ANALYSIS OF THE KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 105
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 27, 2003
• Sequence Number: 56
• Publication Date: January 6, 1961
• Content Type: TRANS

Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
ANALYSIS OF THE KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH
OF JANUARY 6, 1961
HEARING
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS
TESTIMONY OF DR. STU' FAN T. POSSONY
JUNE 16, 1961
U.S. GOVTMNMENT P12INTING OFFICE
71712' WASHINGTON : 1961
Approved For Release 2003F/?fYRf'0~~3~0030b2000564$~
 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAN ES 0. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES REFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDERWILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, Smdh Carolina EVERETT McKINLEY DIRK PEN, Illinois
JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, /,rkansas ROMAN L. HRUSKA. Nebraska
SAM J. I4RVIN, JR., Nortn Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York.
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colcrado NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire
THOMAS J. DODD, Conn Ttleut
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan
EDWARD V. LONG, Misi our!
SURCOM]IITTEE Tc INVESTIGATE T11D ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL
SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
JAMES 0. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, So 1tb Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, Arkansas EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Iliiinols
SAM J. ERVIN, In., North Carolina ICENNETII B. KEATING, New York'.
NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire
J. G. SouawiNa, Counsel
3ENJAMIN MANDEL, Director of Research
Approved For Release, 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 ANALYSIS OF THE KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH
OF JANUARY 6, 1961
FRIDAY, JUNE 16, 1961
U.S. SENATE,
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE
'THE ADMINISTRATION Or THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT
AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS,
OF TIIE COMMITTEE ON TIIE JUDICIARY,
Washington, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:45 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Kenneth B. Keating
presiding.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel,
research director; Frank Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator KEATING. The subcommittee will come to order.
Our witness this morning is Dr. Stefan T. Possony, professor of
international politics in the Graduate School of Georgetown Univer-
sity, and also associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania.
Dr. Possony, will you rise and raise your right hand?
Do you solemnly swear the evidence you give in this proceeding
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. PossoNy. I do.
TESTIMONY OF DR. STEFAN T. POSSONY
Senator KEATING. Dr. Possony, have you made a study of Premier
Khrushchev's speech of last January with regard to certain features
which this committee desired you to investigate?
Mr. PossoNy. Yes.
Senator KEATING. Can you tell us something of your background?
Mr. PossoNy. I am professor of international politics, Graduate
School of Georgetown University. I have been a student of strategy
military affairs, and communism for some 20 years or more, and
follow Communist strategy with a great deal of attention.
I have published a book on Communist strategy and tactics and
the techniques of what I call conflict management, going back to Marx
and through the whole history of communism up to the late 1940's
and early 1950's. This book is quite old by now.
Since then I have always tried to keep up to date with changes in
Communist strategy. Recently I coauthored a book suggesting a
"Forward Strategy for America."
1
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
2 %HRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
Senator KF.vTiNG. In connection with this study of the January 6,
1961, speech, some of the items which this committee asked you to
investigate were c iosen to give us a clear idea of how Premier
Khrushchev used hnguage connoting one thing to people of the free
countries and another to people in countries to whom he was speak-
ing-a language .iometimes known, I believe, as the Aesopian
language.
We would like to know what his real attitude is toward the ques-
tion of disarmament; whether he really believes in the possibility
of peaceful coexist.nce, and why he raises this issue; what types of
war does Mr. Khruslichev believe to be necessary; does he believe
in the possibility of using parliamentary institutions for revolu-
tionary purposes; ins he relinquished the use of uprisings for revo-
lutionary purposes; what is the key to Mr. Khrushchev's strategy
in underdeveloped areas, and what is Mr. Khrushchev's timetable for
world conquest. We shall look for answers in the presentation you
have prepared for r s.
Mr. POSSONY. Ycs, sir.
Senator KEATiNC. And perhaps others.
Mr. Possowr. I 1 ave a prepared statement.
Senator KEATTN3. Would you proceed with your prepared state-
ment at this time?
Mr. SOURWJNE. Mr. Chairman, might I ask just one question?
Senator KEATING. Yes.
Mr. SouxwINE. I notice you have titled this presentation,
"Khrushchev's Men Kampf." Why?
Mr. Possowx. Well, I want to say, Mr. Sourwine, that I did not
choose this title as.a cheap trick to dramatize this analysis. I want
to express my firm conviction that the parallels between Khrushchev
and Hitler are becoming very clear indeed.
In the specific case of this January 6 speech, I would like to point
out that Khrushchev made a programmatic announcement on Com-
munist strategy. This strategy, in my estimation, will remain in
force for the next Ii years or longer. Hitler wrote down Mein Kampf
and laid down for the rest of the world to read what he was intending
to do once he had come to power. Both the January speech and
Mein Kampf are public announcements of strategic intentions.
However, the parallel is really more significant. I think there are,
in addition to this programmatic comparison, other similarities
which must be remembered.
First, Hitler was a man who thought that destiny had chosen him
as a charismatic loader and that he was going to be the greatest man
who ever lived in history. For example, he made a statement,
"Providence predestined me to be the greatest liberator of mankind."
I think you wi l find many parallels in Khrushchev's speech.
May I call your attention to one passage where Khruslichev says
that, "Heretofore history has worked for socialism; henceforth so-
cialism is going to work for history," which is just about as much
of a hybris, as the Greeks called it, as Hitler's ravings.
Another idea is that predestination plays a great role. The Com-
munists believe in the predetermination of the course of history.
There is no question in their minds that communism is going to win
Approved For Release 200Blt I104e:~DIA42lDldRT '4146Ae6ly5'OtYPgi~Cf86 l4ringing about
communism.
 Approved For Release 2003/11 Uq PFg?j;WQ46ROPAW29Q4$6-4 3
Equally, Hitler had no doubt that nazism was going to win and
that he was to be the instrument of victory.
For example, he laid down this sentence :
I am walking, with the assurance of a sleepwalker, the road which providence
has asked me to go.
Now, Hitler was perhaps more honest by calling his particular
"providence" the assurance of a sleepwalker, while Khruslichev de-
rived his assurance from Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and the Com-
munist doctrine.
In both instances, these men had the same arrogance; both as-
sumed they knew what "history" is planning-and that it is planning
to satisfy their hopes and desires.
Mr. Sounwiwn. Both regarded themselves, and Khrushchev now
" . regards himself, as a judge of history.
%Ir. PossoNy. These men arrogate to themselves the power of a
creator. As to the next point, both have the same notion as to who
or what pushes history. In Khrushchev's speech, while he makes
all kinds of qualifications on the so-called "cult of violence " neverthe-
less he says very clearly, and says this repeatedly, that if t'he Western
world does not surrender, he is going to force their surrender. In
other words, he is upholding the idea that force and violence are the
decisive elements in history, subject to a few qualifications. Exactly
the same theory was presented by Hitler, who asserted that violence,
is the "motor of history."
The IIitlerian "motor of history" is just another expression for
Lenin's "locomotive of history."
The parallel here is not just a superficial one. All aggressors in
history were worshippers of force.
Mr. Souawrxn. Is there also, Professor, a parallel in the fact that
Hitler's "Mein Kampf" was not given proper recognition; it was not
understood for what it was; that is, an actual blueprint of what lie
intended? Is there some of this also with regard to Khrushchov's
speech? Is there a tendency on the part of people in the free world
not to give it sufficient credence; not to understand the seriousness
of it and what he intends?
Mr. PossoNY. That is very true. However, it was easier to read
"Mein Kampf," one single book which, together with a few subsequent
books, explained nazism. In the case of the Communists, there is an
avalanche of information. Practically every week Communists re-
state their goals and policies and, of course, it is very hard to keep up
with all the little nuances.
In fact, many people accuse me of being irrational because I am
spending most of my time reading this Communist material. I must
agree that it is entirely irrational-and boring. It is more rational
to do something else: go fishing or swimming, or read satisfying
literature.
The fundamental difficulty is that you have to read Communist pro-
nouncements and writings very carefully. It is not good enough to
peruse them superficially. If you dot you will misinterpret and draw
false conclusions-usually in the direction of overestimating U.S.
security and underestimating Communist singleness of purpose.
 Approved For Release 003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
4 KHRUb$CHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY a 1961
May I, in this omnection, refer to one incident that happened only
yesterday evening. I was driving home, and over the radio-I forget
the station-there came a reannouncement of the speech Khrushchev
made yesterday. 'Cho interpretation was that the speech, by and large,
was conciliatory and moderate. This speech was essentially inter-
preted as a peaceftI contribution.
Now this morning, of course, we read it slightly differently and are
inclined to interpret the speech as an implied ultimatum. Whatever
this new speech clay mean, our initial American reaction to Com-
munist statements tends to be optimistic. We have an almost com-
pulsive belief that the Kremlin desires peace and will, sooner or later,
reconsider its avowed intent to "bury" us.
Let me draw ore other parallel with Hitler and Khrushchev, if I
may. Hitler said that his task consisted in exploiting the weaknesses
of other people. I think this same notion characterizes Khrushchev's
strategy today. His alleged or genuine confidence that he can bring
about the surrend:r of the free world by using peaceful coexistence
tactics or disarmament decoys, ploys, together with frightening
people-the oldest trick of psychological warfare-aims at nothing
but the exploitation of the weaknesses of men, especially cowardice
and self-deception.
Mr. SoaawrNE. I am sorry I interrupted you so long, but I think
this is very valuable.
Go ahead with your presentation, sir.
Mr. PossoNy. My purpose today is to analyze the speech which
N. S. Khrushchev, on January 6, 1961, delivered to a meeting of the
party organizations in the Higher Party School, the Academy of So-
cial Sciences, and the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central
Committee, Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Mr. Khrushchm's speech was one of the most outspoken and sig-
nificant statement: by a leading Russian Communist in recent times.
The choice of the audience-the party organizations entrusted with
ideology and per.iaps with overall strategic planning-attests to
Khrushchev's intent to make a programmatic announcement of great
importance. The speech was very carefully written and widely
disseminated all on er the world. The speech was not delivered in im-
ppromptu fashion mt must have been written several weeks before
delivery. Otherw..se it could not have been printed in the January
issue of World Marxist Review.
In making this presentation, I beg your indulgence if I follow a
seemingly clumsy Drocedure. I have broken down Mr. Khrushchev's
speech into more than two dozen topical portions. It is my purpose
to make a few comments on each of these chapters and then place the
,pertinent quotes behind each of my comments. I have chosen this
method because I believe that, though it lacks stylistic grace, it may
facilitate orientatiDn and comprehension of Mr. Khrushchev's state-
ment.
Senator KEATIN3. Dr. Possony, one of the great problems which
we face here, as y. This is one of the reasons why Khrusl chev
pushes the Berlin iss ie.
Senator KEATING.,Well, undoubtedly we will desire to have you
analyze for us in det til Mr. Khrushchev's speech of yesterday. Ireal-
ixe that this is what some lawyers call a horseback opinion, but is it
your general impre.ision that most of the analysis of the January
speech will also apply to his speech of yesterday?
Mr. PossoNY. Yes,
Senator KEATING. You have a summary of the conclusions contained
Approved For Releas 0:Q3MTh 4is OlAAaDR&7p Q446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
Mr. PossoNy. Yes, sir.
Senator KEATINO. I think we should hear that.
Mr. PossoNY. I would like to summarize it.
(1) Khrushchev's speech of January 6, 1961, together with the
declaration of the Communist Parties of November 1960, disclosed
Communist strategy as it will be employed for the next 5 years or so.
(2) The traditional goal of communism, the conquest of the entire
world, is not only reaffirmed but is held far more strongly and hope-
fully than in the past. It is "unthinkable" that the Communists will
abandon their goal of world domination regardless of the price they
have to pay. They are willing to pay any price to obtain this ob-
jective.
(3) The Communists probably are honestly convinced that they are
invincible, (a) because of the alleged predetermination of history,
(b) because of their combined military-political strength, (c) because
of their anticipated military superiority, and (d) because of the an-
ticipated demoralization of the free, world.
(4) Communist strategy has become more sophisticated than it was
under Stalin.
(5) The Communists believe that the final decision in the world
struggle, and specifically the victory of world communism, will be
attained in the present era of history. In their conception, this era
seems to extend to 1975, approximately.
(6) Armed struggle is inevitable. Such specific forms of armed
struggle, as liberation wars, uprisings, and "pressure from below" also
are inevitable.
(7) A global thermonuclear war is not entirely inevitable. If the,
free world, and especially the strongest democratic countries like the
United States capitulate, then such a war may be avoided. However,
while preferable, such a development is unlikely.
(8) The Communist Parties in the free world and their sympa-
thizers must do everything in their power to facilitate nuclear black-
mail by the Soviet Union and to prevent military resistance by the
free world.
(9) The Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc must not leave any stone
unturned to increase their military power in order to fight the prob-
able-albeit not inevitable-world war and to win a global thermo-
nuclear conflict.
(10) For the time being, such conflict must be avoided. The turn-
ing point in history will come when the Soviet Union overtakes the
United States sometime between 1965 and 1970. Khrushchev talks
as though he conceives this competition in terms of an "economic" pro-
duction race. It is more likely that he is thinking about a race in
.military technology. Consequently, the groat turning point in his-
tory will come when the Soviet Union, irrespective of per capita pro-
duction in industrial and consumers' goods, achieves technologically
superior armaments and attains a military force which, qualitatively
and quantitatively, will be superior to the military forces of the
United States. If necessary, this force will be employed in the sec-
ond phase of the current era.
(11) In the first phase, the armed struggle will mostly take the form
of liberation wars and uprisings, plus deterrence by nuclear blackmail,
t~gF2?~06~}1~?2i~d ndertaken by
*tff
Approved For Release 2
 (16) Propaganda on disarmament, specifically nuclear disarma-
ment, and disarmair ent negotiations are an integral part of the Soviet
strategy aimed at paralyzing the free world and strengthening the
power of communisrI.
(17) Soviet strategy is based, on the one hand, on achieving optimal
military power and building and strengthening Communist political
armies throughout fie free world. On the other hand, Soviet strategy
utilizes massive de;eption to bring about the capitulation of the
United States through (a) the unilateral military weakening of the
free world, (b) the moral paralysis of free world governments, and
(c) the demoralizaton of public opinion.
(18) Failing in this strategy, it is the Soviet intent to destroy the
United States by nuclear weapons.
Senator KEATING. We are very grateful to you, Dr. Possony, and
you have performed a great service to this committee and your country
in preparing this st mmary and answering there questions which we
h ave put to you.
Mr. PossoNy. It was a great honor to appear before you.
Senator KEATING. ,'lie Bearing is adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject to
the call of the Chair.)
(Dr. Possony's prepared statement follows in full:)
STATEMENT By Da. STEIAN T. POSSONY, PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS,
GRADUATE ,SCHOOL, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY AND ASSOCIATE FOREIGN POLICY
RESEARCH INSTITUTE, kI1NIVERSITx OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE 6, 1961
My purpose today Is o analyze the speech which N. S. Khrushchev on January
6; 1961, delivered to a meeting of the party organizations in the Higher Party
School, the Academy of Social Sciences, and the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Mr. Khrushchev's sliecch was one of the most outspoken and significant
statements by a leading, Russian Communist in recent times. The choice of the
audience--the party organizations entrusted with ideology and perhaps with
overall strategic plann: ng-attests to Khrushchev's Intent to make a program-
matic announcement of great importance. The speech was very carefully
written and widely diss,minted all over the world.
In making this presentation, I beg your indulgence If I follow a seemingly
clumsy procedure. I hi ve broken down Mr. Khrushchev's speech into more than
two dozen topical portiins. It is my purpose to make a few comments on each
of these chapters and hen place the pertinent quotes behind ~1each x of my com-
Approved For Release ,'aho 1 1 1 0@ ff'@~i- f lg' Kcks stylistic
aci t to o Ien anon au emnpre ension o r, hrusliehev's
statement,
12 KHRUSTICHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
(12) Also, in thh first phase, the struggle must be intensified on the
"active fronts." In particular, it must be pushed in Latin America.
(13) In this phase, strong efforts will be made to improve the ef-
fectiveness of uprisings. Henceforth uprisings will be planned as
major military undertakings. The insurrectionists will be properly
trained and be armed with the most modern equipment. They will be
provided with strategic support and power by Soviet nuclear long.
range forces, under a coordinated strategy. International crises such
as threats of war apd war alerts, may to exploited to launch insur-
?'ections.
(14) The achievement of a military, political, and psychological
oral sis of the free world is a paramount objective of Soviet strategy.
(15) This objective can be attained by such means as peace prop-
aganda, Pavlovian onditioning, infiltration, threats, and diplomatic
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0500200056
13
The translation I used is based on Mr. Khrushchev's speech as it was broad-
cast by the Soviets in Russian. I have compared all questionable passages with
the English language text published in the "World Marxist Review, Problems of
Peace and Socialism," January 1961, pages 3 to 38. This presumably is the
English version approved by the Communists themselves. In several instances,
however, I have used the wording of the "World Marxist Review" and, in every
case I have indicated this in the quotes.
Since the speech by Mr. Khrushchev covered the peaceful coexistence question
inadequately, I added a few paragraphs from the Declaration of the Meeting
of Representatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow
during November 1900. In these quotes I have used the translation published
by the New York Times, December 7, 1960.
Finally, since Mr. Khrushchev has referred to the role of parliaments within
Communist strategy, I wish to put into the record pertinent quotes from a book
by a Czech Communist, Jan Kozak. This Communist wrote a book entitled
"About the Possible Transition to Socialism by Means of the Revolutionary Use
of Parliament and the Czechoslovak Experience." Two chapters of this book
entitled "How Parliament Can Play a Revolutionary Part in the Transition to
Socialism and the Role of the Popular Masses," were published by the Inde-
pendent Information Center, London, In February 1961, with an introduction
by the Right Honorable Lord Morrison of Lambeth, C.H. It is not quite clear
when Kozak's book was published, but from Internal evidence, I would judge that
its date of publication was sometime between 1950 and 1955.
I first turn to a consideration of Khrushchev's evaluation of the Soviet bloc.
The Communist bloc is described as a community or association of states-you
may recall that In recent U.S. nomenclature, we sometimes, I think erroneously,
use the term "commonwealth" to describe what more informally we refer to as
the "bloc."
Khrushchev asserted that there Is no single center of leadership and that all
Communist Parties and Communist States are independent and are enjoying
equal rights. However, there must be solidarity and unity. Although, as he
asserts, there are no regulations or directives, every party bears joint responsi-
bility for the fate of communism. All Communists share a common ideology and
are loyal to it. The Communist cadres of the various parties are perfectly
capable of leading their own parties and their own nations, but plans must be
coordinated. All shortcomings which undermine the solidarity of the Socialist
camp must be removed and basic policies are agreed to unanimously.
There is allegedly no specific leader Issuing directives to the various parties.
Nevertheless, the Soviet Union is the most powerful country within the bloc
and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Is the most experienced and
hardened, universally acknowledged "vanguard" of the international Com-
munist movement. The Soviet Union is fulfilling its "international duty."
Placing the "unity of the Socialist camp, of the international Communist move-
ment, above all else," the Soviet Union is using "unswerving determination" to
Insure unity. In plain English, the word "leadership" is translated into com-
munist jargon by the "universally acknowledged vanguard."
Incidentally, Mr. Khrushchev took some pains to point out that there are no
basic or insoluble contradictions among the Socialist countries. By implication,
he admitted that there are current contradictions which he considers to be
soluble. He also praised the "unselfish brotherly help" which the Soviet Union
has been giving to "fraternal Socialist countries"-a total of 7.8 billion new
rubles-on credit. This unselfishness, so-called, becomes less Impressive If we
calculate that, according to this disclosure, the Soviet Union has been spending
10 rubles per head for all the bloc countries (except the Soviet Union) and this
grandiose program has been in operation for 5 years or more. Hence, the
"unselfish" Soviet help amounts to 20 U.S. cents per year per capita in all satel-
lite countries.
I now want to place the quotations dealing with the Soviet bloc in the record.
They are as follows :
"The world Socialist system at the present time is an association (sovkupnost)
of the national economies of sovereign, independent countries."
"The growing strength of the links between the national economies of the
Approved For Release socialist rp i KDP67B 0446 d6vO56O200n 056 world Socialist
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
14 KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"* * *the fraterna. parties have agreed with the conclusions of our delega-
tion. The question may arise: Will our international solidarity not be weak-
ened by the fact that phis provision is not written down in the statement? No;
It will not be weakened. At the present time, there is no statute which could
`regulate relations beta ben parties. Instead, we have a common Marxist-Leninist
,Ideology, and loyalty to it is the main condition of our solidarity and unity"
(p. 76, par. 8).
"The role of the Soviet Union does not lie in the fact that it leads other Social-
1st countries, but in tie fact that it was the first to blaze the trail to socialism,
is the most powerful country in the world Socialist system, has amassed a great
deal of positive expertanee in the struggle for the building of socialism, and was
the first to enter the period of comprehensive construction of communism. It
its stressed in the statement that the universally acknowledged vanguard of the
(world Communist movement has been and still remains the CPSU, as the most
experienced and hardened unit of the international Communist movement"
(p. 76, par. 5).
"At the moment, wren there exists a large group of Socialist countries,, each
of which is faced with its own tasks, when there are 87 Communist and Workers
Parties functioning, etch of which moreover is also faced with its own tasks, It
is not possible for leadership over Socialist countries and Communist parties
to be exercised from any center at all. This is neither possible nor necessary"
(p. 76, par. 6).
* * * * rt r r
"There have grown up in the Communist parties hardened Marxist-Leninist
cadres capable of leading their own parties, their countries. However, in
~aractice, as is well known, the CPSU does not give directives to any, other
'~kparties. The fact thi et we are called the leader gives no advantages either
to our party or to otter parties. On the contrary, it only creates difficulties"
(p. 76, par. 7).
? * ? r r r r
"* * * we declared )efore the whole world that In the Communist movement,
ust as in the Socialist camp, there has existed and exists complete equality of
ights and solidarity if all Communist and Workers Parties and socialist coun-
ries. The CPSU in {eality does not exercise leadership over other parties.
n the Communist movi anent there are no parties that are superior or subordinate.
ll Communist partieE are equal and independent. All carry responsibility for
he destiny of the Communist movement, for its victories and failures" (P. 76,
)ar. 4).
'I. rt r r r ? 4 rt
"The CPSU Is filed with unswerving determination to strengthen the unity
tad friendship with all fraternal parties of Socialist countries and with the
vlarxist-Leninist part1e of all the world" (p. 78, par. 1).
The CPSU and Son let people will do everything to insure that the unity of
ur parties and our peoples will Increasingly strengthen so as not only to dis-
tppoint the enemies but to shake them even more with our unity and to attain
our great goal-the triumph of communism" (p. 78, par. 3).
{ "A resolute defense of the unity of the international Communist movement on
Jhe principles of Marsism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and a
prevention of any action capable of undermining this unit constitute a necessary
E ondition for a victory In the struggle for national independence, democracy, and
ace, and for a succe asful solution of the tasks of the socialist revolution, the
ilding of socialism and communism. A violation of these principles would
lead to a weakening of the forces of communism" (p. 75, par. 9).
r r * * * *
"Coordination of national economic plans has become the basic form of
com-ing the productive afforts of Socialist countries at the present stage" (p. 61,
ar.8.
