CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
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CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130001-4
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Publication Date:
August 31, 1965
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"roved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300130001-4
August 31, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE 21523
member the pipelines and oil storage tanks.
Yes, let it be known to the world that we
shall met their sophisticated weapons of vio-
lence with the crude and simple flame of a
match. We cannot escape our historical
mission of destiny any njore than our oppres-
sors can escape the des /my of etribution.
THE MOUNT IN REFUGER CRISIS IN
SOUTH VIETNAM
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, today's
New York Times carries an article about
the work of the Refugees and Escapees
Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary
Committee chaired by the able and dis-
tinguished junior Senator from Massa-
chusetts, EDWARD M. KENNEDY.
For the past 2 months, the subcom-
mittee has been holding extensive hear-
ings on the mounting refugee crisis in
South .Vietnam. The hearings have
probed deeply into the problems and
dilemmas involved in the humanitarian
effort to help these hundreds of thou-
sands of homeless men, women and chil-
dren fleeing from their war-torn villages
and rice fields.
As a member of Senator KENNEDY'S ?
subcommittee, I am delighted to note
that the subcommittee's work has ap-
parently resulted in a significant change
in administration policy toward the re-
fugee problem in South Vietnam. For
the first time, a major portion of our AID
program in South Vietnam will be di-
rectly devoted to the health and proper
settlement of these needy and hapless
refugees. The problems are substantial.
There is much to be done but it is heart-
ening that we are taking important steps
in the right direction.
Great credit is due to the distin-
guished junior Senator from Massachu-
setts for under his effective leadership
the work of the subcommittee has been
constructive and productive. I am sure
that under his able chairmanship, the
subcommittee will continue to explore
and recommend further improvements
and solutions in our programs toward
refugees.
I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi-
dent, that today's article from the New
York Times, written by their able cor-
respondent, Richard Eder, be reprinted
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
U.S. REFUGEE PLAN FOR VIETNAM SET?SEN-
ATE HEARINGS DISCLOSED INCOHERENCE OF
PRIVATE AND PUBLIC PROGRAMS
(By Richard Eder)
WASHINGTON, August 30.?The United
States, reversing a previous policy, is setting
up a full-scale program to assist the 400,000
refugees made homeless by the Vietnam
fighting.
The decision to make refugee assistance a
principal concern of the U.S. aid Mission in
Vietnam was in large part a result of recent
hearings on the refugee problem conducted
by Senator EDWARD KENNEDY of Massachu-
setts, according to U.S. officials.
Eight hearings held by a Senate subcom-
mittee on refugees of which Mr. KENNEDY
is chairman brought out, as one high official
of the Agency for International Development
said, that "in effect we have had no refugee t
program as such."
SEVERAL STEPS TAKEN
Over the last 3 weeks the State Departmen
and the Agency have taken a number o
steps to set one up. Among them are the
following:
Approximately 40 officials of the Agency
for International Development in Vietnam
have been put to work full time on refugee
problems. A great many other members of
the 700-man AID mission will spend a major
part of their time dealing with refugees.
For example, according to one AID official
here, 80 percent of the public health team
will be assigned to refugees.
The administration is looking for a can-
didate to fill a new high-level job coordinat-
ing refugee programs. On one hand, he will
act as an adviser to the Saigon Government.
On the other, he will be able to draw on all
the resources of the AID mission for assist-
ance.
The first thorough studies of the refugees
are now being made. These will include how
many there are, where they are and how they
are living, and in just what ways they are
being helped now.
ESTIMATES ARE TENTATIVE
United States has not had specific programs
t for the refugees. They received without
f special emphasis, a portion of the assistance
under regular programs. Former Ambassa-
dor Maxwell D. Taylor and his aid chief,
James S. Killen, believed that refugee as-
sistance should be an initiative of the Saigon
authorities with the United States providing
help as requested.
Partly because of a lack of interest and
competence and partly because of the mas-
sive increase of refugees, this formula was
not working.
According to AID officials, this was brought
. home by a series of alarming reports from
the interior. Henry Cabot Lodge, the new
Ambassador, told the Senate subcommittee
earlier this month that the situation was
gravely unsatisfactory.
According to officials here, the new pro-
gram will still be designed to work through
the Saigon government as much as possible.
The difference will be that the United States
will now take an active part in recommend-
ing measures and in providing money, per-
sonnel, and political pressure.
The U.S. Government does not now know
how many refugees there are. South Viet-
namese Government figures, which are not
considered accurate, give rise to tentative
estimates that there are 200,000 in camps and
an equal number crowded into urban slums.
Virtually all of these came in during the
Vietcong offensive in February and March,
and during the monsoon fighting of May,
June, and July. In recent weeks the influx
appears to have tapered off somewhat.
Still another 200,000 who fled their homes
In 1964 and earlier have been resettled.
Aid administered by private agencies,
Which was to run at $8.5 million this year,
is expected to rise considerably. Further-
more, the private agencies are expected to
work out a program for closer cooperation
with each other and with the U.S. program.
The Senate hearings disclosed a, lack of
proper coordination. A coordinating com-
mittee set up in Saigon has been rather in-
active, the hearings showed.
Today President Johnson announced that
he would send Dr. Howard A. Rusk, director
of the Institute of Physical Medicine and
Rehabilitation of the New York University
Medical Center, to study the private agen-
cies' work in Vietnam.
Dr. Rusk, who helped to organize a program
of relief for refugees from the Korean war,
is expected to survey the opportunities for
private relief work, as well as the means of
overcoming what is described as the spotty
use by the agencies of available U.S. logistic
support.
In Vietnam, the United States has had the
Government send teams around to provincial
governments to spur their programs. Some
$12 million is available to the provincial
authorities, but little has been spent.
In part, according. to officials here, this
stems from the fact that many provincial offi-
cials are unfamiliar with the rules for using
this money. In other instances, the officials
do not want to spend the money for fear of
being accused of favoritism by the residents
of the area.
ESTIMATES ARE DIFFICULT
Since many details are still being worked
out, officials here are unable to give a close
estimate of how much the program will cost.
One rough estimat
on. Any
calculations are complicated, however, by the
fact that much of the aid will be a rechan-
neling of existing programs.
For example, the major part of U.S. health,
education, and possibly housing programs in
Vietnam will now be specifically aimed at
he refugees.
Until now, according to AID officials, the
No. 160-9
TRIBUTE TO MRS. GENIE McGLAS-
SON OF LINCOLN, NEBR., FOUND-
ER OF THE AMERICAN LEGION
POPPY DAY
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, a dis-
tinguished Nebraska lady who, over a
long period of years, gave in vast meas-
ure the efforts of her heart and hands to
the welfare of the Nation's disabled vet-
erans has passed from the mortal scene.
On July 28, 1965, Mrs. Genie McGlas-
son died at Lincoln, Nebr., at the age of
87. Mrs. McGlasson long will be revered
as the founder of the American Legion
Poppy Day, an event which has done so
much to further the rehabilitation and
child welfare work carried on by the
American Legion. Although originated
by Mrs. McGlasson as a local effort,
Poppy Day since has spread across the
land and is nationally recognized as one
of the American Legion's major pro-
grams.
Indicative of the place of affection and
esteem she occupied is the fact that the
funeral service for Mrs. McGlasson was
the first ever held at the veterans ad-
ministration hospital at Lincoln.
I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi-
dent, that two articles be inserted in the
RECORD at this point. They are taken
from the August 1965 issue of the Legion
Auxiliary Star, department of Nebraska.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SHE LEAVES A SPOT THAT WILL BE HARD
To FILL
Mrs. Genie McGlasson, rehabilitation
chairman and hospital director for the
American Legion Auxiliary, department of
Nebraska for 36 years, died July 28, 1965 in
Lincoln, Nebr., at the age of 87.
Mrs. McGlasson had spent all day Friday
of the previous week at her regular duties,
volunteer hospital director of the Lincoln
Veterans Hospital; and was returned there
on Saturday, July 31, to receive final honors
from statewide friends. For the first time, a
funeral was held at the 35-year-old hospital.
The 10 a.m, service took place on the lawn
before the open west porch where Mrs. Mc-
Glasson and patients years ago listened to
band concerts. Salvation Army Maj. Charles
Duskin officiated, assisted by the Reverends
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21524 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 31, 1965
Thomas Holoman and Loren Pretty, hospital time they will be able to resume a nor- Donations have kept the program alive
chaplains. A poppy blanket made by Lincoln mal life in society. . In the State of In- during its existence. "The interest and sup-
members of the American Legion Auxiliary diana much progress has been made in port from individuals, companies, and organi.-
covered the casket and paid tribute to Mrs. zations has been overwhelming," wrote the
developing meaningful and useful pro
McGlasson as the originator of the American - center's inmate director in his latest annual
Legion poppy. In 1921 , Mrs. McGlasson report. Thus far, the center has received
grams to instruct prisoners how to be-
taught a small group of disabled veterans come skilled members of trades or pro- equipment, books, and training materials
to make crepe paper poppies and sell them fessions. valued at more than $250,000.
on street corners, with the proceeds going In the last few years the Indiana Re- Some of the equipmen t?obsolete forms,
to the Legion's rehabilitation arid child wel- forrnatory at Pendleton has pioneered in surplus IBM wiring boards, and miscellane-
fare committees. The poppy program has providing specialized training in the op- ous accessory equipment?has come from
Western Electric's data processing depart-
been adopted by the national organization. eratien of electronic computers and has ment. In all, some 2 tons of equipment
,
A charter member of the Lincoln American established the first data processing
were trucked from Shadeland to the reforms-
Legion Auxiliary, Mrs. McGlasson had given
school in the United States which is in- tory.
unselfishly of her time, talent and self to pro-
mote and carry on the many phases of the side a prison. Most of the equipment BOAST HUGE COMPUTE
rehabilitation and hospital program for the and materials used for this data process- Together with donations from other large
American Legion Auxiliary. ing center has been donated by veil- companies the center now boasts 25 key-
During her years with the auxiliary she ous private companies while several ex- punches, 4 sorters, 4 tabulators, a re-
served on the first unit welfare committee; perts have generously given their time producing punch, an interfiling reproducing
was elected to the first department executive to help prisoners acquire the necessary punch, and the most recent prize acquisi-
.
committee; attended the first national con- knowledge and techniques. The experi-
tion?a huge Univac 60 computer
con-
vention in Kansas City in 1921 and was Training in the three-step program takes
elected president of Lincoln unit 3 in 1923.
ment has proved so successful that three 6 months. Convict 46252 spent some 406
She also was named national committee- other penal institutions in Indiana have hours in classes and approximately 1,600
woman from Nebraska in 1926; was appointed begun similar data processing instruc- hours working on center computer projects
national chairman of the convention held in tion and the first graduation of inmates or completing homework behind locked cell
Omaha in 1926; traveled to the Paris, France, from this training program has been doors.
To give the convicts a nodding acquaint-
convention and was elected national chap- held. with industry methods, the inmate
lain; and also served as national community Recently the magizine published by ance
supervisors invite computer expects from in-
dustry to visit and instruct. Two of those
giving time to the program were Western
Electric's Dave Johnston, Jr., data processing
department chief, and Blaine Flick, head of
the plant's computer development depart-
ment.
Johnston, as president of the central In-
diana chapter of the Data Processing Man-
agement Association at the time, was also
instrumental in getting DPMA endorsement
of the three-phase traini:ng program in 1962.
service chairman, and member for the na-
tional rehabilitation committee.
The feelings of a multitude of friends and
associates in the State of Nebraska as well
as members of the National American Legion
Auxiliary, are summed up in the words given
by Dr. J. Melvin Boykin, hospital director of
the Lincoln VA hospital, "She leaves a spot
that will be hard to fill."
--
A Do en or GOOD
Mrs. Genie McGlasson, 87, longtime resi-
dent of Lincoln, is dead.
She will be remembered for a long while
as the woman who started Poppy Day. But
we are sure that this national institution was
not started for her personal aggrandizement.
She was too sincere for that.
Mrs. McGlasson was of the World War I
generation who found her great life interest
in veterans affairs, and, especially, the wel-
fare and comfort of the men whose lives
were wrecked by war. The Lincoln Veterans
Hospital was more to her than a community
asset. It was the place where disabled vet-
erans would be required to spend their lives.
They could not go out into the world, but
she brought the world to them--a very good
world.
There is not much a disabled veteran can
do, and the days hang heavy for them.
Mrs. McGlasson taught them how to take a
little wire and a little crepe paper and make
poppies. Then it naturally followed that the
poppies would be sold to the public and the
returns dedicated to the American Legion's
rehabilitation and child welfare committee.
An infinite amount of comfort to a great
many resulted from her plain idea. A little
wire, a little crepe paper, some willing dis-
abled veterans developed enormous power for
good. It is something that science has not
been able to match, nor ever will because it
includes the precious element of humani-
tarianism as it exists in people.
Mrs. McGlasson's work succeeded beyond
measure but she exemplified the good that
human compassion and interest can do and
she heads the list of the many who with
less acknowledgment and smaller effect do
the same. We call that kind blessed.
CONVICTS, COMPUTERS, AND THE
NUMBERS GAME
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, an age-old
problem confronting those who admin-
ister penal institutions is how best to
Lrain and rehabilitate inmates for the
the employees of the Indianapolis Works
employees of the Western Electric Co.,
described in some detail the excellent
results achieved in helping to train pris-
oners for this important new field. Be-
cause it has national significance, I ask
unanimous consent that this article in
the August 1965 issue of Dial Tone be
printed at the conclusion of my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CONVICTS, COMPUTERS, AND THE NUMBERS GAME
Behind the high prison wails that once held
budding badman John Dillinger, inmates of
Indiana's maximum-security reformatory at
Pendleton have figuratively shed their blue
collars to learn data processing, one of Amer-
ica's fastest growing white-collar professions.
Not far from where other convicts are learn-
ing more conventional semiskilled repair or
service trades, a carefully screened group of
young prisoners staff the first data processing
training school ever set up inside a prison.
Reformatory inmate No. 46252 (names will
not be used to avoid embarrassment to their
families, though they're used universally in
conversations here) characterizes the elite
inmate staff that operates this unique cen-
ter.
Bright, with an aptitude for data process-
ing work, he has survived one of the toughest
inmate screening boards and the most rigor-
ous training course in the institution.
Chances are he'll be a low-risk parole violator
when he gets out.
And the success of the program in the past
4 years has led skeptical prison officials to
consider this one of the most promising,
progressive self-rehabilitation efforts ever
undertaken,
FIFTEEN-HOUR DAY
One role of the center is to train fellow
inmates; another is to process data for the
institution. During his 15-hour-long day,
No. 46252 teaches computer classes for new
students and handles his share of the bur-
geoning workload. He earns between 8 and
18 cents a day.
In the 4 years of its existence, the data
center has expanded from a dingy three-room
basement suite to more spacious, and color-
fully decorated, quarters covering some 5,000
square feet. The inmate-computer expert
is proud to point to what is considered one
of the largest data processing libraries in the
Midwest, jammed with books donated by
sympathetic companies and individuals.
WHAT TRAINING DOES
William L. Perrin, Indiana Department of
Corrections official who's been closest to the
program since its start in 1961, explained
what the training does for inmates.
"Jail is the most degrading experience a
man can ever go through," Perrin explained.
"The one thing an inmate loses is his
self-respect. Brought here," he said in a
tour at Pendleton, "stripped of his civilian
clothes, quarantined and slapped in a cell,
he's at his lowest ebb."
