluctantly?were forced to accept those
provisions of the House bill which au-
thorized the program for only 1 more
year.
Depressing as I personally find it to
ask for approval of this conference re-
port, nevertheless, I believe that it is
possible we may have laid the ground-
work for more thorough reforms next
year. For the record, I wish to state
that the Senate conferees, in agreeing
with the House conferees to omit from
this year's act Senate language authoriz-
ing a 2-year aid program and calling for
a planning committee to study the basic
principles underlying U.S. aid programs,
placed reliance on the following factors.
With respect to the 2-year authoriza-
tion, the Senate conferees receded on the
basis of:
First. The willingness of the House
members of the committee of the confer-
ence to urge their House colleagues next
year to examine with the greatest care
such proposals as may be submitted au-
thorizing foreign aid programs for 2 or
more years"; and
Second. The statement of the Secre-
tary of State when he met with the For-
eign Relations Committee on August 12,
1965, that next year "the administration
expects to request that the multiyear
principle adoped by the Congress in 1961
and 1962 for development lending be ex-
tended to include all other authorizations
contained in the foreign aid bill to be
proposed early in the next session of
Congress."
I am hopeful that next year with the
support of the administration and with
the agreement of the House conferees, to
examine a longer term authorization
"with the greatest of care" that some
headway may be made so we may get
away from the dreary cycle of 1-year
aid programs.
Throughout the conference, the House
conferees reiterated time and time again
that one of the reasons why they were
unwilling to accept the amendment Was
that it was not requested by the admin-
istration. Whether that will be deter-
minative, I do not know, but at least one
step forward has been taken. Generally
speaking, the administration's recom-
mendations in these matters are given
serious consideration by both bodies.
On the subject of the Senate's proposal
to create a planning committee to ex-
amine the basic principles of foreign aid,
the Senate receded on the basis of the
following factors:
First. The statement of the conferees
of both Houses urging the President "to
inaugurate a review of the aid program
as presently constituted, seeking to direct
It more effectively toward the solution
of the problems of the developing coun-
tries," and -
Second. The statement of the Secre-
tary of State on the occasion referred to
above that, despite its opposition to the
creation of the foreign aid planning com-
mittee and certain other related provi-
sions, nevertheless, the administration
recognizes "the concern of the Senate
about the future content and direction
of the foreign aid program."
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20626 CONGRESSIONAL RECORI5 - SENATE August 23, 1965
In this connection I ma say that
have already requested our 1i1ef a staff
of the committee to unclertiek- e
nary preparations for a revfmv of oiir aid
program by the centnittee. We have
done this in the past"fri other fields: I
am sure this can be very Useful in this
connection.
The Secretary of State (Wed:
We would be very pleased tCassist in any
way We could any studies undertaken by the
two legislative committees. rn addition, the
executive branch, prompted by these con-
gress-Sinner concerns, will conlfttct a special-
study- of the program, giving iyarticular at-
tention to the issues raised by thin' corn-
Mittee: the number of countries receiving
assistance; the requirementsfor assistanee
and the prospects for achievIng our objet -
tives and terminating assistilicei the con-
tribution of other develbpectb burttries: arid
the appropriate reationshipt between
lateral and multilateral assistance.
.11
Cea the subject of whether the national
interest might better be Served by in-
creasing the proportion of development
aid, to be administered Ft the World
Bank and related agenciek'rather than
salary through *U.S. agencia, the Senate
conferees were assured by The statement
of the Secretary of State that the admin-
istration has asked- the Aitpropriatioils
Committees to "remove t& probibitien
In the Appropriations Act' on the use -M
the authority of section 205 of the For-
eign Assistance Act?'
Tbls provision in past All) approprki-
tionacts has prohibited the- effective tiSe-
of certain percentages, in- the Past, 10
Percent and under the present bill, 15
Percent, of the Development Loan Fund
to be made available t6 international
devi4opment agencies.
Ilitope very diuch that the Appropria-
tiotia Committees will follow therecorn-
men-nations of the achninietration on this
Point and will, not this yier nullify the
considered provision of the authorizing
legislation specifying thacnot t exceed
15 percent of the Development Lean
Fund may be used by the President
through lending institutions sueli as the
Bank and the internatfonal DeVelep-
merit Association. -This -Would enable
the aid program to urge 'other free na-
tions tahelp In the development process.
Secretary Rusk stated:
The acitetlitiVe beaneir and the Congress are
In agreement on the desirability at enlarg-
ing the reenUreett available '143 international
akiegiVing agendeS On the: bans of coat-
sharing among the advanced countries
This is still our pe/icy.
Tregret that the Senate:confereee'were
not able to prevail upon their Ilditse
counterparts to accept this year the Pro-
VIStODS Of the so-called -Morse amend-
ment That Amendment would Mune-
diafely have inaugurateda much needed
review of the aid prograde it provided
clear mandates as to the desirabilite Of
interrupting aid continuity in its pres-
ent form." The series of basic prineiPtes
set_torth In that amendMent went to The
heart of the proliferation of country Pro-
grams without tying theee programs to
principles by which we reight have Pro-
moted a ,tightened definition of the na-
tional interest.
_
I also regret that we were not -able to
put the aid Program on -a 2-year bags,
thus enabling the Committee on Foreign
Relations and the Senate to devote more
time and attention to the many areas of
foreign policy which need review and
more modern mandate&
'There were, of course, a number of
other points in issue between the two
Houses. This disposition of these issues
is set forth in the conference report.
A number of loopholes were closed,
Including a blanket authorization pro-
vision which existed in the House bill.
The overall amount authorized in the
bill and previous aid legislation is $3.36
billion which is some $97 million less
than the administration asked for in
March. I ask unanimous consent to in-
sert in the RECORD at this point a table
showing the disposition of the adminis-
tration's request on an item by item basis.
There being no objection, the table
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A on uORTZATION OF FUNDS
The fallowing table shows the differences between the house bill and the Senate
amendment, the sums agreed to by the committee of conference and the administration
appropriation request for programs authorized in this bill and in existing law:
Foreign Assistance Act of 1965 (fiscal year 1966)
Fin thousands of dollars!
Executive
approprl-
anon
request
(1)
House
(2)
Senate
(3)
Confer-
ence
(4)
Adjust-
meat
against
House
bill
(2) and
(4)
Adjust-
meat
against
Senate
amend-
ment
(3) and
(4)
Development Loan Fund_..
Technical cooperation and development grants
For southeast Asia 1
American schools and hospitals abroad_
Alliance for Progress 8-- _
Grants
International organizations and programs..
Supporting assatance
For southeast Asia 1
Contingency fund I
Military -- ---------
Administrative expenses:
AID'
State Department
Special authorization for southeast Asia 2-
Total
780, 250
210,000
2 9, 000
7,000
, 252,125
(85,10)0)
145, 555
309, 200
3 fla, 000
52,000
1, 174 000
;65, 240
3, 100
(2)
(I)
710,10)0
7,000
(3)
(85,000)
144, 755
349.200
(4)
250,000
I, 170, 000
53,240
(4)
(2)
(i)
210, 000
29,000
9,800
(3)
(70,000)
146, 455
350,000
*80, 000
59,000
1, 170, 000
55, 240
(4)
(2)
(I)
210,000
(2)
7,000
(8)
(72000)
144, 7)5
369. 200
(I)
50, OM
1, 170,000
54, 240
(9
2 89, 0(10
(-10, 000)
_--- _
iC)---
+1,000
8I.89,000
-0,000
-2,000
(+1000>
-1, 700
+19,200
1-52,15)0
1.--
-1,000
2 +89, 000
3, 459,470
2, 004, 195
2, 079, 695
23094, 105
+90,000
+14,000
1 Existing-law authorizes an appropriation of 81,500,000,000 for fiscal year 1960, plus unappropriated portions of
amounts testborhied for fiscal years 1952-05. The Eimecutive request for fiscal year 1068 is 8780,250,000.