Approved For Release 206/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
I
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
KHRUSHCHEV SPEECMI OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"Of course, In so new and major a matter individual shortcomings and some
rough edges are unavoidable" (p. 62, par. 4).
* * * * *
"The Socialist commonwealth (World Marxist Review version: community),
however, is characterized not by these shortcomings of a private nature, but
by the essentially Internationalist nature of socialism, the internationalist pol-
icy of the fraternal, parties and countries, and the world-historic successes
achieved because of it" (p. 62, par. 4).
* * * * * * *
"Regarding the shortcomings, we must remove them * * * keeping as the
main aim the solidarity of the Socialist camp. The Soviet Union has always
sacredly fulfilled and Is fulfilling Its international duty, placing the unity of
countries of the Socialist camp, of the international Communist movement, above
all else" (p. 62, par. 5).
* * * * * * *
"There are not and cannot be any insoluble contradictions between the So-
cialist countries. The more highly developed and economically powerful coun-
tries give unselfish, brotherly help to the economically undeveloped. About 500
industrial enterprises and Installations have been built in the fraternal Socialist
countries with the help of the Soviet Union; loans and credits advanced by us
to these countries total 7.8 billion new rubles" (p. 61, par. 5).
I would like to refer to our invariable endeavor to strengthen the bonds
of fraternal friendship with the Chinese Communist Party, with the great Chi-
nese people. In our relations with the Chinese Communist Party our party is
always guided by the fact that the friendship of the two great peoples, the
cohesion of our two parties-the largest in the international Communist move-
meat-is of exceptional Importance in the struggle for the triumph of our com-
mon cause. Our party has always made, and will continue to make, every effort
to strengthen this great friendship. With People's China, with the Chinese
Communists, just as with the Communists of all countries, we share one goal, the
safeguarding of peace and the building of communism; we share common in-
terests, the happiness and well-being of the working people; and we share the
common basis of firm principles, Marxism-Leninism" (p. 78, par. 2).
* * * * * *
"After all, the Communist and Workers Parties attending the conference unani-
mously worked out their decisions. Every party will adhere to these decisions
in a strict and sacred manner, throughout its activities" (p. 77, par. 5).
(World Marxist Review version, p. 27, second column, par. 2: "Now that all the
Communist and Workers' parties have adopted unanimous decisions at the Meet-
ing, each Party will strictly and undeviatingly abide by these decisions in every-
thing it does.")
ON AESOPIAN LANGUAGE
I now turn to Khrushchev's discussion of Aesopian or trick language. There
is a general understanding within the Communist world movement, that the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union would "spare no efforts to fulfill Its inter-
national obligation." This obligation is considered to be "sacred." Upon pro-
posal by the CPSU delegation, a statement to this effect was not Included in the
Declaration of the representatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties of
November 1960, obviously because it might prove embarrassing.
Khrushchev's speech, which incidentally is in the nature of a commentary on
this International statement, includes specific injunctions to the Communist
Parties on the proper use of language. The Communists must use only those
terms which are acceptable in their respective areas. "Sectarianism" which is
Communist lingo for the use of the original Marxist-Leninist language, "can do
great harm to our cause."
Mr. Khrushchev proclaimed that the Communists propose to renovate the
world on "the principles of freedom, democracy, and socialism." He referred
to the "Manifesto" of the First International, written by Marx which contained
an appeal that "the simple laws of morality and justice, which ought to guide
private individuals, should become the highest laws in relations between na-
tions." Ile thus created the impression as though the Communists, for all time,
have been upholding morality, justice, freedom, and democracy, both In private
Approved For Release 2" M{WUV~1-fkDP67B00446R000500200056-4
at-
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA'-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
16 KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
I It is perhaps worthwhile to recall that on November 4, 1864, Marx wrote a
etter to Engels In which he disclosed that he had been obliged by the committee
rafting the statutes eP the International Workingmen's Association to put Into
he preamble two cliche sentences on "duty" and "right," and to refer to "truth,
orality, and justice.' However, he assured Engels that he had placed these
phrases in such a manner that they could do no harm and added that It takes
time till the "reawakeued movement allows the old boldness of language." In
the meantime, it was necessary to follow the old Latin proverb, "Fortiter in re
suaviter in modo."
It is quite certain that Khrushchev is aware of this revealing passage in
Marx's correspondence. He referred to the statute of the first international in
order to indicate to the Communist world movement that it should have no
doubts about the unchanged allegiance of the Kremlin to the orthodox Marxist
creed (see app. I for a passage from this first International document).
In his January 6 spe?ch, Khrushchev said:
"Our party, nurtures by Lenin, has always regarded it as Its foremost. duty
to fulfill international obligations to the international working class. The dele-
f ation assured the participants of the conference that the party in the future
oo would bear high the banner of proletarian internationalism and would spare
no effort to fulfill its International obligations. At the same time, the CPSU
9 elegation proposed that the wording should not be included in the declaration
Or other documents of the Communist movement" (p. 76, par. 2).
"These parties have concentrated their attention on what is most important:
bow to approach their own peoples correctly, to convince the broadest vasses
that their best future is indissolubly connected with the struggle against im-
pperialism and reactionary internal forces, and also how to strengthen hrter-
Lstional solidarity between Socialist states and the Communist advance guard of
the world of toilers. The renovation of the world on the principles of freedom,
emocracy, and socials on In which we are participating is a great historic pros-
ss in which various revolutionary and democratic movements unite and work
rn concert under the determining influence of Socialist revolutions" (p. 70,
par. 3).
the constitue'it manifesto of the First International, written by Marx,
ontalned an appeal th it the simple laws of morality and justice, which ought to
vide private Individuals, should become the highest laws in relations between
ations" (p. 67, par. 6;.
(World Marxist Rev ew version, p. 17, par. 5, second column : "Peace and prog-
ess are our cherished ideals. After all, the inaugural manifesto of the First
nternational, written by Marx, contained the appeal 'to vindicate the simple
aws of morals and ju::tice, which ought to govern the relations of private indi-
iduals, as the rules piramount of the intercourse of nations.' (Marx, Engels,
*el.; Works, F.L.P.H., Vol. I, p. 385).")
"The Communist movement has another danger: Dogmatism and sectarian-
sm. At the present time, when a rallying of all forces for the struggle against
imperialism, for the pr?vention of war, and for the overthrow of the monopolies
is required, dogmatism and sectarianism can do great harm to our cause.
li.enlnism is uncompronising toward dogmatism" (p. 75, par. 2).
"Dogmatism and sectarianism are in irreconcilable contradiction to the
Qrestive development of revolutionary theory and its creative application in
ractice. They lead to the isolation of Communists from the broad strata of
the workers; they condemn them to passive temporizing or leftist- adventurist
Activities in the revolutionary struggle; they prevent full use of all opportunl-
les in the Interests cf the victory of the working class and all democratic
~orces" (p. 75, par. 3).
' 4 A M ? 4 M iF
dogmatism and sectarianism may even become the main danger at
ane stage or another of the development of individual parties" (p. 75, par. 9k).
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 ON TUE CURRENT "ERA"
Khrushchev devoted some time to discussing the question of periodicity. A
problem of this sort will appear abstruse to all listeners who do not believe
that history is foreordained and developing according to predetermined phases.
For a Marxist, however, the determination of the exact epoch in which he Is
living is of the greatest significance. It is on the basis of this determination
that a Marxist planner formulates the general principles of his strategy. It
is necessary to stress this point because within the framework of Western
thought, such a methodology appears entirely irrational.
Now, according to Mr. Khrushchev, capitalism has been hurt irreparably,
socialism is becoming increasingly strong, and is moving into a position where
it can determine the course of international relations. In fact, it is becoming
the decisive factor of world politics. While previously history was working for
socialism, henceforth, according to the Kremlin spokesman, socialism is going
to work for history. This is as good an example of hybris as I know in recent
times. Hitler said: "Providence predestined me to be the greatest liberator of
mankind."
Says Khrushchev: "Communism has become the invincible force of our cen-
tury." This statement is no less extraordinary In that, in past times, many
revolutionists and aggressors have felt as optimistically about their future.
Khrushchev pointed out, and here I must agree with him, that the prospects
for communism have been developing in an unexpectedly favorable manner.
The meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties concerned itself with
the current "era" and ascribed to it a quadruple meaning: In the current era,
"diametrically opposed social systems" are struggling against each other; so-
cialist revolutions and national liberation revolutions are taking place, and
the colonial system is being liquidated; capitalism is collapsing; and Marxism-
Leninism Is triumphing on a world scale.
From the January 6 speech:
"* * * Marxist-Leninist appraisal of our epoch * * * should provide a clear
idea of which class stands in the center of the era and what the essence, direc-
tion, and tasks of social development are" (p. 64, par. 10).
* * * * * * *
"+ * * The question of the character of the era Is by no means an abstract
or a narrow theoretical question. The general strategic line and tactics of world
communism, of each Communist Party, are closely related to it" (p. 54, par. 6).
* * * * * * *
"" * * there no longer exists an all-enveloping chain of imperialism. The
dictatorship of the working class has stepped out of the boundaries of one
country, has become an international force" (p. 55, par. 7).
* * * * * *
"The losses of capitalism as a result of these blows are irreparable. This refers
both to the entire system of capitalism and to Its main power, the United States"
(p. 56, par. 3).
"under present conditions, prerequisites have been created for socialism to
determine increasingly the nature, methods, and ways of international relations"
(p. 55, par. 9).
* * * * * * *
"Socialist revolution has achieved victory in a large number of countries,
socialism has become a powerful world system, the colonial system of imperialism
verges on complete disintegration, and imperialism is in a state of decline and
crisis. The definition of our epoch must reflect these decisive events" (p. 55,
par. 1).
* * * * * * *
the world Socialist system is becoming a decisive factor in the develop-
ment of human society" (p. 55, par. 9).
* * * * * * *
"+ * * life has greatly surpassed even the boldest and most optimistic predic-
tions and expectations. Once it was customary to say that history was working
for socialism; at the same time, one remembered that mankind would dump
Approved For Release f]4aj iriv~p~l6d00446R000500200056-4 ibis to assert
 Approved For Release 2Q03/11/04: CIA-RDP67BOO446R000500200056-4
KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
that socialism is wo:,Wag for history, for the basic content of the contemporary
historical process ecustitutes the establishment and consolidation of socialism
on an international dale" (p. 53, par. 6).
* * *- "The htstor:eal epoch brilliantly foreseen by Vladimir Ilich Until has
become a qualitative, basic, new era in world history. Not a single preceding
era can be compared to it" (p. 53, par. 7).
"* * * the Morxi4-Leninist definition of the current era * * * shows the
fresh prospects opening before the International communist, workers, and
liberation movement3 (p. 53, par. 1).
* * * * * ?
"The statement of the conference provides the following definition of our era:
"'Our era, whose essence is the transition from capitalism to socialism begun
by the great October 'Socialist Revolution, is an era of the struggle of two
diametrically oppose I social systems, an era of Socialist revolutions and national
liberation revolutions, an era of the collapse of capitalism and of liquidation
of the colonial system, an era of the change to the road of socialism by more
and more nations, and of the triumph of socialism and communism on a world
scale"' (p. 55, par. 2F.
* i * * * ? *
"Our epoch is the epoch of the triumph of Marxism-Leninism" (p. 55, par. 5).
we live In c,splendid time: communism has become the Invincible force
of our century" (p. 73, par. 4).
ON COMMUNIST INVINCIBILITY
Khrushchev attempted to explain why he considers the Communists to be "in-
vincible." Ile predicts that the Communist ideology will conquer the minds of
the majority of the world population but be doesn't bother to produce, so far as
I can see, the evidence for this extraordinary assertion. Communism. has not
made much Ideological progress and it has stagnated even In the Soviet Union.
I{hrushchev Is a lit ile bit more explicit about economics and he has a field day
playing around with rather amazing statistics. For example, he asserts that
the annual average @ iowth rate in all the socialist countries amounts to 17 per-
cent. This, accordinil to his arithmetic, is more than four times higher than the
average growth rate of the capitalist countries, whoever they may be. If the
socialist countries In feed are achieving a growth rate of about 17 percent, they
would be investing n.ore than 50 percent of their gross national product, which
of course they are m t doing. Khrushchev's statistics, as usual, confuse :act and
gross tgures. Other'yise, they presumably constitute overfulfillment of the
pro- duction plan that was assigned to the statistical office.
Khrushchev predicts that Soviet industrial output will exceed the plan by
about 90 billion new rubles. This sounds impressive but actually merely means
an Increment of $40 oer head of the Soviet population. I am pointing this out,
not in order to belitle the accomplishment of Soviet economic growth, but to
stress that Khrushciev is putting the best possible interpretation on Soviet
economic development.
By contrast he asserts that U.S. production just Is keeping abreast of the
population increase. He even suggests that U.S. production actually is declin-
i ing. He overplays American unemployment, makes great fuss about the alleged
decline of the Amer1,:pn. international economic posture, and alleges that West-
ern Europe also is dcQllning economically, which is nonsense. It would lead too
far to show why and where these various interpretations are false.
The point is that IChrushchev predicts Soviet victory in the economic compe-
tition with the United States. This looked-for victory will be a major, or even
the biggest, turning point in history. According to this speech, much of Soviet
strategy Is based upon the expectation that this turning point in history will be
reached soon, by 1965-70.
it is hard for me tpp Imagine that the Soviet leaders, in their secret councils,
actually believe that hey can catch up, let alone overtake the United States eco-
nomitally within the next 5, 10, or 15 years, or even In any predictable future.
If they really do not believe this then we must consider that the entire strategy
Approved For Release 2OOG1!44dO4nnCIAaRQR671 OO 6 5OO2GOO56 Le cover for the
preparation of war. have additional comments on this point later.
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
RHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1901
On the other hand, if they do believe that the Soviet Union will overtake the
United States, they are in for a bitter disappointment.
Consequently, we must expect that the current Soviet strategy will be modl-
fled within the next 5 years, or at any rate after the demise of Khrushchev,
regardless of whether I{hrushchev, because of the failure of the strategy, will
be kicked out, or whether Soviet strategy will be changed after he has become
Incapacitated.
At any rate, there is good reason to assume from the wording of Rbrushchev's
speech, that Soviet strategy, in the present era, is predicated on the unrealistic
but major premise that the U.S.S.R. will outstrip the United States in volume
of production by 1965. I believe that the Kremlin Is not aiming at winning the
economic competition but is making every effort to win the technological race.
This goal is far less unrealistic.
* * * "The revolutionary emergence of more and more peoples into the world
arena creates exceptionally favorable conditions for an unprecedented broaden-
ing of the sphere of influence of Marxism-Leninism."
The time Is not far way when Marxism-Leninism will possess the minds of
the majority of the world's population * * *" (p. 54, par. 2).
* * * * *
"* * * the march of socialism [Is] invincible. * * * Marxism-Leninism today
dominates the minds of literally hundreds of millions of people and thereby
constitutes, if one is to apply Marx's words, a mighty material force" (p. 53,
par. 10).
* * * * * * *
Since 1957 [supplied] "the volume of industrial production in the Socialist
countries rose 37.1 percent and the industrial output In the capitalist coun-
tries Increased 7.4 percent. During the same time industrial production in the
U.S.S.R. rose by 23 percent and in the United States by only 4.6 percent. The
average annual rate of Increase in all the Socialist countries amounted to 17
percent and In the capitalist countries to 3.6 percent. The average annual rate
of increase in the U.S.S.R. In that period amounted to 10.9 percent and In the
United States to 2.3 percent" (p. 57, par. 9).
"As shown by calculations of economists, by 1965 the U.S.S.R. will outstrip
the United States In volume of production, and will outstrip the United States
in per capita production by approximately 1970" (p. 58, par. 10).
* * * * * *
"We will switch over part of the capital investment Into agriculture and Into
light industry. It Is impossible to build communism by offering only machines
and ferrous and nonferrous metals. People should be able to eat properly
and dress well, to have adequate housing conditions, and other material and
cultural advantages. This Is not a revision of our general line but a sensible
utilization of our material possibilities" (p. 58, par. 4).
* * * * * * *
"If the present rates are preserved, Industrial output will not increase 80
percent in seven years as envisaged in the plan, but will almost double. This
will mean that industrial production in an amount of about 90 billion new
rubles will be produced In excess of plan" (p. 57, par. 12).
"To explain more clearly what this figure means, let me remind you that
Vladimir Bich Lenin reported with pride to the Fourth Congress of the Com-
munist International that our country In 1922 for the first time had been able
to invest 20 million rubles in heavy industry. You see how modest the figures
of 1922 were and what possibilities we have today" (p. 58, par. 2).
* * * * * * *
"In the postwar period, the United States has experienced three critical
production slumps : 1948-1949,1953-1954, and particularly 1957-1958. During the
past year, according to estimates of the American press, U.S. Industrial produc-
tion increased by only 2 percent. For 1961, American economists predict not an
increase but a decline of about 3.7 percent in production, and may be even more.
In the U.S.S.R. production increased about 10 percent in 1060" (p. 56, par. 4).
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
20 KHRUSITCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"* * * that countr3 [United States] has been falling off in postwar years
and is now just managing to keep. ahead of the population increase" I.p. 56,
par. 7).
"According to clearly optimistic official statistics (obviously garbled' official
!U.S. figures), the number of unemployed in the United States rose from 2.6
,!million people in 1956 A 3.8 million In 1959, and to more than 4 million by the end
of 1960. Moreover, thore is a multimillion army of semiunemployed In the United
(States" (p.56, par. 5).
* * * * * * x
"The U.S. share of industrial output of capitalist countries has fallen from
54 percent in 1950 to 4-48 percent In 1959."
`The U.S. share in the exports of capitalist countries sank from more than
130 percent In 1946 to 21 percent In 1953, and to 17.4 percent in 1959" (p. 56,
par. 8).
* x * x x x *
"As regards the economy of the other capitalist countries, it is also char-
acterized by Increasing Instability" (p. 56, par. 10).
"The conference reached a conclusion which is of great theoretical and po-
litical significance. T'. Its conclusion states :
"'The development of the common crisis of capitalism has reached a new
stage.
"'The peculiarity of this stage Is that it emerged, not in connection.with
the world war, but In conditions of competition and struggle between the two
systems; In the ever- increasing change in the correlation of forces to the ad-
vantage of socialism; in the acute aggravation of all the contradictions of
imperialism; under conditions when the successful struggle of the peace-loving
forces for establishment and stabilization of world coexistence has prevented
the imperialists from indermining world peace with their aggressive actions ; and
under conditions of an increasing struggle by the masses for democracy, national
liberation, and sociali:nn' " (p. 57, par. 3).
* * * * x * *
"* * * in the econcmlc field as well as In the field of international politics, the
main power of capita Ism has entered a phase of growing difficulties and ertses-
i the phase of its decliie" (WMR version: "the twilight phase") (p. 56, par. 9).
"The victory of the U.S.S.R. in economic competition with the United States,
the victory of the wt ole Socialist system over the capitalist system, will. be the
biggest ('MR version: 'a major') turning point in history, will exert a still
more powerful, revolutionizing influence on the workers movement all over the
world. Then, even ti the greatest skeptics, It will become clear that It is only
socialism that provides everything necessary for the happy life of man, and
they will make their choice in favor of socialism" (p. 59, par. 2).
ON COMMUNIST OBJECTIVES
I now turn to the Communist objectives as enunciated by Mr. Khrushchev.
First and foremost, ha reasserts the objective of a worldwide triumph of commu-
nism, and for clarity's sake, I should add that this objective, of course, includes
the communization of the United States. In one instance, Khrushchev de;0aited
from the current practice of employing the Aesopian language and referred spe-
f cifically to proletariai revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The prototype of tie society which the Communists intend to introduce in all
continents Is presently being built up behind the Iron Curtain. He says, I am
sure that the young Idealists within the free world who are dreaming about a
Communist egalitari to society have a more appealing Utopia in mind.
Khrushchev assigns specific objectives to the working class, namely to carry
out revolution and rebuff imperialist reaction; to the national independence
movements (which lie considers to be part of the world Communist system),
namely, to end Western and Western-oriented regimes in the underdeveloped
areas and draw the new countries into the Soviet system; and to pacifists,
namely, to give strategic protection to the Soviet bloc and to contribute their
share to the successful Implementation of the strategy of peaceful coexistence.
Approved For Release 20D3t#4Q4bleClAuRQPgyg 1> 6R'dE opooE nWw are joined to-
gether, as two pron;s o a pincer movement n wor e p litical warfare.
 According to Communist doctrine, universal peace can prevail only after the
worldwide victory of communism has been accomplished. This point is reiter-
ated, though largely by implication, by Mr. Khrushchev.
The significance is that the Communists do not believe that peace, and hence
disarmament, are feasible before they have won the world. In fact, in their
parlance, total peace is a synonym for communism. But the peace slogan and
disarmament policies are being used as part of Soviet strategy to win the struggle
against the United States and its allies. Furthermore, the incessant insistence
on the blessings of peace is a propagandist detour to enlist new adherents to com-
munism. I will have additional comments on this subject later.
Khrushchev said, on this subject:
The unity of the ranks of every communist party and the unity of all com-
munist parties constitute the united international communist movement directed
at the achievement of our common goal-the triumph of communism throughout
the world" (p. 77, par. 6).
World Marxist Review version, p. 27, second column, par. 4: "The unity of
every Communist Party, the unity of all the Communist parties, is what makes
up the integral world Communist movement, which is aimed at achieving our
common goal, victory for communism throughout the world. The main thing
that is required of all the Communist and Workers' parties today, Is perse-
veringly to strengthen to the utmost the unity and cohesion of their ranks.
The unity of the ranks of the Communist movement is especially Important In
present conditions. This is due to the historic tasks the Communist movement
is called upon to perform."
w e < ? x < r
"Recognition of the necessity of a revolutionary transformation of capitalist
society into a Socialist society is an axiom for us Soviet Communists, sons of the
October Revolution. The path to socialism lies through proletarian revolution
and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat" (p. 73, par. 1).
Y ? M i + ? a
"In the part of the earth occupied by the world Socialist system, the prototype
of a new society for all mankind is being created" (p. 61, par. 4).
"The working class, the workers of the capitalist countries, awaited the
answers to the questions on how best to carry on the struggle for their revolu-
tionary aims, for social progress, for democratic rights and freedoms, and how
to give a more successful rebuff to imperialist reaction.
"The fighters for national independence awaited an answer to the questions
on how one can rapidly put an end forever to the shameful system of colonialism
and insure the development of the countries that have become liberated on the
path of national independence, peace, and social progress.
"All peace-loving mankind awaited the answer to the most burning question
of the present day-how to prevent a world thermonuclear war and attain last-
ing peace on earth and friendship among all the peoples, and bow to insure
peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems" (p. 52, pars. 1, 2, 3).
"The documents of the conference point the way for the development of the
:world Socialist system and for further unification of the Socialist camp. They
determine the major problems of the struggle by the working class in capitalist
countries, the struggle for liquidation of the disgraceful colonial system and
unification of all forces acting against the threat of a new war" (p. 53, par. 1).
+ a + s + ? +
"The peoples believe that Communists will use the entire might of the Socialist
system and the increased strength of the international working class to deliver
mankind from the horrors of war. Marx, Engels, and Lenin considered that
the historic mission of the working class and its Communist vanguard consisted
not only In abolishing the oppression of exploitation, poverty, and lack of rights,
but in ridding mankind of bloody wars" (p. 62, par. 8).