Progressive-minded rehabilitation officials
feel that the exacting work of data proces-
sing, properly taught, helps the man develop
a characteristic lacking in se many prison
populations?precise analytical thought
processes and a measure of self-confidence.
Underlying the entire program is the hope
of employment for trained programers,
analysts, statisticians, and repairmen once
the graduates leave prison. Yet only 7
of 17 parolees who've received certificates
of graduation have landed computer jobs.
DROPOUTS NUMEROUS
If getting a computer job on the outside
is difficult, being accepted into the training
is more so. Last year, of 127 who applied
for the program, only 53 were accepted.
Only 14 of that 53 were issued the DPIVIA-
endorsed data processing diploma.
What kind of prisoner is selected for the
program? "We're looking for an individ-
ual who's trying to help himself," explained
a long-terra inmate supervisor, "but who
can also produce something for us." -
The philosophy established by the center's
Inmate founders is that once a man com-
pletes training, he is expected to train
others. "We want to perpetuate this pro-
gram," another inmate earnestly declared.
Once skeptical reformatory officials have
allowed the program to expand. and now
heartily endorse this type of white-collar
rehabilitation. Center inmates have re-
sponded to this confidence by compiling
more than 300,000 man-hours free of super-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE August 31, 1965
the money bill will provide a forum for Sena-
tor HARTKE and his supporters. They came
within three votes of recommitting the bill
granting General McKee special treatment to
enable him to collect about $8,000 a year in
retirement benefits. Some of that support
may be transferred into opposition to the
supersonic transport appropriation although
not enough to deny the President the money.
Privately, those Senators pushing for the
supersonic transport program generally and
the $140 million specifically contend that
there was no place other than the military
to recruit the kind of experienced manage-
ment needed to run the billion-dollar effort.
"Where are you going to get somebody
who knows enough about the aircraft devel-
opment to run the supersonic transport pro-
gram," asked one Senator. "Do you really
think you're going to get a $75,000-a-year
man from Boeing or Douglas or any place else
to work for the FAA for less than half that
money? We're getting near the metal cut-
ting stage now. Where are you going to go
to get somebody who really knows aircraft
development and procurement if you don't
go to the military?"
Although Bain enjoyed considerable sup-
port within the aerospace industry during
his tenure as FAA's supersonic transport
chief, backers of General Maxwell counter
Bain's work was mainly organizing the Gov-
ernment's paper effort. The hardware stage,
they contend, demands a breadth of ex-
perience different from the experience Bain
brought to the job.
One byproduct of having military officers
at the forefront of the civilian supersonic
transport development is bound to be a full
assessment of the military potential of the
aircraft, despite the contention of Defense
Secretary Robert S. McNamara that there is
no military requirement for it. This could
be a most significant byproduct, including
the very real possibility that the Defense De-
partment eventually will pay for part of the
supersonic transport's development?perhaps
the engines.
DEPARTURE OF BAIN SPURS CONCERN OVER
FuTuan FAA DIRECTION OF SST
WAsniNcroN.?Gordon M. Bain's decision
to leave the Federal Aviation Agency where
he has directed the supersonic transport
program since 1963 has created concern
among airlines and aircraft manufacturers
over the future of the program.
Adding to the uncertainty is the appoint-
ment of Air Force Brig. Gen. Jewell C. Max-
well, to replace Bain.
Bain's resignation is effective September
15. Bain said it was for "personal reasons"
and that he plans to return to private in-
dustry, ' although he has not said where or
what his new job will be.
Bain was considered to have a sympathetic
understanding for the problems faced by
both the airlines and the airframe and en-
gine manufacturers in developing a practical
transport.
"We differed with him on a lot of points,
but at least you could argue constructively
with him," one airline equipment planner
said.
The fact that the supersonic transport is
a commercial enterprise, and that it is to be
directed by an active-duty Air Force general,
is the basis for most of the current concern.
However, Gen. William F. McKee, FAA Ad-
ministrator, said in making the appointment
that General Maxwell was the best man he
could find who had lengthy experience in
R. & D. work.
The :,,ob Bain holds pays $24,500 a year,
Which is not considered high by industry
standards for a project like the supersonic
transport.
General Maxwell, 48, is presently com-
mander of the Air Force Western Test Range
at Vandenberg APB, Calif. Among his re-
search and development activities was serv-
ice as chief military coordinator in devel-
opment of the Boeing B-52 bomber.
He is a former chief of staff of USAF
Systems Command, and in 1963 was chair-
man of the aircraft committee of Project
Forecast, which. included analysis of future
Air Force needs for transports. For 5 years
he was chief of the bomber aircraft division
at Wright-Patterson AFB. General Maxwell
flew 44 missions as a Martin B-26 pilot in
World War II, and was executive officer of the
386th Bomb Group in the European Theater
of Operations.
He holds a mechanical engineering degree
from the University of Tennessee, a masters
degree in aeronautical engineering from
Princeton University, and is a graduate of
the War College.
Industry sources are avoiding any public
comments on the merits of General McKee's
bringing a fellow Air Force officer into the
supersonic transport program. The airlines
are particularly anxious to see to what ex-
tent General Maxwell will seek their ad-
vice.
"The supersonic transport must be de-
veloped in a fish bowl, without any secrecy,"
one airline officials said. "The airlines do not
buy off-the-shelf aircraft. Each one, even
though it is a basic model, must have fea-
tures desired by the individual carrier."
At present, FAA sources said, the only part
of the supersonic transport still covered by
Defense Department security is performance
and interior technology on the engines.
Bain told Aviation Week & Space Tech-
nology that he felt now was the most op-
portune time for him to resign.
"When I took this job in 1963, I had no
intention of seeing it through to the end,"
Bain said. "My job was to pull everything
together and get It headed forward in good
order. That has been done, and the pat-
tern for the next 18 months is set. So I
feel it is a good time for me to step out."
Industry officials who have worked closely
with Bain acknowledge that he has kept the
program working smoothly and that schedule
deadlines have been met. The main point
of disagreement between himself and the
industry has been over the eventual produc-
tion of flying prototypes?the industry want-
ing two and Bain insisting on one.
"We in the industry know that the best
airplane and engine always comes from an
Intense competition," one airline official said,
"but recognize that Gordon might have had
a tough time convincing the Government
that the added expense * * * was justified."
Bain's leading role in the program also was
affected when President Johnson named De-
fense Secretary Robert S. McNamara to head
a special advisory committee whose recom-
mendations led to the recent phase 2C re-
search decision.
Spokesmen said it was apparent during
negotiations on the phase 2C contracts that
Bain was not in complete agreement with
the order to continue research for another
18 months.
"We cannot expect delivery of a U.S. super-
sonic transport now before 1975," one indus-
try spokesman said. "But Gordon agreed
with those of us v,ho know we could have it
ready by 1973."
THE THEORY THAT THE VIETNAM-
ESE COMMUNISTS ARE BASIC-
ALLY ANTI-CHINESE
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, we are
frequently assured by those who urge an
American withdrawal from Vietnam
that our withdrawal will not result in
turning Vietnam and southeast Asia over
to the effective political control by Pei-
ping. We are told that the Vietnamese
Communists are basically anti-Chinese,
that Ho Chi Minh is basically another
Tito, and that the most effective way of
assuring the continued independence
over Vietnam from Peiping would be to
turn the entire country over to the con-
trol of the so-called Nationalist Com-
munists.
Mr. President, I believe that the most
effective answer to those who entertain
these theories was recently given by the
Chairman of the Presidium of the Na-
tional Liberation Front of South Viet-
nam, in a letter to Mao Tse-tung. This
letter was broadcast over Peiping domes-
tic service on August 19. Let me quote
to you the words of the broadcast letter
to the patron saint of the Chinese
Communists:
On behalf of the South Vietnam people
and the NFLSV, and in my own name, I
would like to extend the warmest and high-
est respect to you, the great leader of the
Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese
people. The South Vietnamese people are
deeply inspired by receiving the full and
valuable sympathy and support from the
Chinese Communist Party and the fraternal
Chinese people in their patriotic and just
struggle and war of resistance against the
U.S. imperialist aggressors and their lackeys
and for national independence.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have this inserted into the
RECORD at this point, the entire text of
the letter from Nguyen Huu Tho to Mao
Tse-tung.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, RS follows:
[Communist China, International Affairs,
Aug. 20, 1965]
NFLSV CHAIRMAN'S LETTER TO MAO TSE-TUNG
Chairman Mao Tse-tung recently received
a letter from Nguyen Huu Tho, Chairman of
the Presidium of the NFLSV Central Com-
mittee, thanking the Chinese people for their
support to the South Vietnam people in
their struggle against U.S. imperialist ag-
gression, At the same time, Chairman Liu
Shao-chi, NPC Chairman Chu Te, and Pre-
mier Chou En-lai also received letters from
Comrade Nguyen Huu Tho. The letters were
hand delivered to Premier Chou En-lai by
Tran Van Trung, head of the NFLSV perma-
nent delegation to China, on August 12.
The full text of Chairman Nguyen Huu
Tho's letter to Chairman Mao Tse-tung reads:
SOUTH VIETNAM,
June 1 , 1965.
CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG OF THE CCP
CENTRAL COMMITTEZ.
DEAR CHAIRMAN: On behalf of the South
Vietnam people and the NFLSV, and in my
own name, I would like to extend the warm-
est and highest respect to you, the great
leader of the Chinese Communist Party and
the Chinese people. The South Vietnam
people are deeply inspired by receiving the
full and valuable sympathy and support from
the Chinese Communist Party and the fra-
ternal Chinese people in their patriotic and
Just struggle and war of resistance against
the U.S. imperialist aggressors and their
lackeys and for national independence.
The historic statement issued by you on
August 29, 1963, on the South Vietnam ques-
tion is of great significance to the revolu-
tionary cause of the South Vietnam people.
It also demonstrated once again the close,
solid militant friendship between the Chinese
and South Vietnam people, and has strength-
ened further our solid strength to defeat the
U.S. aggressors.
To avoid its inevitable defeat in South
Vietnam, U.S. imperialism is exerting great
efforts to intensify its war of aggression
against South Vietnam, has dispatched to
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August 31, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE
lack of education, lack of love, have little
chance of rising above the culture of de-
spair.
Birth control does not solve all the prob-
lems of poverty. But it does help the poor
regulate the growth of their families. Ex-
penses are cut. The health of the mother
improves because she isn't having too many
children too quickly. The fear of bearing
another child, who might mean increased
poverty, diminishes.
The costs of unwanted and unplanned chil-
dren are immeasurable. The human suffer-
ing caused by and to them and the financial
strain on the family and community are
more than we realize. Among low income,
low educated parents surveyed recently, 54
percent of their children were unplanned and
unwanted. For every 100 patients visiting
a planned parenthood center in 1962: 66
have incomes of $74 or less per week; 33 are
on welfare or have incomes of less than $50
a week; 78 are less than 30 years old; 21 are
less than 20 years old; and 69 have three
children or less.
What are the economic aspects of in-
creased population in the United States?
1. Increasingly, we may expect our rapid
increase in numbers to burden, rather than
accelerate, our economy.
1. Increased expenditures?mostly public
funds?needed to supply schools and colleges,
health facilities, housing, water supplies,
transportation, power, etc., for the expanding
population will mean a substantially higher
tax burden and bigger government.
3. This year 4 million new babies will be
born in the United States, and betWeen 15
and 20 percent of all tax revenues will have
to be spent simply to give them basic
services.
4. The U.S. Office of Education estimates
that Americans spent $32 billion last year
on schooling?three-quarters of it from tax
funds.
What must be done to meet this challenge?
1. Research on a far larger scale must be
supported on the biological and medical as-
pects of human reproduction so improved
methods of fertility control are developed.
2. The American people must be informed
ca: the enormous problems inherent in un-
checked population growth here RS well as
abroad.
3. A sense of responsibility must be devel-
oped concerning marriage and parenthood,
including the responsibility of bringing into
the world only those children whom parents
want and are prepared adequate to care for
and educate.
4. Existing knowledge about birth control
at low or no cost must be made available to
those who need and wish such information
and guidance.
The Federal Government has spent mil-
lions of dollars in research so that the health
of the world could be improved. The effec-
t,veness of our federally financed research in
cooperation with private enterprise has been
60 effective that we have now virtually elim-
inated many of the killer diseases and our
death rate is now very low. Now our public
health officials must concern themselves with
the increase in population which threatens
the health and well-being of many millions
of people.
In my judgment, action is required. I
suggest:
1. Public health organiations at all levels
of government should give increased atten-
tion to the impact of population change on
health.
2. Scientific research should be greatly ex-
panded on (a) all aspects of human fertility;
and (b) the interplay of biological, psycho-
logical, and socioeconomic factors influencing
population change.
3. Public and private programs concerned
with population growth and family size
should be integral parts of the health pro-
gram and should include medical advice and
services which are acceptable to the individ-
uals concerned.
4. Pull freedom should be extended to all
population groups for the selection and use
of such methods for the regulation of family
size as are consistent with the creed and
more of the individuals concerned.
Recognizing that the population problem,
nationally and internationally, has become a
serious crisis, we must determine a course of
action. I recognize that a great deaiof work
has already been done by the drug firms
throughout America and other interested
organizations. Nothing should be done to
detract from their achievements. In fact, we
should compliment their efforts.
Our public health officials should fully
utilize the devices and information that are
now available. It is my understanding that
even though our law provides that money can
be used for family-planning services, few
agencies use it. Our officials must face up to
their responsibilities.
We must mount an educational program
that will inform the American public of the
wisdom and advisability of planning parent-
hood. There has been substantial informa-
tion and know-how collected. It intist now
be used.
Mr. Chairman, the meetings that we have
held have been most informative and most
valuable. I am hopeful that the great reser-
voir of knowledge that has been pulled to-
gether will be used by the Federal Govern-
ment and State governments in their efforts
to meet these population problems and the
problems experienced by our individual citi-
zens who must concerfi themselves with the
need for planning their families. I have
appreciated serving on this committee and am
grateful for the opportunity of presenting
this statement.
THE SUPERSONIC TRANSPORT
PROGRAM
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, two
articles published in the August 30, 1965,
issue of Aviation Week demonstrate a
continuing concern over the future of
the civilian agencies of our Government,
especially the FAA.
The military takeover is continuing at
a steady pace and again should be an
item of national discussion. The two
articles are well written and of Senate
interest, and I therefore ask unanimous
consent that they may be printed in the
RECORD at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CONGRESS To APPROVE 8$T MONEY REQUEST?
MAJOR OPPOSITION UNLIKELY, I3UT PROTEST
BUILDS ON APPOINTMENT OF USAF OFFICER
'CO HEAD FAA PROGRAM
(By George C. Wilson)
WASHINGTON. --Congress within the next
few days will approve President Johnson's
request for $140 million in fiscal 1968 funds
fur the supersonic transport program but
not without protesting what some Members
contend is militarization of the Federal Avi-
ation Agency.
Chairman, GEORGE H. MAHON, Democrat,
of Texas, of the House' Appropriations Com-
mittee, told Aviation Week & Space Tech-
nology there was no significant opposition
in the House to the President's supersonic
transport money request. "I think people
am sold on the idea that this supersonic
transport is desirable. I think it will be a
routine thing" to get House approval.