II The House bill contained an authorization for an appropriation for military and economic programs in southeast
Asia orsuch sums as may be necessary in fiscal year 1966. This was added to the section of the law relating to the
contingencyfond The Senate amendment added $90,000,000 to the authorization for technical cooperation and
$80,000,000 to the authorization for supporting assistance to reflect the Executive request of $89,000,000 for use in
southeast Asia.
Dzisthast law authorizes an appropriation of $800,000,000 for fiscal year 1966 against which the Executive has
requested an appropriation of $580,125,000. Neither the House bill nor the Senate amendment made any change
In the totarauthorization for the Alliance for Progress for fiscal year 1966.
4 Existing law contains a continuing authorization for such sums as necessary.
appropriation of $30.00,000.
RECAPITUALTION
Total amount of new authorizations contained in 11.111. 7750
Appropriations rEquested-rigainst previous authorizations:
Development Loan Fund
The Executive has requested an
$2, OK 105, 000
$780, 250, (3)0
Alliance for Progress__
5:30,
125,000
State Department administrative expenses
3,
109, 000
Total authorized and requested for fiscal year 1945.
1, 363,
475,
00(1
3, 457,
670,
900
Limitation on aggregate authorization for fiscal year 1966
Ditterence
3,360,
000,
000
97,
670,
000
wcria.-The Senate amendment contained a limitation on the aggregate authorization for use in fiscal year 1960
of $3,243,000,000. The conferees agreed to a limitation of $3,360,030,000.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, a parlia-
mentary inquiry.
The ACTING PRESIDErci pro tem-
pore. The Senator will state it.
Mr. MORSE. Who Is the acting ma-
jority leader at the present time?
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. The Senator from. Arkansas [Mr.
FULDRIGHT) .
Mr. MORSE. Who is the acting Re-
publican minority leader?
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. The Chair would say that it is the
Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL].
Mr. MORSE. There is qUite a vacuum
of empty seats. I suggest the absence
of a cAtortun. Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, earlier
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- today I had the honor of appearing be -
pore. The clerk will call the roll, for the Subcommittee on Irrigation and
Mr. FITL33RItilf.e. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
STATEMENT BY SENATOR KUCHEL
TO THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON IR-
RIGATION AND RECLAMATION OF
ink, HOUSE OF REPRESENTA-
TIVES ON THE LOWER COLOR,ADO
RIVER BASIN PROJECT LEGISLA-
TION
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UN AL R1iW1D ? APPENDIX August 23, 1965
Frankly, two or three times in the past
on this score, I have felt impelled to dis-
agree strongly with President Johnson
in connection with his assertion as to
the role of the Executive under provi-
sions of various bills passed by the
Congress.
Today, however, I must with equal
vigor rise to support President Johnson's
veto of H.R. 8439, which he rejected on
the grounds, as he said, that the limita-
tions placed by section 611 of the bill
Impinged on his constitutional powers.
I must agree with the President that
the Constitution grants the Chief Ex-
ecutive sole authority over the operation
of our Defense Establishment.
As such, I concur with him that the
Congress went too far when it reserved
to itself certain powers over the retention
or closing of certain military bases.
In this regard, therefore, if occasion
arises, I will be constrained to uphold
the President's veto.
Know tEiFacts in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM T. MURPHY
-OS' ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23., 1965
Mr. MURPHY of Illinois. Mr.
Speaker, I share Thomas Jefferson's
sentiment that error is best defeated
where reason is left free to combat it. I
strongly defend, therefore, the right of
all Americans to dissent, to criticize, and
to protest the policies of their Govern-
ment.
I think it important, however, that
critics of our Nation's present course in
Vietnam weigh heavily a potential side-
effect of their protests, the danger of
giving unintended moral support to our
enemy. A recent article on this subject
In the Aurora Beacon-News impressed
me deeply, and I offer it today for entry
In the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
The article follows:
[From the Aurora Beacon-News, Aug. 11,
19651
RADICALS DAMAGE U.S. INTENT: HOME TACTICS
PROLONG WAR
Recent visitors to North Vietnam have been
dumbfounded by the surrealistic illogic of
the oriental Communist mind.
The visitors, some of them pro-Communist
and others sympathetic to the Hanoi regime,
said they found no thoughts of peace among
North Vietnamese.
? The collective opinion was that the United
States was on the verge of collapse and that
President Johnson was soon to be impeached.
It was based on the belief that criticism of
official policy in colleges and assorted domes-
tic talk of appeasement would soon lead to a
revolution.
? Completely ignored was the fact that a
majority of the people in the United States
and most of the elected representatives in
Congress support the President overwhelm-
ingly.
In his many public statements the Presi-
dent correctly assesses the public will by giv-
ing notice that the United States will win
the war in Vietnam. At the same time he
leaves the door to peace open, but not at the
price of national disgrace.
The domestic dialog by so-called intel-
lectuals calling for appeasement is certainly a
minority voice. As small as It is, however,
it plays directly into the North Vietnam
Communists' hands.
Particularly disturbing is evidence that
the talk of appeasement has found a hold in
the lower echelon of official circles. There is
a growing discussion in Washington and the
United Nations that the United States is
willing to negotiate on the terms set forth
by the Vietcong.
These terms are American withdrawal,
temporary neutralization of South Viet-
nam, communization and reunification of
the Nation. They are wholly unacceptable
and undermine the President's often-stated
determination to use all of our resources to
win the war, while keeping the door open
to honorable negotiations. Giving Vietnam
to the Communists is not the basis for nego-
tiations.
Since the United States asked the United
Nations to direct its attention to peace in
southeast Asia, there have been further re-
ports.
These include, theoretically, U.S. willing-
ness to hold elections in South Vietnam and
face-saving devices to allow the Viet Cong
to participate in discussions as a party.
The United Nations' attention is, of course,
desirable. It may serve to convince the un-
convinced that aggression in Vietnam is to-
tally the responsibility of the Communists.
It also may remind the world that the Viet
Gong do no really want peace.
However, there is no guarantee of free
and impartial elections until the South Viet-
namese and the United States win a military
victory and can offer proper supervision. The
U.N. burdened by peace-keeping costs al-
ready, could not guarantee impartial elec-
tions at this time.
Giving in to the atheistic Communists on
these terms would in effect be making them
a gift of southeast Asia. It would be a be-
trayal of the servicemen offering their lives,
and the American majority.
Discussions for peace must go on by all
means. However, they must be from strength
and at this time, unfortunately, that
strength can come only from united purpose
at home and the military capabilities to force
negotiations.
Medical Care in Veterans' Administration
Hospitals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
in an effort to get a better insight into the
quality of hospital care provided by the
Veterans' Administration hospital sys-
tem, I recently had sent 2,682 letters to
veterans who had recently been patients
in a Veterans' Administration hospital.