% # 4 W M ! +
"One of the decisive sources of the moral strength of communism, of its great
influence on the masses, is that It comes forth as a standard-bearer In the strug-
gle for peace. It is the banner of peace that enables us to rally the broadest
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved,For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
b-HRU3HCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
popular masses around us. If we carry high the banner of peace, we shall score
even greater successes" (p. 68, par. 9).
"Wars have follow p4 the division of the society into classes, I.e., the basis for
the beginning of all vars will be finally eliminated only when the division of the
society into hostile antagonistic classes is abolished. The victory of the working
class throughout the world and the victory of socialism will bring about the re-
moval of all social q id national causes of the outbreak of wars, and mankind
will be able to rid its(Jfforever of that dreadful plight" (p. 63, par. 2).
* * * * * * rt
"We can be proud of the fact that the peoples' notions of peace and communism
are all the more bein?: identified as a single unit" (p. 68, par. 7).
"The Communists ice their historical mission not only in abolition of exploita-
tion and poverty all over the world and in excluding. forever the possibility of
any war in the life of human society, but In delivering mankind in the current
era from the nightmare of a new world war" (p. 68, par. li ).
"The CPSU * * * will always struggle for universal peace, for the victory
of communism * * * (p. 78, par. 5).
e.\` THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF STRATEGY
Soviet strategy is based on three general principles, according to Mr.. Khru-
shehev's January 1901 speech. These principles are, first, the correct determina-
tion of the correlat on of forces, specifically-presumably-the correct: deter-
mination of the fore- relationship between the U.S.S.It. and the United States.
The second principle is to exploit opportunities which present themselves. The
third principle Is to continue the advance of communism. This third principle
used to be applied by Stalin under the heading of "constant pressure."
Khrushchev's view;:
"We always seek to direct the development of events in a way which insures
that, while defendirg the Interests of the socialist camp, we do not provide
the Imperialist provocateurs with a chance to unleash a new world war" (p. 66,
par. 9).
"* * * We must * " * determine correctly the correlation of forces, to ex-
ploit new possibilities which the present era opens up for the further advance-
ment of our great cause" (p. 54, par. 9). i
ON MASS MOVEMENTS
Communist strategy is predicated on the utilization of mass movements and
above all upon the b iilding and training of the "political army of the Socialist
revolution." The teem "political army" is a Communist expression of long
standing to describe the Communist Party and Its subsidiary organizations.
The term denotes the idea that within the Communist conflict machine, the
military forces and the political army must be developed into an integrated
whole.
Otherwise, Mr. Klrushchev's speech highlights some of the standard mass
movements of Commi;p(st history, the workers, peasants, women, and youth. The
listing of young natimal states and countries opposing war in a paragraph re-
ferring to mass movements is perhaps novel. but peace partisans who also are
listed in this passage have been considered perhaps the most important single
Communist mass movgment since 1950.
I call your attention to the fact that Infiltration into the armed forces of
the free world is again, like in the late twenties and early thirties, emphasized
as an important stra.eglc operation. In short, we have two new types of "mass
movement" ; and military Infiltration must be expected to be undertaken on a
mass scale. I hope this warning will not go unheeded throughout the free
world.
These are Khrashc acv's statements on the subject:
The Communists (eel that if all progressive and peace-loving forces of our
Approved For Release ?ffva, working class,
 Approved For Release 2003/11/ISIWbR7Ag14$9FA%%R$2R04% 23
the national liberation movement, young national states and all countries oppos-
ing war, all peace partisans, will wage a resolute struggle against the danger of
war, they can tie the hands of warmongers and prevent a new world war
catastrophe" (p. 68, par. 8).
* * * * * *
"+ * * youth is a great revolutionary force. No other political party can
attract young people in the same way as the Communists, the most revolutionary
party. And young people like bold revolutionary actions" (p. 68, par. 2).
* * * * * * *
"It Is a very complicated thing to lead the masses to Socialist revolution.
It is known from our party's experience that the Bolsheviks, struggling for
power, devoted their principal attention to working among the masses, to estab-
lishment and consolidation of the union of the working class with the peasantry,
to training the political army of the Socialist revolution. Leninists worked
wherever there were masses-among the workers, peasants, women, young
people, in the army" (p. 74, par. 1).
ON TILE STRATEGY OF TIM PEACE SLOGAN
Hero are a few key quotes from the January speech which show that the
peace slogan serves above all to mobilize the political army:
"* * * the very appreciation of the threat of devastating war strengthens the
will of the masses to struggle against war. Therefore it is essential to warn
the masses of the most dangerous consequences of a new world war and, thereby,
to rouse the sacred wrath of the peoples against those who are preparing this
crime" (p. 65, par. 10).
* * * * * * *
"We warn of a threat of war in order to raise the vigilance and energy of
the peoples and to mobilize them for the struggle to prevent world war" (p. 63,
par. 1).
* * * * * *
"* + * a persistent pursuance of a policy of preventing war and of mobilizing
the masses for the solution of this task" (p. 65, par. 0).
"The present international Communist and Workers movement has attained
such might and organization that it poses for itself the practical task of deliver-
ing mankind from the calamities of a new war. The statement of the conference
says! The Communists see their historical mission not only in abolition of ex-
ploitation and poverty all over the world and in excluding forever the possi-
bility of any war in the life of human society, but in delivering mankind in the
current era from the nightmare of a new world war" (p. 68, par. 11).
ON TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY
Ever since Lenin wrote his treatise on Left Radicalism, the Communist
leaders have been placing great emphasis on the need for tactical flexibility.
Lenin stressed above all, the need for Communists to master all forms of struggle.
This point is still held in high esteem by the Communists of today, but equal
emphasis Is laid on the need for local strategies which Communists must
pursue In the several countries. In brief, the Injunction is to use those slogans
which hold the greatest appeal to the masses. Local appeal is more important
than worldwide consistency.
This particular strategy is related to the technique of the Aesopian language.
Also, It has a bearing on the relations between the countries within the Soviet
bloc, each of which, within limits, may use its own particular methods.
It is very important to understand that flexibility in tactics and operation,
and even broad divergencies of policies, are considered permissible and even
necessary by the gremlin, provided the differences are synchronized in such a
manner that the unity of the world Communist movement is not impaired. Ob-
viously, this is a very grave problem but the Communist lenders are fully aware
of it and apparently are devoting a great deal of attention to the best methods
of reconciling contradictory operational requirements within a uaifled strategic
framework.
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
24 XHRUS]ICHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1981
some quotations on this matter from the speech and elsewhere:
"* * * we must unterstand such strivings by the fraternal parties, who know
better the conditions and peculiarities in their countries. We are proceeding
,from the statement b,p the great Lenin that all nations will come to socialism.
This is unavoidable. But all will not come in the same way. Each of them will
bring Its own traits into one or another form of democracy, into one or another
variety of dictatorship of the proletariat, into one or another rate of Socialist
transformations in various aspects of social life. But, of course, there is no
need to exaggerate th3 significance of these peculiarities * * *" (p. 77, par. 4).
World Marxist Review version, p. 27, par. 4: "We act upon the behest of the
great Lenin that 'all nations will come to socialism; that is certain, but all of
them will come to it not in entirely identical ways and each will contribute
something of Its own to this or that form of democracy, this or that variety of
the dictatorship of Ile proletariat, this or that rate of Socialist change In the
various aspects of serial development' (Collected Works, Russ. Ed,, Vol. 23,
p.58).
*
"Each party can see better which slogan at any moment corresponds best
with the task of winning the masses, leading them forward, stimulating cohesion
of the political army at the socialist revolution" (p. 74, par. 1).
"The correct application of this experience, the correct determination of which
policy should be pursued, naturally can be done only by the actual party func-
tioning In the given country" (p. 70, par. 2).
ON ALL FOIMS OF STRUGGLE
As pointed out, Co nrnunists are enjoined to master "all forms of struggle."
This reminder by Kb rushchev is in the truest tradition of Lenin. I call your
attention to his emphasis that these forms of struggle Include peaceful and non-
peaceful means, or wi we would put it, violent and nonviolent, or military and
peaceful methods. Ti ider this heading, the utilization of violent methods, which
of course include war, becomes legitimate whenever the situation can 'best be
handled by war andwhenever communism cannot be advanced except through
war.
Khrushchev says:
"The Communists i egard It their sacred duty to make full use of all possibili-
ties created for the ?copies by the present era to curb the bellicose forces of
imperialism, to prevent a new war" (p. 68, par. 10).
"They direct Coma unist parties toward cohesion of the working class' and the
majority of people to master all forms of struggle-peaceful and nonpeaceful,
parliamentary and nouparliamentary. Lenin taught the Communists to be ready,
depending on the situation, to make use of one form or another of struggle
and to educate the workiug masses in the spirit of readiness for resolute revolu-
tionary actions" (p. 73, par. 8).
The following invocations on the need for the Communist Parties to "syncho-
size their watches" are an essential complement to the requirement for tactical
flexibility. Synchronization necessarily demands that one watch be selected
as the time master. Hence, this international Communist synchronization must
needs take place un3er Kremlin control. One of the main international and
"sacred" obligations of the Soviet Union Is to supervise the synchronization
within the world Communist movement. Synchronization is an Aesopian term
for leadership and control although, no doubt, the old control methods which
still could be used In italin's time no longer are effective.
These are Khrushchev's words:
Our party, nurtu'ed by Lenin, has always regarded It as its foremost duty
to fulfill internatiomd obligations to the international working class. The dele-
gation assured. the participants of the conference that the party in the future
too would bear high the banner of proletarian Internationalism and would spare
no effort to fulfill its international obligations" (p. 76, par. 2).
Approved For Release 2009,1$ Olt C A4R{8P?16004'41Oit@1/005Q0i4F0005614nehronizetheir
watches" (p. 77, par. 5).
 Approved For Release 2003/11/ R lf4~p W4VIARgWP2PO9D*4
ON THE BASIC sTRENCTIIS OF COMMUNISM
Strategy is the planned and directed employment of forces and strengths.
According to Khrushchev, the Communist world movement has three basic
strengths: First, the military might of the Soviet bloc; second, the revolu-
tionary movements within the free world; and third, the sympathizers of com-
munism, notably at present, the various types of pacifists.
The strengths could be described as (a) the military forces under Com-
munist command (b) the "political armies" and political parties under Com-
munist command or secret control, including secret organizations dealing with
espionage and the like; and (c) the numerous front organizations operating
throughout the free world.
In this analysis, Khrushchev shows himself to be a highly orthodox Stalinist;
and like Hitler he apparently desires to go down the road which providence
prescribed for him. The difference is that Hitler relied on "somnambulistic
certainty" and Khrushchev relies on the "certainty" of the Marxist-Leninist
theory.
He had this to say :
"There is only one way of bringing Imperialism to heel, the unflagging con-
solidation of the economic, political, and military might of the Socialist states,
an all-out unification and consolidation of the world revolutionary movement,
and the mobilization of the broad popular masses for the struggle to prevent the
danger of war" (p. 60, par. 0).
"The CPSU (Central Committee) and Soviet Government will continue
with determination to do everything to enhance the military might of our
country * * *" (p. (30, par. 10).
ON BASIC STRATEGIC UNOEnTA%INOS
The basic undertakings of Soviet strategy, according to Khrushchev, include
the advancement of the economic power of the Soviet bloc, industrialization
throughout the bloc, and the advancement of Soviet technology-all of this as
quickly as possible; as well as the molding of men suitable for the future Coin-
munist society, an undertaking which we would describe as morale building.
Khrushchev admits that there are no ready answers for many newly arising
problems, a remark to which I feel not too much ideological weight should be
attached. It is significant, however, that he describes the winning of time in the
economic contest with capitalism as "the main thing." This, to some extent, is
contradictory to his other statements on the twilight of capitalism and the
possibility that communism may win the struggle even within the current
historical era.
This is his language:
"* * * the primary task of Socialist countries is to exploit possibilities
inherent in socialism to outstrip, as soon as possible, the world capitalist system
in absolute volume of industrial and agricultural production and then to overtake
the most developed capitalist countries in per capita production and living
standards" (p. 57, par. 7).
* * * * * * *
"Chief among these tasks are creation of the material-technical base of
communism, development on this foundation of communist social relations, and
molding the man of the future Communist society" (p. 57, par. 11).
* * * * * * *
"The assistance of the U.S.S.R. and other Socialist states to countries which
+ have won their independence pursues a single goal : To contribute to the strengh-
ening of the position of those countries in the struggle against imperialism,
to the development of their national economies, and to the improvement of the
living conditions of their peoples" (p. 71, par. 6).
* * * * * * *
"The effectiveness of this [assistance by U.S.S.R.] was first demonstrated by
the example of certain central Asian and Caucasian peoples, backward in the
past, who when greatly assisted by the more advanced Socialist nations, notably
by the Russian nation, quickly overcame their backwardness and have now taken
their place in the ranks of the industriall}y developed regions of the country.
Approved For Releasq;$Id n0~141F~~~/~~U46K~dv000iUUgssysstma" (p. 62,
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
bb BHRUBHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
'By solving the task of gradually overcoming the differences which have arisen
in the course of histcry in the levels of economic development, we are showing
to the peoples of the whole world the Communist way toward liquidation of
economic and cultural backwardness to which they have been doomed, by im-
"The practice of Communist construction raises many such questions, which
have no ready answers. We advance along unexplored paths In building com-
munism. Mankind s:/II does not possess the complete theoretical background
and the experience oiorganizing all aspects of society's life under conimun sm"
(p. 59, par. 10).
? r ? r r r '' ?
"To In time in thi economic contest with capitalism is now the main thing.
The quicker we increase economic construction, the stronger we are economically
and politically, the greater will be the influence of the Socialist camp on ]ilstori-
cal development, on the destiny of the world" (p. 59, par. 3).
ON CURRENT THRUSTS
In addition to them long-range undertakings, Communist strategists recognize
the need for current thrusts, Khrushchev refers to the division among the
"Imperialists" during the period of the two World Wars which was one of the
key conditions enabli ig communism to advance. It may be recalled that Stalin,
by concluding an alliance with Hitler, rendered World War II inevitable.
Stalin's maneuver was entirely in line with old Communist rules about the need
to take advantage if, and to create antagonisms within, the camp of the
opponents. Under ci rrent circumstances, of course, the free world is more or
less united and Khrushchev acknowledges as much, but he adds that. possi-
bilities of creating st-ategically significant antagonisms and cleavages, do exist.
One of the main oiiiectives of the Soviet Union Is to destroy the free world
alliances and to divile the free world into several hostile blocs. It is quite
clear from Khrushchev's statement that ho thinks the Berlin question and
German rearmament provide an opening through which the free world could
be disunited. It is for this strategic purpose-and not because Berlin is a
[ "bone in his throat"-that the Berlin-German issue which could very well be
entirely dormant, is bought up time and again.
Khrushchev said it the January speech:
"* * * the capitalist world is not divided Into two imperialist camps, as it
was on the eve of both world wars. Nevertheless, it is far from united and is
divided by a cruel internal struggle" (p. GG, par. 11).
? r r ? ? ? ?
"We set ourselves he task of exposing the aggressive essence of all military-
political alignments of the imperialists like NATO, SEATO, and CENTO, of
seeking their Isolation and ultimate liquidation. * * *
"The program of ?eaceful German settlement submitted by Socialist states
and the solution on his basis of the question of West Berlin have to a great
extent assisted an exposing of the aggressive circles of the United States, the
German Federal Remblic, and other NATO participants as opponents of a
relaxation of tension.
"The International positions of the GDR-the outpost of socialism in Western
Europe-have become stronger. The positions of the United States, Great
Britain, and France have turned out to be particularly vulnerable i:a West
Berlin" (p. 07, par. 3).
(World Marxist Review version (p. 17, par. 5) : "Of special importance for
peace in Europe, and not only in Europe, is the struggle against renascent West
German militarism. The Soviet Union is waging this struggle together with the
GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other Socialist countries in various ways, the
most important being the struggle for a peace treaty. The Initiative of the
Socialist states in advancing a program for a peaceful settlement of the German
question and the solution, on this basis, of the question of West Berlin, had done
much to unmask the aggressive elements In the USA, the Federal Republic and
other NATO countries as opponents of a detente. The international position of
the German Democratic Republic-the outpost of socialism in Western Europe-
has been strengthened.")
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
EHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"* * * to do away with the occupational regime In West Berlin, and, thus,
to eradicate this splinter (WMR: thorn) from the heart of Europe" (p. 67,
par. 8).
"The struggle against the revival of German militarism Is of particular Im-
portance for the consolidation of peace in Europe, and not only in Europe" (p. 67,
par. 1).
* * *
"The revival of German militarism and revanchism * * * restores a most
complicated range of Anglo-German, Franco-German, and other Imperialist con-
tradictions. If we compare the present position of capitalism with its posi-
tion after World War II, it becomes clear that a great deepening in the general
crises of capitalism has taken place" (p. 57, par. 1).
ON TIIE ROLE OF WAR
In all strategic discussions the question of war looms high. It will be recalled
that, shortly after World War I, when it became apparent that the 19th-century
Communist technique of uprising was inadequate to bring about revolution, war
came to be considered as the main instrument of Communist seizures of power.
Stalin, supported by Frunze and Tukhachevski, was the main theoretician who
upheld this point of view. Trotsky was more ambiguous on the subject. (This
did not prevent him from conquering Georgia by an aggressive war.)
Khrushchev now points out that war is not a necessary condition for Coat-
tourist successes because proletarian revolutions are "first of all, a consequence
of the development of the class struggle." In this modification of Stalin's origi-
nal doctrine, Khrushchev is justified, and I would think that lie has taken to
heart the lesson of World War II, which war did not lead to Communist take-
overs in Germany, Italy, and France.
Communism, in other words, has little chance of success, even in case of war,
if there are no effective Communist Parties capable of exploiting the chaos of
defeat.
Political crises can occur in the absence of a general war, and if they do,
Communists must exploit them effectively; this applies particularly to crises
occurring before a war and to war alerts.
I call your attention to the fact that Khrushchev does not talk, in this context,
about war in general but about world war. It is true that world war is not a
necessary conditions for Communist seizures of power but it has been a frequent
condition. No Communist regime has come to power without the immediate
or remote help of war. In the future, war will continue to be a necessary condi-
tion, at least in some-and presumably in the most Important-instances.
Khrushchev does not discuss these problems. He states merely that an "acute
class struggle" must be waged against strong capitalist states. In Communist
parlance, "acute class struggle" may mean anything from world war to general
strikes and mass sabotage. It Is perfectly clear, from Communist doctrine, that
the stronger the capitalist state which is to be toppled, the stronger and more
violent must be the means used to destroy it.
It Is interesting that In this speech, Khrushchev does not use the expression,
"war Is not fatalistically inevitable." Ile points out that force must not be
used In all cases and that new methods substituting for force can be developed.
He stresses that a peaceful revolution Is preferable to a "nonpeaceful" upheaval.
But if the "ruling classes * * * are unwilling to bow to the will of the people,
the proletariat must break their resistance and start a resolute civil war." This
is a plain warning that unless the free world surrenders, war will become neces-
sary.
In brief, Khrushchev has not really departed from Stalin's war doctrine. Ile
has merely introduced greater flexibility and sophistication and he may be in-
clined to use war as a last rather than an early resort.
He said :
"* * * both World War I and World War II exerted enormous Influence on
the emergence and deepening of the general crisis of capitalism. Does it
follow from that that a world war is a necessary condition for a further inten-
sification of the general crisis of capitalism? Such a conclusion would be pro-
foundly Incorrect since it distorts the Marxist-Leninist theory of the Socialist
revolution and conflicts with the real reasons for revolution (WDfIk version:
Approved For Releasei200G/4ClW0l :t6+A9RDP678N446R0?05N20II0564tion does not
 Approved For Release p~003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
28 KHRU3ICHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
result from military cataclysms; It is first of all a consequence of the:develop-
ment of the class struggle and of the internal contradictions of capitalism"
(p. 56, par. 2).
ff
"It Is obvious thar~ig countries where capitalism is still strong, wheFe it has
a huge military and policy apparatus, the transition to socialism will unavoid-
ably take place in auditions of an acute class struggle" (p. 73, par. 7).
"As for the forms of transition to socialism, they will, as was pointed out by
the 20th CPSU Cong -ass, become increasingly diverse, and It is not essential that
the transition to socialism everywhere and in all cases be connected with armed
uprisings and civil war's (p. 73, par. 2).
"Marxism-Leninisil proceeds from the view that the forms of transition to
socialism can be of 1 peaceful or nonpeaceful nature. Revolution by peaceful
means is in keeping -with the interest of the working class and the masses. But
if the ruling classes vaunter revolution with force and are unwilling to bow to the
will of the people, the proletariat must break their resistance and start a resolute
civil war" (p. 73, par.3).
ON WAR TYPES
Communists always placed great importance upon defining the various types
of war. For examp e, in the Sixth World Congress of the Communist Inter-
national (1928), they. distinguished between imperialist, national liberation, and
revolutionary wars and divided those categories further into just and unjust
wars. As will be seen further on, the Communists continue to distinguish be-
tween just and unjrst wars, but the other classification has been modified to
some extent.
The Communists row distinguish between world wars, local wars, liberation
wars, and popular uprisings. The classification of popular uprisings as war
invites close attention. Perhaps it can be anticipated that in contrast to past
times when popular uprisings suffered from many military and organizational
handicaps, future uprisings may be waged on a larger scale and be run pro-
fessionally within tie framework of coordinated world strategy. In addition,
up-to-date arms probt bly will be used.
Thus, the Inclusior of popular uprisings under the category of "war's may be
explained by a Kremlin decision henceforth to run such uprisings as major and
authentic military u:idertakings and for this purpose to provide the necessary
military, command end logistical assistance to revolutionary organizations.
Khrushchev, of course, shies away from stating explicitly that the Soviets
would start a war 'whenever they feel the opportunities to be propitious for
such a venture. Bu. be emphasized that the free world could attack: if such
an attack were to occur, the Soviets would not be caught unawares and capital-
ism would be defeated. There is no need to remind anyone that no aggressor
ever would admit to agggression. Practically all aggressors of history fabricated
claims that they att lcked merely to forestall an attack upon them. I cannot
understand that this Ithrushchev prose is so often taken at face value.
He spoke as follow;:
"In modern conditions the following categories of wars should be distin-
guished: World wars, local wars, liberation wars, and popular uprisings. This
Is necessary to work out the correct tactics with regard to these wars" (p. 63,
par. 3).
* * * * * * *
"Now imperialism as created, under peacetime conditions, a gigantic appara-
tus of war and a widespread system of blocs, and has subjected their economy to
the arms race" (p. 5t, par. 9).
"* * * while dying and disintegrating, capitalism is still capable of causing
great calamities to minkind. The party always maintains the greatest vigilance
regarding the danger emanating from Imperialism. It nurtures the Soviet
people in this spirit and does everything necessary to make it impossible for the
enemy ever to catch is unawares" (p. 62, par. 9).
 Approved For Release 2003/ /~J ;~QFA7OQAA?,QtFk0?2q??56-4 29
"We know that if the imperialist madmen unleash a world war, capitalism
would be wiped out and annihilated by the peoples. But we are resolutely
opposed to war * * *" (p. 65, par. 7).