But a protest is building in the Senate, led
by Senator VANCE BATLIKE, Democrat, of In-
diana. He said lie is "very disturbed" over
the imminent replacement of Gordon Bain,
21529
deputy administrator for supersonic trans-
port development, by an Air Force general
and intends to make an issue of it when the
money request reaches the Senate, if not
before. , Senator HanicE objected to the
naming of USAF Gen. William 1'. McKee (re-
tired) as FAA administrator on grounds it
amounted to militarizing the civilian agency
(Aviation Week & Space Technology, June
28, p. 31).
WEATHERS ATTACK
Although General McKee weathered this
attack and was confirmed, the whole ques-
tion will be raised again because General
McKee has announced that USAF Brig. Gen,
Jewell C, Maxwell will replace Bain.
To blunt expected criticism of militariza-
tion of the FAA, General McKee told the
Senate that while General Maxwell was join-
ing the agency another general was leaving
It?USAF Maj. Gen. M. S. White, Federal air
surgeon. Dr. Peter V. Siegel, a civilian who
has been serving as Chief of the FAA Aero-
medical Certification Division at the Office
of Aviation Medicine in Oklahoma City, will
replace General White.
Senator IlmarNE contends that the arrival
of, General Maxwell end departure of General
White do not balance out because of the
overwhelming importance of the civilian
supersonic transport program. He has asked
General McKee why the title oil the job to be
held by General Maxwell has been changed
from deputy director for supersonic transport
development, to "director, supersonic trans-
port program."
Other questions Senator HARTKE has asked
General McKee by letter to answer are: "Why
was a military man selected for this position?
Was any search made for a civillan to fill this
position? Is any civilian technically com-
petent and qualified to fill this important
position? Is there any civilian in the avia-
tion industry technically competent and
qualified to fill this position? is there any
civilian in any of our aviation engineering
schools, such as Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, California School of Technology,
Purdue or others, who could fill this posi-
tion? Is it considered necessary that a mili-
tary man take this post? If 60, should the
supersonic transport development program
be transferred from the Federal Aviation
Agency to the jurisdiction of the Pentagon?"
Chairman A. S. MIKE MONRONEY, Democrat,
of Oklahoma, of the Senate Aviation Sub-
committee, who has championed the super-
sonic transport in the Senate in the past,
said, "I don't expect a flap" over the replace-
ment of Bain by General Maxwell. Whether
there will be a sizable fight when the $140
million appropriation reaches the Senate
floor, or before, depends on how much sup-
port Senator HARTKE recruits.
The House Appropriations Committee will
lump the $140-million for the supersonic
transport with. other Presidential requests for
fiscal 1966 supplemental appropriations.
The whole bill will be voted within the next
few days. Then it goes to the Senate special
subcommittee for supplemental requests,
headed by Senator JOHN 0. PairroRE, Demo-
crat, of Rhode Island. Senator MONRONEY is
on this subcommittee and probably will de-
fend the supersonic transport money request
when it reaches the Senate door. Because
'Congress is pushing hard to get the money
bills out of the way so it canadjourn as soon
after Labor Day as possible, the supplemental
appropriations will reach a vote in the Sen-
ate a few days after it clears the House. No
separate bill authorizing the supplemental
appropriations is required as in most regular
Money bills.
HARTKE'S roiroti
Although the supplemental. appropriation
for the supersonic transport is entirely sepa-
rate from the question of whether the ap-
pointments of Generals McKee and Maxwell
threaten to militarize the FAA, the debate on
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August 31, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 21531
South Vietnam tens of thousands of U.S.
troops and some troops of its vassal countries,
and has continuously extended the bandit
war to North Vietnam. At the same time,
it has spread the so-called unconditional
peace talks tricky offer, attempting to de-
ceive world opinion and to cover up its true
aggression and bell1c,ose nature. However,
the NFLSV Central Committee's five-point
statement issued on March 22, 1965, has
pointed out that the South Vietnam people
are convinced that no frantic schemes, no
tricky arguments, and no modern weapons
and troops of 'U.S. imperialism and its vas-
sals could make the 14 million patriotic
South Vietnam people submit or shake their
will to fight and win.
With the wholehearted sympathy and
thorough support of the great 650 million
Chinese people, the people of the various
socialist countries, and all the peace-loving
people throughout the world, our people in
South Vietnam are resolutely taking up arms
with the determination to fight to the last
drop of blood in driving U.S. imperialism out
of South Vietnam, liberating South Vietnam,
and unifying .the fatherland in order to con-
tribute to the national liberation and the
defense of peace in southeast Asia and the
world.
Our people in South Vietnam exceedingly
admire the indomitable revolutionary spirit
of the Chinese people, whom we follow as
an example. The Chinese people, under the
brilliant banner of the GCP which regards
the people as master, have victoriously
carried on long-term resistance and, with
their brilliant example, inspired all the op-
pressed people throughout the world to wage
the struggle for their liberation.
Now, the Chinese people are building a
prosperous and strong China through their
laboring efforts and lofty spirit on self-reli-
ance, and making an important contribution
to the lofty causes of revolution of the
world's people and of world peace.
The people of South Vietnam feel a great
joy over all those brilliant achievements of
the CCP and the great Chinese people and
sincerely convey their wishes to the CCP and
the Chinese people under your wise and bril-
liant leadership for still more brilliant suc-
cesses.
I wish to take this opportunity in behalf
of the people in South Vietnam and the Cen-
tral Committee of NFLSV in expressing my
most sincere gratitude to you and wishing
the best of health.
NGUYEN Huu THO,
Chairman of the Presidium of the Cen-
tral Committee of the NFLSV.
THE LOWER COLORADO RIVER
BASIN WATER PLAN
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, in the
last several days a number of distin-
guished California citizens, public serv-
ants of my State in various fields, have
testified before the House Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs in favor of
legislation to provide for a Lower Colo-
rado River Basin water plan. The whole
southwest area is in dire straits with re-
spect to the problem of water in the
future. I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in RECORD at this point the state-
ments by the attorney general of Cali-
fornia, Thomas C. Lynch; Northcutt Ely,
special counsel for the Colorado River
Board of California, and six Agency
Committee of California Water Users;
and the joint statement of W. S. Gookin,
I. P. Head, W. E. Steiner, D. E. Cole, and
W. D. Maughan; the individual state-
ment of D. E. Cole, chief engineer of the
No. 160-10
Colorado River Board of California; and
the Colorado River Basin seven-State
consensus.
There being no objection, the state-
ments were ordered to be printed hi the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY CALIFORNIA ATTORNEY GENERAL
THOMAS C. LYNCH, APPEARING AT THE RE-
QUEST OF GOVERNOR EDMUND G. BROWN,
BEFORE THE ROUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR
AND INSULAR AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON, D.C.,
AUGUST 24, 1965
Mr. Chairman, my name is Thomas C.
Lynch. I am the attorney general of Cali-
fornia. I have the honor to appear not only
in that capacity, but at the request of the
Governor of my State, Edmund G. Brown.
He wants me to tell you that he would be
here today but for the aftermath of the last
two tragic weeks in our State. He wants me
to tell you that he wholeheartedly and en-
thusiastically supports the legislation offered
by 37 Representatives in Congress and by both
California Senators.
I assure you that a California consensus?
es close to unanimity as you Will find in a
State of nearly 20 million people?supports
the Governor in that position.
That position is urged by the Colorado
River Board of California, a State agency
whose members are nominated by the public
entities which have Colorado River water
rights: The Metropolitan Water District of
Southern California, the Department of Wa-
ter and Power of the City of Los Angeles, the
San Diego County Water Authority, Impe-
rial Irrigation District, Palo Verde Irriga-
tion District, and Coachella Valley County
Water District. Each of these public agen-
cies supports the pending bill.
Likewise, it has the most earnest support
of our sister State?our historic water an-
tagonist With whom we are now in agree-
ment?Arizona. It has the support of Ne-
vada, which has a community of interest
with both Arizona and California. It has
the support in principle of the U.S. Govern-
ment, expressed by the Bureau of the Budget
and the Secretary of the Interior.
I hope and I believe that this legislation
will come to have the strong support of other
regions: the States of the upper Colorado
River Basin and Western States outside the
Colorado River Basin which may be benefited.
It deserves the support of the entire Nation.
The most immediate benefit will be to the
Lower Colorado River Basin, whose problems
produced this agreement after decades of
embittered and futile combat. Benefits, less
immediate but fully as substantial, will later
accrue to areas adjacent to the Colorado
River Basin. The precedent and the princi-
ple mark a legal and political breakthrough
as important as any new scientific discovery
in man's fight against drought.
I was delighted to learn on Friday that
representatives of the seven Colorado River
basin States had agreed on basic principles
for regional legislation. This is good news
for the entire Nation.
The seven-State accord is a second great
step toward making regional water develop-
ment a reality. This accord will be as sig-
nificant as the original agreement between
Arizona and California which established
unity among the lower basin States?Arizona,
California, and Nevada?earlier this year.
Many problems remain, but they will also
yield to the constructive spirit with which
the seven States have approached their prob-
lems. I am sure this committee will give
thorough attention to the unresolved prob-
lems as the hearings progress, I should like
to confine myself to the very significant sub-
jects on which there now appears to be a
meeting of the minds.
The lower basin agreement which has
united Arizona, California, and Nevada is, as
I am sure everyone in this room fully realizes,
an astonishing development. It came about
when men of good will from all over the
Colorado River basin became fully aware
that the interests of our region can be served
only by agreement and not by combat. We
shall all face a continuing struggle and
problems far more serious than anyone could
have realized in 1952 when Arizona and Cali-
fornia squared off against each other for the
fourth time in the U.S. Supreme Court. Now,
'our struggle is against nature. It is a strug-
gle we can win if we are all together; which
we shall surely lose if we are divided.
I had the privilege of watching the agree-
ment happen. I shall tell you about it in
some detail, because the time has come for
further agreement?this time in the Congress
of the United States. We look to this com-
mittee to fashion a final agreement which
will serve the West and set a pattern for the
rest of the country which is reaching the
limits of available water, and which must
eventually turn to regional planning as the
basis of regional accomplishment.
I became attorney general of California
at the beginning of September 1964. The
constitution of California imposed on me the
responsibility of representing California in
interstate litigation. I was told by some
that the problems of the Colorado River were
insoluble. The U.S. Supreme Court had
entered a decree in Arizona v. California the
preceding March. The decree had not set-
tled the problems of the Colorado. It had
only framed some of the issues for renewed
combat. I made it my first business to study
the Colorado problem intensively. I have
continued to do so. I discovered that these
reports were in substance correct. Winston
Churchill once described Russia as "a riddle
wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." He
might well have been speaking of the
Colorado.
The decree concluded one of the greatest
trials in history. The purpose of the suit
was to answer yes or no to the question posed
in 1952 by the State of Arizona: Is there
water to supply the Central Arizona project?
The decree failed to answer that question.
Instead, it answered two others: First, how is
7.5 million acre-feet per year of consumptive
use from the main river to be divided among
Arizona, California, and Nevada? It is to be
divided 2.8 million to Arizona, 4.4 million to
California, 300,000 acre-feet to Nevada.
Second, how is water in excess of 7.5 mil-
lion acre-feet to be divided among them? It
is to be divided equally between Arizona and
California, except that the Secretary of the
Interior may by contract give 4 percent of
the excess to Nevada, coming out of Arizona's
50 percent.
Lest there be any doubt, I repeat what
my predecessor said, "We accept those deci-
sions. We do not ask Congress to change
the Court's decree."
Unfortunately, these omit the major ques-
tion which requires an answer: How Is less
than 7.5 million acre-feet to be divided?
Engineering opinion was unanimous that ul-
timately there would be no excess over 7.5
million acre-feet for the three States. In
time, them will be less than 7.5 million acre-
feet. But the court expressly refused to de-
cide how a supply of less than '7.5 million
acre-feet would be divided. The court left
that question to be decided by the Secretary
of the Interior or the Congress.
There are two limitations on the Secre-
tary's power: (1) "Present perfected rights"
must be given interstate priority by the Sec-
retary before he allocates the remaining wa-
ter among the States. (2) The court will re-
view the Secretary's exercise of discretion.
However, the quantities of "present perfect-
ed rights"?those exercised by use prior to
1929 when the Boulder Canyon Project Act
became effective and all Federal rights exist-
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21532 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE August 31, 1965
lug on that date--are left to future agree-
ment or litigation. The standards by which
secretarial discretion is to be controlled are
otherwise unspecified.
As an alternative to a secretarial alloca-
tion, Congress can enact legislation provid-
ing for allocation of shortages if the main
river supplies less than 7.5 million aere-feet.
The court left unanswered the question
Arizona had in effect asked the Supreme
Court: "Is there water for the Central Ari-
zona project?"
It left unanswered the question we in
California face: "Is there to be a disastrous
exception to the historic rule of law through-
out the West that water is never taken from
existing projects to supply new projects to
be built in the future?" We thought there
could be only one answer.
There was no possibility whatever that
Arizona could be expected to yield that
which Arizona had sought for a generation,
and for which her need is increasingly great:
the Central Arizona project.
There VMS no possibility whatever that
California would yield water used by her
projects in order to build the Central Ari-
zona project, except as a decree by the Su-
preme Court had so determined. The
Supreme Court had expressly and unani-
mously rejected the Special Master's recom-
mendation that proration of shortages with-
in the 7.5 million acre-feet should be im-
posed on the States. We demanded, as we
had to, protection of existing projects. The
Arizona Legislature twice sought the tame
protection for Arizona's existing projects.
Secretary Udall had suggested in two suc-
cessive regional plans a way to avoid the
hard question to which the answer appeared
so ruinous to Arizona or California. Our
entire region is indebted to his inspiration,
stimulated I am sure by the dreadful re-
sponsibility the Court had thrust on him to
destroy either the hopes of Arizona or the
existing projects of California.
The resource of the Colorado is water.
Water generates power. Power generates
money. And through money the water sup-
ply can be made to replenish itself. Imports
of water can avoid Shortages in the 7.5
million acre-foot quantity. Water users in
both States would be made whole to the
extent of the decreed allocations out of that
7.5 million acre-feet.
The two Pacific Southwest water plans
could not, however, overcome the handicap
of lack of time,. Arizona's need for a Central
Arizona project was immediate and urgent.
Investigations, engineering, and economic
studies were necessary for a project to im-
port water to replace Colorado River water
exported to central Arizona. All three take
substantial time, even on a crash basis. My
State resisted--it had to resist--a Central
Arizona project which would deplete the
water available to California projects so long
as replacement of that water was only a
hope or a promise.
After several months of study, I attended
my first public meeting devoted to this un-
happy dilemma,. It was called in December
by the Southern California Water Confer-
ence. Representatives from all over the
Colorado River Basin were present.
There was h serious?even grimly somber
mood?of men patiently willing to state and
restate without rancor their deeply held po-
sitions. Theirs was a firm determination
not to compromise or suggest compromise in
matters essential to survival.
Californians protested they did not insist
upon 4.4 million acre-feet from the Colorado
and also water from some alternative source.
But they could not yield that 4.4 million
until the alternative source had been
achieved. That would take time. "
Californians also recognized Arizona's need.
They did not want to insist that Arizona's
overdrawn groundwater basins continue to
be pumped without respite until a great
regional plan to replace the central Arizona
project supply could be readied for adoption
as a whole. But they were determined to de-
fend California's 4.4 million acre-feet.