This was a 30-percent sample of all vet-
erans discharged from Veterans' Admin-
istration general hospitals during the
period June 14 to 18, after care for a
medical or surgical condition.
The return of the questionnaire was
very good?a little over 53 percent, or
1,434. Generally, the response indicates
that veterans were pleased with the
treatment they received in the hospital.
In response to the question, "What is
your overall evaluation of the care you
received while a patient?" 83 percent
replied, "Excellent"; 12.8 percent replied,
"Fair"; and 2 percent replied, "Poor."
An additional 2.2 percent made no reply
to this question.
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con-
sent, I include at this point in my re-
marks the text of the letter and ques-
tionnaire, as well as a table summarizing
the results. A complete summary of the
questionnaire is available at the commit-
tee office in the form of Committee Print
No. 109:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OOMMIvrEA ON VETERANS' AFFAIRS,
Washington, D.C., June 25, 1965.
DEAR Snt: As a recent patient in a Vet-
erans' Administration hospital you now have
some definite opinions about the hospital
In which you were treated and the care
rendered to you. Will you share them with
me?
The Conunittee on Veterans' Affairs has
legislative oversight responsibilities over the
Veterans' Administration and thus has a
keen interest in the medical and hospital
program operated through the Department
of Medicine and Surgery for the care of our
sick and disabled veterans. May I ask you
to help make this hospital system better for
others and for you if you should ever need
to be hospitalized in a Veterans' Administra-
tion hospital again?
By completing the short-card question-
naire and adding your comments, you will be
helping the Veterans' Administration and the
Committee on Veterans' Affairs to insure bet-
ter patient care.
Please note that you are not required to
sign your name. The postcard requires no
postage. Simply drop it in the most con-
venient mailbox.
Your cooperation will be very much ap-
preciated.
Sincerely yours,
OLIN E. TEAGUE,
Chairman.
Location of hospital
Disease or disability treated was service
connected 0. Nonservice connected O.
Was your admission to the hospital
prompt 0. Slow 0. Very slow 0.
Was the housekeeping in your room ex-
cellent 0. Good 0. Poor 0.
Were your hospital meals excellent D.
Good 0. Poor 0.
Was your nursing care excellent 0.
Good 0. POOT 0.
Were your aids and orderlies courteous
and helpful? Always 0. Usually 0.
Never D.
Were other hospital personnel courteous
and pleasant? Always 0. Usually la
Never 0.
Were you kept informed about special pro-
cedure (Xray, blood tests, etc.) and about
changes in your routine which they neces-
sitated? Always EJ. Usually O. Never 0.
What did you like best about your care?__
What did you like least about your care?__
What is your overall evaluation od the care
you received while a patient here? Excel-
lent O. Fair 0. Poor O.
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A4695
tive, who in turn files a petition for reinovtd
frora the home.
ZITVENTER PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION Mame rif-
Clitilstv &UT WTIN =GU:CT, MISTREATMENT
The Juvenile Protective AasOCiation is a
specialized private servite agency operating in
the city of Chicago which accepts only cases
in which the "presenting 'problem is the ne-
glect or mistreatment Of children.'"
When a referral is made to it, the JPA as-
signs a caseworker to the family with obtains
background information from schools and
other sources. The initial objective of the
caseworker is to establish good rapport with
the family. To give meaning to the counsel-
ing. the caseworker may perform such sera-
ices as "finding them better apartments.
Intervening with creditors, antifixicinag emer-
gency shelter for mother and children as pro-
tection against a dangerous father." Like
the Department of Public Aid, this agency
makes a referral to a family cOurt it it be-
comes necessary to seek removal of the chil-
dren from the home.
If court proceedings are instituted by the
social agency, by the reason of the Family
Court Act of Illinois protecting the "ne-
glected child," the State of Illinois actually
prosecutes the petition. The parent has
the right to select an attorney to represent
him fit the court hearing. The family court
also inakei provision for the parent to de-
mand a pity trial it he so chooses.
'KURILE COVET TAKES APPROMATE STEPS
The judge of the court after hearing the
evidence may do one of the f011orring: (1)
dismiss the petition If there is insufficient
evieffinee tO indicate that the child is de-
peadent; 6 or (2) find that the child Is de-
pendent due to adequate evidence.
If the Judge finds that the child Is a de-
pendent child, he may (1) place the child
on, pretreat= and May permit him to remain
In the home: or t2) order that the child be
removed from the home and plated in the
care of another person, a licensed foster
home, Or in a private school.
Obtaining clear-cat evidence of abuse pre-
sents an imposing obstacle to a decision
against the parent, because the abusive act
usually occurs in the home where faMlly
members are the only witnesses. Rarely will
the abusive parent admit his action, not only
because society does not condone such be-
havior, but also because prosecution may
RIGHTS OP =WREN NESPONSISILITT OS AIX
It is not only within the scope of hit
authority but a compulsory part of his re-
sponsibility as the educational leader of the
cortununit7 that the principal act in behalf
of the abutted child. Safeguarding the rights
of children, however, is the responsibility of
all of the community leaders, since children
are the raw material out of which future
mature, Cooperating adults must be fended.
This safeguard is a joint professional ven-
ture in which sociologists, psychologists,
school administrators, school personnel,
medical doctors, the police, the law, and pub-
lic health and community agencies Mint
cooperate.,
James D. Delsordo,""Protective Casework
for Abused Children,' Children, X No. 6 (No-
vember, December 1962), pp. l3-18.
11-0. Henry Kempe, Frederic N. Silverman,
Brandt Pi Steele, William Droegertitieller, and
Henry K. Silver, "The Battered-Child Syn-
drome," the Journal of the American medi-
cal Association, CLEMII (July 7, 1962) , p. 17.
8-Cook County Department of Public Aid,
"Provision of Services," manual (May 1,
1963), see. 6110.
&fa...Leeds Penner, "Juvenile Protective As-
sociation, Saralee Report," (Sept. 10, 1963),
p.2.
Ibid.
6 The Family Court Act of the State of
Illinois defines "dependent child" as one who,
among other things, hicks proper parental
care or guardianship or who has a home
which by reason of neglect or cruelty by the
parents Is unfit for such a child.
The Real Alabama?Part XLIX
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JACK EDWARDS
OF Anaemia"
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, at a time when water pollution
Is a major concern for our country it
will come as welcome news that important
segments of private industry are taking
action to help fight the problem.
In July of this year the Gulf States
Paper Corp. of Alabama, completed con-
struction of a new waste system that at-
tacks water pollution in three ways. The
new facilities are located at the com-
pany's plant at Demopolis and will serve
to help assure clean water in the im-
portant Tombigbee River which we hope
will someday be a link in a new water
transportation route between the port
City of Mobile and the Tennessee River.
An article telling more about the new
antipollution system follows:
GIMP SPAT= PAPER Rasmus Craw WATER
WITH New SYSTEM
Gulf States Paper Corp., In July, took
the wraps off a new mill waste system that
aims a three-pronged attack at stream pol-
lution.
The Unique installation divides mill effluent
into three different channels to be treated
according to type and strength before flow-
ing into the Tombigbee River.
Representatives of State and local govern-
ment, industry, and wildlife groups were
treated to a 100k at this recently completed
system in Demopolis, which company officials
describe as a new concept in stream protec-
tion. -
The mill is surrounded by elaborate pond-
ing and clarifying facilities each dedicated
to the treatment of a special type of waste
water from the various stages of manufac-
ture. Into one lagoon goes water that con-
tains no harmful materials but needs to be
cooled before returning to the river. A huge
clarifier, 280 feet in diameter, removes solids
such as wood fibers that would otherwise
flow into the Tombigbee.