(World Marxist Review version, p. 15, par. 5, second column: "We know that
if the imperialist madmen were to begin a world war, the peoples would wipe
out capitalism. But we are resolutely opposed to war, because we are con-
cerned fl first to suffer ein fate of the event of war Its present and Its future, would be the working people ndth it that
van
guard-the working class.")
ALLEGATION THAT LAW 19 NOT WAR
The use of Aesopian language Is particularly prominent in Khrushchev's
arguments about war. For example, the phrase "war among states" which
can be found in many Communist documents recurs several times. This type
of war, according to Khrushchev, must be prevented. He alleges that for
Communist victory "wars among states are not necessary." The obverse of
this doctrine is that other types of war, such as civil wars, would be necessary.
If so, the question arises as to how the Communists describe "civil wars."
On this point no new definition has been supplied, so far as I can see. But in
earlier days, World War I, for example, was described as "international civil
War."
Moreover, there is the problem of military intervention: It is customary in
civil wars that the belligerents receive outside support. It is my belief that,
according to their current interpretation, intervention to help pro-Communist
insurgents specifically would be excluded from the category "war among states."
By contrast, intervention to support anti-Communist forces would be prohibited,
according to the same "dialectic" interpretation of the term "war."
Speaking on this subject, Khrushchev said:
"* * * uprisings must not be identified with wars among states * * *" (p. 65,
par. 2).
* * * * *
"Our duty to history Is to insure peace and peaceful development of this great
offspring of the international working class and to protect the peoples of all
countries from another destructive war. The victory of socialism throughout
the world, which Is inevitable because of the laws of historic development, is now
near. For this victory, wars among states are not necessary" (p. 65, par. 8).
ON THE PREVENTION OE GLOBAL WAR
Despite many ambiguities, I think It is self-evident that Khrushchev fears a
global thermonuclear war among states. I do not think that Khrushchev fears
this war badly enough so that he will never wage it, nor that his successors will
be bound by his fears. I believe above all, that he Is doing all he can In order
to get the Soviet Union into a position where such a war could have waged under
optimal conditions for communism. In my judgment, this is one of the main
reasons why the Soviets have been pushing the nuclear test ban and are sug-
gesting fraudulent agreements to stop nuclear production. At any rate Khru-
shchev's objections to global war, taken by itself, as well as to thermonuclear
weapons within a nonglobal war, or to global nuclear war between hostile
"social systems," would be considerably less acute than those to a global thermo-
nuclear war among states.
Khrushchev's objections to such a war do not imply that he does not want
to reap the benefits of such a war which, if concluded successfully, would give
that the Communists Communist movement.
at ttheir disposal hnewbmethodsaby which avers they e wants will be able to achieve their goal short of thermonuclear holocaust.
These methods include the deterrence of the free world through Soviet ther-
monuclear long-range power; the mobilization of pacifist forces in the free
world ; and the utilization of uprisings in lieu of war.
This emphasis on uprisings, to which we have already alluded, is a reversal
to Communist 19th century doctrine. Yet there are significant changes. First,
as we have deduced before, such uprisings are to be undertaken as proper and
major military operations and second, military operations of this type hence-
forth will be provided with the strategic cover-and possibly support-of nuclear
Approved For Release bb~yI?~1~ 9t6 A rP67aBOO446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2 g3/11 /04 g,~R? f,7@AQ~WfOP0RgA;g095F of I
Riots are a prepaiatory step to uprisings. The Communists possibly are en?
gaged in a worldwi(.y program to train their "troops" in the tactics of ,riots.
11 Khrushchev expressed himself this way:
"The prevention o;a new war is the question of all questions" (p. 62, par. 6).
"* * * the problem of preventing a global thermonuclear war is the moat burn-
Ing and vital, problem, of mankind (p. 62, par. 7).
"The conference has discovered and outlined ways of using even more
effec- tively the new opportunities of preventing a world war which emerged as a
result of the formation of the Socialist camp, the growth of its might, and the
new balance of powe" (p. 62, par. 8).
"* * *, the present balance of power in the world arena enables the Socialist
camp and other pea! e-loving forces to pursue the completely realistic task of
compelling the imperialists, under the threat of the downfall of their system,
not to unleash a worl3 war" (p. 56, par. 1).
"If the peoples of Ill countries are united and mobilized, if they wage a tire-
less struggle, uniting their efforts both inside each country and on a world scale,
wars can be averted" (p. 64, par. 5).
"We are convinced tljat, as the might of the world Socialist system Increases
and the level of organization of the working class in capitalist countries im-
proves, Increasingly 'evocable conditions for Socialist revolutions will occur"
(P. 73, par, 4).
ON WORLD ;WAR
Khrushchev leaves no doubt that a future world war would be fought with
long-range weapon s:'stems, notably missiles, and with nuclear weapons. He
also is fairly certain that war, "a constant companion of capitalism," is threat-
cuing again.
World War I was ~used "classically" by Lenin but presently wars among
capitalist states are. ullikely. (Khrushchev is remarkably silent on World War
II which also was us;d in a classical style by Stalin. This may indicate that
!Khrushchev is inclined to consider Lenin's tactics more appropriate in the pres-
lent period than the tattles Stalin used in 1939 and thereafter, but this is not clear,
by any means.)
In future, war between the "imperialists" (read: the United States) and the
Soviet Union is most likely-if there is to be a world war. Such a war presum-
ably would be directec, "in the first place against the Soviet Union" and though
the "unleashing of wa is has become a much more complicated business-for the
mp"Infests ," the danger of war continues to loom. Hence the task is to "create
mpassable obstacles" against the unleashing of wars.
At this point Khrusachev becomes contradictory. On the one hand, he states
confidently that Communists 'can forestall the outbreak of a world war" and
argues that wars car.. be prevented "indisputably." On the other band, he
reiterates the Communist axiom that wars will occur necessarily so long as
capitalism exists.
The solution to this riddle may be that he is enjoining the world Communist
movement In the free World to undermine the military and will power of free
governments as best t;ey can. This injunction Is being couched in terms of a
{lirective to prevent war. Yet, Insofar as the Soviet Union and the military
forces of the Communi 9t bloc are concerned, war is being prepared.
Obviously, it would be easier for the Soviet military forces to fight against a
$ree world whose military power had been undermined or even crippled from
within. I
1 In addition, Khrushchev points out that while, in Lenin's time, the task was to
seize power during the war, now it would seem to be the preferred Communist
tactic to exploit a war crisis, and perhaps a situation characterized by unclear
blackmail, and to launch Communist uprisings In the midst of war alerts.
This then would be a third modification of the classical Communist doctrine on
popular uprisings.
The Communist lead-r said:
Approved For Releas4 A [ Y ! 4~R PO4UIROOf)b~0290056e~41on: missile)
r a nos estruc ive war in history" (p. 65, par. 4).
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RD O4r4'NA 9W 20P*6-4 31
KHRUSHCHEV P
(November Declaration, par. 79:)
"War is a constant companion of capitalism. The system of exploitation of
man by man and the system of extermination of man by man are two aspects of
the capitalist system. Imperialism has already inflicted two devastating world
wars on mankind and now threatens to plunge it Into an even more terrible
catastrophe."
Khrushchev said further:
"* * * World War I * * * was classically used by the Bolshevik Party and
Lenin" (p. 63, par. 5).
I * * *
"* * * Imperialists now must keep an eye on the Soviet Union and the whole
Socialist cammp, and are afraid of starting wars among themselves. They are
trying to play down their differences * * *" (p. 63, par. 6).
ki "In present conditions, the most probable wars are wars among capitalist
and imperialist countries, and this too should not be ruled out" (p. 63, par. 7).
World Marxist Review version: "In present conditions, the likelihood is that
there will not be wars among capitalist and imperialist countries, although this
eventually cannot be ruled out."
* * * * * * *
"Wars are chiefly prepared by imperialists against Socialist countries, and in
the first place against the Soviet Union as the most powerful of the Socialist
states" (p. 63, par. 8).
"* * * as yet we are unable to exclude completely the possibility of wars,
for the imperialist states exist. However, the unleashing of wars has become
a much more complicated business for the imperialists. * * *" (p. 63, par. 9).
"The task is to create impassible obstacles against the unleashing of wars
by imperialists. We possess increasing possibilities for placing obstacles in the
path of warmongers. Consequently, we can forestall the outbreak of a world
war" (p. 63, par. 8).
* * * * * * *
"* * * the peoples, by mobilization of all their forces for active struggle
against the warmongering imperialists, can indisputably prevent war." * *
(p. 63, par. 11)
World Marxist Review version (p. 13) : "Prior to the rise of the Socialist
world camp, the working class was unable to exert a decisive influence on the
decision of the question whether there would or would not be a world war. In
those circumstances the finest representatives of the working class advanced
the slogan of turning an imperialist war into a civil war, that is, of the working
class and all working people using the situation created by the war to take
power. * * *
`In our time the conditions are different. *
"In the conditions of today the likelihood is that there will not be wars be-
tween the capitalist, imperialist countries, although this eventually cannot be
ruled out. The imperialists are preparing war chiefly against the Socialist
countries, above all against the Soviet Union, the most powerful of the Socialist
countries. They would like to sap our might and by so doing restore the one-
time rule of monopoly capital.''
ON LOCAL WARS
Mr. Khrushchev's position on local wars is another exercise in Aesopian
semantics. A local war, according to his expostulations, is a military operation
undertaken by free world forces short of global war, most probably for the
i purpose of putting down Communist guerrillas and insurrectionists. For ex-
ample, an American military operation in a given country outside the bloc
would be considered a local war, but a similar military operation by the Soviet
Union or by Communist forces in the same country would not be described as a
local war. This Soviet operation would be support to "liberation."
Local wars, in the Khrushchevian sense, may occur. If they do, they could
escalate into a major war-obviously, though, such escalation would happen
only because of Soviet Intervention. It is interesting that by implication,
Khrushchev contemplates, with complete serenity, those very types of steps
which the Soviet Union could take in order to transform a "small imperialist
Approved For ReleaselO4 i1z / W(IA RDP67B00446R000500200056-4 he is not op-
 Approved For Release 2ff 3/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
KHRUsFICHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
posed to thermonuclear global war if It can be dressed up as an undertaking
to suppress a "local war." This type of semantic trickery must be kept in mind
constantly.
Though Khrushchev is not as much opposed to nuclear wars as he alleges,
nevertheless, lie wants to avoid these wars. Hence he desires to deter local
wars; i.e., free world military Initiatives. He claims that in 1956 the Soviet
Union stopped the P ritish-French war in Egypt, even though the Soviets were
then less powerful than they are today. (I don't have to point out that this Is an
Inaccurate historical reconstruction.) His point is that local wars, If they oc~
cur, must be stopped by the Soviets threatening thermonuclear war. But again
be alleges that attempts to wage local wars "are being thwarted" successfully by
the Communists, pr sumably through nuclear blackmail, pacifism, and other
methods Inhibiting lie "imperialists."
The reason he is no Interested In thwarting local wars is that a free world
intervention would occur only against a Communist attempt at takeover. If a
free world interventi, p occurs, the local undertaking by the Communists may fail.
By contrast, If the Intervention is deterred, the Communists may attain their
local goal. Thus, Ehrushchev opposes local war in order to facilitate local
Communist conquests.
Under some conditions, of course, a local war could be exploited by the
Communists deliberaely to bring about war on a larger scale, provided they find
the escalation of conf let to be to their interest.
Khrushchev said:
"There have been local wars, and they may occur again in the future, but
opportunities for imparlaliats to unleash these wars, too, are becoming fewer and
fewer. A small imperialist war, regardless of which imperialist begins it, may
grow Into a world hermonuclear rocket war. We must, therefore, combat
both world wars and local wars" (p. 64, par. 2).
"Here Is an example of how a local war started by the Imperialist was stopped
as a result of the interference by the Soviet Union and the entire Socialist
camp" (p. 64, par. 4),
(World Marxist R3vlew version: "Here Is an example of how a local war
started by the Imperialist was nipped in the bud by the intervention of the
Soviet Union and the entire Socialist camp.")
"The Soviet Unior and the whole Socialist camp came to the defense of
Egypt. ? * ? The local war, the venture In Egypt, failed miserably" (p. 64,
par. 3).
"This was In 1950, when * + ?. We were not as mighty then as we are today"
(p. 64, par. 6).
"We told them frahkly: It you start a war, you will lose It; we will not re-
main neutral" LIE 64, par. 3).
"+ * ? their attempts to unleash local wars are being cut short" (p. 55, par. 10).
(World Marxist Review version: "? * * attempts made by the Imperialists to
start local wars are buing thwarted.")
ON SACRED LIBERATION WARS
I am not turning to liberation wars which Kbrushchev is discussing, to-
gether with uprisings, Khrushchev goes beyond describing liberation wars as
lust wars." He goes so far as to describe them as "sacred." Be confirms that
"we recognize such wirs," which means that the Soviet Union Is prepared and
willing to fight wars of tbis type.
Under modern conditions practically any war can be described as a liberation
',war. I call your atteition to the fact that under one heading Khrushchev says
that the Soviet Union would help all those people who are "striving for their
independence." In Brother passage, he almost deliberately muddles the differ-
ence between national liberation wars and uprisings, and joins together the
struggle for independence and self-determination with the struggle for social
Approved For ReleaseaWo` gn;gl ? 4 wMar"at05t.DFat"-4ence be has
ypo war as n IberaClon war. Khrushchev
 Approved For Release 2003/11/ I ~ ~ 4$ R~QAI OO2000596-4
specifically argues that uprisings should not be identified either with "wars
among states" or with "local wars" but he does not state that they should not
be identified with liberation wars either.
I call your attention to this intriguing wording: "Can conditions be created
where a people will lose their patience and rise in arms? They can." The
implication is that the Communists can and therefore must be the creators of
those conditions.
To Khrushchev, it appears self-evident that liberation wars will occur as long
as imperialism exists. He stresses that peoples can attain "their freedom and
independence only by struggle, including 'armed struggle'." He calls for a
specific form of escalation; namely, the development of uprisings into guerrilla
wars. [Italic supplied.]
Please note that his wording suggests that, like in previous times, "liberation
wars" are considered to be a specific form of "revolutionary wars." As before,
the Communists consider revolutionary wars as justified and inevitable. These
passages should be read very carefully. It is clear that Khrushchev wants to
create the impression that the justification and inevitability of war refers only
to liberation wars. Actually, he is talking about revolutionary wars. It should
not escape our notice that, according to age-old Communist theory, any war
can be a revolutionary war, provided it is fought by Communists for the sake
of achieving an advance (or the defense) of communism.
On the basis of this doctrine, global thermonuclear war waged by the Soviet
Union can be described as a revolutionary war.
If there were a war between the Soviet Union and the United States, this war,
whether global and thermonuclear or not, by definition, would be a revolutionary
war for the Soviet Union (while an imperialist war for the United States).
I think the exact meaning of these passages is that, according to current
Communist doctrine, war remains inevitable and will have to be fought in all
forms and intensities if communism cannot be advanced otherwise.
However, the world Communist movement should try to render a global
thermonuclear war superfluous. Failing in this ambitious objective, it should
weaken the free world to such an extent that the Soviet Union can strike with
nuclear weapons without risking unacceptable or irreparable retaliation.
Regarding "sacred" wars, Khrushchev said:
"* * * a liberation war of a people for its independence, is a sacred war.
We recognize such wars, we help and will help the peoples striving for their
independence" (p. 64, par. 9).
"The Communist fully support such just wars (World Marxist Review ver-
sion: and wltkout reservation) and march in the front rank with the peoples
waging liberation struggles" (p. 64, par. 2).
* * * * * * *
"Can such wars flare up in the future? They can. Can there be such up-
risings? There can. But these are wars which are national (WMR version:
popular) uprisings. In other words, can conditions be created where a people
will lose their patience and rise in arms? They can. What is the attitude of
the Marxists toward such uprisings? A most positive one. These uprisings
must not be identified with wars among states, with local wars, since in these
uprisings the people are fighting for implementation of their right for self-
determination, for independent social and national development" (p. (34, par. 8).
(World Marxist Review version: p. 15, par. 7, col. 1: "Is there a likelihood of
such wars recurring? Yes, there is. Are uprisings of this kind likely to recur?
Yes, they are. But wars of this kind are popular uprisings. Is there the likeli-
hood of conditions in other countries reaching the point where the cup of the
popular patience overflows and they take to arms? Yes, there is such a Likeli-
hood.")
* * * * * * *
"* * * national liberation wars * * * began as an uprising by the colonial
peoples against their oppressors and changed into guerrilla warfare. Liberation
wars will continue to exist as long as imperialism exists, as long as colonialism
exists. These are revolutionary wars. Such wars are not only admissible (World
Marxist Review version: justified) but inevitable, since the colonialists do not
grant independence voluntarily. Therefore, the peoples can attain (World
Marxist Review version: win) their freedom and Independence only by struggle,
Approved For Relea?W~Pf 08RFT/d4t''R J4=1tDP?67BO'0446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
34 KHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"? + * prevent or -miolutely rebuff interference by the imperialists In the
people's affairs in any country which has risen to revolt" (p. 68, par. 9).
OF THF. PURPOSE OF LIBERATION WARS
One of the most important tasks on which the Communists have been working
since about 1919 has been to join the various types of revolutionary struggles
into a coordinated wor dwide operation. At present, the main job Is to coordi-
nate the various natk nal Independence movements, whether they be to the
left or right of center, and to support them directly through weapons deliv-
eries, economic means, experts, and diplomacy from the Soviet Union and other
bloc countries, and Indirectly through political warfare within the free world.
One major purpose is :o facilitate the overt or covert Communist takeover of
these local movements.
According to Khrushehev, the collapse of the so-called colonial system is almost
as important an advance in the global power conflict as the formation of the
"world system of socialism." Be still holds to the old Lenin theory that the free
world has been drawing enormous strength from their colonies, especially cheap
raw materials and "tremendous masses of people" who could be used as "cannon
fodder."
Whether the colonies were an element of free world strength or weak-
ness can be debated at length. I will restrict myself to saying merely that the
main strengths of the free world always were based on Western Europe and
North America and tha; In the atomic age, this Is more true than ever before.
Naturally I do not want to imply that Confimunist advances in the former
colonial areas, which u e now call the underdeveloped countries, would not be of
strategic advantage to the Soviet bloc and of strategic disadvantage to the free
world. But the notion ghat the free world can be effectively outflanked through a
Communist advance in he underdeveloped areas Is not valid if it is interpreted to
mean that the United states can be defeated in Africa, for example. Too many
sideshows and struggle i In and for secondary theaters always have been ruinous
of effective strategy. 7 hesitate to believe that the Kremlin Is not aware of the
principle of concentrat on of force as a major element In strategic success..
Consequently, I lean to the Interpretation that much of the argument about the
so-called colonial revolutions Is essentially in the nature of a diversionary and
deceptive maneuver, ar-d serves to hide the fact that the Soviet Union considers
its own military power and technological proficiency as the main road to
strategic success.
In any event, Khruuhchev talks about "fronts of active struggle," namely,
Asia and Africa. To :hose "one more front of active struggle," namely, Latin
America, has been added "in recent years." Note this language: If there are
fronts of active strug;le," there also must be "fronts of passive struggle," that
Is, fronts where the Cmmmnnists are not yet ready to fight openly but merely
are preparing themselves for initiating the active struggle some time in the
future. I hope this point will be considered carefully by the many proponents
of the notion that the otruggle for the underdeveloped areas is the main "front,"
and will remain the decisive front even In the distant future.
With respect to neutralism, specifically pro-Western neutralism, Khrushehev
expresses confidence that gradually the new countries can be pointed toward
the Soviet bloc.
So far as I can see, Khrushchev does not mention the possibility of uprisings
in advanced countries. It is true, as we shall see, that the possibilities of
rising parliaments as an instrument of revolution are considered sympathetically
by modern Communists. However, In view of an almost unbroken chain of
40 years of electoral (..efeats In advanced free countries, I cannot believe that
jhrushchev seriously expects the Communists to take power "peacefully" in
America or Western Europe, least of all through the legislatures.
This can be interpreted very easily, I think, by stating that in the presently
P tive fronts; namely, the underdeveloped countries, the power struggle must
waged by guerilla operations and uprisings, and possibly by "parliamentary"
Means. As soon as tie presently passive fronts will become activated, other
Means of struggle will have to be used, These "other means" would not exclude
guerrilla and insurrectional operations but, by necessity, would Include more
risky and more decisive military means.
To put It more blur tly, I don't believe that the Communists have any doubt
Approved For Release~JqO4/bad PW6M61pe at '`price
war at this
moment-"seichas," as Khrushchev reiterates it in his native Russian. For
 Approved For Release 2003/11/R~P~~Q?~2q~A14 35
the time being, they are keeping the front in the underdeveloped countries
active, in order to gain time and to prepare themselves militarily in optimal
fashion for the ultimate showdown.
This showdown is inevitable so long as the Communists do not give up their
ambition to take over the whole world. I am Inclined to accept the view that
Khrushchev, like other Communists leaders, dreads this ominous implication of
their doctrine. Hence I am prepared to accept the notion that the present
strategy of "gaining time" Is designed, at least in part, to postpone an irrevocable
and possibly deadly decision.
But in considering such hesitations, we should be under no Illusion that the
Communists are not sufficiently hardboiled to make a war decision, even though
such a decision appears to be "unthinkable" to many free world leaders. It is
unthinkable that the Communists will call off the Communist world revolution.
Here are Khrushchev's statements on the subject:
"Lenin saw this task in awakening the revolutionary activity, independent
action, and organization of the working masses irrespective of the level at which
they are in applying Communist teaching to the specifle conditions in their
countries, merging in the common struggle with proletarians of other countries"
(p. 70, par. 1).
* *
"Lenin said : 'It is quite clear that in the future decisive battles of the world
revolution, the movement of the majority of the population of the globe at first
aimed at national liberation will turn against capitalism and imperialism and
may play a much greater revolutionary part than we expect"' (Collected Works,
Russ. ed. vol. XXXII, p. 458) (p. 54, par. 5).
* * * * * * *
"With the collapse of the colonial system, imperialism has become considerably
weaker. Vast territories, tremendous masses of people, have already ceased or
are ceasing to serve as its reserve, a source of cheap raw material and cannon
fodder" (p. 69, par. 10).
* * * * * * *
"* * * the crumbling of the system of colonial slavery under the pressure of
the national liberation movement is the second phenomenon of historic impor-
tance after the formation of the world system of socialism" (p. 69, par. 3).
* * * * * * *
"The national liberation movement deals more and more blows against Im-
perialism, helps consolidation of peace, contributes to speeding mankind's devel-
opment along the path of social progress. Asia, Africa, and Latin America are
now the most important centers of revolutionary struggle against imperialism"
(p. 69, par. 11).
* * * * * * *
"The forces of the national liberation movement are greatly increasing owing
to the fact that one more front of active struggle against American imperialism
has been formed in recent years. Latin America has become this front" (p. 69,
par. 7).
* * * * * * *
"Bourgeois and revisionist politicians allege that the development of the
national liberation movement is independent of the working class struggle for
socialism, independent of the Socialist states' support, that it is the colonizers
who grant freedom to the peoples of former colonial countries. Such inventions
are launched to isolate the young independent states from the Socialist camp,
to prove that on the international stage they should, allegedly, play the part of
some kind of third force and not oppose imperialism", (p. 70, par. 5).