At the end of the conference, this ques-
tion emerged:
Is it possible to estimate the shortage in
the Colorado River supply and provide for
priority of existing projects until an im-
port of water to make up that shortage has
actually been achieved?
Next day, Secretary Udall came to Los
Angeles. While the California group was
waiting to meet with him, the question was
put to the chief engineer of the Colorado
River board. He estimated the probable ul-
timate shortage at 2.5 million acre-feet.
That consists of 1.5 million acre-feet an-
nually which the Mexican Treaty assures
to Mexico, and about 1 million acre-feet of
annual channel and reservoir losses between
Lee Ferry?where the lower basin begins?
and the Mexican boundary. You can see that
unless 2.5 million acre-feet is imported, the
7.5 million acre-feet annual average?which
article III(d) of the Colorado River com-
pact requires to be delivered at Lee Ferry?
will provide only 5 million acre-feet of con-
sumptive use.
Would it be possible to assure protection
for existing .projects until at least 2.6 mil-
lion acre-feet was imported into the main
river?
Stewart 'Udall gave a cautiously affirmative
reply. This inspired negotiations which re-
sulted in the legislation before you.
In the first week in February, Senator
KUCHEL offered S. 1019 in the U.S. Senate.
Counterparts were offered in the House, and
Senator HAYDEN has said that he will press
for prompt passage in the Senate if one of
these counterparts is passed by the House.
I shall not try to discuss the details of the
bill. I shall point out only how it answers
the hardest questions.
First, it gives the same protection to ex-
isting projects of all three states, Arizona,
California, and Nevada, except that Cali-
fornia is limited in that protection to 4,4
million acre-feet. If there is less than 7.5
million acre-feet, shortage will be borne by
the Central Arizona project before existing
projects are forced to cut back. The 4.4
limitation on California exists because only
California's existing projects use more than
the quantity decreed out of the first 7.5 mil-
lion acre-feet available each year from the
river.
You would suppose that this was not a
matter of consequence to Arizona projects,
since Arizona's uses plus Central Arizona
project use will be substantially less than
Arizona's 2.8 million acre-feet. In fact, the
problem was of universal concern. As I have
Said, Arizona's Legislature has twice sought
protection for Arizona's present projects
against demands of the Central Arizona proj-
ect. This bill makes that principle applicable
to both sides of the river, and to all three
States.
Second, the bill makes it unnecessary to
provide an answer to the truly unknown and
unknowable "ultimate water supply" avail-
able from the Colorado. That requires study
of hydrology and law. The law is the Colo-
rado River compact which only the Supreme
Court at the end of another 10 years of
litigation may definitively construe. We
must avoid that path. This bill requires an
answer only to the easy question. How much
water is probably available to the lower basin
until imports from other regions become
available? That question, I am assured, can
be anewered: Enough to instill, the Central
Arizona project for immediate authorization
and construction on these conditions. That,
I am sure, will be the subject of engineering
testimony and evidence before you.
Third, the bill makes it unnecessary to face
the cruelest dilemma ever imposed by man
or nature on a great region: Either to go on
letting temporarily unused upper basin water
flow down the river, unused, to the Gulf of
California; or put it to use with projects
which must be abandoned when the upper
basin requires that presently weenie(' water
to which it has a guaranteed right by com-
pact. This bill uses that wasted water for
its best purpose ?a temporary resource to be
replaced by imports.
Fourth, this bill gives every State and
every region a continuing incentive to make
the regional plan work. Arizona and Cali-
fornia both need fax more water than they
can expect from their shares of 7.5 million
acre-feet. This bill gives both States an
equal interest in the excess above 7.5 million
acre-feet which must be provided. It gives
the maximum assurance now possible that a
choice between an empty Lake Powell in the
upper basin or an empty Lake Mead in the
lower basin need never be made.
I will conclude by telling you that there
is still some controversy about the bill in
California. However, it is a happy kind of
controversy. Who is entitled to the most
credit for launching the agreement?
Like victory of any kind, this plan has--I
Should say it has needed?many fathers. We
are still, I think, in the negotiating stages.
I hope that the members of this committee
who are not from Lower Colorado River
Basin States will promptly enter their claims
to joint paternity. We need your support.
I would pay tribute to the three men who
have done more than any others to further
this concept of regional planning. The first
is Stewart Udall, Secretary of the Interior,
who offered two regional plans which con-
tained basic principles of the bills before you.
The second is Governor Brown. First, in
launching the California water plan as the
first major business of his administration,
he demonstrated to the Nation that regional
animosities can be reconciled to the benefit
of mutually hostile antagonists. Second, he
defended Secretary ITdell's plan when Ari-
zona and California would otherwise have
killed the concept with renewal of ancient
hostility.
The third is Senator KUCHEL. He has
provided leadership which has put regional
water problems ahead of party politics, ahead
of interstate hostilities, and ahead of per-
sonal advantage. His bill is S. 1019 in the
Senate. The 37 House bills we heard first, in
this conunitte, because this appears to be the
best and quickest way to get the job done.
Mine is a rare privilege. To travel to
Washington as attorney general of California
and to urge approval on behalf of the Gov-
ernor of California of a central Arizona proj-
ect, with the assurance that I will be well
received when I return to California. I think
you will want to share with me the sense
of great accomplishment that has come to
all of us who have helped fashion the pres-
ent agreement.
STATEMENT OF NORTHCUTT ELY, SPECIAL COUN-
SEL, COLORADO RIVER BOARD OF CALTFORNIA,
AND SIX AGENCY COMMITTLES OF CALIFORNIA
WATER T_TSERS BEFORE THE IRRIGATION AND
RECLAMATION SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE
COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AF-
FAIRS, WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 27, 1963
Mr. Chairman and members of the com-
mittee, my name is Northcutt Ely. I am a
lawyer, a member of Ely, Duncan & Ben-
nett, Washington, D.C.
Last week I had the honor to appear before
you, acoompanying Attorney General Thomas
Lynch of California, in my capacity as spe-
cial assistant attorney general in charge of
the case of Arizona v. California. I shall
therefore not repeat the analysis of that case
given you by Attorney General Lynch, nor
the historical background and statement, of
the issues which Senator Kocher, gave you
on the opening day.
I appear before you today as special coun-
sel for the Colorado River Board of Calif or-
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RECORD ? APPENDIX A4899
August 31, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL
wink and deceive him. In the jungle of life,
he is a tiger without claws.
If the lamp flickers: The fact that a demo-
oatic republic can succeed only to the de-
gree that the electorate is educated was rec-
ognized by the wise and experienced leaders
who founded our system of government.
The Government, from the beginning, has
accepted responsibility for the education of
the people. True, administration of public
education is preferable on a local level where
local needs are better understood, but the
National Government has always stood
watchfully in the background, ready with its
resources to back up and implement local
efforts. Such gestures as the proclamation
of National Literacy Week are bound to be
helpful. This is a way of saying officially
that the American people are aware of the
superlative necessity of assuring to every cit-
izen an equal opportunity of achieving the
best education possible. The consciousness
of the public to the gravity of this problem
cannot be too strongly awakened. The lamp
of learning must not be permitted to flicker.
If it becomes extinguished, all our hopes and
splendid dreams and our vision of a better
life will fall into the abyss of darkness and
futility. As we love our America, this must
never happen.
President Johnson's Position on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EARLE CABELL
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. CABELL. Mr. Speaker, in light
of the continuing controversy over Viet-
nam, I insert in the RECORD an article
that appeared in the Dallas Morning
News on August 12, which deals with
President Johnson's position on this
subject:
[From the Dallas Morning News, Aug. 12,
1965]
PERSONAL REPORT: WASHINGTON
(By Robert E. Baskin, Chief)
President Johnson continues to explain
and discuss his policies in Vietnam. on any
and all occasions, and there are those in
Washington who believe he explains too
much.
However, in the light of Hanoi's attitude
about the conflict of southeast Asia, Mr.
Johnson is well advised to make our inten-
tions as clear as he possibly can.
Most great wars result from miscalcula-
tions.
On two occasions Germany misjudged the
attitude of the American Nation on war in
Europe. Japan, prior to World War II, also
believed that the United States did not have
the stamina to come back from a devastating
blow to its Pacific possessions.
In these cases, the miscalculations were in
large part created by the conduct of dis-
sident American citizens?the pacifists, the
America Firsters, the militant pro-Nazi ele-
ments, the Communists, and all the others
who created disturbances against U.S. sup-
port of the democracies of the world.
In the foreign press the activities of these
organizations gave a distortion of the true
sentiment of this Nation. In totalitarian
lands it is hard to visualize such disturb-
ances as may occur in a democracy, caused
by tiny minorities, without coming to the
conclusion that the Nation is badly divided
on an issue.
This appears to be the case of the ruling
circles of Communist North Vietnam today.
The men of Hanoi have taken note of the
pacifist marchers at the White House and
at the Capitol and the utterances of such
newly emerged foreign policy experts as the
Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King and prob-
ably have decided that Mr. Johnson has a
divided country on his hands.
This conclusion can only add to the deter-
mination of Ho Chi Minh to intensify this
campaign against South Vietnam and, more
important, take the risk of bringing on a
major thermonuclear war.
Peiping, too, appears to be suffering under
the delusion that the United States, as a
whole, is somewhat reluctant about carrying
on the war to preserve the independence of
South Vietnam. The Red Chinese press has
emphasized, in pictures and stories, the ac-
tivities of the "peace at all costs" demon-
strators in Washington and elsewhere.
The leaders of the Soviet Union probably
have a more realistic appraisal of the situa-
tion in the United States, but they evidently
are having a hard time talking realistically
these days to Peiping and Hanoi.
How can the delusion be dispelled?
This is the problem that confronts Mr.
Johnson. The administration knows full
well that the erroneous beliefs in the south-
east Asian Communist capitals must be
eradicated to prevent miscalculation bring-
ing on another great war.
Mr. Johnson has repeatedly stated that the
American Nation is solidly behind our poli-
cies in Vietnam, and there has been every
reason to believe that this is true.
But only this week radicals marched on
the Capitol and created a disturbance that
got bigger headlines abroad than Mr. John-
son's own statements about American policy
and determination.
Mr. Johnson has just concluded a new
round of briefings for Congress, and these
briefings were singularly free of dissent.
Governors, businessmen, and other national
leaders are being kept well advised of devel-
opments in Vietnam. The President seems
determined to remove the chances for a
devastating miscalculation.
But a small handful of the population
continues to demonstrate and agitate against
the Vietnam policy. These demonstrators
have been treated so mildly in this National
Capital that one can only wonder what kind
of special privilege they enjoy. Ordinary
citizens cannot lie down in White House
driveways without - fear of punishment.
Ordinary citizens cannot storm the Capitol
itself and receive such solicitude as the paci-
fists got this week before the police finally
did crack down. Ordinary citizens cannot
block traffic and the sidewalks without pay-
ing the penalty.
But the demonstrations?by strange mis-
fits from our urban areas and certain uni-
versities?continue to go on. And Peiping
and Hanoi watch and listen.
There is a question as to how long our
national authorities can afford the luxury
of extending privilege to these off-beat
people.
Federal Government and Maryland:
Partners in Crime and Vice
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL A. FINO
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, today I
would like to tell the Members of this
House about the combined ignorance of
the Federal Government and the State of
Maryland in keeping gambling in Mary-
land illegal and thus wide open for mob
exploitation. Illegal gambling is a popu-
lar pastime in Maryland?and unfor-
tunately its revenues are not going to the
public treasury, but rather are going to
finance a multitude of organized crime's
enterprises.
The pari-mutuel turnover in Maryland
last year came to $212 million. Illegal
gambling is far more significant in Mary-
land, just as it is nationally. Testimony
before the McClellan committee in 1961
put off-track betting at $50 billion a year
nationally. Other estimates put off-
track betting at about 40 percent of the
national illegal gambling total. This
would make illegal gambling of all kinds
come to about $120 billion a year in the
United States. This figure, of course,
represents total turnover?the same $10
bill can be won and lost many times the
same night, with no economic effect in
the end if you break even, except the bit
clipped off each time by the proprietor.
On a population basis, Maryland's share
of this pational illegal gambling total
comes to $2.16 billion annually. This
may be a very good estimate. Ten years
ago, the Massachusetts Crime Commis-
sion, in pegging Massachusetts' gambling
at about the same figure, said that citi-
zens of that State spend more on gam-
bling than on groceries. Perhaps the
same is true of Maryland. There is no
doubt that illegal gambling is big busi-
ness in Maryland's southern counties.
Inasmuch as the mob gets to keep about
10 percent of the total turnover as profit,
Maryland may be a $200 million a year
tidewater treasure chest for the orga-
nized crime empires.
The way to take gambling revenues
away from organized crime and put them
to work for the people is a national lot-
tery. Only Government-run gambling
can be trusted to keep the profits of the
gambling urge in public hands for public
tasks. The European experience has
shown how the lottery represents social
and financial commonsense. America
needs a national lottery as soon as
possible.
Project Head Start
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. JOHN R. HANSEN
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa. Mr. Speaker,
in its first 3 months of operation, the
Office of Economic Opportunity an-
nounced 260 projects which have affected
every State in the Nation. One of these
programs, Project Head Start, has been
subjected to even more severe criticism
than have the other programs. Appar-
ently our ultraconservative friends would
much rather wait for the deprived chil-
dren involved in this program to grow
into adulthood. Then the problem could
be dealt with by expanding our law en-
forcement agencies and penal institu-
tions.
Recently the Des Moines Register car-
ried a letter from my good friend, Mrs.
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A4900 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX August 31, 1965
Elizabeth Richards, of Red Oak, Iowa, re-
plying to one such criticism. I herewith
submit this letter for the benefit of my
colleagues. You will note that Mrs.
Richard's sophistication on this Matter
stands as evidence of the fact that ber
own community is not lacking in strong
and practical leadership.
The letter follows:
[From the DRS Moines Sunday Register,
July 25, 1964]
MAKES REPLY TO LETTER ON HEAD START
To the EDITOR:
Iowans have a great newspaper in the
Register. Your reporting and prettentatlon
are outstanding for fairness. As a supporter
of President Johnson's programs under OUr
Economic Opportunity Act of 1954, as ooe
vitally insistent on creating respect for VAG
evolutionary piece of legislation, I thank you
for Open Forum's July 18 letter from Dr.
Robinson critical of the preschool Project
Head Start and, for the short enthusiattic
letter printed immediately juicier it sent by
the lady from Thornton who is actually
working in the project.
I wish only one word could have been
difaarent in that lady's testimonial letter.
She called It "the -Government's Project
Head Start" instead of "our Government's
Project Head Start." The success or failure
of these programs is 'to be Ours in our own
local communities independent of, though
cooperating with, oonstiltants and experts in
Washington and Des Moines.
Dr. Robinson 'failed to note that sobool
board members alone cannot accept or re-
ject the sprograms. 'Responsibility for be-
ginning this program will rest with officially
designated community action agencies.
Local citizens from many segments of a com-
munity must plan together with their owii
experts how mu% or how little of the Fed-
eral financial or technical aid their ecassixtu-
nity wants.
There will be little chance for power-
grabbing consultants in the education or
any 'other professional 'field tu take advan-
tage' of the Federal grants.
The cynical approach to the new Federal
framework for breaking poverty cycles is one
that foot-draggers and self-appointed ex-
perts often use. They dread change becatto
new ideas and new people brought into the
situation challenge their status as knoss At-
oll experts.