The third phase is a 58-acre lagoon which
Impounds waste water containing nonflbrous
material from the wood that could be harm-
ful to the stream. This effluent can be re-
tained for periods up to 2 weeks, during
which time its harmful properties are dissi-
pated. It is then metered back into the
river at a rate determined by the flow of the
stream.
The new effluent system is only the latest
of a series of industrial "firsts" that are part
of the sprawling mill. Built around the Na-
tion's first?and then largest?continuous
digester, the mill has been the technical
model of the industry since it went into pro-
ducticsa The continuous digester produces
a steady stream of pulp, rather than turning
it out by the traditional "batch" method.
in 1964, the digester was placed under the
control of an electronic computer which au-
tomatically makes any corrections needed to
produce uniform pulp. This, too, is an inno-
vation in the paper industry.
To the east of the mill a small lake allows
the cooling of water that has become heated
in condensing steam produced in the chemi-
cal recovery section of the mill. This lagoon
also serves as a safety check to guard against
any mishaps that might endanger the condi-
tion of the river. Should such upset condi-
tions occur, a sensing system automatically
sounds an alarm and shuts off the discharge
valve at the lagoon.
Four million gallons of water can be proc-
essed daily here. Now covering 9 acres with a
20-million-gallon capacity, the pond can
readily be enlarged to 25 acres with a 105-
million-gallon capacity.
On the opposite side of the mill Is the
clarifier which handles 10 million gallons of
water a day. Water fed into this system con-
tains solid materials such as fibers, lime and
clays that have slipped through in the wash-
ing, bleaching, and forming processes. Such
materials, if allowed to flow into the river,
would use up vital dissolved oxygen and cre-
ate sludge beds.
The clarifier is a huge, dish-shaped instal-
lation, 260 feet in diameter and 15 feet deep
at the center. Mill water Is pumped to the
center surface, from which point it flows out-
ward to the rim, spilling over the edges. In
the meanwhile, 99 percent of the solids have
settled to the bottom, where long scraper
arms concentrate the sludge in the deepest
part. Heavy-duty pumps then remove the
sludge,
These concentrated solids are pumped to
a nearby filter house where more water is re-
moved, leaving a wet cake of solid material
to be dumped in a nearby impoundment.
At present there is no practical use for these
solids, but experiments are being conducted
to see if they can be transformed into a use-
ful byproduct.
Behind the clarifier stretches the 59-acre
surface of the strong waste lagoon. Here is
collected effluent that has a stronger con-
centration of oxygen-absorbing materials.
The wastes are held for a period up to 2
weeks, during which time aeration and bac-
terial action reduces the oxygen demand.
At the end of the treatment period the
water is released to the river at a carefully
controlled rate, The strong waste system is
designed to be modified as technical advances
are made in the field of effluent control.
In addition to the three-way treatment
system and the constant checking and dou-
ble checking that goes on at the Demopolis
plant, Gulf States technicians keep a con-
stant watch on the river itself. Daily checks
are made of the river's flow and of the dis-
solved oxygen content of the Water. In pe-
riods of low water this monitoring process
becomes almost constant and the lab boat
travels 50 miles downstream from the plant
and 5 miles upstream. Samples of water are
taken at 16 different points and 5 tests are
run on each sample.
The expanded effluent system at the
Demopolis mill has involved the investment
of over $1 million. Operating it and moni-
toring the river require an annual expense
of $48,000, according to Gulf States technical
personnel.
Veto of H.R. 8439
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. THOMAS M. PELLY
Or WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF Ith mitESENTATIVES
Monday, August 2.3, 1965
Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, there is no
issue more vital to the welfare of this
Nation than that of separation of powers
between the legislative and executive
branches of Government.
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A4700 August 23, 1965
riety of work calls for full-time help in itself
nor does it call for highly trained specialists.
In short, it is general assistance work Of a
varied nature to relieve our permanent staff
of a summertime overload. It is an excellent
opportunity and has been appreciated and
enjoyed by these employees in the past.
We have paid minimum wages in the past
just because such a minimum existed, not
because we were forced to by law. A new
minimum would establish a higher wage
scale even where it was not require by law,
but just by common practice and usage as
well as by employee pressure and unwilling-
ness to work "below minimum wages."
The effect on us will be to quit hiring
summer students and to handle the slight
overload by staggering vacations, resched-
uling yearly operations, and working a little
harder instead of granting long weekends,
etc.
This will eliminate both the training and
earning opportunity for the young people
we have hired for many years.
While ours is a "small potato" operation, I
think you can multiply this by many times
in our area and in the Nation. We will not
hire and train marginal employees but be
forced to combine and reschedule so that
our permanent employees can productively
and economically handle our workload.
I'm afraid this bill reminds me of the man
who joined the war against poverty by toss-
ing a hand grenade qt a bum.
U.S. Trading With Hanoi Traders
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, the United States, in our buildup in
South Vietnam, is using ships from the
same foreign countries which have been
aiding Hanoi.
Ironically the sealift of American sup-
plies to Saigon has required the use of
ships flying the flags of the same free
world countries helping to keep the Viet-
cong, supplied. In effect we are still
doing business with our friends even
though they are trading with our
enemies.
British. Norwegian, and Greek ship-
owners have been paid almost $2 million
In freight rates alone since January of
this year for hauling U.S. Government
cargoes to South Vietnam. At the same
time, British, Norwegian, and Greek ships
as well as others from other allied coun-
tries, have made a total of 83 supply
runs for the Communists by calling at
ports in North Vietnam.
Our friendly shippers charged $2
million for freight hauled to Saigon.
Yet the price for freight these same
friends hauled to Hanoi has been paid
by the 315 American troops killed since
January in battle against the Vietcong.
The State Department has stated that
free world ships carry a substantial share
of North Vietnam's seaborne imports.
Since the United States has stepped up
air attacks on North Vietnam's overland
supply routes, Hanoi's dependence upon
ports and shipping has increased, placing
even greater Importance on shipping. -
Thus every allied ship call in North
Vietnam is critical, particularly when the
Communist ships are so busy hauling in
missiles and other military cargoes.
Allied shipping to North Vietnam mtlst
be stopped.
Guilt Rests Upon the Individuals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JACK EDWARDS
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, in all the casting about for ex-
planations, for the Los Angeles riots it is
my hope that serious attention will be
given to the comment of Newspaper Col-
umnist James J. Kilpatrick. His treat-
ment of the subject appeared in the
Washington Star for August 20.
The column follows:
GUILT RESTS UPON THE INDIVIDUALS
(By James J. Kilpatrick)
All week long, the leading bleeding hearts
of the Great Society have been wetting down
the ashes of Los Angeles with tears for the
poor oppressed. We have been fairly awash
in tales of Watts, the palm-lined "ghetto,"
1.74th its unemployment, its crime, its incomes
below $4,000.
"The guilt lies on tui all," said one lu-
gubrious professor, gazing sadly into the
camera. And he began to talk of frustra-
tions that just had to find catharsis.
Twaddle. The guilt for this criminal an-
archy in Los Angeles is direct, immediate,
and personal, as guilt must always be if the
first essentials of our law still count for
anything. And if guilt is to be extended in
some sort of metaphysical conjecture, then
let the guilt lie squarely upon such philoso-
phers as the Reverend Martin Luther King,
and President Johnson.