* * * * * * *
"History has proved that without the establishment of socialism, if only in
a part of the world, there could have been no question of the abolition of colo-
nialism. The imperialist powers, primarily the United States, are exerting every
effort to attach to their own system the countries which have freed themselves
from the yoke of colonialism, and thus to strengthen the position of world
capitalism by providing it-as the bourgeois ideologists say-with new blood,
to rejuvenate and consolidate it" (p.. 70, par. 6).
* *
"The correct application of Marxist-Leninist theory in countries which have
freed themselves consists indeed in seeking forms for uniting all the sound forces
Approved For Releaseo26{M4404W FA Fcg971 '044%RO 90b2f0ftsw `I features of
 Approved For Release 2
,%f3/11/04' l ,-,R((IP6
V 7BOO444416R0005OO2000 569 8 1
the economic, politic il, and cultural life of the peoples, in insuring the leading
role. of the working ~4ass In the national front, and in the struggle for resolute
extermination of the roots of imperialism and the remnants of feudalism, for
clearing the roots of .mperlalism and the remnants of feudalism, and for clearing
the way for an eventual movement toward socialism" (p. 71, par. 8).
"It does not follow i ? i that the Socialist help does not influence the pros-
pects of the further development of countries which have won their f;ecdom."
(p. 71, par. 8).
ON COLONIALISM
May I call your attention to a passage in Mr. Khrushchev's speech where he
takes pride in having, proposed a U.N. General Assembly declaration concerning
the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples? I believe this
is a case where, to some extent, we have allowed the Soviets to use the United
Nations as a "transnisafon belt" of Communist policy.
The Soviet Union s the largest remaining colonial empire. There is a very
massive documentation proving that such old nations as the Ukrainians, the
Armenians, and the Uzbeks, for example, are oppressed jointly by Russian
imperialism and com nunisn. Contrary to the Soviet constitution, these people
are not allowed to exercise their rights of self-determination. They are in
worse political chap( than many peoples under earlier western "colonialism."
Surely this Is also evident in the satellite countries which officially are not part
of the Soviet Union bit clearly are a part of the Communist empire and in many
ways are Russian coonies. The term "satellite" means "colony," nothing else.
A country like Cuba, where Fidel Castro is refusing to hold elections, is in no
position to exercise its rights of self-determination.
Naturally, the arguments about oppression also refer to the Great Russians
themselves who are suffering under the Communist heel, but the non-Russian
nations of the Communist empire are suffering both from political dictatorship
and terrorism, and from national oppression.
It is incomprehensible to me why the free world does not make a systematic
effort to uphold. the p:;inciple of self-determination globally, and more specifically
why we do not even attempt to apply it to the one area where It is more surely
needed; namely, to the Communist colonial empire.
Mr. Khrushchev said:
"The Soviet Union submitted for consideration by the 15th session of the U.N.
General Assembly a declaration on the granting of independence to colonial
countries and peopleo: As a result of acute political struggle around this pro-
Pagel, which seethed not only in the United Nations but outside it, the General
Assembly adopted the declaration on granting independence to colonial countries
and peoples.
"The main conclus oA of the Soviet declaration, the necessity of a speedy and
final liquidation of c)lonialism in all Its forms and manifestations, was on the
whole reflected In hu decision passed by the United Nations. This was. a great
victory for the progressive forces and for all Socialist states which firmly and
consistently defend the cause of the freedom and independent national develop-
ment of peoples" (p. 71, pars. 10,11).
j ON PEACE POLICY
I pointed out befm e that the Communist policy aimed at preventing n, world
war is designed to facilitate Communist expansion. The Communists do not think
i that war can be prevonted by some sort of agreement with the free world. They
state specifically that peace "can be assured only by active purposeful struggle"
(italics supplied).
The peace the Communists are talking about Is not to be confused with "peace"
as it is defined in the American political dictionary. They want to prevent free
world intervention or democratic defense against Communist attacks, or, to put
it in another fashion they aim for the paralyzation of the free world.
The term "active struggle for peace.," or variations thereof, is the Communist
version of what we eIII "cold war." It appears from this context that the Com-
munists are waging their version of cold war for the chief purpose of paralyzing
the free world. In Ihis, emulating the primary Ilitlerian tactics, they syste-
matically exploit human weaknesses and fears.
Significantly, Kkh~ruushchev avers that the Communist struggle for "peace has
Approved For Release 9Cnd'ti1 A"n V e h AMICADI d osmobilize the
 Approved For Release 2003/1 AjXfSRt #DfPjjg9O A ~ 0~0PP6.1`6-4
masses on the side of communism. In my interpretation, Mr. I{hrusbchev's
wording means that the purpose of Communist foreign policy, in its broadest
'leaning, is to paralyze the will of the free world and in particular of the
West.
Quoting Khrushchev's words:
"* * * the most burning problem of our times-prevention of a world war *
We Communists * * * indicate the only correct way for preserving and strength.
ening peace" (p. 53, par. 2).
"The possibility of preventing war is not something like a gift. Peace cannot
be begged for; it can only be assured by active purposeful struggle" (p. 66,
par. 1).
* * * * * * *
"The entire foreign policy of the Soviet Union is directed toward the strength-
ening of peace. The growing might of our State has been used by us and will in
the future be used not to threaten anyone, not to fan the fear of war, but to
pursue steadfastly a policy of struggle against the danger of war, for the
prevention of a world war" (p. 66, par. 2).
* * * * * *
"The policy of actively struggling for peace has imparted dynamic force to the
foreign policy acts of the Socialist countries" (p. 66, par. 6).
ON THE NOVEMBER DECLARATION ON PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE
"Peaceful coexistence" must not be confused with peace policy. This par-
ticular tactic, which has been given its Aesopian name to deceive the free world,
is a "form of class struggle between socialism and capitalism." It is not the
whole class struggle but merely one of its manifestations. Perhaps it could be
said that "peaceful coexistence" is the international manifestation of the class
struggle between socialism and capitalism, as distinguished from the national
manifestations of this selfsame, overriding, and ubiquitous conflict.
The purpose of the particular type of Class struggle, which is called "peaceful
coexistence," is to stop the cold war; i.e., to induce the free world to discontinue
all its programs designed to uphold its interests and to safeguard its security
against the Communist onslaught. Specifically, peaceful coexistence tactics
are designed to bring about the disbanding of freeworld alliances and the dis-
mantling of military bases.
However, the international form of the class struggle also is used to develop
"the class struggle in the capitalist countries and the national liberation move-
ment of the peoples of the colonial and dependent Countries. In their turn, the
successes of the revolutionary class and national-liberation struggle promote
peaceful coexistence." This quote is taken from the declaration of November
1960. It means that the international and the national forms of class struggle
are "dialectically" related.
The various statements leave no doubt that, more specifically, "peaceful co-
existence" is a form of struggle and a method of "mobilizing the masses." It
involves, and this is very important, "launching vigorous actions against the
enemies of peace." The launching of vigorous actions against enemies hardly
can be categorized as an exercise in the arts of peace, as the West understands
this term.
Otherwise, the purpose of the peaceful coexistence type of class struggle is to
provide support to Soviet strategies and policies, to strengthen socialism, to en-
hance the Communist influence throughout the free world, to support national
liberation movements and to weaken, undermine, and ultimately eliminate all
forces which are unwilling to capitulate to the Communists.
+ "By upholding the principle of peaceful coexistence, Communists fight for the
complete cessation of the cold war, disbandment of military blocs, and dts-
mantling of military bases, for general and complete disarmament under inter-
national control, the settlement of international disputes through negotiation,
respect for the equality of states and their territorial integrity, independence and
sovereignty, noninterference to each others' internal affairs, extensive develop-
ment of trade, cultural and scientific ties between nations" (November Declara-
tion, par. 121).
"The policy of peaceful coexistence meets the basic interests of all peoples,
of all who want no new cruel wars and seek durable peace. This policy
sitions; Approved For Release fit dcG of~soRcffBiDO 48 &~t O092est00056d onfliiatienof
flnenio of
 Approved For Release 003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
38 XHRUI;HCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
the Communist parties in the capitalist countries. Peace is a loyal ally of
socialism, for time is working for socialism against capitalism" (November
Declaration, par. 122).
"In conditions of peaceful coexistence favorable opportunities are provided
for the development of the class struggle in the capitalist countries and the
national-liberation movement of the peoples of the colonial and dependent coun-
tries. In their tort, the successes of the revolutionary class and national-
liberation struggle promote peaceful coexistence" (November Declaration,
par. 124).
Some quotations from Khrushchev follow:
"All peoples in tha world gain from the liquidation of military alignments.
This would be a most Important concrete contribution to the consolidation of
peace, Improvement of the international atmosphere, and a major success of
the policy of peaceful coexistence" (p. 66, par. 11).
"Peaceful coexistence helps to develop the forces of progress, the forces
struggling for Socialism, and In capitalist countries it facilitates the activities
of communist parties and other progressive organizations of the working class.
It facilitates the snuggle the people wage against aggressive military blocs,
against foreign military bases. It helps the national liberation movement to
gain successes" (p. 6C, par. 7).
"The consistent Implementation of the policy of peaceful coexistence strength-
ens the position of the world Socialist system, promotes the growth of Its eco-
nomic might, Its international prestige and Influence among the people's masses,
and creates for it favorpble foreign-political possibilities in peaceful competition
with capitalism" (p. 136, par. 3).
? ? ? r r r ?
"Peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems does not mean
conciliation of the Socialist and bourgeois ideologies. On the contrary, it Implies
1 intensification of the, Itruggle of the working class, of all the Communist parties,
'for the triumph of So !ialfat Ideas. But ideological and political disputes between
states must not be settled through war" (November Declaration, par. 12?).
r ? r ?. ? ? ?
the policy (f peaceful coexistence, as regards its social content, is a
form of intense econimlc, political, and ideological struggle of the proletariat
against the aggressive forces of Imperialism in the International arena" (p. 66,
par. 8).
? r r r r ? r
"The policy of peaceful coexistence is a policy of mobilizing the masses and
launching vigorous action against the enemies of peace. Peaceful coexistence
of states does not imply renunciation of the class struggle, as the revisionists
claim. The coexistence of states with different social systems Is a form of class
struggle between Socialism and capitalism" (New York Times).
ON DISARMAMENT
Disarmament policls must not be confused with "peaceful coexistence." In
part, disarmament policy is a subsidiary tactic of the international class struggle.
In part, it is a tactic yhich the Communists are employing on its own merit.
I already mentionl that disarmament slogans are used to elicit mass sup-
port, to gain sympathizers for communism, to strengthen the Communist move-
ment, and to drive hime the idea, clearly expressed during the Sixth World
Congress of the Communist International in 1928, that a lasting peace can be
achieved only after c(minunism has won all over the world.
The Communists hive not changed this concept. Their 40- or 50-year-old
position on disarmament as being an entirely unattainable goal prior to full-
,fledged Communist vigtory, Is upheld strongly. This Is evidenced by the fact
that Khrushchev pointedly refers back to the proposals on full or partial dis-
-armament which wen; submitted by Lenin in the early twenties. These pro-
posals were made, not to achieve disarmament-this was deemed impractical
and undesirable-but to "unmask" the hypocrisy of the bourgeoisie.
According to Khrushchev, the Communist "struggle for disarmament is not
a tactical move. WW4 sincerely want disarmament." The meaning of this
Approved For Release'tpo /04R!, f MP6t7,B0 i200i60&200Q56* on the posi-
one o arx~sm- enn(sm."
 Approved For Release 2003/110%krZtA&DIPSrl>OD46ROOQ5df029QQ$f-4 39
This is a beautiful example of a careful use by Khrushchev of the Aesopian
language. Obviously, the Communist struggle for disarmament is quite sincere
because this expression "struggle for disarmament" is nothing but a synonym
for "struggle for the worldwide victory of communism." The reference to
original Marxism-Leninism Is designed to drive this point home and to show
that the traditional position remains unchanged. Consequently, It is indeed
true that the disarmament struggle Is more than merely a tactical move.
Nevertheless, there is another side to this coin: the struggle for disarmament
also is an "active struggle against imperialism, for restricting its military poten-
tialities." This is a new version of what used to be called disarmament policy.
Disarmament as "an active struggle against imperialism" must not be confused
with disarmament as a sincere wish and expectation concerning the results of
Communist victory.
The active struggle for disarmament, as Mr. Khrushchev explains it with
almost disarming frankness, serves to restrict and sap the military power of the
free world. Note specifically that he did not say that this active struggle also
would restrict the military power of the Soviet bloc. I am sure no one will be
particularly surprised about this "omission." Lenin's Idea of disarmament policy
was to disarm the bourgeoisie and arm the proletariat. This remains the true
objective of the Communist stratagem. Mr. Khrushchev still adheres to this
notion of strategic legerdemain. Ile just about tells as that what he is after is
nothing more and nothing less than the unilateral disarmament of the free
world.
I call your attention to his statement that once nuclear weapons are prohibited
and destroyed, peace will be insured and a situation will be created where the
"peoples" will encounter "the most favorable prospects for organizing their lives
in accordance with their aspirations and interests." To put it more succinctly:
Mr. Khrushchev believes that the elimination of nuclear weapons from free
world arsenals would provide the Communists with the "most favorable pros-
pects" of carrying through the Communist plan of world revolution.
It Is my considered opinion that he is absolutely justified in this assumption.
Unfortunately, this simple truth seems to be almost incomprehensible to many
free-world statesmen,
Khrushchev's principal points:
"The struggle for disarmament * * * Is an effective struggle against Im-
perialism" (p.67, par. 6).
"The struggle for disarmament is an active struggle against imperialism,
for restricting its military potentialities. Peoples must do everything to achieve
the prohibition and destruction of atomic weapons and all other mass destruc-
tion weapons. Peace will then be insured and there will open before peoples
the most favorable prospects for organizing their lives in accordance with their
aspirations and interests." [Italics supplied.] (P. 68, par. 1.)
* * * * * *
"Vladimir Ilich Lenin pointed out the necessity for establishing contacts with
those circles of the bourgeoisie which gravitate toward pacifism, even if it should
be of the poorest quality. He said that in the struggle for the preservation of
peace we must also use prudent representatives of the bourgeoisie" (p. 68, par. 3).
* * * * * * *
` "* * * the slogan of the struggle for peace appears as a satellite (WMR ver-
sion: companion) of the slogan of the struggle for communism. As correctly
stated in the statement, the movement of peace partisans is the broadest move-
ment of modern times, embracing people of different political and religious
views, belonging to different classes of society, but united by the noble en-
deavor to prevent new wars and to insure lasting peace" (p. 67, par. 9).
* * * * * * *
"The question of the struggle for communism is a class struggle, but in the
struggle for peace not only the forces of the 'working class, peasantry, and petty
bourgeoisie can be united, but even the part of the bourgeoisie which sees the real
danger of thermonuclear war.
"Consequently the slogan of the struggle for peace does not contradict the
slogan of the struggle for communism. These two slogans harmonize with each
other. * * * (p. 67, par. 8).
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
40 AHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"* the first Soviet proposals on full or partial disarmament-if the Capital-
Jots will not agree on full disarmament-were submitted at the Genoa Con-
ference" (p. 67, par. 5).
"Our struggle for disarmament is not a tactical move. We sincerely want
disarmament. Here we stand fully on the positions of Marxism-Leninism"
(P. 67, par. 5).
ON REVISIONISM
Communist strategy under Khrushchev has become highly sophisticated. True
to the eternal advice fiven by Machiavelli to all would-be conquerors, he tries
to combine the strength of the lion with the wiles of the fox. Military power,
specifically long range nuclear power, and large-scale strategic deception are the
two pillars of Communist strategy.
The intense employment of deception methods, however, entails the risk that
many Communists and camp followers may misinterpret the precise meaning
of the operation. There is the danger that expressions like "peaceful coexistence"
may be misread as an intent to achieve the attenuation of the national and
international class struggle, or even a lasting accommodation between hostile
systems.
In order to prevent such misinterpretations, the Communists are waging a
determined struggle against "revisionism in all its forms" and even "wage" an
"implacable war on revisionism which tries to wipe out the revolutionary essence
of Marxism-Leninism." This struggle remains "an important task of the Com-
munist Parties."
Khrushehev reiterai es that Communists must be and must remain genuine
revolutionaries. True Communists and what he calls "the elite" of the inter-
national Communist n ovement (thus using a term which was significant in the
ntellectual history of fascism) should be waging a "heroic struggle against
capitalism." To turn this around, Communists who are not revolutionaries
and who are not waging this heroic struggle, wherever they are, are net true
Communists and do not belong to the Communist elite. The Communists who
are read out of the elite include those who think that a particular Communist
Party can go its separate way and that "capitalism" Is perhaps more successful
than the leaders in the Kremlin want to believe.
To put it in American terms, all of those within the Communist movement who
believe that communhm will win in an evolutionary fashion, are not true Com-
munists. Those who want to sit out the collapse of capitalism are not true
Communists. Revolu dons and heroic struggles remain the way of the. Com-
munist movement, and those who avoid "heroic struggle," do not belong.
Mr. Khrushehev wits particularly critical of the Communist Parties of the
United States and Denmark. The Communist Parties of Western Europe were
given a highly qualified vote of confidence. It is clear that he is not overly im-
pressed by the accomplishments of the Communist Parties in the main Industrial-
ized countries of the free world. This may be an additional reason why the
"active fronts" preset fly are located in the underdeveloped countries.
We must remember that if the effectiveness of the European and United States
Communist Parties does not improve, much of the Khrusbevian strategy of fore-
stalling an effective free world strategy against communism and of preventing
thermonuclear war m ould collapse. It is therefore not surprising that Khru-
shchev is putting inc ceasing emphasis on the cooperation between Russian and
bloc Communists will. pacifist groups throughout the free world.
The Soviet Premier said, on this subject:
"The struggle with revisionism In all its forms still remains today an important
task of the commumit parties. * * * we must * * * wage implacable war on
revisionism which trios to wipe out the revolutionary essence of Marxism-Lenin-
ism, whitewash modern capitalism, undermine the solidarity of the communist
movement, and encourage communist parties to go their separate national
ways * * n'. (p. 75, par. 1).
"In the Communist Party of such a country as the United States the revi-
sionist group of Gales was active. In the Danish Communist Party under-
mining activity was conducted by the Larsen group. The revisionists were a
serious danger to some other fraternal parties as well" (p. 74, par. 7).
Approved For Release 20Q /~~dQ 1~ BOM4.6E~Eb095@4f~f#OO~ nd the United
States encounter great and specific difficulties. They have to deal with an ex-
 Approved For Release 2003/11/gAR jlpP@71,W4?RAWgQ29OQ?614 41
perienced bourgeoisie having at Its disposal immense material resources and a
powerful military, police, and ideological machine. But we have profound con-
fidence in the working class of the west European countries * * *" (p. 74,
par. 4).
* * * * * *
"Communists are revolutionaries, and it would be a bad thing if they did not
take advantage of new opportunities that arose and found new methods and
forms providing the best way to achievement of the ends in view" (p. 71, par. 1).
* * * * *
"Participating in the conference were prominent leaders of Marxist-Leninist
parties of Socialist countries, representatives of communist parties which are
waging, under difficult conditions, a heroic struggle against capitalism, the fight-
ing leaders of the national liberation movement-in other words, the elite of
the international Communist movement" (p. 52, par. 3).
The Communists do not overlook a single bet. Regardless of current diffi-
culties, they are anxious to develop tactics which will prove ever more effective
in the advanced countries. In particular, Khrushchev thinks that parliamen-
tary institutions may be exploited to advance the "transition to socialism"
and thus to accelerate the course of the world revolution. I believe that this
parliamentary tactic, which was not invented by Khrushchev but already was
prescribed by Lenin, is most easily applicable in countries where parliamentary
institutions and traditions are of recent vintage; that is, largely in the under-
developed areas.
However, even in developed countries, under certain circumstances, utiliza-
tion of parliaments can be quite effective as was proved by the events in
Czechoslovakia in 1948. It is unnecessary to spell out the specific conditions
which facilitated the Communist abuse of parliamentary institutions in this
particular case.
In most of the other European satellites, parliaments in one way or the
other were used to install Communists or Communist-controlled regimes. But
the fundamental purpose of using the parliaments was to conceal the fact that
communism was imposed on Eastern Europe by the direct and indirect applica-
tion of military force. It is true that in 1948, the Red Army no longer was
stationed in Czechoslovakia, but it is also true that Communist military power
was present in many concealed ways. After the Communists conquered
Czechoslovakia by military means in 1945, Communist agents were installed
throughout the entire state and they never were expelled after the Red Army
withdrew.
It may be doubtful whether Khrushchev really expects Communist parties
to win major electoral successes anywhere in Western Europe. But since these
windfalls can happen, he feels compelled to prepare the tactics which would
be proper for such an occasion. Otherwise, I believe that Khrushchev, in
extolling the role of parliament in the transition to socialism (not communism),
is talking about a subsidiary method to be employed if and when military
conquest has occurred.
Khrushchev is careful to point out that the winning of a majority in parlia-
ment by itself is not enough but must be supplemented by revolutionary mass
actions. Subsequently, once a Communist regime or a Communist-dominated
coalition government has been installed, the machinery of the pre-Communist
state must be "smashed," just as was outlined by Lenin in "State and Revolu-
tion," written in 1917.
In his January speech, he said :
"Transition to socialism in countries with developed parliamentary traditions
can also be carried out by making use of parliament and in other countries of
institutions in keeping with their national traditions. Here it is not a case of
making use of bourgeois parliaments but of the parliamentary form, in order
to make it serve the people and give it new content" (p. 73, par. 5).
* * * * * *
"* ** the unification and rallying of the revolutionary forces of the working
class and all working people, and the launching (World Marxist Review version)
of mass revolutionary actions are an absolute (World Marxist Review version)
condition to gain a stable L~World Marxist Review versionmaj1ority in parlia-
Approved'For Releasae2008/931~49)CIA-RDP67B00446R00050020b056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
42 KHRUSE:CHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
"To gain a majority In parliament, to make it a body of popular power with
be existence of a pouerful revolutionary movement in the country, means the
4mashing (World Marxist Review version) of the military bureaucratic ma-
l hine of the bourgeoisie and creation of a new proletarian state system In par-
iamentary form" (p. 73, par. 7).
AN EXAMPLE IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA
Since Mr. Khrnshchev was quite vague on the tactics of abusing parliamentary
institutions for the pm poses of a Communist revolution, I thought it worthwhile
to include quotes from a Communist manual on this very subject. This manual
$vas written by a Communist member of the Czechoslovak National Assembly,
Jan Kozak. This mound recently has been made available In English. The
Communists were ver3 reluctant to let this particular manual or textbook come
to the attention of the free world, and It was obtained more or less by accident
by a group of alert Englishmen. May I take the opportunity to compliment
our English friends on this accomplishment? Since Kozak's manual has not yet
been widely circulated In the United States, I would like to introduce substantial
portions of his text into the record.