Iowans ask facts from their newspapers
and their leaders. They will then beprepared
for change and will adapt it intelligently to
their special needs.
WIS. EL/EA/MTN 1t/CHARDS.
An Analysis of the Problem of Right To
Work
EXTENSION OP REMARKS
op
HON. ROGERS C. B. MORTON
OP MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. MORTON. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing analysis by Mr. L. W. Kern, presi-
dent of the Maryland Highways Contrac-
tors Association, dealing with the whole
Problem of right to work is in the public
interest.
Mr. Kern is a member of the board of
directors of the contractors division,
American Road Builders Association.
He serves on their president's council
and is vice chairman of their Bacon-
Davis watchdog committee. I am glad
to include his analysis far the RECORD:
TREE PROBLEM OP RIMY To Wools
(An analysis by L. W. tern, president, the
Maryland Highweys Doritrattors Associa-
tion, 'Inc.)
On :lily 28 another step was taken in the
plan, which step by step, _can be seen unfold-
ing. The House of Representatives Of the
Congress of the United States took its 'final
action in one of the presently proposed two
changes in labor legislation?it voted 221
to 203 to repeal section 14(b) of the Taft-
Hartley Act.
That-act of retrogression seems to indicate
that Many people, including some Congress-
merit who voted for repeal, must have failed
'to realize certain significant fans.
It also warrants this supplement to our
July 20 analysis: "A Stepping-Stone?To-
ward What?"
In weighing the pros and cons of the leg-
*elation which labor unione are demanding,
It must be kept In mind that the labor
unions of today are huge, powerful and
especially-privileged prirate business enter-
prises, engaged in the profitable business of
organizing the unorganized. The tnaor-
ganized are the some 58 million workers
(more than two-thirds of the Nation's work-
force) Who have not chosen, or as yet have
not been forced, to become no organized.
The Cult ent Major Demands of Labor Unions
1. Labor unions are demsorling the repeal
of section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley law.
;,n otlaer wOrds, thole ,private ansin.eas en-
terprises are -demanding (a) the riullillca-
tion of certain legislation (right-to-work
laws) which presently exists In more than
a third of the States, (b) the taking away
from all of the States the right to enact .such
.and (a) the further expansion
of their present exclusive privilege to ,prac-
tice discrimination In the Area of employ-
ment.
2. Labor unions also am demanding the
enactment of legislation (a so-called "situs
picketing" bill) which would give them the
privilege to strike, picket and cause work-
istop-pages at any construction site for the
sole purpose of driving their competition
(both nonunion and/or other unions) off
the job without being in violation, as at
present, of the secondary boycott. In other
words, these private business enterprises are
denaaositng the legalization of the privilege
of using force (the awesome power of the
picket-line with its obvious potential of
sensing emotional outlaursts and violence)
as a legitimate method of eliminating their
competition and billicting compulsory union-
ism upon the construction industry and its
millions of eMployees.
PART E?RIGHT-TO-WORK LAWS
Bight-to-work laws do not 'restrict any priv-
ilege which Federal taw gives to workers
I. Any worker today OEM join any labor
moon of his choice, which will accept him,
without placing his employment in jeopardy.
2. A bare majority of the voting workers
in on appropriate segment of their employer's
personnel can vote into existence a collec-
tive bargaining unit, and elect the labor
union of their choice as the exclusive repre-
sentative of, and collective bargaining agent
for, all the workers in said unit.
3. 'Workers can strike against and picket
their employer for a wide variety of reasons.
Right-to-work laws do not restrict labor
onions in their federally granted privilege
to solicit recognition and represent workers
1. Labor unions can solicit either em-
ployers and eiliployees to obtain their recog-
nition of the labor union as the bargaining
agent for the workers in question.
2. Labor unions so recognized henceforth
are the exclusive representative of, and col-
lective bargaining agent for, all of the em-
ployees in the designated collective bargain-
lug unit including (a) those employees who
may have voted against such representation
and (b) those employees who may not have
had opportunity to vote, as would be the
case when an employer, of his own volition
or because of economic pressure, creates the
oolleetive bargaining unit. (Note: The priv-
ilege to speak for all vote insisted upon by
the labor unions, and contributes greatly to
the 'prestige and political power Wielded by
these private business enterprises.)
It is only in the two areas of "discrimination
in employment" and "financial gain" that
right-to-work laws limit the power of labor
unions
1. The Federal Groverntnenta lows and the
esliote of its agencies permit these private
business enterprises to require (in the ab-
eam* of a State law to the contrary) the
union shop in which employment is condi-
tional upon membership in, alutiorr the pay-
ment of money to, the labor union.
2. To the contrary, right-to-work laws pro-
hibit employment being made conditional
upon membership or nonmembership in,
and/or upon the payment or nonpayment.
of money to, a labor union,
PART 12---TIrE PROPOSED "SITOS PICERTENG" LEG-
ISLATION (LECKIE:ED SECONDARY 130140o-re's)
1. As noted in our basic analysis of July
20, labor unions have the right to picket any
construction site for any purpose other than
the outlawed secondary boycott and do so.
'thereCore, it is obvious that these private
business enterprises are attempting to have
the Congress, in effect, legalize this crippling
action in the construction industry,
2. It may well be that the AFL-CIO has
grown weary of attempting to organize the
unorganized of the construction Industry by
the legitimate and .highly favorable means
now available to all labor unions, or, that
they are finding it increasingly difficult to
sell their services to workers in these days
of Davis-Bacon and other Federal wage con-
trols. In any event, it Is reasonable to as-
sume, twos the reliably repealed statements
of several of its high officials, that this labor
union a private business enterprise, intends
to use the proposed legislation in an attempt
(a) to eliminate its competition, both union
and nonunion, (b) to enforce compulsory
unionism, and, (c) to attain a monopoly
of the construction industry.
3. District 50 (United Mine Workers of
America) realizing that the proposed legis-
lation would be detrimental to its individual
interest, has opposed said legislation, how-
ever, district 50 frankly stated that it will
withdraw its opposition if said legislation is
amended to such an extern as to let it con-
tinge to be an illegal act to picket for the
sole purpose of driving ita affiliates off a job.
4. Secretary of Labor Wirtz was ill advised
in saying that in the construction industry
no one is an innocent bystander and Vint
contractors know "whether union and non-
union men are going to be drawn together
and whether trouble will be the product of
this mixed naarriege." The very nature of
construction work is conducive of such mixed
marriages. Construction of public works
projects is performed under contract provi-
sions which prohibit any discrimination in
the prequalification of bidders, and require
bthidadterard be made to the lowest qualified
5. This proposed legislation undoubtedly
will result in Widespread, cleverly timed, and
crippling strikes, picketing and work stop-
pages. Many imperative school, hospital,
housing, highway, arid other defense installa-
tion projects will be affected. Federal, State,
county, and municipal 'construction time-
tables, budget provisions and tax structures
will be upset.
8. No construction, whether union or non-
union, would be immune. But few contrac-
tors could financially survive the prolonged
periods of enforced inactivity while labor
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August 31, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
Mounting population precipitated an
epidemic dispersal of San Gorgonio's wild
life. Her two tiny lakes have all but gone
dry.
Only one thing remains pretty much as it
used to be in San Gorgonio's recorded his-
tory: Snow. The only mountain in southern
California with a predictable ermine cloak,
San Gorgonio remains the undoubted snow
queen.
Write your Congressma
Blunting 'Viet tong's Goals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN R. HANSEN
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa. Mr. Speaker,
as the ancient and familiar proverb goes:
"Where there's life, there's hope."
Well, there is life?and vigor, and de-
termination, and earnestness in this Na-
tion's commitment to the struggle in
South Vietnam. And today, it seems,
there is hope.
The situation in that war-torn land is
still grave and tragic. There is great loss
of life, serious inStability yet in the po-
litical structure of South Vietnam?and
the continuing aggression of the Viet-
cong, supported by Communist strate-
gists in Hanoi, remains a serious obstacle
to peace there.
But, as the monsoon season draws to
a close, American policymakers are find-
ing encouragement in the fact that the
expected Vietcong offensive was not as
successful as it might have been. Our
Marines have scored a great victory re-
cently, and there is even some optimism
that a hoped-for resolution in the con-
flict may be somewhat nearer.
This is slim encouragement for op-
timism but encouragement there can be
hope, however fleeting, in the events of
recent days.
I am happy to offer for inclusion in
the RECORD an excellent editorial from
the August 24 editions of the Mason City,
Iowa, Globe Gazette. This editorial, en-
titled "Blunting Vietcong's Goals," brief-
ly but competently sets forth some ex-
cellent thoughts on this matter:
BLUNTING VIETCONG'S GOALS
Vietnam still does not reflect a rosy pic-
ture. But perhaps there are faint, flickering
signs of hope.
They're not much. But they are sufficient
to permit a bit of optimism that the Com-
munist-backed Vietcong will not achieve the
victory they have striven for so hard during
the rainy season?when the weather favors
their kind of hit-and-run guerrilla warfare.
The fact is that the monsoon season is
drawing to a close?only a few more weeks
of drumming rain and overcast skies to go.
The further fact is that while the Vietcong
have hit South Vietnam hard, they have not
knocked out the shaky. government.
Another morale booster was the signifi-
cant victory won by U.S. marines in what
was the biggest single engagement of the
conflict. Replacement of such high losses by
infiltration will be slow and costly.
?Nobody close to the scene believes that
anything which has transpired to date will
discourage the Communists from terminat-
ing the hostilities at this time.
But it does mean that the basic strategy
of keeping the South Vietnam Government
as a political entity, while applying military
pressure to show the Reds they cannot
achieve victory on the battlefield, does ap-
pear to be working.
President Johnson's goal, of course, is to
persuade the Communists that they must
forego this battlefield and seek a solution at
the conference table, But there still is no
assurance this will be achieved after this
rainy season?or even the next.
The United States will be in South Viet-
nam, expending lives and military assistance,
for n long time to come. The successes and
trends are still dwarfed by the massive set-
backs during the last 2 years.
Heraldry in America
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. THOMPSON of Texas. Mr.
Speaker, in a previous issue of the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD I inserted a most en-
lightening and interesting article by Mr.
Fessel B. Koepnick on the subject of
Heraldry. I am pleased to place in the
RECORD another article by the same
author:
HERALDRY IN AMERICA
(By Fessel B. Koepnick, Esq., Augustan
Society, Heraldry Society)
Events of recent years, coupled with past
A,merioan history, indicate a sooner or later
surge in the interest of heraldry in America.
Indeed, this interest has already material-
ized. As regards past American history let
us admit that many if not the majority of
the first leaders of our Republic were indeed
armigerous, and many were directly de-
scended from nobility, from President Wash-
ington onward, and including at least several
of the group who landed at Plymouth Rock.
And these many armigerous families have
been regularly augmented through contin-
uing immigration. In fact the backbone of
leadership of our Republic is armigerous.
Nonarmigerous persons know this, even
though they also resent it. Nevertheless,
these same persons themselves aspire to coat
armor, and prove it by their enthusiastic
though ignorant effort to acquire spurious
or illegal so-called family name coats of
arms. Thus, the net result of our now
affluent society.
Sooner or later the matter is going to de-
mand some kind of regulation and con-
formity. Our (successful) trademark,
patents, and copyrights system prove this
sufficiently. It also proves that the matter
can be successfully regulated, although in a
democracy without a fans honorum (foun-
tain of honor) there is the ever-present dan-
ger of politics. Even in England, where the
fountain of honor lies with the Sovereign, the
"new society" has created a situation which
comes dangerously close to politics. The
College of Arms is firm and rigid in the reg-
ulation and control of heraldry by authority
of the Sovereign, and has been for hundreds
of years. Today the "commoner" who is not
armigerous and who attempts to secure a
grant of arms must conform to specific re-
quirements including that of character.
When the applicant is unable or unwilling to
do so he immediately screams foul and if he
has any influence with certain nonarmiger-
ous politicians, one can imagine the turmoil.
Such is the ever-present danger. But, like
any other worthy effort, this must be con-
tended with successfully.
A4905
The events of recent years actually go back
to the early 1920's the period after World War
I, when the Government created the Insti-
tute of Heraldry as a department within the
U.S. Army. One would get the impression
that this agency is purely military and is
purely Army. The facts are not entirely
such. The Institute of Heraldry is respon-
sible for designing, matriculating, issuing,
recording and authorizing blazons for any
and all Government agencies, bureaus and
departments, including the Army and the Air
Force and even the Navy. Consequently,
persons interested in heraldry in America
should not take this agency lightly. While
they have made many mistakes through the
years they, have not been serious, and are
attributable entirely to the limited experience
of early personnel.
Actually, the father of American (military)
heraldry was Col. Robert E. Wyllie, a coast
artillery officer who contributed several
articles around 1923. From that period, there
has been possibly some 10,000 distinctive in-
signia made and used by various Army units.
Admittedly, of this number many were er-
rors. Errors in design, manufacture, tinc-
tures and shape. As time passed, many units
disbanded, reconstituted, reassigned, redesig-
nated, and many even retired. And the In-
stitute of Heraldy is busier today than ever
before because the American Army is in a
very fluid state of continuing change and
reorganization. Mounted (horse) cavalry
has become armored units; infantry has be-
come airborne; armored; rangers; special
forces (guerrilla); coast artillery went to
antiaircraft and now to missiles, and many,
many other such changes. Many units be-
came "cadres" for the creation of entirely
new units:
As a result, the new unit inherited the
blazon of its parent and in some instances
the English system of cadency, was used, in
others the Scottish cadency was used. Cant-
ing is used to admirable success. Symbols
meaningfully used and in regulatory order.
Tinctures concur with the colors of the
branch of arm and/or service, and in canting
as well. The institute encourages the fan-
tastic variation of shapes of the shields which
attempt to make each insignia exactly that
which it is called, that is, distinctive.
All of which indicates the ability of the
Institute of Heraldry, and the necessity of all
heraldic minded persons and organizations to
seek some means of liaison with the agency.
If any effort of our own is to be successful
in our endeavor, then we must go along with
these people. At the moment they are not
Inclined toward specific relations with or-
ganizations or individuals outside of govern-
ment. Our success in establishing contact,
relations, and communications with this
group of personnel will probably have to be
a result of our ability to do so through our
elected Congress and Senate. The time is at
hand to begin such an effort. The effort may
succeed mores? if we can locate and engender
interest with armigerous Congressmen. But
perhaps like a late President who was indeed
of an armigerous family, his greatest effort
and personal success was the result of his
urgent denial of his noble heritage, many
politicians will never admit that they are
other than descendants of immigrant serfs.
Most Americans still glory in claiming birth
in an imaginative log cabin.
Most Americans are not armigerous. Yet if
an applicant, if of good character, he should
be able to engage the services of a competent
herald who will honestly design the appro-
priate blazon for him. It should be regis-
tered under his State trademark or patent
laws. If some national system can be created,
the registry should lie within such central
agency. The net effect of this effort would
be the elimination of the present houses who
peddle spurious and illegal coat armor to gul-
lible individuals may of whom honestly are
seeking an individual blazon.
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A4906 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX August 31, 1965
The Lynch Trial of Marcos Perez
Jimenez
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES B. UTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN Ira, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31,, 1965
Mr. UTI'. Mr. Speaker, under unani-
mous consent to insert my remarks in
the Appendix of the RECORD, I wish to
include an article by Ilarold Lord Var-
ney, who is president and founder of
the Committee on. Pan American Policy.