What did the Negro apologists of our time
expect? How could they have been surprised
by these events? Have they never heard of
the harvest that is reaped by men who sow
the wind?
For the last 5 years or more, Dr. King has
been going up and down the country, preach-
ing his own brand of ever-loving anarchy.
His is the gospel that tells his simple-minded
people to violate the laws they feel in their
hearts to be wrong. What is the guilt that
lies today on Dr. King?
Dr. King is not alone. Over this same peri-
od, we have seen the White House itself and
our Central Government as a whole contrib-
ute to the cynical disrespect for old institu-
tions. The Constitution, once regarded as
the supreme law of the land, has been pro-
gressively reduced to the merest scrap of
paper. This Republic was founded in part,
at least, upon respect for the ancient rights
of private property; this was the oldest "hu-
man right" of them all, but Congress and
the courts have let it erode away. Is it any
wonder that the Los Angeles insurrectionists
put private property to the torch?
Over the last 10 years, the American Negro
has been singled out for a fulsome solicitude
that has done him a terrible disservice.
Through every conceivable device of law and
politics, the Negro has been artificially puffed
up, protected, pampered, wrapped in swad-
dling clothes, and excessively admired. He
has been the particular object of public
housing, poverty programs, job preferment,
and aid for his illegitimate offspring. In the
sanctified name of "civil rights," he has been
excused for criminal conduct that in any
other set of facts would have drawn 30 days
on the roads. The Supreme Court of the
United States, casting precedent to the
winds, pardons hundreds of trespassers, dis-
turbers of the peace, and violators of the
rights of other men?pardons them with a
wave of judicial wands. What guilt lies on
the Supreme Court of the United States?
It is high time in this country to cut
through the fatty sentimentality, the phony
guilt, the couch-ridden recriminations. If
rhetorical questions are to be asked, should
we not inquire if the status of the Negro, a
century after emancipation, is entirely the
fault of white society? Entirely? Or is a
large part of this squarely the fault of the
Negro people themselves?
It is said that the Negro has been kept
down by the devices of segregation, and
doubtless there is truth in this. But the
whole of the proposition never is examined.
Were all Negroes kept down? Or were many
Negroes too lazy to get up? Say what you
will about the South (it is not the South
where whole cities go up in the flames of in-
surrection), the American Negro has had two
generations of reasonable opportunity in the
unsegregated North and West. How has he
developed the opportunities put before him?
In squalor, in apathy, in crime, in cadging
off "the welfare," in dropping out of in-
tegrated schools, in breeding swarms of chil-
dren out of wedlock. This is the sorry record.
And now, in Los Angeles, we witness bar-
barian hordes.
What is the remedy? It is to treat the Ne-
gro like a white man. God knows his race
has done little enough to deserve a fate so
difficult and demanding. This is to expect
of the Negro, first of all, work; and then self-
restraint; obedience to law; respect for au-
thority; creative imagination; right conduct.
It is to expect of him some capacity for lead-
ership, some positive contribution to the
communities he lives in, some sense of com-
mon decency in the maintenance of neigh-
borhoods. This is the white man's world?
a world that earns its way, accepts responsi-
bility, knows failure, knows success, and does
not search for somewhere else to lay a per-
sonal blame.
Plenty of Negroes have shown they under-
stand these elementary obligations. Espe-
cially in the South, a Negro middle class is
rising, buying property, entering public life,
setting a fine example of civic responsibility.
Elsewhere in the country, examples multiply
of individual excellence. If only the do-
gooders will stop expecting too much of the
Negro too soon. If only they will learn that
pampering and special privilege and legisla-
tive crutches cannot do the job. If only they
will understand that the character of a back-
ward people cannot be tempered in Molotov
cocktails.
Respect for law, respect for property, re-
spect for the rights of others?these have to
come first. And these must be enforced by
the courts and by the suddenly stiffened de-
mands of a fed-up society. The guilt for
these outrages lies upon individual arsonists,
hoodlums, vandals, thieves. Try them. And
then turn to the political and intellectual
leaders who need forgiveness more: They
know not what they do.
The Christian Science Monitor has also
made a great contribution in its lead edi-
torial of August 21. It emphasizes that a
respect for law is and must be the foun-
dation upon which any community wel-
fare is based. I hope the editorial re-
ceives wide attention. It follows here:
RESPECT FOR LAW
Nearly 2,500 years ago Aristotle pointed out
a great truth about the law. He warned that
laws will not be obeyed unless men acquire
the habit of obeying them.
It is equally clear that anything which
either encourages men to disregard law or
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
appeared from the index annually, including
36 of the original 92 products in the index.
In all, 375 products have appeared in the
index at one time or another. One thera-
peutic group has had 38 different products,
and no group has had less than 12, with the
average amounting to 22.
This turnover in the list of products at-
tests to the dynamic character of the in-
dustry. This index has been specially de-
signed to take cognizance of this unique
phenomenon. It has also been necessary
simultaneously to readjust the relative im-
portance of the individual products and
or the therapeutic groups to alloW for these
changes. However, let it be noted that no
product can enter the index until it has be-
come one of the five top products in its
roup; and then can only affect the index
in the second year after its appearance there-
in. Thus, the initial offering price for a
new product will not influence the index,
since its price (at the end of the year) after
having been on the market long enough to
become a market leader will be realistic and
competitive.
To further indicate the changing character
or the pharmaceutical market, it is of in-
terest to observe the changing importance of
the therapeutic groups since 1949. The
five most imortant groups in 1949, and their
change in importance by 1964 is shown
below
Group:
All other
Vitamins 12.9 3.1
Antibiotics 19 8 23. 3
Hormones 10.4 9.2
Sedatives 6. 2 2. 4
If the classification is made on the basis of
the most important groups in 1964, the fol-
lowing changes may be seen:
Relative importance
Group: 1949 1964
Antibiotics 10,8 23.3
All other 21.4 10. 2
Hormones 10.4 9.2
Ataractics . 0 9.2
Analgesics 4. 1 8.0
Vitamins, sedatives, and all others have
declined very sharply, while antibiotics and
analgesics have more than doubled in im-
portance. Ataractics, nonexistent in 1049,
have become the fourth most important
group.
Thus, it is apparent that the effect of price
changes of vitamins on the index in 1949 was
of much greater consequence than in 1084,
while antibiotics were 2.2 times as important
In 1064 compared with 1949. An index that
does not reflect relative importance changes
of such magnitude would be seriously defi-
cient and inaccurate.
Prices used for the purpose of constructing.
the index are Red Book published prices and
hence are highest offering prices to retailers.
Actual prices paid by retailers are frequently
leas theft Red Book published prices, and to
this degree, the price index, while showing
price trends accurately, does not always re-
flect the short-term fluctuations in prices
caused by current market forces.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics index for
drugs and pharmaceuticals prior to 1960 un-
fortunately could not adjust to the rapid
changes in products and their importance so
that it failed to measure the full extent of
the price movements in this industry. As a
result, the BLS index went from 100.1 in 1949
to 100.2 in 1960. In this same period the
wholesale price index for ethical pharma-
ceuticals declined 7.6 percent. With the re-
vision of the BLS index in January 1961 this
index was made more realistic, and its be-
havior closely parallels the industry index
since then.