Kozak starts with i. anti-Marxist quote by the former President of Czecho-
slovakia, Dr. Eduard Benes, to the effect that "the philosophy of power is
barbaric, Inhuman, and absurd philosophy." (Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev,
and Hitler consider viilence to be the locomotive of history.) He then proceeds
to explain that the ut lization of parliaments may be practical in a "number of
countries" and that the parliament can be transformed Into an "instrument for
the development of th? Socialist revolution." Parliaments can be used to legis-
late revolutionary laws including such measures as purges, expropriations, and
nationalizations and to conclude alliances with the Soviet Union. Furthermore,
parliament can protect revolutionary pressures from below and add to them
pressures from above. It also can facilitate the systematic Infiltration of the
entire state apparatus by Communists. Subsequently, according to Kozak, par-
liaments can be used fo r the consolidation of revolutionary gains.
KOZAK ON PARLIAMENT
"The philosophy of power Is barbaric, Inhuman and absurd philosophy." Dr.
Eduard Brass (p. 7, M itto ).
"In a number of countries which are particularly weakened by the conflicts
within the capitalist cyder, the opportunity has arisen for the workers' class to
place itself Brady at the head of great popular movements for national. inde-
pendence, democracy, peace, and socialism, to defeat the reactionary antipeople
forces striving for the maintenance, and aggravation of national oppression and
exploitation, to win a decisive majority in Parliament and to change it from
,an organ of the bourgeois democracy into an organ of power for the democracy
of working people, info a direct instrument of power for the peaceful develop-
ment of the socialist revolution.
"Also, our experience provides notable and practical proof that it is posstble to
transform parliament from an instrument of the bourgeoisie into an instrument
of the revolutionary d;mocratic will of the people and into an instrument for the
development of the socialist revolution" (p. 8f, par. 5).
"Of the political points in this programme these were the most important;
the breaking up of be basic members of the old oppressive bourgeois, state
apparatus and assum)tion of power by the national committee, the formation
of a new people's security system and army, the prohibition of the revival of
the political parties which had represented the treacherous upper bourgeoisie,
a systematic purge of the entire political, economic and cultural life of the
country, the settlement of the relations between the Czech and Slovak nations
on the principle of equality, the expulsion of the German minority, etc.
"Of the economic measures the following were the most important: The
transfer of all enemy property, of that of the treacherous upper bourgeoisie
and of the other trait Irs, under the national administration of the new people's
authorities, the transfer of the land belonging to these enemies and traitors into
Approved For Release niCs~~6n@> w~~66666nceewith the
Soviet Union, safegm.rding national liberty and independence as a state and
 further undisturbed, peaceful development for the nations of Czechoslovakia"
(p. 10, pars. 1, 2, 3).
"Of the eight political parties which were part of the National Front of
Czechs and Slovaks at the time of the elections the Communist Party emerged
as by far the strongest. It gained over 40 percent of the votes in the Czech
lands and, with the Communist Party of Slovakia, 38 percent of the votes cast
in the state as a whole" (P. 10, par. 4).
"The working class, whose struggle had made it possible that this institution
could be reestablished, strove for parliament, as one of the most prominent polit-
ical traditions and form of- the past, to change its character (lit.: content; Tr.),
to change from the instrument of the working class into one of the levers
actuating the further development and consolidation of the revolution, into a
direct instrument for the socialist building of the country" (p. 11, par. 1).
"This struggle took place during the period 1946-48. In the course of these
years the working class, led by the Communists, made effective use of all its
old forms of fighting, employed by the revolutionary workers' parties in parlia-
ment, adjusted however to the new conditions, and found new ones. Helped
by parliament, which was used by the working class for deepening the revolution
and for the gradual, peaceful, and bloodless change of the national and demo-
cratic revolution into a socialist one as 'pressure from above' and by its effect
on the growth of the 'pressure from below' the bourgeoisie was pushed step
by step from its share in power. This gradual and bloodless driving of the
bourgeoisie from power and the quite legitimate constitutional expansion of the
power of the working class and of the working people was completed in February
1948 by the parliamentary settlement of the government crisis engineered by the
bourgeoisie" (p. 11, par. 2).
"Our working people, led by the Communists, provided practical proof during
the years 1945-48 that it was possible to transform parliament from an organ
of the bourgeoisie into an instrument developing democratic measures of con-
sequence, leading to the gradual change of the social structure, and into a direct
instrument for the victory of the socialist revolution.
"This fact, coupled with similar experiences gained by the other Communist
and workers' parties, led to the possibility being envisaged of the transition
of some countries from capitalism to soeialiism by revolutionary use of parlia-
ment" (p. 11, pars. 4, 5).
"The purpose to which this new power, the nucleus of which would be formed
by the working class, should be put thereafter would be using parliament for the
consolidation and deepening of the real democratic rights and to a more or less
speedy unfolding of the socialist revolution. (About our tasks during the years
1945-48.) The use of parliament itself for the transfer of all power into the
hands of the working class, the speed of progress and the order of its revolution-
ary tasks would be, however, the same as the methods of the struggle, variegated,
and would always correspond with the specific class and historical conditions"
(p. 12, par. 1).
Kozak spells out what he means by "pressure from above." This pressure is
designed to suppress the power of all enemies of communism and to organize
the forces of the revolution. It can serve to popularize revolutionary slogans
and demands, to hunt down enemies, and to utilize whatever power positions
the Communists have attained.
KOZAK ON PRESSURE FROM ABOVE
"The Combination of 'Pressure From Above' and that 'From Below'-One of the
Elementary Conditions for the Revolutionary Use of Parliament" (p. 12, par. 4).
- "Pressure from 'above' is, therefore, the pressure of a revolutionary govern-
rent, parliament and the other organs of power in the state apparatus or its
part and it has, in substance a dual effect-the direct suppression by power of
the counter-revolution and its machinations and, at the same time, exerting pres-
sure on the citizens inciting and organizing them for the struggle for a further
development of the revolution" (p. 13, par. 5).
"The first direction given to the pressure 'from above,' which our working
class applied from its position of power in the organs and newly forming links of
the apparatus of the peoples' democratic state, was a systematic fight against
enemies, traitors, and collaborators. Gradually, as the national and democratic
revolution changed into a socialist one the pressure 'from above' was applied in
an ever-increasing measure or the direct so rand destruction of the
Approved For Releas?oa6Q&/44/tab o l 8ar60A~1b61~U ression 5020 14all the signal
 Approved For Releas 003/11/( R &Wg7#
4$9RPMR$2g 9ff14
role played in the development and extension of that pressure by the Ministry
of the Interior, for instance, which was led by the Communists and the units of
State Security directed liythem" (p. 14, par. 3).
"But also other orga: is of the state and of the state apparatus controlled by
the Communists served for the direct suppression of bourgeois sabotage and ob-
structionism. So, for li stance, the Ministry of Agriculture quickly completed by
means of so-called 'roving commissions' [lit.: flying commissions-Tr.] the con-
fiscation of the land of 3nemies and traitors, in the autumn of 1946 sabotaged by
the bourgeoisie. The n itional committees organized in autumn 1947 the 'Special
Food Commissions' whi,!h uncovered the hidden stores of landowners and l;ulaks
and contributed greatly in this way to their isolation. In December 1947 organs
of the Ministry of Internal Trade, controlled by the Communists, uncovered an
extensive black market in the textile trade. * * *" (p. 14, par. 4).
"The second prong of the pressure 'from above' successfully employed by our
working class was the use made of the organs holding powers (the govern.
ment, parliament, national committees) for bringing about a wide popularisation
of revolutionary demancs and slogans" (p. 15, par. 1).
"Examples of the farr-reaching results in closing the ranks of the working
masses round the slogans of the Party were, e.g., the proposal of the Com-
munists in the government recommending the introduction of the Millionaires'
Levy, the draft proposals of the Agricultural Laws elaborated by the Com-
munist-controlled Minisi,iy of Agriculture and submitted to the working peasants
for comment. * * *" (p.15, par. 1).
"The third measure. A particularly important and exceptionally effective
way of the struggle 'from above' lay in the utilisation of economic political
power positions, especialty the nationalisation of the banks, of banking, of key
and big industries" (p. 15, par. 3).
"The fourth direction given to the pressure 'from above' existed in the utilisa-
tion of the organs holding power for the direct uncovering of the antipeople policy
of the bourgeoisie, for he isolation of the reactionary bourgeois leadership of
the other parties of the National Front" (p.16, par. 3).
With respect to pressure from below, Kozak goes through a whole list of
methods and tactics, such as protest meetings, demonstrations, and strikes his
list is by no means complete.
The purpose of the pressure from below is to compensate for the numerical
weakness of the Communists (who are unable to win a majority ever), to dis-
integrate the political opposition, and to drive forward the pressure tactics to-
ward a culmination poly t where they will develop into uprisings, which methods
are seen to be an effective substitute for war.
However, Kozak stresses that pressure from above and below must be combined
In order to achieve a "r?al possibility of the revolutionary utilization of parlia-
ment on the road to socie lism"
Kozak asks the question whether the "coordination of actions by the broad
popular masses and tie revolutionary forces in parliament * * * can * * *
really render impossible or reduce to a minimum armed violence on the part
of the bourgeoisie?" Ile fails to answer his own question and prefers, in an
apibiguous way, to disc iss various tactical problems instead.
The upshot of this discussion, so far as I understand It, is a paraphrase of
Lenin: "A delivery may be difficult or easy. Naturally we are all for an easy
and painless delivery. -Jondttions for such a delivery are now favorable. But
if necessary, we ore ready to undergo a difficult and painful delivery to see. the
child born." This quote sums up neatly Communist strategy in this "era" of
history.
The meaning is that there won't be a "difficult and painful" war provided the
free world capitulates. But if the free world resists, then the Communists are
ready to bring about worldwide communism through "a difficult and painful
delivery," regardless of whether this act of midwifery will necessitate the use
of liberation wars, nuel war blackmail, or total nuclear war.
Note that Kozak, though an advocate of "peaceful" revolution, insists on the
arming of the Communists, reasserts the "right" of the "working class" to "take
to arms in every case wfen forced to do so by the resistance of the bourgeoisie,"
and supports the CPSU line to the effect that, In "a number of capitalist coun-
tries a violent overthrow of the bourgeois dictatorship and * * * a * * *
vehement acceleration o' the class struggle are inevitable." In Communist logic,
a vehement armed struggle is peace.
Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/1(/ 1R4~CCP?Q~}tl?JQ{~?[OQ?~06 45
KOZAK ON PRESSURE FROM BELOW
"III. Questions of Utilizing Pressure 'From Below.'
"To bring about a parliament which would cease to be a 'soft-soap factory'
and would become a revolutionary assembly of working people requires, however,
a force constituting, maintaining it and actively assisting its revolutionary ac-
tivity.
"This pressure takes effect mainly in three directions:
"(a) It systematically supports the revolutionaries in the organs of power,
enhances their strength and makes up for numerical weakness;
"(b) It has a direct effect on limiting the influence and positions of
waverers and enemies standing in the path of further progress of revolu-
tion;
"(c) It awakens the forces of the people dormant far many years, its
energy and self-confidence; it breaks through the onerous circle of intimida-
tion and spiritual terror of the old institutions, the Church, etc.
"The pressure 'from below,' the revolutionary emergence of the popular
masses is, therefore, essential for the success of every revolution" (p. 17,
par. 5). * ? ,
* * w
"The principle and the necessity of using pressure from below by the popular
masses, forming one of the fundamental possibilities of making revolutionary
use of Parliament, as mentioned at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, ties in fully
with the old practice of the revolutionary workers' classes in Parliament also
in the new conditions" (p. 18, par. 7).
"On the one side all the old proven forms of the struggle of the popular masses
were employed, the forms which were in keeping with the revolutionary initia-
tive and determination of the workers and matched the degree of resistance
shown by the bourgeoisie: calling of protest meetings, passing of resolutions,
sending of delegations, organized mass demonstrations, and eventually also using
strikes including general strikes * * "" (p. 20, par. 2).
"On the other side the Communists, aided by the network of national mass
organisations (and by the pressure 'from above' exerted by the organs hold-
ing powers, especially the national committees and the government), developed
new forms of pressure 'from below' meeting the situation when the workers'
class was proceeding with the assumption of power. These forms must be par-
ticularly lbasis noted. They are the
voluntary brigades (coal, harvest, machine, etc.) and thee dvance-
ment of competition in production within the factory and on a statewide scale"
(p.20, par. 4).
"This third most valuable experience gained by our workers' class is the
creative application of the principal condition for pressure 'from below,' much
emphasized by Lenin, that is to say arming the proletariat" (p. 20, par. 5).
"The workers' class armed itself in the course of the national and democratic
revolution. Even after the victory of that revolution it retained its arms; how-
ever, one part of it from the ranks of the partisans, barricade-fighters, and
from the units of the CS corps formed in the Soviet Union became he e nucleus
of a new armed state apparatus, especially the security apparatus
trol of the Ministry of the Interior which was in the hands of the Communists.
"The second part permanently secured the safety of the works, the so-called
Factory Guards" (p. 21, pars. 2, 3).
"The pressure of the popular masses 'from below' (in the totality of all its
forms and concrete actions) made it impossible for the representatives of the
other parties of the National Front, controlled by the bourgeoisie, which had
numerical superiority in the decisive organs endowed with power, to isolate the
Communists and to stop the revolution. Thus it [the pressure * * *; Ta]
made up for the numerical weakness of the revolutionary representatives of
the workers' class in these organs and enhanced their strength, it contributed
in a decisive manner to the acceptance of further revolutionary measures weak-
ening the bourgeoisie and fortifying the power of the workers' class. This ex-
perience, that pressure 'from below' is absolutely essential for the undisturbed
unfolding of the socialist revolution, is also reflected, in full measure, in the
theory about the possibility of the revolutionary utilisation of parliament in
connection with the road to socialism" (p. 21, par. 5).
"Disintegration of political opponents: At the end of 1947 and the beginning
the
of 1948 an actual disintegration of the national socialist, the pespwes, and tine
Approved For Releasdcgp~iBry qqppt(` "~9tf ~t i~
wftli their bony ebilt;d~:['i~"^?"""~`""""oY the CPCS
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67BOO446R000500200056-4
KIIRU3HCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1961
and the Slovak CP (already in November 1947 when the Communists gained
from the beginning of the year 237,384 new members the CPCS was stronger
than all other political parties taken together), or created opposition groups
within their own pi.Fiies. The isolation of the bourgeoisie within the parties
of the National Front was proceeding not only from the outside through the
turning away of the broad masses from parties ruled by the bourgeoisie but
also from within through the growth of democratic and socialist forces :In these
parties; through the growth of progressive opposition seeking the maintenance
and strengthening of people's democratic freedoms and rights and therefore en-
deavouring to cooper: etc with the Communists" (p. 26, par. 4).
"While prior to tie elections in 1946 the bourgeoisie had a relatively strong
mass basis, a short time of under 2 years of people's democratic government
was sufficient for the disintegration of the political army upon which it could
formerly count" (p.47, par. 2).
"In this situation the bourgeoisie, frightened by this peaceful progress of the
revolution which kept removing and destroying its economic and political posi-
tions one after anti er and which threatened their complete annihilation within
a short time, decided to violate the lawful ways and to achieve its counter-
revolutionary alms through a coup. It was signalled by a government crisis
provoked by the resignation of 12 ministers. But by this the bourgeoisie only
offered another new and open evidence of its spirit of disruption; it achieved
Its own isolation and complete defeat. After five days of government crisis
the people settled Ito accounts with bourgeoisie reaction, legally and constitu-
tionally (under consistent use of all forms of pressure from 'above' and from
'below').
"The representatli as of the bourgeoisie and their agents were replaced in
the government, absolutely legally and in accordance with the constitution
valid since pre-Munich days (1920), by new representatives faithful to the people,
selected from the ranks of the reconstituted National Front and recognizing
the lending role of the Communists in the state; the government was nominated
by the President of the Republic and was unanimously approved by parliament"
(p. 27, par. 2).
"The real possibility of the revolutionary utilization of Parliament for the
road to socialism lied, therefore, in the combined mass strength of the revolu-
tionary acting people supporting parliament as a revolutionarily active assembly
which fights for the systematic fulfillment of the demands of the working people.
This coordination of Actions by the broad popular masses and the revolutionary
forces in parliament, In the government and in the local organs of power, mu-
tually germinates th @ir strength, drives the revolution ahead, and infuses it
with attacking and penetrating power.
"Can this force really render impossible or reduce to a minimum armed vio-
lence on the part of fine bourgeoisie, however?" (p. 22, par. 2).
"No, the bourgeoisie has never yielded its power by a simple 'act of Parlia-
ment.' But it may be deprived of its power at an opportune moment without
an armed uprising aid civil war-by the force of consistently acting revolu-
tionary masses led bl the revolutionary workers' party, supporting their
repre-sentatives in the Parliament and transforming the Parliament into an active
revolutionary assembly.
"In the fight for the direct national, democratic, peaceful, economic, and. social
demands of the people, by a
combined pressure from 'above' and from 'below,'
the position of the bourgeoisie in the organs of power and in the state apparatus
may be weakened stop by step, and so may its economic positions, and thus
the working class heading the popular masses may be given step by step con-
ditions more favourable for its fight for socialism. (Naturally, these demands
will always be founded upon the concrete situation prevailing in the country
concerned and will g'eatly differ. For example, defence of national interests
by cancellation of all agreements and treaties with the United States of America
damaging to the interests of the nation; prohibition of all war propaganda, pun
ishment of warmonge-s, and active support of the policy of collective security;
abolition of all form? of racial, religious, and national discrimination; fight
against the monopoli;s, and their nationalization; carrying out of a land re-
form, introduction of a general system of social security; abolition of every
kind of economic, social, and legal inequality of women, separation of Church
and state; etc.)" (p. 28, pars. 4, 5).
"Progress toward socialism may take, under these circumstances, a demo-
App Z Approved For Released syi~~OE1Si9Z92ODd5~~3aetwe n'evoln-
o v c a mass movement of the working
 Approved For Release 2003/11/0411 RDw67U0'9*46RW9'Q00200,05664 47
class and its allies, will turn into an instrument of the working class on its way
to power, into an instrument of the transformation of the whole state anal its
machinery. Under these circumstances all the changes which in their en-
tirety represent a revolutionary transformation of capitalist society into a
socialist one will proceed absolutely legally. Parliament may pass in a demo-
oratie and legal way and in the name of the nation a new constitution codifying
and making possible a socialist transformation of the country. (Within less
than three months following the crushing of the attempt of the bourgeoisie at a
coup the Parliament of the Czechoslovak Republic approved a new constitution
which safeguarded all the progress so far made * * * " (p. 29, par. 4.)
"Thus, progress toward socialism, with the help of Parliament and without
a bloody civil war, is a real possibility. However, this possibility must not raise
false illusions among the working class which must not be in the least morally
disarmed through doubts as to its,-right to take to arms in every case when
forced to do so by the resistance of the bourgeoisie. Therefore the 20th congress
of the Soviet Communist Party proclaimed with absolute frankness: 'There can
be no doubt that for a number of capitalist countries a violent downthrow of the
- bourgeois dictatorship and, with it, a connected vehement acceleration of the
- class struggle are inevitable"' (p.30, par. 2).
"The task of the representatives of the working class in the bourgeois par-
liament * * * has always been to use bourgeois parliament as a platform for
revolutionary agitation, propaganda, and organization, as an effective form to
unchain revolutionary activity of the broad popular masses side by side with
the working class.
"Linking and systematic combination of parliamentary and nonparliamentary
actions has always been the fundamental principle of revolutionary tactics in
making use of Parliament" (p.31, par. 4).
"Thus It uses Lenin's paraphrase: 'A delivery may be difncult or easy.
Naturally, we are all for an easy and painless delivery. Conditions for such a
delivery are now favourable. But if necessary we are ready to undergo a difficult
and painful delivery to see the child born"'(p. 30, par. 3).
In using parliamentary methods, the Communists must combat the danger of
"revisionism" and "reformism." However, Kozak's arguments are by no means
defensive. According to him, parliamentary methods may serve to split Social-
, 1st parties and to create united fronts between Communists and left-socialists.
He also points out that if peaceful transitions to socialism can be effected,
some of the fears which people have about the human costs of a Communist
revolution may be dispelled. The Idea that a so-called peaceful parliamentary
transition to socialism (with armed "pressure from below") would not cost the
lives of those innumerable citizens of whom the Communists do not approve, is
just silly. The Communist seizure of power in Russia by itself was not a par-
ticularly bloody affair but after communism had been installed, some 20 to 30
million Soviet citizens lost their lives due to terror campaigns, forced labor,
concentration camps, artificially created famines, the collectivization of agri-
culture, genocide, and other policies characteristic of communism. In addition,
many Soviet citizens, about another 20 to 25 million, lost their lives in the
course of World War II which, if the Soviet policy really had been peaceful,
could have been prevented, but which the Kremlin made every effort to provoke.
I would fudge the fact that the Soviet Union almost was destroyed in 1941-42
is a potent enough reason why the modern-day Communists have become a little
skeptical about their traditional "cult of violence." They could not care less
about the lives of human beings, even the lives of "proletarians." However,
the Czech Communists apparently are more critical of this "cult" than the
Russian, let alone the Chinese Communists.
r Kozak argues that the Czechoslovak example shows that "an apparently
slower progress of socialist revolution (gradual) transition of national and demo-
i { cratic revolution into a socialist revolution) was actually the faster way."
This statement is debatable. It overlooks the prior conquest of Czechoslovakia
by the Red army and it also disregards the probability that the parliamentary
methods proposed by Khrushchev and Kozak can be applied effectively only in
very exceptional cases. Ptor example, the Italian Communists did not succeed
in "mastering" this particular tactic.
Kozak was given the task of explaining one particular Communist method
of struggle, and he did so. But the Communists, as was stated before, do not
marry themselves to a master weapon, a master tactic, or a master strategy.
Their fundamental principle is to use any and all means, depending on risk and
cost on op orhmit n e c ing surprise.
Approved For Release 2004~s~/9e4-~~6~0~~4~08~~1~~ $
 Approved For Releas~e$2003f11/~~ s A~$ DP 6EB0~04o6RON0~50~20 0~~~-a
x02AK ON BEVIdI0NI8M
~"The reformist parYiaanent (am inatreemenE of the bourgeoisie for etrenptharving
_ attd maintatinlixp capitalist power) is an orgam for oooperation between the
workers' olasa and the 1 ourgeoiaie. Partial reforms ?ehteved in Parliament (in
akreement with the capltaliats) serve the reformists, as evidence that peaceful
epemistenoe of bourgeoisie and the workers' class is possible, that class atruDgle
_ ds dying down, that revolution is superfloua and Political domination of the
workers' class axnneoesarmy. Instead of the necessity of a proletarian democrary
tl}ey sustain the illusion bf a p?rlianxemtary Pure denxoeracy.
- ~, "Because in the reformist ooneeptiwx Parliament is am organ of cooper?GEon of
t>~e working class with the bou'rDeoiste the reformist tactic takes the weight o1
p littaal work emcluavae'y to Parliament (i.a., organ of boaxrgeois poaaer), rejects
a d refuses the use of the presslre of broad popular masses, isolates Parliament
from the revolutionary adtiona of the working People. The reformists ix?ve al-
' r ady taken care by their own deeds to offer not one but scores of emamples of
t e absolute inxposalbilit y and absurdity of their `parliamentary way to socialism.'
I many oountries the reforrntsta eaon the mafority, often absolute majamity.