As such, he has been in the forefront
of the fight to induce Washington to
wage an all-out battle against cominu-
Warn in Latin America. Formerly the
Political editor of American Mercury, he
was also adviser to the Republic of China
between 1947 and 1948.
At the time Perez Jimenez was ache'',
uled for deportation, I lodged a vigorous
protest with the Department of State
against this atrocious procedure. De-
portation had been authorized by the
U.S. Supreme Court, but the final power
lay in the hands of the Secretary of
State.
This was the first time in the history
of this country that deportation was per-
mitted involving a political exile who
had been a former head of state of the
country to which he was being returned.
Perez Jimenez was, sold into bondage
in exchange for a mess of pottage which
quickly soured. This inhuman act by
the Kennedy administration will forever
be a black mark against the self-pro-
claimed high ideals of that administra-
tion.
The article follows:
VENEZUELA: THE LYNCH TRIAL OF Malacca
PEREZ JIMENEZ
left the plane at Mainuetia. After 0
years, I was beak in Venezuela.
Naturally, I was greatly curious to see
the changes which had taken place in that
fabulously rich country. My last sight of
Venezuela had been in the closing months of
the Presidency of Marcos Perez Jimenez, just
before the Leftist revolution which brought
Romulo Betancourt back to power. I had
carried away a vivid impression of a country
bursting with progress under the driving
leadership of the man who has been reeog-
nized, even by his adversaries, as one of the
great Latin American builders of modern
times. What, I thought, had the Detail-
court-Leoni regime done to top Perez Jime-
nez? How had the government's annual flow
of $700 million in oil royalties been spent to
improve Venezuela?
My interest had been whetted by the Ilene:,
just before I left Neve York, that the Ueda
regime had petitioned the United States for
permission to sell $15 million worth of Vene-
zuelan bonds on the American market. Was
it possible that the Betancourt-Leoni Action
Democratica Party was conducting such a
massive public improvement program that
it had overextended itself?
My cab swept me over the magnificient
Autopista toward the capital. That beau ti-
fully engineered highway, literally carved
through the mountains, was planned (met
built by Perez Jimenez. / asked the driver
to continue along San Martin. Boulevard
where the 30-story twin towers of the
Centro Bolivar command the Caracas lamd-
scape? another of Perez Jimenez' projects,
cut through the hovels and slums that for-
merly Jelled the heart of the Venezuelan capi-
tal. In the distance was the imposing Cen-
tral University, surrounded by its beautiful
university city?now a forbidding nest of
Communist student terrorism. The univer-
sity complex, once a great center of learning,
had also been conceived and built by Presi-
dent Perez. In the far distance were the
ferty 15-story apartment houses constructed
by Perez Jimenez to provide inexpensive
housing for the people of Caracas.
We swung onto the stately Eastern High-
way, an eight-lane elevated boulevard which
led to my hotel; that highway too was a mon-
ument to the constructive determination of
Marcos Perez Jimenez. I reached the Tam-
anaco, one of the great hotels of South Amer-
ica, to be told that it had also been planned
and built by the government of President
Perez.
It was saddening to realize that the archi-
tect of all of these public works was now
lying in a Caracas prison, on trial before his
political enemies and thus forced to face
the Initial barrage of political accusatioris.
A good rule to follow when seeking infor-
mation in a Latin American city is to ask
the taxi driver.
"Where are some of the buildings which
have been put up by Betancourt and Leoni?
I asked innocently.
The driver treated me to one of those
Characteristic Latin shrugs, "Nada," he an-
swered, "nothing. Too many hands."
Obviously, the "hands" he had in mind
were those which deliver the democratic
vote to the BetaneOurt-Leoni twosome.
Later, when I was told the facts about the
great armies of leftist, Communist, and dead-
beat henchmen who have been glued into
fictitious government jobs, I began to more
fully tinderetand Where the annual $700 mil-
lion in oil royalties bad gone. I learned that
since the exit of President Perez the public
payroll had snowballed from 900 million bon-
vars per year to a present total of 3 billion
bolivars. A lot of democratic votes can be
kept in line with that kind of money.
Of course, the Action Democratica, when it
talks to Americans, has an alibi: Betancourt
hasn't built public works in Caracas because
he is spending money he rural Venezuela
on agrarian reform. I recalled President Ken-
nedy's visit to the model agrarian communi-
ny of La Merits in 1961, when he shouted
glowingly that Venezuela under Betancourt,
with its agrarian reform, was giving an ex-
ample for all Latin America to follow. I asked
one of my friends to drive me out to La Merits
an that I could check the progress.
"La Merits," my friend bellylaugheel,
"there is no La Merits. It was closed after
Kennedy left, when everybody moved away."
The whole agrarian exhibit, it seemed, had
been only a plant to fool a checkwriting
and impressionable young President into be-
lieving that a great agrarian program was
undereaty.
All of this was not, of course, surprising;
for anti-Communist President Perez
Jimenez's successors?Romulo Betancourt,
and his long-time secretary, Raul Leoni?
are not the sort of men who see anything
wrong in employing graft and fraud if some-
thing is to be had in the process for their
comrades of the left. Remember that
Betancourt, despite his honorary degree from
Harvard, his coming lecture series at UCLA,
end his strange favor with American liberals.
was one of the founders of the Venezuelan
Communist Party; that he was exiled for his
Communist Party activity in 1928, where-
upon he went to Costa Rica to co-found the
Geste. Rican Communist Party with Manuel
Mora Valverde (his brother-in-law). Re-
member, too, that it was Betancourt who
provided the credentials that got Communist
Fidel Castro into and out of Bogota in. 1948,
when Castro was one of the leaders of the
famous Communist butchery of Bogote,.
And we remember ieetancourt's statement,
from the notorious :Barranquilla letters
authenticated by the U.S. military attach?t
Caracas: "With vaseline we may be able to
insert into the people all of Marx and all of
Lenin."
Remember, too, his published letters of the
late thirties, when he wrote for publication
in La Hera of Costa Rica: "It doesn't mean
that I deny my Communist affiliation. I am
and I will be a Communist." Or the Betan-
court letter of September 25, 1934, which he
published in a San Jose newspaper, in which
he said: "I am and always have been a Com-
munist." Or his letter of February 15, 1937,
published in a Caracas newspaper: "It is very
urgent to determine that the necessary
revolution for transforming Venezuela only
can succeed if it is conducted, led, and cen-
tralized by the Venezuelan Communist
Party,"
Today, few will doubt, Romulo Betancourt
is being more clever about his leftist activity.
It is as he wrote to his accomplice Raul Leoni
in one of the captured :Barranquilla letters:
"In case there is any misunderstanding, let
me point out to you here, publicly and openly
that I have been called a Communist. But
1 VI irar we slieuld act in a little more foxy
way at this time to win what we need."
And, what Betancourt and Leoni need they
try to get?through fraud, deceit, terror, or
anything else handy at the moment. They
now need to rid themselves of the threat of
anti-Communist Marcos Perez Jimenez, But
we will have a great deal more to say of that
later in this article.
Throughout my visit to Venezuela, the im-
pression grew that I was in a country in
decadence. Venezuela touched greatness for
a brief moment in the 1950's, before the men
of the left had moved in. Now it is no
longer advancing. It is living upon the fruits
of its past, while the Accion Democratica
plunderblund frantically clutches power and
all its emoluments. The mainstream of the
nation's economy is stagnant.
Of course, no such picture of Venezuela
has penetrated the United States. Popular
articles in the American press, as well as the
fervid speeches of HUBERT HUMPHREY, are for-
ever full of snide references to Betancourt's
having cleaned up the mess left by Perez
Jimenez, To read the highly colored stories
of democratic progress in Venezuela under
Romulo Betancourt, one gets the concept of
a nation humming with achievement and
purpose. Unhappily, there is no such Vene-
zuela. Like La Merite., such descriptive prose
Is a Potemkin exhibit, thrown up by the Ac-
cion Dernocratica and its gullible and leftist
American friends, to convince the United
States that Venezuela, under the left, has
made more progress than under the right.
The Venezuelan people are not impressed by
such hogwash. They knew the bitter truth.
Even in stately Caracas, the scars of the
Accion Democratica years are plainly visible.
I was driven out to see the shanty towns
which ring the city and which shelter the
unfortunates who are not sharing in the
Accion Democratica perquisites. tinder Perez
Jimenez, an energetic housing program was
rapidly eliminating this nightmare. In
Perez's last year, after great effort, he had
been able to reduce the hovels to five thou-
sand dwellings. Now, after 6 years of Betan-
court and Leona they have increased to
100,000?with more appearing daily.
Throughout Venezuela a strangling unem-
ployment stalks the country. There bad
been virtually no unemployment in 1957
when I was there before, yet the latest figures
disclose that there are now some 550,000
unemployed. If the United States, with its
greater population, had the same ratio of
jobless to population, we would have in our
midst a desperate army of 11,500,000 citizens
without jobs?almost the maximum high in
our great depression. And, because of its
great birthrate, 70,000 new potential Vcne-
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NAL RECORD ? AFFE August 31 1965
creepers rear from the flower beds, making a
cool interlocking ceiling against the fierce
sun. Pagodas, scattered throughout the
grounds, give restful spots for leisure and
conversation.
Reclining in a hammock in one of these pa-
godas, Naranjo talked to me about the case.
He has no doubt that he will win it, despite
the stacked deck which confronts him in the
supreme court. He bases his defense upon
the obvious illegality of a political trial for
an extradited former president, under the
terms of the Venezuela-United States Extra-
dition Treaty. Moveover, he cites the fact
that the Venezuelan constitution of 1953
(operative during Perez Jimenez's presi-
dency) specifically prohibits persecution for
crimes committed by a president in the prac-
tice of his public functions. Unless the
court is ready to hand down a kangaroo de-
cision,, Naranjo is confident that the law of
Venezeula stops Lazada at every point.
Of course, there can be no illusion that
this is other than a political trial. Had
Perez Jimenez been willing to come to terms
with the ruling leftists, as Pietri and Lopez
Contreras have done, he would be a free man
today. The left always has an open gate for
apostates. But in the tough Andean nature
of Perez Jimenez there is no touch of the
apostate. He will fight on, at all costs, be-
cause he believes that he is right. He also
believes fixedly that anti-communism, and
not the Betancourt brand of crypto-commu-
nism, is the wave of Venezuela's future.
Of course, the outcome hangs heavily upon
public opinion, both in Venezuela and in
the United States. The Leoni government
wants desperately to liquidate Perez Jimenez;
but It does not dare risk a judicial crime in
the revealing glare of publicity now beating
upon the case. In Venezuela, the balance
of public sympathy has already swung heav-
ily against the Accion Democratica course.
Accion Democratica is straining upon the
limits of the possible.
Meanwhile, in the United States, the pro-
Betancourt bias of most of our press has re-
frained from giving the American people any
clear knowledge of what is taking place in
the Caracas courtroom, and of its likely his-
toric consequences. Our leftists have done
a thorough propaganda job about Venezuela
under the Accion Democratica. So all-out
is the press buildup of Romulo Betancourt
that even some active American conserva-
tives hesitate to stand up and be counted
on the Betancourt issue. They rationalize
their position by saying: "Betancourt has
fought the Communists"?disregarding the
open fact that he has fought only his propa-
ganda rival, Fidel Castro, while advancing his
own brand of "communism under another
name" with impunity. The liberals have
profited richly from this induced confusion
on the part of the right. With the late John
F. Kennedy, they have made Betancourt's
name so holy that no writer who wants to
make a living dares to attack him. And
yet, Betancourt and his Accion Democratica
must be X-rayed and exposed to the Ameri-
can people if there is ever to be reason in our
Latin American policy.
While I was in Venezuela, I was horrified
to read that at that very moment Betancourt
was being honored in New York by an or-
ganization whose leaders bristle with those
cited by the Committee on Un-American
Activities for association with subversive ef-
forts, and that the President of the United
States, himself, had sent a letter to the din-
ner eulogizing Betancourt. It was poetic
justice that, after the President had made
such a gesture, Betancourt insolently tossed
off a speech savagely attacking the John-
son intervention in the Dominican Republic.
It is such an incident as this, blackly head-
lined in the pro-Betancourt press in Caracas;
that gives the fading Accion Democratica a
continued lease of prestige in Venezuela.
Today, Accion Democratica's greatest asset
is the impression that Washington is be-
hind it. The Johnson administration's con-
tinuing policy of support for Betancourt
needs to be stopped. It is alienating non-
leftist Venezuelans. It is intervention in its
most unprofitable form in the politics of a
sensitive country.
Perez Jimenez, the hounded prisoner in
the Caracas courtroom, is undoubtedly the
political key to Venezuela's future. In the
last 3 years he has looked into the very
mouth of hell, and he has not flinched. He
looms today as the one possible leader who
can spark a hemispheric swing to the anti-
Communist right. He has been smeared
unmercifully, and he is still being smeared.
His enemies dismiss him as a playboy, de-
spite his unrivaled achievements. True, he
has none of the dour and unsmiling solem-
nity with which a Betancourt has impressed
an anemic American intelligentsia. Perez
Jimenez is a lover of life, who lives by the
code of his lusty Andean heritage, and mil-
lions of Latin Americans love him for it?
f-or that and for his anticommunism.
In his present exposed situation, it is the
duty of every anti-Communist American to
try to save him. His own Venezuelan people
are trying courageously to pull him out of
the leftist jaws. With Naranjo's eloquent
voice on their side, they may succeed in
doing it on their own. But it would' be a
melancholy spectacle, at this juncture, if
American anti-Communists failed to come
to the support of one who is so conspicuously
fighting the anti-Communist battle in
Venezuela.
Thanks to a thoroughly dishonest press
coverage, many misinformed American con-
servatives are today unknowingly cheering
for the Venezuelan left. The press blackout
Is pervasive. Unless it is answered and de-
feated, it will help to kill the spirit of anti-
communism in Venezuela. The long-range
American anti-Communist purpose has suf-
fered so many withering defeats in late years
that it cannot afford another disaster. It
would be a shameful epitaph upon today's
America to be remembered as the nation
which rescued a Romulo Betancourt when
his own people were rely to spew him out.
Vietnam and the Long View
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK ANNUNZIO
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 31, 1965
Mr. ANNUNZIO. Mr. Speaker, I want
to call to the attention of my colleagues
an article written by Emmett Dedmon,
executive editor of the Chicago Sun-
Times, after a recent extensive tour he
made of southeast Asia. I feel this arti-
cle merits the particular attention of the
Members of Congress because it presents
a whole new outlook and a refreshing
long-range view of the chances for
achieving our goal of peace, not only in
Vietnam, but in all of Asia.
Mr. Dedmon has returned from his
tour with the conviction that Vietnam
represents a defensible position for the
United States but that "we should not
delude ourselves that it constitutes a pol-
icy for Asia." He paints out that East
and West have different histories, dif-
ferent cultures, and in some cases differ-
ent values, making it difficult to achieve
a meeting of the minds as quickly as we
in the West hope to achieve it. The
eastern view appears to be that it will
take at least "10 years or so" before a
significant thaw in relations between the
United States and Red China can be
expected.
It is encouraging to learn from Ded-
mon's report that the predominant feel-
ing in southeast Asia is that the U.S.
presence in Vietnam is not generally re-
garded as a colonial or oppressive
enterprise.