JOHN M. PIRE-STONE.
Justs 30, 1965.
Relative importance
1949 1964
21. 4 10.2
Tariffs on Sheet Glass
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN H. DENT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, for many
years I have been warning the House of
the dangerous conditions in many of our
basic industries because of the uneco-
nomic concept of free trade.
Today, I present this house resolu-
tion, adopted by the Senate of Pennsyl-
vania on August 17, 1965, by unanimous
vote. This resolution gives very com-
pelling reasons for the President of the
United States to disregard idiotic and
inconceivable, uneconomic decisions of
the majority members of the Tariff Com-
mission at which they recommended that
the glass tariff be lowered back to the
unrealistic rates, that the late President
John F. Kennedy, found to be extremely
dangerous to the continuation of the
glass industry as such in the United
States.
However, today we see our shelves piled
higher and higher of foreign made prod-
ucts with their identity and manufactur-
ing sources so well hidden that thou-
sands of Americans buy such well known
names as General Electric, Zenith, West-
?lox, and many others, completely ignor-
ant of the fact that these products are
foreign made.
It is a false premise to believe that
foreign goods cost Americans less money.
While this condition does exist When the
foreign product is making its entry into
the American market it soon disappears
when American concerns become im-
mersed by foreign production in Ameri-
can trade markets.
A close examination in the market
place will show we are paying more to-
day for Japanese products; for products
once made in the United States.
While the resolution concerns itself
with the problem of glass it could be
applied to practically every product im-
- ported today which displaces American
production.
The antipoverty program will fall fiat
on its face and many of the fine pieces
of legislation promoted by the President
and supported by your Congress, includ-
ing myself, will fail to do that which
they are designed to do unless we reassess
our trade position and do it now.
Mr. Speaker, the resolution below has
been sent to me by the Senate of Penn-
sylvania:
RESOLUTION BY SENATE OF PENNSYLVANIA
In 1962 the tariff on sheet glass was in-
creased because of the serious effect that
Imported glass was having on the domestic
industry. Prior to this increase the domestic
industry was operating at a loss or on a
marginal basis.
On June 11, 1985, the Tariff Commission
reported to the President, in a split three to
two decision, that a reduction of the present
duties would have only a slight effect on the
domestic industry.
The three majority commissioners made
this reconunendation in spite of the fact that
the foreigners have the same percentage of
A4699
the market now (25 percent) as they had
prior to the increase in duties, These three
commissioners also concede that their recom-
mendation is complicated by the fact that
the increased duties have only been in effect
for a very short period of time.
Both the majority and minority members
of the commission found that a reduction in
tariff would force a number of older and
smaller plants to close. It is apparent, then,
that steady employment in the glass indus-
try and in the many industries serving the
glass industry can be maintained only by
keeping the tariff rates intact.
Most of the jobs lost and plants closed
would be in already depressed areas, where
the Government is spending millions of dol-
lars to attract new industry, retain existing
plants, and create jobs. Six industry plants,
In fact, are in Appalachia, two of these in
Pennsylvania; therefore be it
Resolved, That the Senate of the Common-
wealth of Pennsylvania finds that the termi-
nation of the escape-clause duties imposed
In 1962 could only be harmful to the business
and labor interests of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania; and be it further
Resolved, That the senate respectfully
urges President Lyndon B. Johnson to retain
the present tariff that was established under
the escape-clause increase of June 1962; and
be it further
Resolved, That copies of this resolution be
sent to President Lyndon B. Johnson, to the
Tariff Commission, and to each U.S. Senator
and Member of Congress from Pennsylvania.
I certify that the foreging is a true and
correct copy of senate resolution, serial No.
32A, introduced by Senators Richard C.
Frame, Albert R. Pechan, Robert D. Fleming,
and Paul W. Mahady and adopted by the
Senate of Pennsylvania the 17th day of Au-
gust, 1965.
MARK GRI1 ELL, Jr.,
Secretary, Senate of Pennsylvania.
Effect of Minimum Wage Law
.r.12c.r.e.NSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. E. Y. BERRY
OF SOUTH DAKOTA
/N THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. BERRY. Mr. Speaker, under
unanimous consent I insert in the REC-
ORD a letter from the secretary of the
Rapid City, S. Dak., Builders Exchange
to the chairman of the Labor Subcom-
mittee of the Education and Labor Com-
mittee of the House.
The reason I have asked permission to
Insert it is because this is only one small
example of thousands and thousands of
businesses across the Nation who will be
forced to stop hiring American youth if
the increase in the minimum wage law,
goes through. I am not sure of the total
amount the Federal Government is now
spending on dropouts, but this _mini-
mum wage law will multiply that amount
by several hundreds.
The letter is as follows:
It would appear that your proposal would
most decidedly affect our operation and the
employees we hire for summer assistance.
We have been hiring high school seniors
and graduates for summer assistance. We
have tried to improve and prepare them to
meet people in person and over the phone?
acquaint them with our various office equip-
ment and activities, etc. None of this va-
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August 23, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
diminishes men's respect for it strikes at the
very heart of Orderly, democratic, and pro-
gressive living. This does not mean that all
laws are either right or perfect. It does not
mean that laws should not change and
evolve. But it does mean that the security,
health, and progress of men and of nations
lies in a respect for law and a willingness to
obey it.
In the last few days two prominent Ameri-
cans have addressed themselves to this very
question, but from sharply different view-
points. Commenting on the Los Angeles
riots, former President Eisenhower said, "I
believe the United States as a whole has been
becoming atmosphered * * * in a policy of
lawlessness. If we like a law, we obey it; if
we don't, we are told: 'You can disobey It.'"
Also discussing the west coast rioting, New
York Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY is quoted
in an interview as saying that It was sense-
less to tell Negroes living in northern slums
to obey the law, that to these Negroes the
law is the enemy.
The Kennedy statement is deeply disturb-
ing. Even granting the fact that many
Negroes do in fact regard the law as their
enemy, will the Kennedy statement do any-
thing to change their view? Will it not,
rather, give them the impression that in-
fluential national figures look with sympathy
upon their breaking of the law? As a former
Attorney General who had shown himself
active in securing wider Negro protection un-
der law, Senator KENNEDY is in a particularly
favorable position to remind the Negro that
the law is, in fact, his greatest safeguard. It
Is regrettable that this opportunity was
missed.
We agree without reservation with Presi-
dent Eisenhower's statement: "I believe we
must have greater respect for law. This
Means to me we must review our * * *
moral standards."
Great efforts are now being made nation-
ally on behalf of the Negro. Greater efforts
will doubtless be made in the future. While
it is true that many of these efforts are be-
lated, it is also true that they are being made
because the American people as a whole be-
lieve in the reign of justice. And justice
Without law is an impossibility.
Only through support of law and justice
can any American citizen, Negro or white,
hope to live in peace and prosperity. Law
is man's present highest concept of that
higher, perfect order toward which human
progress tends. It must be protected, hon-
ored, fostered, and beyed.
To Our Soldiers in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. RACE
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965 ,
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, the current
issue of the Jewish Veteran carries a
front page editorial entitled, "To Our
Soldiers in Vietnam."
This editorial, representing the official
view of united Jewish war veterans, ana-
lyzes the role of Red China, not only in
the "narrow confines" of the Vietnam
struggle, "but also In the light of all its
worldwide implications."
Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my
remarks I request that the editorial be
printed at this point in the RECORD, and
commend its careful reading to my col-
leagues:
To OUR SOLDIERS IN VIFINAIVI
The veterans community of the United
States wants you to know that we stand
four-square in support of your sacrifice in
the cause of freedom. As citizens who have
borne arms for this Nation before you, we
realize full well the importance to your
morale and fighting spirit the assurance that
the whole country is fully aware of the
nature of your mission and the vital im-
portance of it.
At the heart of the American involvement
in Vietnam is the confrontation of the grow-
ing power and influence of the world's most
dangerous and irresponsible nation?Red
China.
Debates are in progress about the Ameri-
can strategies and tactics in Vietnam, the
rights and wrongs of our involvement, and
the issue of escalation. These are questions
which should rightfully be examined and
discussed in the Congress and by the public.
But we must not lose sight of the basic
Motivation for the pending mobilization of
Reserves and the expanded American com-
mitment in southeast Asia.
Red China leaves us no alternative but a
firm stand on every periphery of that restive
aggressive goliath.
We do not intend to make a case for the
Saigon leaders of South Vietnam as the most
perfect and desirable exponents of freedom.
We hope and pray that better leadership for
our side can be found. In the long struggle,
we cannot defeat communism except through
the dynamic appeal of a better idea?the
true ideology of freedom.
But in the larger picture, we are con-
fronted with such a massive peril that the
deficiencies of the Saigon regime are some-
what beside the main point. The basic issue
at hand is the dedication of China, a nation
whose population is three of or four times
as large as our own, to defeat and obliterate
us. To them we are the mortal foe. They
have served notice that they intend to crush
us and our way of life.
Today, China has the atomic bomb. Crude
though their weapon may be when compared
with the supermegaton power in American
hands, the fact remains that the least re-
sponsible regime on earth has the power to
ignite a thermonuclear conflict. Millions of
Chinese may be wiped out. But other na-
tions could be involved in a holocaust which
Russia might not be able to avoid despite
Its present differences with Chinese ex-
tremism.
RED CHINA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
Right now, China is seeking to gain her
ends by exploiting so-called wars of national
liberation. That is her role in the bloody,
confused and unhappy affair in Vietnam. It
also seems to be her objective elsewhere, even
in the Near East where the Chinese are seek-
ing among other goals, to foment Arab guer-
rilla violence against Israel to create a tacti-
cal diversion to Vietnamese conflict.
Let us also examine the role of Red China
toward Israel. Peiping blackballed Israel
back in the days of the Bandung Confer-
ence of Asian Nations, alleging that Israel
was "an imperialist creature" and had no
right to exist. Israel had previously recog-
nized Red China diplomatically because,
Whether one likes it or not, Red China exists.
But Peiping did not reciprocate and rejected
a diplomatic exchange because her only
thought of Israel was as a scapegoat to use
in appealing to Arab sympathies.
Arab guerrilla attacks on Israel, if carried
to lengths that would inflame the whole tense
frontier problem, would spread, confuse, and
Intensify the world crisis. It would help the
Vietcong by keeping American forces on the
alert in the Mediterranean and Europe. The
U.S. 6th Fleet, for instance, could not relin-
quish its marine components for duty in
the Far East, if trouble were brewing in the
Near East.
A4701
Such a move would also inflame the Arab
masses to serve Chinese ends by intimidating
Arab leaders into closer support of the
Peiping line. China, instead of Russia
would become the most militant activist and
leading exponent of Arab fanaticism against
Israel.
Peiping feels that an Arab-Israel war could
diminish mounting American pressure in
Vietnam, extricate China from a military
showdown for the present, and provide more
time for development of atomic weapons and
delivery systems. Such strife is consistent
with Chinese attempts to foment "anti-
imperialist" disorder throughout southeast
Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
Offers have already been made by China
to the extremist "liberation front" of Pales-
tinian Arab refugees. Headed by Arab agi-
tator Ahmed Shukairy, an Arab delegation
was welcomed to Peiping and promised
money, weapons, and military training if
they would launch a "liberation war" against
Israel. China envisaged internal sabotage
by Israel's Arab population, creation of an
armed underground movement, bombings,
sabotage, and infiltration raids from outside.
Mao Tse-tung told the Arabs that "an Al-
gerian delegation told us once that Algeria
lost a million lives in the guerrilla struggle
for independence. I told them that peoples
should not be frightened if their population
decreases in the course of a liberation war,
for they will enjoy a period of peace after-
ward in which they can again multiply."
Peiping considers it ridiculous that 45 mil-
lion Arabs surrounding 21/4 million Israelis
do not crush the Jews with action and blood
instead of mere words and promises as es-
poused by Egypt's Nasser and others.
Nasser and Shukairy are not quite ready
for a "peoples' war" against Israel because
they know that Israel has the power to hit
back and that the United States might not
stand idly by. Nasser fears that the Sinai
zone might become another Danang, poised
against Arab infiltration if the "masses" ever
materialized on a Vietcong-type rampage.
Mao subsequently condemned Arab lack of
militance as "bourgeois humanitarianism."
They are "too preoccupied with survival," he
charged. But he hopes eventually, inexora-
bly, to enlist the Arabs in a Near Eastern
escalation in keeping with the insidious and
subversive Chinese strategies.
Therefore, when we support our Govern-
ment and its actions in Vietnam we do so not
only within the narrow confines of that area
but also in the light of all its worldwide
implications.
Castro Threat Not So Empty
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OV
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, so far
as the public is concerned, there seems to
be no attention being paid to Castro and
his regime in Cuba as constituting a
threat to the Western Hemisphere.
I was glad to note the following article
written by Marguerite Higgins which ap-
peared in the Washington Star:
CASTRO THREAT NOT SO EMPTY
(By Marguerite Higgins)
Until recently, Johnson administration offi-
cials tended to shrug off Cuban Premier Fidel
Castro's boasts of turning Latin American
wars of liberation into Vietnam-type con-
flicts.
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A4702 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX August 23, 1965
And in its preoccupation with Vietnam, the
American public has failed to notice very sig-
nificant and troubling developments south of
the border.
But events are not only proving that Cas-
tro's threats are not so empty, but are also
calling into question many of the smug as-
sumptions about developments in such places
as Venezuela.
Any comparisons to Vietnam area are of
course to the earliest stages of that war when
victims of' terror and ambush were listed by
the dozens rather by the thousands.
ASSITMPTI6N IN treNassreea
With regard to Venezuela, it has been as-
sumed in Washington that the success 2 years
ago in holding free elections in spite of oppo-
sition from Communist terrorists had more
or less settled he guerrilla problem.
After all, it was reasoned the Venezuelan
Government was freely chosen, left of center,
and very progressive in social good works.
More than most people on this earth, Amer-
icans cling to the myth that good govern-
ment is of itself a defense against Commu-
nist guerrillas.
Very handily for the Communists, we have
been brainwashed into assunaing that Com-
munist terrorists can thrive only if most of
the people are against a government. It is
a very unhistorie assumption.
In Europe, the destruction of Czechoslo-
vakia's popular and progressive government
by a Comraunist minority is just one of many
examples of the fact that the Communists
usually take over in spite of the will of the
MajOrity.
VENEEDELA LESSON
In Venezuela, the lesson is that terrorist
guerrillas, if supported from the outside
(Cuba) can dangerously increase their
troublemaking capacity in spite of good gov-
ernment?a government that has among
other things effectively worked at matters
of land reform and helping the peasantry.