'li_hedr governments ware in eatatence and have been in eaistenoe for emte~nded
periods of times" (P. 32, Par. 3). r r r
r r <
"This tactic which tha Communists employed daring the whole period Y9$:i-98, .
i:n., during the period o1 transition Yrmn national and democratic revolution to
socialist revelation, led to a strengthening and greater decisiveness on the left
ing oP the Social Democratic party and to its successive shift to the positions oP
true revolutionary Marxism and thus to its gradual ideological harmony with
the Communists. It pt spared conditions Por the left wing of the Social D~emo-
c~atic party to expel rght-wing representatives Prom the party oP the momenC
When the right, reformist, wing prePnred for an open crossing to the side oY the
bourgeoisie (in the February crisis in 1948), to cleanse the party and to ine:rease
stbstanttally the party',i cooperation with the Commanists.
"Our experience with the creation of an action unity oP the worldng class, one
of the fundamental cor ditions oP a peaceful transition to socialism, shows that
the centre oP its tree be;lnning must be pressure Prom below, systematic uncover-
fAg oY the reformist theory and of cooperation with the bourgeoisie, common
$ght oP the broad mas.tes of all socialist Parties or parties and organizations
approving the revolutionary demands oY the working People. In other words di-
1!ect actions from below based on our own experience oP fighting and wlmsing"
(p. 40, pars. 1, 2).
"In 1919, in the midst nP a grave c[vil war in Russia, and in the days cif the
foundation oP the Ihun;arias Soviet Republic, V. I. Lenin proclaimed:
"'In a state in whtcY~ the bourgeoisie do not offer such furious resistance the
Situation Por Soviet power will be easier; It will be able to work there without
violence, without the bloody way Forced upon ns by Messrs. %erensky and his
imperialists. ? ? ? Other countries arrive nt the same goal. Soviet power, by
' ~noEher, more humane way ' ? "The example given by Russia alone wes not
~~ dully understandable to the workers everywhere in the world. They knew that
there were Soviets in ]Cassia, they all were Por the Soviets but they were fright-
' @ned by the horrors oP the bloody fight. The example oY Hungary will be deci-
&ive Por the proletarian masses, for the );uropean proletariat and Por the work-
ing peasants.' (V. I. ~.ienin's works, vol. 29 Czech edttimt 1955, pp. 264, 285)"
(p. 41, pars. 5, 8).
"A 'cult oY violence' cannot be followed by the working class also because a
4tolent armed fight 1s not at all advantageous for it from the Point of view oP
its aim-the aehievemoht oP a complete socialist revolution. This aim combines
two inaeparnble tasks to oust the Power oP the burgeoisie and to prgartise a
ew higher method oY social productions, to organize and build socialism. The
utter task is more serious and more difficult for it ie the best source of
Strength required Por the definite victory over the bourgeoisie, a source oY' flrm-
hesa and steadfastness oP the dictatorship oY the proletariat.
' "It is lust this morn d1t1'icult and serious, more decisive, task that the work-
ing daea can fulfill mach Paster with the help oP peace production forces, with-
out acivil war--which is unthhtknble, without disorganisation oP the country,
Destruction of production forces, without the sacrifice oP the best cadres ~of the
lvorktng class which, instead of following the slogan 'A11 for the Fastest aodal-
Approved F,or Releas~s2a8tid~F~klOotiAt01~~@L9~S~~81;t~0~~~~-~r the victory
' nn the civil war Front P~ 4 Pare.
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
RHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 8~ 1961
"The Czechoslovak example is evidence Wat nn apparently slower progress
of socialist revolution (by gradual transition of national and democratic revolu-
tion into n socialist revolution) was actually the faster way because the two-in-
one task of the socialist revolution began to be Ynlfllled simultaneously" (p. 42,
par. 8) .
Da. PD6aDNY'd 5nb1MAnY AND CONCRI6ICN
I now want to summarieo my interpretation of Bhruahchev's speech:
(Y) This speech, togethor wiEh the declaration oP tho Commnnist Parties oP
November 1360, has disclosed Communist strategy as it will be employed Yor
the next 5 years or so.
(2) The 4aditional goal oY communism, tho conquest oP tho entire world, is
not only readirmed but is held Par more strmrgly and hopefully than in the Past.
It is "unthinkable" that the Communists wlll abandon their goal oY world domi-
nation regardless of the price they have to Pay They are wiling to pay any
price to attain their objective.
' ($) The Commanists probably are honestly convinced that they are invincible
(a) because oY the alleged predetermination oP history, (b) because oP their com-
binod military-political strength, (c) because cf their anticipated miiltary su-
periority, and (d) bec?uae oY the anticipated demoralization oY the free world.
(4) Communist strategy has became more sophisticaCed th>n it was under
? Stalin.
(5) The Communists believe that the final decision in the world struggle,
and speciflenlly the victory of world communism, will be attained in the prosent
era of history. In their conception, this era seems to extend to 1975, apProx-
lmately.
(6) Armed struggle fs inevitable. Suck epecillc forma oP armed struggle, as
liberation wars, uprisings, and "pressure Yrom below" also are inevitable.
(7) A global thermonuclear war is not entirely inevitable. If the free world,
aRd eapeelally the strongesC domocratte countries like the Unified States capit~-
tats, then such n war may be avoided. IIowever, while preferable, such a devel-
opment ie unlikely.
(S) TheCommnniat Parties in the free world and their sympaWizere mast
do everything in their power to Yactlitate nuclear baclcmail by th.e Soviet Union
and to prevent miiltary resistance by the free world.
(9) The Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc moat not leave any stone un-
turned to increase thou miiltary power in order to fight the Drobnble (albeiC not
inevitable) world war and to win a global thermonuclear conflict.
(10) ICor the time being, such conflict must be avoided. The turning Point
- in history will come when the Soviet Union overtakes the United States, some
time between 1965 and 1370. I{hrushchev talks as thougk he conceives this
competition in terms oP an "economic" production race. It is more likely that
by is thinking about a race in military technology. Consequently, tho great
turning point in hishoxy will come when the Sov[et Union, frrespecttve oP per
capita production in Industrial goods, achieves technologically superior arma-
meats and attains a military force which, qualitatively and quantitatively, will
be superior to the military forces oP the United States. If necessary, this Porce
witl be employed to the second phase of the currenC era.
{ll) In the first phase, the armed struggle will mostly take the form of lib-
eration ware and uprisings, plus deterrence by nuclear blackmail, on tho part
oP tho Soviets, of any military Snitfatlves undertaken by the Preo world,
(12) Also, in this first Abase the struggle moat be intenaifled on the `-`active
fronts in tlfe underdeveloped areas." In particular, it must be pushed in Latin
America.
(13) In phis phase, strong efforts will be mado to improve the eHeetiveness oP
uprisings. Henceforth uprisings will be Planned as maior military undertak-
ings. The Snsurrectionists will be properly trained and be armed with the
most modorn equipment. They wlll bo provided with etraEegic support and
power by Soviet nuclear long-range Porcea, under a coordinated strategy. Inter-
, national crises, such as threats of war and war alerts, may be exploited to launch
insurrections.
(14) Tho achievement of a military, political, and psychological paralyeis o~f
the free world is a paramount objective of Soviet strategy.
(15) This objective can be attained by such means as peace propaganda,
Pavlovian conditioning, infiltration, threats, And diplomatic negotiations.
(YB) Propaganda on disarmament, specifically nuclear disarmament and dis-
Approved For Release 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 ~~~~~~~~~~gA~l~$~~Oe 61961
armament negotiations are an integral part of the Soviet strategy 'tdmed at
paralyzing the freo world and strengthening the power of communism.
(17) Soviet strategy is based, on the one hand, on achieving ogtimal military
power and building and strengthening Communist political armies throughout
'. the Pree world. On.the other hand, Soviet strategy utilizes massive deception
I to bring about, through (a) the unilateral military weakening oP the free world,
'. (b) the moral paralysis of Pree world governments, and (c) the demoralization
__ of public opinion, the capitulation oP the United States.
(18) Failing hi tt is strategy, the Soviet intends to destroy the United States
by nuclear weapons.
I would like to co:lclude by voicing my conviction that however soplilsticatevl
' this current Soviet stategy may be, it is not sophisticated enough to accomplish
I Communist victory. Tho hybris of Khrnahchev is reminiscent oP Iltl;ler and
foreshadows hfs Pail ire. I am fortified in this belief by my realization. that the
I covrso oP history, emetrary to Mr. Khrushchev'a assumgtion, is not Poreo:rdained.
'.. The cause of freedom iu Listory often was considered lost Lut usually good sense
prevailed after demccratic hesitations, and one after the other, the main threats
- Ito ireedow were dePe; eted.
Still, I Qm concerned that the Kremliu may have become overconfldeut, ap-
parently is overratini,. Soviet power, and is inclined to mulerrate Western power
and resolution. The.~eia no question Lut that free world golicies are partially
respmrslble for thin dangerous frame oP mind. Cockiness and cocksureness have
been more frequent causes of war than a rational evaluation oP risks, chances,
and purposes.
The errors of Pree ?vorld policies will not cuhnLmte in the destruction of free-
. ! don and of tLe demo satic system of government- L'ut fE we condition's the So-
viet lenders to expect final victory, even by "easy delivery/' many mil7tons oP
_ I citizens all over the free world will pay with their limbs and lives.
i
To convince the Kramliu that we are not about to commiC suicide, nor are go-
,ing to tolerate our destruction, superior strength, sustained firmness, E,reater
~. wilhngneas to aesum@ siaka, and at long ]sat greater comprehension oP the
~.reaY Nature oP the Cumwuuist threat, are mandatory. True to its traditions,
~~the United States will prove worthy oP its reaponaibilitles.
 APPENDIXES
APPENDIX I
"The shameless approval, mock eympathy, or idiotic InditYerence, with which
the upper classes oP Europc have witnessed the mountain fortress of the Caucasus
falling prey to, and heroic Poland being assassinated by, Russia; the im-
mense and umeaiated encroachments of that barbarous power, whose bend is at
Bt. Petersburg, and whose hands are in every Cabinet of Europe, have taught
the working class the duty to master themselves the mysteries oY international
polities; to watch the diplomatic acts oY their respective governments; to
counteract them, iP necessary, by all means in their power; when unable to pre-
vent, to combine in simultaneous denunciations, and to vindicate the simple laws
oP morals and ~uatice, which ought to govern the relations oP private individuals,
as the rules paramount oP the intercourse oY nations."
"The fight for such a foreign policy forms part oP the general struggle Por the
emancipation of the working classes."
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
APPENDIX II
'!From one extreme rep olutionary organization came salutations to Lincoln Sn
a >!raternal tone. This was the Central Council of the International Wor~Zing
Men's Association ? ? +. Their leading philosopher and tactician, correspond-
ing secretary for Germany, Karl Marx, author of "Das Kapital," drafted a IeCter
to jthe American people, addressed to Abraham Lincoln, the President oY the
United States. 'Six: We congratulatethe American people upon your reelection
by a large majority. If apaistance to the Slave Power was the watchword oY your
first election, the triumphal war cry oP your reelection is Death to Slagery.
Frgm the commencement of the Titanic American strife the workingmen of
Eufiope Pelt distinctively that the Star-spangled Banner carried the destiny' oP
their class.' A territorial questio? had been the immediate cease oY the war, and
wa not the war `to decii le whether the virgin Boil oY immense tract should be
w ded to the labor of 71e immigrant or be prostituted by the tramp oP the
slave driven' An oligarchy oP 300,000 slaveholders had dared Por the 'first
ti a 1n the annals oP the ~ryorld to inscribe 'Slavery' on a banner oP armed revolt.
Th~s is the very places 't'here hardly a century ago the idea of one great Demo-
er tic Republic had first sprung up, whence the first declaration of the Rights
oP~1lan was issued, and i he first impulse given to tho European $evolution.'
The workingmen oP l;urope Peel sure that, as the American War oP Iixde-
pei{denw Initiated a new'eia or ascendency for the middle class, so the Amer-
ica Antislavery War will do Por the working classes. They consider iE an
ea~nest sign oP the spot I to come that it fell to the lot oP Abraham Lincoln,
the single-minded son o1 the working class; to lead his country through the
matchless struggle Por the rescue oP the enchained race and the reconstruction
of ~ social world.
' This first letter from organized workingmen oP Europe to American kiln"
wa signed by "George Odger, president oY the council, corresponding secretaries
Prom France, Germany, :aaly, Poland, Switserland, and fifty-one others repre-
ss ting practically all tae lands and corners of continental Europe and tt~e
Br~tish Isles."
ource: Carl Bandburgg " 16raAam LiRCOIn: The War Yeere;' vol. S, Harcourt, Brace 8
Co. New York, 1959, p. 6'~Bf
''M~. Lincoln and the Inte mational Working Men's Association- '
' To the EDITOR of THE TIk Ee.
'Sir: Some Yew weskit since a congratulatory address was sent Prom~the
Central Council of the Ibove Assoclation to Mr. Lincoln. The address was
tra~xsmitted through the 11.5. Legation, and the following reply has been recei'v'ed.
Ttaipablication will oblige.
"Respectfully your 3,
"W. R. CSEaIE~.?'
'ZEDATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
"London, J?nuary Sl'.,
"My. W. R. CREMER,
"Honorary QPinerai~ Seor~tan~y of Ike International Workemg Men'S AsaoolaEl'on,
18, 6raek-st., W.
'ISIS; I am directed to inform you that the address oY the Central Council of
yoar Assoclation, which was duly transmitted through the Legation to the
President oP the United States, has been received by him. So Par as the
se timents expressed by i t are Personal, they are accepted by him with a sincere
an~ anxious desire that he Inay be able to prove himself not unworthy oftkie
eol~fldence which has been recently extended to him by his fellow-citizens, and by
so ~~many of the Friends >P humanity and progress throughout the word. 7Che
61A
 Approved For Release 2003/1Atfla~rs.~il~RY[(i~fi'46~D'6809Ptl6A56-4 ~1B
Government oP the United states has a clear conscioasness that ite policy neither
is, nor could be, reactionary, but aC tho same time it adheres to the worse
A dcur,lawfni 1 tervention IIt st fives t sdo equ 1 and exact justice to aIlastat e
and to all men and it relies upon the beneficial results of that effort Por support
at home and for respect and good will throughout the world. Nations do not
exist for themselves alone, but to promote the welfare and happiness oP mankind
by bonevolent intercourse and example. It is in this relation that tho IInited
states regard their cause in the present conflict with slavery-maintaining in-
surgents as the causo oP human nature, and they derive new encouragement to
persevere from the testimony of the working men oP i;urope that the national
attitude fie favoured with their enlightened approval and earnest sympathies.
"I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant.
?G1f ARLRa FRAmaIa ADAM&?
Source : London T1mea, I`eb. 8, 1805, p? 12, col. 4,
 APPZ';NDIX III
$IIRU 3IiCHEO REPOA'r ON M0800w CONFERENgE
'. (Moscow, Soviet home Service, Jan. 19, Y961, 0800 GMT-L)
Text oP Nikita Khrashchev's report, "Por New Victories oY the World Com-
nuuist Movement," at the meeting oP party organizations of the Higher Party
dchool, the Academy d Social Sciences, and the Institute of Mflrxism-Leninism
attached to the Central Committee oP the CPSU on Jauunry 8, ns published in
Kommunist, No. Y, January 1981)
.(Test) Comrades: 'Che conference oY representatives oY 31 Marxist-Leninist
parties held fu Moscoy Cn November 1980 will enter the history oP the world
Communist and Work ars movement as one oP its most vivid pages. Tljis con-
. Yerence profoundly analyzed the present-day international situation and }vorked
Out positions couunou Por our movement pertaining to the most important ques-
tions. As a result qP ihis conference, held in an atmosphere oP fraternal unity,
the many-xnill[on-sLrmrg family oP Communists oP all countries rallie{1 even
closer on the basis of biarsism-Leninism, and its forces in the heroic straggle
Yor the triumph oP the cause of peace and socialism increased.
Participating in the work oP the conference, Che most repreamrtative in the
's?hole history of the Communist and Workers movement, were veterans of, our
movement hardened it class struggles who in long years of severe struggle had
{rot Paltered under th,i tortnro oP Fascist henchmen and other enemles,oP the
}vorking class. Participating to the conference were prominent leaders oP
Alarxlst-Leninist Parti qa oY Socialist countries, representatives oP Communist
Parties which are waving under difficult conditions a heroic struggle against
gapltalism, the flghtin,; leaders oY the national liberation movement-in other
ttords, the elite oP the iaternational Communist movement.
- :Now, when in all a~uhtriea of the world Communists are vividly disenssing
@.nd unanimously nPPr oving the statement of the confermme and the appeal to
_ the peoples of Che world, it becomes particularly evident that the participants
to the conference did lot in veto spend much time and effort in their eq~mmon
?ause? The working people oP mankind are convinced that the Marxist-Leninist
Parties have justified tre hopes of the peoples.
'- More than 1 billion_pcople oP the countries oP the Socialist camp-watched
the work of the conYetehce with rapt attention. They are confident that: na a
result oP Che conference the Socialist camp will become even stronger axi[1 that
_ Qhe ranks oP the inter rational Communist movement will be rallied even more
?losoly.
The working class, the worllera oP the capitalist countries, awaited the answers
to the questions on he w. best tq carry on the struggle Por their revolutionary
$ims, Por social progress, Por democraCic rights and freedoms, and how to give
a more successful rebuff to imperialist reaction.
I The fighters for national independence awaited as answer to the questions
pn how one can rapidly put an end forever to the shameful system oP colotlialism
__ find insure the develol meat of the countries that have become liberated on the
path oY national independence, peace, and soMal progress.
All peace-loving mankind awaited the answer to the most burning question
of the present day-how to prevent aworld thermonuclear war and attain htsting
peace on earth and friendship among all the peoples, and Low to insure peaceful
eoesistmme oP states with different social systems.
Hundreds oP millionl oP people in all the countries oY the world Pelt a satis-
faction on learning the results oP the work of the conference.
Ae a result oP the conference, the ideological treasure house oP international
- dommunism has become greatly enricLed. The statement unanimously adoptefl
at the conference is a uilitant Marxist-Leninist document of tremendous inter-
1ational hnportance. It confirms allegiance of the Communist parties to the
Qeelaration of 1957. 2.t the some thne it provides a profound analysts oiP new
Approved For Release 200~~11/04:CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/0~~~P6~7~~~~4~~0~~(~~OgO~~~
phenomena in the world arena and contains important theoretical and political
deductions for the activity of all the Marxist-Leninist parties. The statement
will serve as a true compass in the further struggle Por the great aims that
confront Communists, worklug classes, and progressive people oP all countries.
The declaration gives the Marxist-Leninist definition of the current era and
shows the Fresh pgoapecta opening before the international Communist, workers,
and liberation movement. The documents of the conference point the way for
development of the world Social4st eystem and for further unification oY the
socialist camp. They determine the mayor problems oP the struggle by the
working class in eaPitallst countries, the struggle for liquldntlon oP the disgrace-
ful colonial system and unification oP all forces acting against the threat of a
new war.
The appeal to the Peoples of the world contains a fiery call to unite in
struggle for eolution of the most burning problem oY our times-prevention of
a world war. The appeal again demonstrates that It is precisely we Communists
who are the moat consistent defenders of the interests oY the masses and indicate
the only correct way oP Preserving and strengthening peace.
The workof the conference wasimbued with a spirit oP proletarian inter-
nationalism, paity democracy and an aspiration Eor even greater consolidation oP
the unity oP the Communist ranks. The delegations oP all the parties presented
thefr clews, exchanged experiences, and contributed to the nssessment and elab-
oration of the basic problems oY the present day.
A strengthening oY the unity of the ranks of the world Communist move-
ment and an even greater consolidation oP the world Communist front on the
basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism are the principal mrtcome of the
conference. This is a new ideological and political vletory Yor the Communists,
a victory of mayor historic significance. At the same time, it is another defeat for
the enemies oP communism and progress. The imperialists and their laclceya were
bitterly disappointed when they studied the documents of the conference. We
have every reason to state firmly that the unity of the world Communist move-
ment, which the imperialist reactionaxles fear like the very devil, has now gained
more strength. This is a great success Yor onr common muse.
Our epoch Se the epoch of the triumph of Marxism-Leninism:
The analysis of the world situation rit the beginning oY the sixties can only
evoke in every fighter in the great Communist movement Peelings oP profound
satisfaction and legitimate pride. Indoed, comrades, life has greatly surpassed
even the boldest and most optimistic predictions and expectations. Once it was
customary to say that histor9 was working Yor socialism ; at the same time, one
remembered that mank(nd would dump capitalism and that socialism would be
victorious. Today, it is possible to assert that socialism is working for history,
Por the basic content oY the contemporary historical process constitutes the
establishment and consolidation of socialism on an international scale.
In Y913, 4 years tiePore the October revolution, our immortal leader and
teacher, uladimir Mich Lenin, wrote that since We time of the Commnnist
Manifesto world history had boen distinctly divided into three mayor periods : (1)
Prom the Y848 revolution to the Paris Commune In 1871, (2) from the Paris
Commune to the Russian revolution Sn 1005, and (3) since the Russian revolu-
tion. IIe concluded the description oY these periods this way ~ Since the emergence
of Marxtam each of the three great epochs in world history has been supplying it
with new confirmations and new triumphs; but Marxism, as the teaching of the
proletariat, will be supplied with even greater triumphs by the present historical
epoch. These are prophetic words. They became reality with striking force
and accuracy. The historical epoch brilliantly Foreseen by Vladimir Mich
Lenin has become a qualitative, basic, new era in world. history Not a single
preceding era can be compared to it.
These were the erne when the working class was gaining strength, when its
heroic struggle; though shaking the Foundations of capitalism, was as yet unable
to solve the mayor problem oY the transfer oP power into the hands of the
workers.
The new area dippers from all the preceding ones 1n the universal historic
triumph of socialism initiated in October 1017. Since then Marxist-Leninist
teaching has been achieving one triumphal victory after another, and now its
great stge~ngth and its txansPoxming role are felt not only within individual
countries and continents but in social development in n11 parts of the world.
There are a number oY reasons which make the march oP socialism invincible.
In the first place, Marxism-Leninism today dominates tiro minds oP literally
 1
Approved For Releas~2003/11/~~-P~~4~~f~~1~$~5~g2~0~~5~1-4
hundreds of millions o.' people and thereby constitutes, if one is to apply
Marx's words, a mighty material Porce. Furthermore, Marxism-Leninism. now
appears bcPore mankind sot only ae a theory but ae a living reality. The Soci:rliet
society which ie being ~i?eated in the boundless expanses of Europe andAsia
toi`tay represents this teaching.
Now a force. does not : ~tst is the world, nor can one exist, that can hold back
the increasing tendency y which the masses eee with their own eyes and, so
to; speak, Peel with thei ^ own hands; what socialism is like-no, not in books
aqd manifestoes, but in life, in practice. There is now no force in the ~gorld
that can stem the movement toward socialism by the peoples in all the new
w?atrlos.
mother circumstance~ia oY prime importance. If yesterday hundreds of
millions of people in As(a, Africa, and Latin America were suppressed by the
yoke oP the imperialist dvilizers, today the picture is radically changing. The
revolutionary emergence of more and more peoples into the world arena creates
exceptionally favorable conditions for an unprecedented broadening o4 the
sphere of influence of Ma ~xlem-Leninism.