Mr. Dedmon tells us that the southeast
Asian countries feel the U.S. program
would be more effective if it were identi-
fied with long-range social reforms. It
is to this end that consideration is being
given by the United States to establish-
ing an Asiatic Bank and Edward Lans-
dale has been assigned to Vietnam to
help develop a Government structure
capable of bringing about this social
reform.
The article by Mr. Dedmon, which ap-
peared in the Sun-Times on August 29,
1965, follows:
On a wall at Angkor Wat, the great temple
in Cambodia constructed from the 9th to the
12th century, there is a mural showing
Khmer (Cambodian) soldiers fighting off an
invading band of Chams, one of the tribes
who eventually came to be known as the
Vietnamese.
"Yes," said our Cambodian guide with no
trace of rancor, "the Vietnamese people have
always caused difficulties in Asia far out of
proportion to their numbers."
Thus it was on a green plateau in Cam-
bodia, far removed from any evidence of con-
temporary civilization, that I found what was
to be the most relevant commentary during
a summer's pilgrimage to southeast Asia in
search of answers about Vietnam.
Purposefully, I had avoided Vietnam ex-
cept for two brief interludes between air-
planes in Saigon. For I was not interested in
the war, which is in Vietnam, but in the prize
of peace, which is all of Asia.
As I left the United States early in July,
the debate over our policy in Vietnam was
raging lbuder and louder; and, it seemed, to
me, at a frenetic pitch hardly conducive to
sensible mediation about long-range goals of
foreign policy.
It was a relief, then, to find that the din
of the dispute decreased in almost direct pro-
portion to our approach to Vietnam.
Asia has a long history in which war has
never been as neatly codified as we in the
West have done in order to bring orderliness
to the teaching of history. As you stand in
Asia, you begin to understand that it would
never occur to the leaders of these ancient
peoples that any solution would be sought as
quickly as was being demanded in the United
States or Western Europe.
Asia is a land of ancient quarrels. Cam-
bodia, for example, which recently broke off
relations with the United States has even
greater animosity toward its neighbor nation
of Thailand. And Cambodia's dispute with
Vietnam is grounded more substantially in
disagreement over borders resulting from the
historic surge of armies than in ideological
differences with the South Vietnam Govern-
ment.
All these nations recognize both tacitly and
explicitly the American presence in Vietnam
as a buffer against territorial encroachment
by China. And they fear China the nation
much more than China the harbinger of in-
ternational communism.
Many of these peoples trace their ancestry
to early incursions of armies from China. It
is clear that they regard those periods when
Western powers served as a buffer to the giant
from the north to be centuries as near to
tranquility as any they have known.
From their point of view, then, the stale-
mate in South Vietnam is much to be pre-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A4907
euelan workers are reaching Working age
every year, to swell the problem. The Accion
Democratica has no sobs for them.
These grim but inescapable facts have now
worn off the phony luster of the Betancourt
regime. The Venezuelan public is fed up
with the Accion Democratica and its moist
and empty promises. At the last election,
Raul Leoni barely squeaked through, with
but 32 percent of the vote. He rules today
c.nly through a coalition of unstable splinter
parties, known as the Amplia Base. Betan-
court discreetly stays in New York, where he
is lapping up the sort of lionization from
American liberals and leftists that he no
tenger receives in Venezuela. He is also con-
sulted by President Johnson.
Surely, even the merest to can detect in
today's Venezuela the unmistakable signs of
the profound political crisis ahead. If it
comes, it will be the first important instance
of a nation, which has been taken over totally
by the Left, returning by popular choice to
the anti-Communist right.
II
The above supplies a revealing backdrop
to the insane performance which is now
being staged before the Supreme Court of
Venezuela?the attempt to railroad Marcos
Perez Jiminez to a prison term on a manu-
factured charge of corruption. Such an
attempt to immobilize and discredit Perez
Jimenez, and to thus remove him from
politics, is the last desperate gamble of
Betancourt and his weak understudies (Raul
Leone Jovito Villalbas and Rafael Caldera)
to stave off Venezuela's swing to the right.
Perez Jimenez is the only Venezuelan anti-
Communist of stature who is capable of
leading a successful movement against the
leftist Incompetents. The word is out that
he must be destroyed, and now.
The former President would not be in a
prison cell today if it were not for the in-
terference of the United States. An exile
in Miami, Perez Jimenez was caught in the
swirl of the ill-advised intrigues between
President Kennedy and Rornulo Betancourt
in 1961-63. Res nearly certain that Presi-
dent Kennedy on the occasion of 13etan-
court's visit to the White House during
loebruary of 1963, promised to deliver Perez
eimenez to Betancourt on condition that
Betancourt aid the United States against
f'lastro. Since Betancourt was Castro's for-
mer teacher and sponsor, this Was a clever
dodge. The promise was purportedly given
even before the courts had acted, and in
shameless disregard of the hitherto
irn-
breathed American tradition of political asy-
lum. Por 2 years, after the extradition, the
former President lay in a Caracas prison.
His trial opened on April 9.
It is important to understand that in the
eyes of the Venezuelan public the corruption
charge has placed upon Perez Jirnenez little
or no moral stigma. Latin Americans are
used to the mutual bandying of accusations
of corruption when governments fall. In
the case of Betancourt and the Accion Demo-
eratica, the cry of corruption is an old gran-
bit. Certainly Perez Jimenez is not the
iirst victim of Betancourt's false charges
of corruption. Romulo has tried it before.
Back in 1945, when the Accion Democratica
won its first term of power, Bo/nut? Betan-
court followed his victory by indicting two
former Presidents of Venezuela?Eliazar To.
? Contreras and Isaias Angarita- for mis-
use of funds. With them in the dock was a
third defendant, Beier Pietri. They were
found guilty and their property confiscated.
'Mien Perez Jimenez and the military trium-
virate came to power in 1948, although there
were copious grounds for similar accusations
against the deposed Accion Democratica lead-
ers, it was decided to end this vicious circle
of persecution of political adversaries, and
no charges were made against Betancourt.
The confiscated property was restored to Be-
lancourt's three victims.
How lightly Betancourt actually holds his
charges of cerruption is shOWn by the fact
that Uelar Pietri, one of the 1945 defendants,
was taken into the Lconi cabinet in 1964, and
former President Lopes Contreras is now a
highly honored exhibit at all current Accion
Democratica public functions in Caracas.
it appears, however, that Betancourt has
rnede a major mistake in extraditing and
placing Perez Jimenez on trial. He has dan-
gerously miscalculated Venezuelan public
opinion. Instead of discrediting Perez Jime-
nez, the persecution has martyrized him. A
wave of personal sympathy for the former
?accident swept over the country 'while he
was tieing held in prison. Coinciding with
the national Mood of disillusionment with
Betancourt, this mounting pro-Perez Jime-
nez feeling suddenly became a political force.
It has now' begun to panic the leftists.
The data broke on April 9, the day Perez
Jimenez was brought from prison to court.
A miracle occurred. An unorganized and
spontaneous outburst of support for Perez
rocked Caracas. Sympathizers appeared with
brooms and hoses to cleanse the streets over
which his oar would pests on the way to the
Supreme Court building. Thousands lined
the sidewalks. Women and children threw
flowers at the general's car. A roar of "Viva
Perez Jimenez" broke from thousands of
throats, It was the unexpectedness of the
demonstration that made it so strikingly im-
portant. It was as if multitudes of people,
who had silently endured the privations and
sufferings of the Accion Democratica years,
had at last found their collective voice and
were calling for the return of the President
under whom life had been better.
The Accion. Deinocratica regime immedi-
ately realized the importance of stopping
this popular outburst before it endangered
their dictatorship. The seccond day, the
approaches to the supreme court were sealed
oh by a deep line of armed troops. Passes
were required for entrance, and applicants
were screened. A score or so of Perez
Jimenez's followers were placed under arrest
to frighten the demonstrators. Even one of
the Perez Jimenez lawyers, Rafael Perez
Perdoma, was placed under temporary arrest.
The intimidation went further. A Caracas
TV station was courageous enough to place
a strong supporter of Perez Jimenez, Erwin
Berguera, on the air to present the Perez
case. Burguera Was seized by the police and
held in prison for 47 days.
The press Was also intimidated. The in-
fluential Citpriles newspapers had demanded
the liberation of the former President. As
a result, Miguel Capriles, the editor of La
asfera, was arrested and charged With anti-
government activities, and proceedings were
instituted to abrogate the parliamentary im-
munity of one of his editors. To hurt the
exiles press in the pocket book, the Gov-
ernment next indicated to the big American
oil companies that it Weluld be to their ad-
vantage to withdraw their advertising from
riiiipnles. To the shame of America, all com-
plied.
But these-asvful events were overshadowed
by the public registering of names of
Venezuelan citizens demanding Perot
Jimenez's liberation. Friends of the former
President circulated petitions throughout the
country. In order to avoid the suspicion of
fraud, all signers were asked to affix their
identity numbers?a dangerous step in a
country which is a quasi-police state. These
names were printed in full-page advertise-
ments in La Esfera and other newspapers.
To date, approximately 50,000 such sig-
natures have been obtained and published.
They are still pouring in at a mounting rate.
When we examine the published names, an-
other surprising fact strikes us. Although
the names of some distinguished persons ap-
pear, these are not predominantly the Vene-
zuelan elite. Nor are they former jobholders
under the Perez administration. For the
most part, they are the names of ordinary
nonpolitical citizens who have had enough of
Accion Democratica. It is the voice of a broad
cross section of the Venezuelan people. One
highly significant appearance among the pe-
titions is a list of 8,000 trade u nionists. When
realizes that Betancourt and his agents con-
trol the Venezuelan unions with an iron
hand, such a defection is symptomatic.
XI/
Against such a setting, the question assails
us: Can Perez Jimenez secure a fair trial in
the Betancourt courts? Is there a hope of
acquitted? Here we find ourselves in the
world of surrnise. Let us look at the nese en
scene before which the trial is taking place.
The Supreme Court of Venezuela, which is
sitting in full to hear this historic case, is
stacked 'With Perez Jimenez's political en-
emies. It is ironic that, although the stately
supreme court building was erected by Perez
Jimenez, none of his adherents are on the
bench. It is a court which has been made
oyer and handpicked by the leftist regimes
Which have held power since his departure.
The president of the supreme court, Hugo
Ardilla. Bustamente, is an undisguised Accion
Democratica politician. He was the chairman
of the independent committee for Raul Lecmi
in the 1963 presidential election, despite the
strict law that justices of the supreme court
may not engage in partisan politics. Another
Pasties is Gonzalo Barrios, whose brother is
minister of the interior in Leone's cabinet.
Be contains the political police. Perez Jime-
nez's counsel, Dr. Rafael Naranjo Ostty, after
persistent efforts, has succeeded in disqualify-
ing two or three justices who have been par-
ticularly virulent in their anti-Perez Jimenez
bias. But others remain.
The atmosphere in the courtroom is indi-
cated by an occurrence on the first day of
the trial. A woman rose from the spectators'
seats; and interrupted the proceedings with
a screaming outburst of obscenities directed
at the seated Perez Jimenez. When she was
quieted, it was discovered that she was the
sister of Cesar Tinoco Richer, one of the
Justices on the bench. Although, under
Venezuelan law, her offense called for a
prison sentence of 8 days, she was released
without charges.
The prime exhibit of bias in the case is
Attorney General Jose Antonio Lazada, who
is prosecuting the fiasco. Lazada envisages
himself as a sort of native Vishinsky, who
Will come out of the trial with the laurels
of a hanging proseentor. Be has reason to
hate Perez Jimenez. During the latter's
Presidency. Lazada held a minor position un-
der him as consultant of prisons. When it
was discovered that be was spending his time
working for the leftist lied= Demooratica,
Perez Jimenez fired him. Lazada anticipates
Ills revenge in this trial.
But Perez Jimenez also hodds an ace card
in the trial. He is being defended by Vene-
zuela's outstanding advocate, Rafael Naran-
jo Ostty. If Lazada looms as the Vishinsky
of the trial, Naranjo comes as an unpolitical
Clarence Darrow of the Venezuelan bar. All
his life, Naranjo has fought brilliantly for
unpopular causes. As a youth he was im-
prisoned and tortured by Dictator Gomez
for his defense of union labor. An unpoliti-
cal figure, he had no acquaintance with
Perez Jimenez while the latter was Presi-
dent. But when Perez approached him to be
his defender, he was so impressed by the
palpable injustice Of the legal trap which
Betancourt has contrived that he offered to
plead the case without a fee. The clash of
two such contrasting advocates gives moving
drama to the courtroom scene.
I visited ?Naranjo in his unique Shangri-la
home in the heart of the Caracas business
district. Here, too, are his offices. One en-
ters a grilled gate from the crowded street
and finds himself In a tropical retreat.
Scores of toucans and other rare birds of
bright plumage, in their cages, fill the paths
with sound. Giant royal palms, heavy with
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A4909
ferred to any quick solution which might the Vietnamese Government as distinguished meeting to be one where they could talk
lead to an American withdrawal, from the U.S. aid program for southeast at least in part about their mutual problems
The nations of the West, preoccupied with Asia) of poverty, land reform, and mechanization
their own diplomatic and policy objectives, Everywhere there was pessimism about the for their archaic industries and agriculture.
often forget that these smaller nations have possibility of early negotiations to end the Fortuitously, Ahmed Ben Bella was ousted
objectives and historic thrusts of their own, fighting in Vietnam. But if there was pessi- as President of Algeria in June while most
As Mark Gayn observed in these pages a mism, there was no sense of doom about of the delegates were en route to the confer-
few weeks ago: "Asia is now in the throes such a delay. ence and at a time when the machinery of
of the biggest revolution in history. At its No one with whom I talked expected that the conference was very much under Red
heart lies man's protest against the feudal Ho Chi Minh would be persuaded to come to China's control,
yesterday and the hungry today. This revo- the conference table for a period of months? In what is now regarded as an abrupt dip-
lution will last for decades and will envelop or until he was convinced that the United lomatic defeat for Red China, the conferees
most of the countries that lie between the States had the patience and determination voted to postpone the meeting until Novem-
longitude of Moscow and peiping." to stay in Vietnam. They look upon our in- her 5 because of the ouster of the President
Certainly the people of these nations in the creasing troop commitments and aggressive of their host country. The postponed con-
"third Asia" between China and India have tactics in Vietnam, not as many American ference may not be held at all. But if it is
much more to fear from the familiar specter Intellectuals do as a threat to war, but as held, it is a certainty that it will be much
of hunger than from the incomprehensible the only way to the conference table.
patterns of atomic war. less dominated by China and may provide
At the same time, they talked about "10 the beginnings of a long-range area organi-
When Western diplomats speak of the so- years or so" as the period which would prob- zation for these developing countries.
called domino theory which suggests all these ably be required before there was any sig- It will still probably be a headache for the
nations will promptly "fall" if the United nificant thaw in the relations between the United States. As a Western power we will
States should withdraw from Vietnam, they United States and Red China. Nor did this probably come off with faint damnation;
merely perpetuate a myth of uniformity seem to alarm any of China's neighbors. In certain we can hope for no praise.
where there is really diversity. Asia, one was reminded again, they have al- Still, the Nations there (if it is held) will
Although it may not seem so in the light ways been inclined to bet on the tortoise be aware that their independence from
of the test of strength between the great and not on the hare. Chinese domination would not be possible
powers, it is paradoxically true that a con- This suggestion that the solution in Viet- at all if it were not for our presence in Viet-
tinuing American commitment in Vietnam nam is still months away In no way mini- nam. At the same time, we should remem-
is bringing to Asia more stability than in- mizes the American agony over the presence ber they are looking beyond Vietnam,
stability, there of our troops or the dangers of an es- Vietnam represents a defensible position.