As in Vietnam, the peasants of Venezuela
may hate the guerrillas, but they will not ex-
pose them for fear of torture and death.
The discovery of 5 tons of armaments
hidden in the San Antonio Del Gauche re-
glee of Venezuela this week follows a gun
battle in the same area between military
forces and guerrillas. A secret guerrilla
headquarters of the FALN (National Libera-
tion Armed Forces) was even uncovered in
the petroleum center of Anzoatguil State.
TRATNINE FOR GDERRILLAS
But if Castro and colnisany have their way,
this is but a foretaste of far Worse to come.
According to reliable reports reaching
Washington, guerrilla 'training?once con-
fined to Cuba itself-1a going on in the Vene-
zuelan States of Lara and Falcon. The guer-,
rilla chieftain is a fdrrner-Venezuelan news-
paper man, Fabricio Ojeda.
The Venezuelan National Liberation Front
believes in the formalities. It is officially
represented in Cuba by German Layret, who
recently went through the formality of sign-
ing a "mutual aid pact" with the Vietcong
representative in Havana.
Castro's press and radio made much of
this and openly boasted that the pact her-
alded the start of Vietnam-type wars, not
just in Venezuela but in other parts of Latin
America. Clearly, the Communist guerrillas,
like their counterparts in Asia. are planning
carefully and diabolically for the years ahead.
Weapons and central direction are coming
from Cuba and will continue to do so--as
long as the United States permits this to
goon.
The question is whether the United States
can afford to look the other way while Cuba
provides the transmission belt for weapons
with which the Communists plan to subvert
the hemisphere.
In Vietnam, we waited until almost the
11th hour before attempting seriously to
interrupt outside sources of supply of men
and material. Isn't there a lesson to be
learned from that tragedy? Or are we to
he parialys,ed into inaction by failing to take
seriougy Castro's threats of turning Latin
America into a series of Vietnam's?
One Woman Comments
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES A. HALEY
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, in this
time of domestic turmoil and interna-
tional crisis, it is refreshing to hear some
one speak with a calm sane voice. For
this reason I have asked permission to
include in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, my
friend, Mrs. George L. Burr's column,
"One Woman Comments," which ap-
peared in the August 19, 1965, issue of
the Winter Haven, Fla., Herald.
Josephine Burr, as she is known to her
many friends and readers, gives sound
advice that is worthy of the attention of
readers of all ages?not just the young
people entering college to whom these re-
marks were addressed. If more people
lived Mrs. Burr's philosophy, this world
would be a more stable and more whole-
some place In which to live:
ONE WOMAN COMMENTS
(By Josephine G. Burr)
Let us forget the trials of the National
Council of Churches this week while I write
a letter to my granddaughter. She is only
6 and starting to school, but I am going to
pretend that she is 18 and starting to college
because I hope some college-bound boy or
girl will read. this and possibly think a bit
more carefully when he gets to the campus.
DEAREST Vicisre: I know you are a bit fear-
ful as you leave home this fall, for you are
actually going out into the world alone for
the first time. A college or university cam-
pus is a world of its own and a place where
you will meet all kinds of people. You will
either thoroughly enjoy your life there, as I
did, or be heartsick because you did. not
realize your great opportunity to learn What
life is all about. Life of today is much more
complicated than it was for me 50 years ago,
however, so I think maybe I can help if you
will heed.
First you young folks are much more aware
of what is going on in the world today than
we were back in 1913. There are peculiar
"Isms" abroad in the land, wild-eyed terror-
ists, and some who believe communism will
save the world from destruction. But there
are also many good. ideas, many fine thinkers.
I hope you have absorbed from your prob-
lems class in high school or the course you
took in communism that Florida high schools
require, the dangers that lurk in these pecu-
liar subversive minds. I am sure you read
of the troubles the Berkeley, Calif., campus
had last fall. Many people thought it all the
fault of Communist off-campus folk who
created this trouble. I _think-they had their
part in it, but let's face it, there is unrest on
every college campus today created by this
changing world in which we find ourselves,
The "Wave of the Future" that Ann Morrow
Lindbergh wrote about back in the 1940's has
overtaken us. Every nation, however small,
is trying for the highest kind of freedom and
to equal the good things that we here in
America have enjoyed for so long. They hate
us for having found them first, and since
this is the "land of the free and the home
of the brave," they are trying to prove, in
their strivings, that we are wrong and they
are right. Revolution is in the air and the
world is so rampant for freedom that we be-
gin to wonder if we are as free as we have
always taken for granted. we were. Let us
not waiver?ever--in our ideas of what free-
dom really is and. how to keep it. That is
what you young folks of today must work to
preserve.
One thing I want to emphasize as you start
your college career?please do your own
thinking. You will doubt yourself at times
and your ability to think right, but do not
allow the thoughts of someone else to be-
come yours unless you have spent hours try-
ing to find out the truth about controversial
subjects. You, Vickie, have been fortunate
in growing up in a normal home. Many of
the young people you will afeet have warped
minds because they were not so fortunate.
Grief, money troubles, broken homes, liquor,
can tear up lives and create so much unhap-
piness, especially in young people's minds,
that they become unstable in their think-
ing and their emotions. Look into the back-
ground of those who seem different and try
to discover why they are different?then feel
sorry, be tolerant, but do your own thinking.
But we were discussing freedom. When I
was in college no one questioned it. Since
then we have helped France and England
preserve their freedoms in World War I, then
again in World War II when the madman,
Hitler, tried to change things to his warped
mind's way of thinking, we sent our young
men to fight for freedom. Now the Russians,
who realized they were being ruled by a mad.
king, cannot seem to be happy just changing
their own world. They are being led by the
ideologies of three other mad men, Karl Marx
of Germany, Lenin, and Stalin. But some-
thing has happened in our own land of the
free that is very frightening. We do not
all seem to appreciate that our Founding
Fathers planned well and there are too many
Americans trying to change our world.
Two characteristic stand out in all this
strife of today?hate and fear. They are not
new?they ruled the German Kaiser, they
definitely ruled Hitler, and today they rule
all the odd people who think change is the
only road to freedom. The one thing to me
that will make you realize we have been and
still are on the right track in America, will
be your absorbing the education that you are
about to undertake. However, you must keep
your feet on the ground; you must believe, as
you have been taught, that there is a God
above us all who strives to help us; and that
if you live by the Golden Rule, you cannot
get off the right course for long. Education
also means tolerance to me, Vickie, for all
people are not made alike?everyone has his
good points and his bad ones. Just be sure
you can tell the difference and are not led by
bigotry or mass thinking, but by your own
careful estimation of what is the best course.
I airs sure you will know and if you become
confused, pick out a person you love and trust
and talk it all out.
One last admonition and to me it is vary
important. I want you to have fun and
enjoy your college life as well as its oppor-
tunities, and the best way to do this is to
join with a group of congenial folks in a
Greek letter society. Today they are the last
sure bulwark of Americanism on the college
campus. They exist for the sake of friend-
ship; they are governed by men and women
who have been careful in their thinking.
Their first loyalty is to God and country and
they provide a "home away from home" where
you can find folks reared as you were reared,
girls and boys who think about life as you
do and have been forewarned by parents and
fraternity elders about the dangers of today.
You will find folks you can talk to and dis-
cuss things with, but best of all, you will
find real friends.
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