~'he time is not far atFa9 when Marxism-Leninism will possess the minds of
the maiority oP the world's population. what has been going on in the world in
thgg 43 years since the triumph of the October revolution completely confirms the
sclentifle accuracy and vitality oP the Leninist theory oP the world SocinlisE
revolution.
nder current conditions it is useful to recall, in Lenin's terms, the actual
prbcesa of the world Sc clalist revolution, the forces participating in it. The
Socialist revolution, Lei in indicated, will not be solely and largely n struggle
by the revolutionary pre letarians Sn each country against its own bourgeoisie.
No, it will be a struggle liy. all the colonies and countries oppressed by imperial-
s~r oP all dependent con itrles, against International imperialism.
Stressing that this struggle is aimed primarily at national liberation, Lenin
said: It is quite clear t5at in the future decisive battles of the world revolu-
tign, the movement oP the maiority oP the popnlation of the globe at Brat abased
at national liberation will turn against capitalism and imperialism and may,play
a uch greater revolutim,aty Part than we expect.
~*ow that the world Socialist system has already come into existence, in the
ti a of the greatest upe~lr a oP anti-imporiatiet national liberation revolutl~mre,
its essential to determing ~he future course, the prospects of world events. This
fa impossible, however, vitho?t a deep understanding of the nature, substance,
anal charater of the deci:ave tasks of our era. The question of the character oP
thgg era is by no means tnabatract or a narrow theoretical question. The,i,en-
eral strategic line and tactics o~P world commm~iam, of each Communist Party,
arp closely related to it
Ideologists of hnperia iism, including their accompllcea in the camp of re-
formism and revisionism, are relying particularly on the distortion oP the
character oP the present era. Such Paleiflcation pursues quite a definite aim:
to ldlaorientate the broad mosses of the people, to lead them away from the
reVOlutlonary path, to bhid them to the chariot of imperialism, to present things
ag!it capitalism were net in agony, but wereperforming a sort of calculated
ev?lutionary transformalon toward socialism. This is precisely the notorious
thegory oP the so-called traasformatlon of capitalism.
Tfie falaiflers maintain that literally all classes of society are Snterested in
sufih a tranatormadon ar ? allege that, this being so, peace and harmony Prevtdl
In the world oP capitalism. Such is the picture of the modern era painted
by~bourgeois ideologists, ilghtwing social democrats, and the revisionist rene-
ga$es of communism. Ii is not fortuitous that the ideologists of capitalism are
trying to substitute Por tie concept ofcaPitaltam and imperia]ism such art111cia1
concepts as "people's capitalism" or "welfare state."
e must, of emarse, unmask these ideological diversions and oppose them
by~ovr scientific MarxisbLeninist assessment of the era. We meat do that: to
determine correctly the c orrelation oP forces, to exploit new possibilities which
thg-present era opens uF~for the Further advancement oP our great cause.
What requirements sh laid a Marxist-Leninist appraisal of our epoch meet?
It should provide a clear idea of which class stands in the center of the era:and
w1~aE the essence, direction, and treks of social development are. It ehe~uld
coder-the whole revolutionary process Prom the formation oP socialism to the
full victory of communism. It should indicate the forces which side witk the
Approved' For Relea~~~~e~~g~1,sp~$,quy~b~~~~~t~whlch con-
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
RHRUSHCHEV SPEECH OF JANIIARY fi~ 1991
Socialist revolution Las achieved victory in n large number of countries, so-
eialiam has become a powerful world system, the colonial system oY imperialism
verges on complete disintegration, and imperialism is in a state oP decline and
crisis. The definition oY our epoch must reflect these decisive events.
The statement oY the conference provides the following definition of our era:
Out? era, whose essence is the transition from capitalism to soeialiam begun by
the groat October Socialist revolution, is ?n era of the struggle oY two dlamotri-
cally opposed socfaI systems, an era of Socialist revolutions and national liber-
ation revolutions; an era of the collapse of capitalism and of liquidation of the
colonial system ; an er? oP the eLange to the road oP socialism by more and more
nations; and oP the trhimpL of socialism and communism on a world scale.
This definition oP the nature of the enrrent era can bo regarded as an example
oP the creative, truly scientifle solution of n big, weighty problem. TLe strength
oY this definition is that it correctly eharacterieea the main achievement of the
world liberation movement and opens before the Communist and worlcere move
ment clear prospects for the worldwide victory.
Defining the essence and nature of the entire currant era, it is highly impor-
taut that we understand the chief peculiarities and distinctive characteristics of
its present stage. If one approaches an ovaluntion of the llosbOctober period
$?om the point pf view. of its principal motive Porces, thin period ie clearly divided
into two stages:
~ Tho first began with the victory oR the October revolution. This was the pe-
rind oP the assertion and development of, as Lenin put it, the national dictates
ship oP the proletariat; i.e., the dictatorship oP the proletariat within the na-
tional boundaries oY Rnseia alone. A1tLough the Soviet IIuion, from the very
firs[; days of its existence, exercised an eaeeptional influence on international
liPo, impmialiam, nevorthelese, greatly determined the course and nature oP
international relations.. Bnt even then imperialism proved itself unable to
smasL the Sov{et Unfon, to prevent its becoming the mighty industrial power
wfficL became the stronghold of the cause of progress and civilization, the cen-
ter oP attraction oP all forces opposing imperialist oppression and Fascist
enslavement.
The second stage of development of the current era is connected with the
formation of the world Socialist system. This ie a revolutionary process with
universal historic importunes.
The October revolution broke one link in the chain of imperialism, Then s
frontal assault on the chain of imperialism was carried out. Previously one
Lad apokeu oP a Lreach in the eLain of imperialism througL one or a numbet?
oP ]inks, but now, ?e a matter oY Pact, there no longer exists an all-enve[opfng
chain oP Imperialism. The dictatorship of t7to working class has stepped out
of the boundaries of one country, has become an international force.
Imperialism has lost not only those countries in whicL soeialiam was victorious ;
it Ss rapidly losing almost all its colonies, IC ie quite understandable that. as
a resalC of such blows and ]oases the general crisis of capitalism Las greatly
Increased, and the balance of forces in the world arena undergone radical changes
in fnvor of socialism. _
The principal distinguishing feature oP our time ie the Pact that the world
socialist system is becoming a decisive factor in the deveIOpment of human
society. TLis has been directly reflected also in the sphere of international reln-
Clona. Under present conditions, prerequisites have been created for socialism
to .increasingly determine the nature, methods, and ways of internaticnal reln-
tipps. This does not mean that imperialism represents an infinitesimal quantity
wLlch can be flisregarded. Not at a1L Imperialism still possesses great strength.
It possesses a strong military machine. Now imperialism has created, under
peacetime conditions, a gigantic apparatus of war and a widespread system of
x blocs, anfl has snb~ceted their economy to the arms race. American imperialists
lay claim to the whole world living under their heel and threaten humanity
with s rocket and nucleat? war.
Contemporary Imperialism is being characterised to an ever-increasing degree
by decay and parasitism. In their evaluation of the prospects nP international
development, Marxist?LCniniste do not permit and cannot permit any ilhufons
concerning imperialism. There Ss countless evidence that imperialists ore
pursuing n policy of base provocations and aggressions. This is nothing new.
What is nets is that any Intrigues by the imperialists not only are comptetely
exposed but are ciao resolutely xebnfPed, and their attetnpte to unleash local
ware are being cut short,
 Approved For Release 2C0?03/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
' a')V KHR USHCIFEV SPEECH OF JANUARY Ot 1961
Forthe first tiw: in history, the present balance of power iu the world arena
enables the Sociali;ax camp and other peace-loving forces to pursue the completely
realistic task of co vpelling the imperialiata, under the threat of the aownPall oP
their systeny not to unleash a world tvnr.
-. In connection with the possibility of averting a world war, I should like to
dwell on the ques;iou concerning the Prospects for a furCher developmenC oY
the general crisis if capitalism. It is generally known that both World Wax I
and World War II exerted enormous infinence on the emergence and deepening
: oY the general crisiu of capitalism. Does it Yellow from this that a world war is
a necessary condith in fora $irtLer intensification oY the general crisis of capital-
ism? Such n conclusion would be profoundly incorrect since it distorts the
Marxist-Leninist tl eery of the Socialist revolution and conflicts with the real
reasons for revolut: on. A proletarian revolution does not result Ermn military
cataclysms; it is STSC oY aR n consequence oY the development of 1:he class
struggle and of the fnternal contradictions of capitalism,
It is perfectly obtious tLat the establishment of the world system of socialism,
-. the quick progress of the disintegration oY the colonial system, the unprecedented
upsurge oP the struggle oP the working class Eor Sts rights and inteiest--that
all this undermine: the support Por capitalism, Intensifies its general crisis.
The losses oP capitalism as a result oY these blows are irreparable. This refers
both to the entire system oY capitalism and to its main power, the IIuited States.
The m_ ightiest power oP capitalism has found itaelE most affected by the
general crisis. In the Postwar years the blows oP economic shocks have fallen
with particular frequency. In We poatwnr period, the United States has
~~ eaperiencedthreo critical production slumps: 19489 Y963-64, and particularly
1967 v8. During the past year, according to estimates oP the American press,
~- U,S. industrial prof action increased by only 2 percent. For 1991, American
i economists predict upt an tacrease but a decline of about 3.7 percent in pro-
duction, and maybe even more, In the U.S.S.R. production increased about ]0
percent in 1960.
It Ss precisely tits mmtopoly capital oP the United States that is revealing its
incapability of using the production Forces on hand, The richest country oP the
capitalist world is the country oY the largest chronic unemployment. According
to clearly optimistic odicial statistics, the number oY unemployed in ills United
States rode Prom 2.6 million people in 1960 to 3.8 million in 1959, and to more
than 4 million by th. cud oY 1960. Moreover, there is a multimillion army of
semiunemployed in tae United States.
A eonatant Yeature in the United States is the growing below-capacity opera-
tion oY industry. Szme 37 percent oP the productive capacity of the steel-
` ameltivg lndustr9 oP the United States was idle in 1969, although the output
oP steel, following a t teep reduction in the critical year oY 1958, increased some-
- what. At the end oP 1960 less than half oP the productive capacity of the steel-
. ameltivg industry was used.
In spite of an imrlePSe increase in military appropriations, the pradactlon
growth rate in that country has heen Falling off in postwar years and is now
just managing to keep ahead of the population increase. During 19"06 v9, in
f, per capita terms, tht~ output of industrial products in the United States re-
mained at the sums lei el,
Although the Unlte{l States remains the priudpal ecmtomle, financial, and
military force of modern imperialism, its share in the economy and liolitica
'of the capitalist wor .d 1s declining. Trie II.S, share of industrial ouipat oP
: ;capitalist countries has Fallen Prom 54 percent in 1950 to 47-48 percent to
+1969. Wbiie Sn 1950 lye U.S. ehaze in the capitalist countries' steel production
'. :amounted to 57.4 Percent, fn 1953 it felt to 40.4 percent. The U.S. share in the
'exports of capitalist ~ountrles sank Prom more than 30 percent ht 194C, to 21
percent in 1953, and to 17.4 percent in 1959.
NeverWeless, Amer.caa movopolists have been and remain the principal
usurers and eaplolters oP the Peoples. Oue ie fully justified in condudtng that
botL in the economic $eld as well as iu the field oP intervatimtal politics the
Main Power oY capibiliam has entered a phase oP growing difficulties and
Crises-the phase of its decline.
,- As regards the economy oY the other capitalist countries, it is also character-
(zed by increasing instability.
Today the capitalist world fe not divided into two imperialist camps, as it
waa on the eve of both. world wars. Nevertheless, Ct is far from united a.nd Is
divided by acruel internal struggle. Even the window of the so-called A~lantie
Approved For Release 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
 Approved For Release 2003/11/xOx~liuslA RDP6PEBOH4o6R0005~R1Q2~0~~5~1-4
solidarity hides an ugly picture oY internal discords and conflicts; the oppoei-
tion to II.S. leadership and diktat is increasing..
The revival oP German militarism and revanchlsm in Gee center oP Europe
restores a most complicated range oP Anglo-German, Franco-German, and other
imperialist contradictions. IF we compare the present position of capitalism
wSth Its position after World W?r II, it becomes clear that a great deepening
in the general crisis of capitalism has taken Place.
Having profoundly. analyzed the whole international situation, the conference
reached a conclusion which 1s of great theoretical and political significance,
This conchision states
The development of the common crisis oP capitalism has reached a new stage.
The peculiarity oP this stage is that it emerged not in connection with the
world war, but in conditions oP competition and struggle between the two
systems; in the ever-increasing change Sn the correlation oP Yorces to the ad-
vantage oY socialism; to the acnto aggravation oP all the contributions of im-
periallsm ; under conditions when the successful struggle oP the peace-loving
' Yorces Por establishment and stabilization of world coexistence has prevented Lhe
imperialists from undermining world Peace with their aggressive actions; and
under conditions of an increasing strugglo by the masses for democracy, national
liberation, and socialism.
This bespeaks the further development and deepening of the common crisis of
~ capitalism. Our militant comrades from the Communist parties in the capitalist
countries take this into consideration in defining their further tactical line in the
struggle for the cause oP the working class. And it can be said with confidence
that the near future will be marked with new successes by the united Forces oP
world socialism, the working class, and the national liberation movement.
Extensive building oP communism in the U.S.S.R. and Prospects for decelop-
went oY the world socialist system
Comrades, the world Socialist is the greatest moving force in modern times.
The international working class and its Communist vanguard regard it as their
duty to etrengthon in every way the might and cohesion of the Socialist emnp-
the stronghold oY peace, Freedom, and independence. It is well known that the
i conference devoted a great deal of attention to the Yurther development of the
world Socialist system. The statement set forth important theoretical and
political tenets oP this development. I would like to dwell now on some of them.
'. As Pointed out in the statement, the primary task of Socialist countries is to
exploit possibilities inherent in socialism to outstrip, as eoon ae possible, the
world capitalist system in absolute volume of industrial and agricultural Pro-
, duction, and then to overtake the most developed capitalist countries in per
capita production and living standards.
The period since the Y957 conference oY representatives oY Communist rmd
Workers Farttes is characteristic oP the vigorous growth oY the economic might
and international influence of the world Socialist system.
Since then the volume of industrial production in the Socialist countries rose
37.1 percent and the industrial output in the capitalistic countries Increased 7.4
percent. During the same time industrial production in the II.S. S.R. rose by
23 Percvnt and in the IInited Staten b9 only 4.6 percent. The average anneal
rate mP inereaso in all tho Socialist countries amounted to 17 Percent, and in the
capitalist countries to 3.6 percent. The average annual rate of increase in
~ the U.S.S.R, in that period amounted to 10.9 Descent and in the IInited States
to 2,3 percent.
I Socialism has wrought such profound changes in all spheres of lifo in t}re
people's democracies that today we can assert with legitimate pride that by
mow not only in the U.S.S.R. but in all countries oP tho Socialist camp the social-
f economic possibilities Por the restoration oP capitalism have been liquidated.
Tho world Socialist system has ontered a new stago oP development. Tho
CPSU Central Committee deemed it its duty to inform the world Communist
Forum about the work of our party and to acquaint it with our immediate
prospects. Our party fa concentrating its efforts on solution of tasks in the
extensive construction of a Communist society Chief tunong these tasks are
creation oY the material-technical base oP communism, development on this
foundation oP Communist social relations, and molding the man of the fntmre
Communist society.
The most important stage in the creation of the material-technical base oY
communism in our country is the 7-year Plan. In the first 2 yeaire of the 7-year
Approved For Releas~'~~ut~~~=~ ~~, ~~Q~~q` 17 Pte`?nt'
i i ~ ates are Pre-
 Approved For Release' 2003/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4 ',
' bS KH.RUSH~CHEV SPEECH OF JANUARY 6, 1981
served, industrial otttFUt will not increase 80 percent in 7 years as eavisaged
ip the plan, but will almost double. This will mean that Sndustrial production
ih an amount of about BO billion new rubles wlll be produced Sn excess of plan.
'~. To explain more cb sadly what thin figure means, let me remind you that
Vladimir Mich Lenin r;POrted with pride to the Fourth Congress oP the Com-
monist International t:iat our country in 1922 Por the Brat time Lad been able
to invest 20 million rubles in Leavy Snduatry. You see Low modest the figures
of 1922 were and what possibilities we Lave today.
In connection with tibia I west to say a few words about metallurgy., TLe
' 7-year plan has been drawn up in such a way tLat we must produce 88. to 91
million tons oP steel i+f 1985. Last year, we produced 65 million tons, sand a
6million-ton increase hs, the production oP steel has been planned for 19G1. :Chis
means that we will Lage to produce 71 million tone
IP in subsequent yeersoP the 7-year pine we insure the same increase as in
1901, then, by the end rf 1985, 95 million tons oP steel could be produced. 13ut fi
future steel production increases at the same speed as in the first 3 years oP
the 7-year Plan, production Sn 1985 could amount to 100 to Y02 million tong.
But at the moment we will not carry out a policy of developing ferrous
+getallurgy to the absolute limit. We will switch over part of the capital in-
vestrnent into agrlcultire and Sato Itght industry. It is impossible to. build
ebmmunlem by offering only machines and ferrous and nonferrous metale.
Feople should be able Ip eat properly and dress well, to Lave adequate housing
conditions, and other material and cultural advantages. This is not a revision
of our general line but 'a sensible utlllzation of our material possibilities.
When we were encirgmia hnrononize with
each other because in the eyes of the broad masses oP people communism sots
as a faros capable oY savh~g mankind from the horrors of modern desUUCtive
rocket-nuclear war, and imperialism ie being aacociatod in the minds oY the
masses with u'ar more and more, ss a system which evgeudars wars. Them
fore, the slogan of tho shuggle for peace appomrs as a satellite oP the slogw
oP the struggle #or canmunisxn. As correctly stated in the statement, the move-
mont of peace pni?tlsans Is the broadest movement of modern fluxes, embrachxg
peoplo of different polittcal and religious views, Uelonging to different classes
of society, but gaited try the noble endeavor to provent new wars and W iusuro
Iasting peace.
 1
Approved F;or Release 2043/11/04 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000500200056-4
68;
~~mong the people iv&'flght Yor peace, there are representatives oY var3ons
ao~ial strata, various political opinions, and religious outlooks. The struggle
!or disarmament 1s an active struggle against imperialism, far rest:rieting Its
mi~itarS potentialties. Peoples mast do everything to achieve the prohibition
at `d destruction o# atomic weapons and all other mass destcuction weapons.
Paco mill then be insurrd and there will open before peoples the most favorable
prospects Yor organizing their lives in aecordanco with their aspirations and
in erects.
The Primary conditimt oP progress in disarmament is the mobilization oP tho
b ~oadest masses oY people and their iuc2easing pressure on hnperlallst govern-
afenta. In the capitalist camp, policy regarding Socialist connisies Pollowg two
tends:amilitauC-aggreaetve ir~end, and amoderate-sober trend.
Vladimir Mich Lenin pointed onC the necessity #or establishing contacts ?with
t ose circles oP the bourgeoisie which gravitate toward Paclftsm, even ff. St
s onld bo uY the poorest quality. Ile said that in the straggle Yor the pre5erva-
t on of peace we must also use prudent representatives of the bourgeoisie;
' The correctness oY t7 mss words is confirmed b9 the events oY our times, too.
mong the ruling oka~dses of the imperialist camp a Year for the future of
&pitalism PrevaiLS,
The moat reactionar7 circles arc showing lnereasing narvensness and atend-
ncy toward adventuxinn and aS'gression, which they hope wiIl help improve the
when state oP their afYaire. At the same time, among the ruling circles in
those countries there a,re also forces which nndecstand the danger oY a new
war to capitalism lteelE. Renee there are two tcndenrfes: one ae niurYng at
Iwar, and the second at accreting the idea oP pcaceftIl coexistence in some Yorm.
The Socialist stater in their policy tape these two tendencies into considera-
Ction. Thep strive Yor negotiations and agreements with the capitalist countries
~. on the basis of consGuetire proposals, They endeavor to develop persona] cou-
tads among statesmen uE Socialist and capitahst states, IY is also essential In
the Yutnre to make ace oY ever9 opPorhmity to expose the supporters of the
cotd war, the supporters oY the arms raeo, to show to the Popular masses that
the %ocialist eounbeiea aro sincerely waging the straggle to insnxr, universal
peace. - '
The awareness 1s becoming stronger among ail Peoples that it is the Com-
i mnnlsts wfio are fcr the building oY relations among states on the basis oY
peaceful coexistence, that it is they who are the most ardent and cona[stent;
1 fighters Por peace, We can bo proud of the Yact that the Peoples' notion oY
peace and corrununism are all the more being identified as a single unit.
The Communists Peel that fE all progressivo and Peace-loving Yorcea of our
i times, countrles be. onging to the Socialist system, the intca~national working
class, the national liberation movement, Soong national states and all e~ountries
opposing war, all prance partisans, 1vI11 wage a resolute stcugglc against the dan-
gar of war, they car tie the hands oY warmongers and Prevent a now world war
catastrophe. It is essential day by day to enlist in the straggle Yor p~'ace new
strata aY the popnL?ttinn, eliminating a Passive attitude which vnfordmatcly is to
be Pound among acme social strata in bourgeoisie state.. Tho struggle against
the danger nY a new world war most be developed without waiting Yor the Yull
fall of atomic and hydrogen botnbs, the statement stresses.
One oY the decisive sources of the moral strength oY communism, of its great
influence en rho 'masses, is that it comes forth as a standard hearer Sn the
straggle Yor peaeo. It is the banner oY peace that enables us to calls the
broadest I~PUIar masses around ua. It we Barry high the banner rrE peace,
we shall score even ~?eater successes.
The Commtmtsta regard it their sacred duty to make full ose of ail possibill-
ties created Por the peoples LS the Present era to curb the bellico@e Eorees oY
impextalism, to prevent a new war.
The present international Communist and workers movement has attained
such mfgtit and organization That it Poses Por itself the practical task oY deliv
acing mankind from the calamities oY a. new war, The statement oY the rron-
ference lava: Tke Communists see their historical mission not only tin abolitimt
oY ezpiottrztlon and poverty all over the world and in excluding Yorever the
poss1b11ity oY any war in the ItEe oP human society, but in delivering mankind
7s the current era from the nightmare oP a new wot9d war. The Communist
Parftes to ail ec untrfes will devote all their strength and energy to the realiza-
tion oY this great. historic mission.
 Approved For Release 2003/11/04~;i~{~?~~~~6D~t48f~00IS~0f~05~41 69
Liquidation oY colonialism and wags for the #urthex develoPmmtt oP countries
which have liberated themselves
Oomxades, the Peoples which achieved national independence have become n
new and PowerPnl Porte in the struggle for Pence and social progress. The
national liberation movement deals more and more blows against huperialiem,
helps consolidation of pence, eontribntCS to speeding mankind's development
along the path of social Rrogress. Asia, Africa, and Latin America are now
the moat important centcrS of revolutionary struggle against imperialism. In
the Postwar period about 40 countries won natimral independence. ALuosY. ]. ~ bil-
lion people have wrenched themsninted uulothat the crumbling of the system of
The conference has correctly I
Colonial slavery mrdex the presenro of the. national liberation movement is the
second ghenotnenon of historic importance aPtur UrC formation oY the world
system oR socialia~n.
New remarkable pages are opening in the history of nxaukimh It is easy to
evi krthetimpcr nlixtsrfrom theih