These are nations whose great cities have calated war. We should not delude ourselves that it con-
made miraculous postwar leaps directly into Freedom has always required such Corn- stitutes a policy for Asia.
the booming economy of the mid-20th cen- mitments of this Nation, however. We Therefore, as these so-called neutralists or
tury. The tourist in these cities finds him- should not lose sight of the fact we are Afro-Asians come together, we should be sure
self constantly among wide expressways and fighting not to impose our will on others but we look at their meetings as more signifl-
avenues, traitic jams (many of them with to assure a climate in a world grown small cant than mere propaganda forums.
two-wheeled vehicles predominant), neon that will permit our free institutions to Our effectiveness in helping such moderate
signs and air-conditioned office buildings,
survive.
nations as Japan, the Philippines, Thailand,
Though the rural areas still struggle with For this reason, It is doubly important Turkey, Iran, Ethiopia, and Malaysia bring
the slow gait of the water buffalo and cen- that we do not become so obsessed with ex- into being imaginative plans for progress and
tunes-old techniques of farming, they are treating ourselves from an unhappy position reform will In the long run be a lot more
gradually (excluding India and Indonesia) in Vietnam that we forget our objectives. important to our position in Asia than deci-
beginning to rise above the level of bare sub- Those objectives will not be served if we alone over the bombing of North Vietnam.
sistence. The women, who have borne the fail to provide for the development of a
loads of these nations on their backs and in sound civilian government in Vietnam dur- Finally, we should not forget that these
new and emerging nations are in fact thou-
their hands, have even found time to fill the ing any armistice or If we fail to begin a
open windows of their shuttered huts with review of our whole Asian policy. sands of years old. We are bound to make
such frills as brightly colored curtains. mistakes in dealing with them, for we have
As Bill Mauldin suggested in a cartoon last
These people, for whom the material bene- Sunday (and reproduced today) China's ul- different histories, different cultures and in
some cases different values.
fits of the modern world are at last begin- timatums may be 10 or 20 years in the mak-
ning to be dimly discernible, obviously don't ing. Our responses and plans should be no But the one mistake we cannot afford is
want the war to be brought into their own less deliberate, to look for easy answers or to be impatient
rice paddies. But neither do they find any- Another discovery of the visitor to Asia in the search for quick answers.
thing in the present situation to suggest that (who is willing to listen) is that the cam- Asia has been waiting in semi-isolation for
the American war effort in Vietnam is in any petition among these countries is not geared thousands of years. We will not find our
sense a colonial or oppressive enterprise. to Vietnam at all but to the developing way through its labyrinth in so short a period
In the Philippines, this view was reflected Afro-Asian sense of community, as the decade we have been in Vietnam.
by Manila's Mayor Antonia J. Villegas, who It is not without significance that in most
had been a leader in the Philippine campaign of the areas we visited?the Philippines,
to neutralize the rebellious Huks at a time Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia,
When the Huks presented the same at.
of Hong Kong, Japan?discussion of the future
threat that the Vietcong do in South Viet- political course of these countries began
nam. Lyndon Johnson Today
with the mention of the proposed Algiers
Villegas said there was very little real con- conference last June. EXTENSION OF REMARKS
sciousness in the Philippines about our effort In the United States we had a tendency OF
in Vietnam. He attributed the failure of the to treat Algiers as a strictly monolithic Red
Philippine National Assembly to vote addi- Chinese propaganda show. Certainly that HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
tional troops for Vietnam more to the fact was what Red China hoped it to be.
this is a presidential election year than to But many of the Afro-Asian nations who OF CALIFORNIA
any reluctance to support the American posi- had first met at Bandung in Indonesia in
tion IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
1955 for what President Sukarno grandly Tuesday, August 31, 1965
However, Villegas felt that the U.S. program called the first intercontinental conference
would be even fore effective if it were identi- of colored peoples in the history of mankind Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, ree08-
fled with long-range social reforms rather had different ideas. They were hoping to nixing that we have been operating in
than merely military objectives. This view, find their own arena for international recog- the 89th Congress under a one-party sys-
of course, is shared in Washington and pre- nItion and development independent of the tern, and in most cases a one-party press,
sumably was behind the recent assignment of great power struggle, it is interesting to note at least some
Edward Lansdale to Vietnam to help develop When, earlier this year, the Algiers confer- change in the attitude of the press, as
a viable governmental structure which might ence was being organized, Albert Ravenholt
produce and offer such a program. evidenced by the attached article by
wrote in the Chicago Daily News that "the
For his own part, Villegas expressed a will- stakes are considerably higher than perhaps Laurence M. Stern, a staff writer for the
Washington Post, entitled "Lyndon
ingness to establish a training program in is appreciated in Washington, London, or
the Philippines where South Vietnamese vii- Paris." Johnson Today," which was published in
lage and provincial leaders could be brought The Chinese Communists were hoping to the September issue of the Progressive.
for a training institute that would (1) indi- use it to attack both the United States and The article follows:
cate how the Philippines dealt successfully the Soviet Union. (They had even hoped
with the Huks and (2) help train leaders so to exclude the Soviet Union?a rather bold LYNDON JOHNSON TODAY
government could be effective at the local gesture at a meeting representing Asia, for (By Laurence M. Stern)
level in Vietnam. Russia's portion of Asia is second only to Wondrous and inscrutable is the chemistry
Leaders in other countries echoed this China's.) of Presidential public relations. For 18
need for an identifiable social program (from The other nations, however, wanted the months it sustained. for Lyndon B. Johnson
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A4910 CONGRESSIONAL R.ECORD -7-- APPENDIX
August 31, 196'5
an incredible bull market of personal point- lash marks on the hacks of the White House Lyndon Johnson biography?one putalehed
lari ty.aids in Heeblock's memorable cartoon, in 1956 end the second in 1964?by Booth
. .
He was the Presidential colossus who "Happy Days on the Old Plantation," were Mooney, his former Senate aid. The later
t
seemed to have reduced all about him to Lila by no Means fresh Wounds. edition was sanitized of uncompliraentery
liputian scale. On Capitol Hill he was the Creeping normalcy has returned to Wash- references to Americans for Democratic Ac-
miracle man credited with bringing to hex- ington after the profound shock of President tion (Per which the President has little per-
vest a treasure of social legislation such as Kennedy's assassination and the eerie petit- sonal regard) and of tributes to States rights.
the Nation had not seen since Franklin D. ical convulsion of the 1964 campaign, when In his domestic programs the President
Roosevelt's New Deal 3 decades ago. Foreign a major party was captured by the rump has played the role of a great consolidator,
capitals looked upon him with a growing movement of a candidate who, In his heart, bringing to fruition proposals enunciated
sense of disquiet but also with a growing fas- wanted to repeal 30 years of American his- long before he came to office. But the role
cination: Here was a President who was as tory. The United etates had been through of the American President is to innovate too.
uninhibited in the use and display of Areeri- And in this Area of performance the John-
can power as any in their memory. Certainly The real and the mythical Lyndon John- son administration has So far felled to score
he wore the fastest gun and carried the big- son probably come closest "US coinciding in any marka of distinction.
gest stick since Teddy Roosevelt. his management of the Nation's domestic The efforts by the administration to MI-
The American people?not Georgetown or affairs. During his first 20 months in the part to itself a cachet of culture have been
Berkeley* Greenwich Village or Madison, White House, Mr, Johnson reaped from lumberingly ludicrous. It has resulted is a
Wis.?but Americans by the tens of mil- Congress those fraits which Democratic era- war on automobile junkyards (a species od
lions accepted and supported his leadership. tory had sown through at leasit five prior eyesore in which Texas leads the Nation)
The well-thumbed public opinion polls in presidential elections, just at the time shattered automotive hulks
the President's pockets told him so. It Is trite to say that Lyndon Johnson have become the rage of the New York Pop
But as the summer of 1965 ripened hi understands Congress as perhaps no Presi- art salons. The solemn gimmickry of the
Washington, a subtle reaction set in. Objec- dent before him. But it is unarguable: Ile beautification campaign has planted a few
tively, little seemed to have changed. The knows all the sharps and flats, the faults flowers in the squalor of Washington' slums,
big bills were still coming to harvesta-rnedi- and tolerances. " courtesies of the First Lady. But on the
care, voting rights, education, housing. In - It is also true that the 89th Congress from wholly meaningful issue of roadside con-
Vietnam the war and the prospects to; se which President Johnson was to wring his trols, the administration made strategic con-
anent continued to look worse day by day. most Impressive ?string of victories is, like cessions to the billboard lobby led by an
In Paris the willful Charles de Gaulle was the Roosevelt Congresses of the 1930's, a auld Johnson acquaintance from WaCo. Tex.
intransigent in thwarting the grand design sport of history and politics. It took a Barry While Mr. Johnson has brought a new
of the United States for a cohesive Atlantic Goldwater as well ns an incumbent Lyndon sense of momentum to Capitol Hill, the doe-
community. In Santo Domingo there was a Johnson to fashion such a Congress. There trine of consensus has put a cautionary
rancorous atmosphere of stalemate. was also a Supretne Court ruling on reappor- break on another less-visible sector of Gov-
The locus of change was Washington. it tionntent that Was to make its first impact ernment?the regulatory agencies. No
was an alteration not of measurable facts in the makeup of the 89th, battering down longer is there heard the abrasive crusading
so much as the imponderables of political at- some of the rotten boroughs that helped to of the early New Frontier days, such as for-
moephere. There was, for one thing, a flower- sustain private hegemonies on Capitol Hill. mer Federal Communacations Commission
ing of journalistic critique directed not so The Johnson landslide had added nearly 40 Chairman Newton W. Minow's assault on the
much against the mainstream of Johnson Democratic votes in the House to ratify his "wasteland" of television.
policies but at the Presidential person and his programs and 2 In the Senate over those How can it be forgotten that it was in a
"style." majorities with which John F. -Kennedy had regulatory arena over which the FCC held
The President-watchers in Washington de- had to work. life-or-death authority that the President's
picted what some might have taken. as a new For the first time since earliest New Deal Texas television empire flourished? The
Lyndon Johnson; a host of unoomm.on a4- days the conservative coalition, which had Pulitzer Prize winning series by the Wall
jectives emerged to describe hint?crude, vol- laid the heavy hand of deadlock over White Street Journal's Louis M. Kohimeier showed
canie, tyrannical, power seeking-....but no House-Capitol relations, was significantly hew the L.B.J. Co. prospered under a series
longer 10 feet tall. A sense of irriation was breached. That venerable band of autocrats of seemingly providential rulings by the
welling in the Capital City at the big Tex- such as Senator IlfARRY F. Been and Repro- Commission. While there is no eVidence on
an's coarse-grained and imperial ways. sentative Hovinsa W. SMITH, of Virginia, and the record of overt intercession by Mr. John-
Stories that had made the rounds of the din- Senator RICHARD Russet& of Georgia, which son in behalf of the company, few , in the
ner and cocktail circuit now found their way had delighted In. frustrating Chief Exeeu- President's home town of Austin take se-
into print. Example: There was this State elves for years, was suddenly mute and pas- riceisly the official assertion that Lady Bird
trooper who caught up with a speeding white sive. At one tinte Lyndon Johnson had, of with her business acumen did it all.
Lincoln on a Texas highway. took one look course, been the preeminent member of their President Johnson has enjoined his men
at the man behind the wheel and gasped: club. ' to act as "judges' not advocates" even though
"Oh, my God!" And the driver growled? The famous Johnson doctrine of consensus
their primary statutory responsibility must
"That's right, and don't ever forget it." (the term is Walter Lippmanxes, the Prost- be to serve as public watchguards.
Irritations grew in foreign capitals, too, at dent Insists, not his) is nothing other than
the decline in consultation by Washington a total commitment of Mr. Johnson's forma-
The White House looked the other Way
before such crucial international decisions as dale energies teleard the center of the pub-
when the tobacco lobby and its congressional
the bombing of North Vietnam and the in- lie spectrum?whether the issue be a railroad agents suspended the rulemaking powers of
tervention in Santo Domingo. "We're ex- straw, or a legislative program. Membership the Federal Trade Commission on cigaret
pected to do chores for you in Hanoi," one in the consensus party fs especially open to advertising. That two of the President's
widely respected European observer confided, those with the ceostituencies and the votes, oldest Washington confidants, attorney?
"and yet our Govertunent is not informed whether in the establishments of civil rights, now U.S. Supreme Court Justice?Abe For-
ofas d
major policy decisions until after they are big business, big, labor, or the Senate mi-
an former Kentucky Senator Earl
carried out." How does the White Rouse nority. The consensus party embraces the Clements were associated with the tobaeco
view this growing buzz of discontent abroad'? Negro revolution's Martin Luther King, Jr., industry lobby is a fact that is certain not
"Presidents have too often been captives of big business' John T. Connor, labor's George to enhance Confidence in the integrity of
those who are not President." one top-rank- Meetly, arid. proper Republicanism's Henry governmental process in the Great Society.
ing Johnson man answered with a touch of Cabot Lodge,Jr, President Johnson's corn- Also Mr. Johnson has shown no special
testiness. "Informing is not consulting" con- prehension of men and their power is What pleasure at the vigorous policies of the Ken-
tends one influential Washington columnist stamped him aten genius of the Senate Ma- nedy-appointed Fedetal Power Commission
who is devout in his adantration for the Pres- chine and is one of the most practical gifts toward regulating the gas and electric util-
ident but who concedes that shrinkage of he brought to the White House. sty industries. The FPC superviser rate
meaningful contact between the White House Mr. Johneon has played the role of a typ- structures that, in aggregate, cost consuin-
and other world capitals is a 'conspicuous ical southern conservative on racial matters era- sums many time the amount which, as
taxpayers, they provide for the antipoverty
wcaknees of bite Johnson administration. until well into the late 1950's. His transfor-
Suddenly the writing of a Lyndon Johnson mation into the Most ardent ohaanpion of the program.
profile became an imperative art form in American Negro ever to occupy the White The central question is not whether Mr.
Washington journalism. A British corre- House haS evoked taunts of criticism from " Johnson wants Charles R. Ross, the pro-
spondent flew front London to Austin in conservative Republicans and liberal Demo- consumer Vermont Republican whose re-
pursuit of the quintessential Lyndon, and crate. But this change in the man is an- appointment to the imo dangled for a full
drew an appreciative but unsparingly din- other measure of the a,wesonfie ambition and year, or Joseph C. Swidler, the retiring Chair-
ical portrait of the President, including same sense of political purpose that helped to win " man, to serve on his Federal Power Commis-
favorite scatological usages. the 1964 presidential election for him, the sion. The matter of appointments is a jeal-
The marvel of it all is that for the more prize denied to generation& of highly skilled ously held prerogative of the Presidency.
than 30 summers Lyndon Johnsen has spent southern politicians einem the Civil Wax. Rather, the issue is whether Mr. Johnson
in Washington he has been all these things: The famous Johnson pliancy was piquantly wants to continue the strong regulatory poli-
crude, volcanic,' and power :seeking.- Those underscored in two editions of the same bies begun under Swi.dier or favors a return
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