CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE -- SITUATION IN DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500110020-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 20
• Publication Date: October 7, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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October 7, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
A copy of this telegram was directed
to Secretary Wirtz on August 12. I asked
Mr. Wirtz for "positive action in this
matter." Secretary Wirtz' reply dated
August 20, 1965, is as follows:
U.S. DEPARTMENT of LABOR,
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY,
Washington, August 20, 1965.
Hon. JAMES HARVEY,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HARVEY: Thank you
for your letter of August 12, which was ac-
companied by a telegram from Viasic Food
Products.
We know that Waste's subsidiary in Bridge-
port, Crown Pickle Co., unlike many pickle
producers in Michigan, is faced with a pro-
spective shortgage of harvest labor. We are
making strenuous efforts to assist the firm.
Additional workers are being recruited in
Louisiana and Kentucky, and among the
crews leaving the cherry orchards of up-State
Michigan.
In the meantime, however, I think it would
be useful to point out several additional
facts.
Crown Pickle refused to hire A-Teams,
when they were available; Crown Pickle, in-
stead of recruiting through the U.S. Em-
ployment Service, turned to a fee-charging
private agency in Texas, with disappointing
results; Crown Pickle, rather than seeking
additional workers through the Employment
Service, borrowed workers from another
pickle packer; and finally, the day after
you sent your letter, Crown Pickle refused
(despite its plea for workers) to hire 75 con-
stituents of yours, residents of Saginaw, who
were seeking jobs in the pickle fields.
As you know, this situation has had my
almost constant attention. If there is any-
thing further I can do, please do not hesitate
to call on me.
Sincerely,
W. WILLARD WIRTZ,
Secretary of Labor.
Now, in a letter dated September 30,
1965, Mr. Raznick replies to Secretary
Wirtz, disputing points raised by the Sec-
retary and adding additional informa-
tion. His letter follows:
CROWN FOODS, INC.,
September 30, 1965.
Congressman JAMES HARVEY,
Congressman of United States, House of
Representatives, Longworth Office Build-
ing, Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HARVEY: Thank you for
your letter of August 23 and a copy of the
letter of August 20 from Secretary of Labor
Willard Wirtz. Please forgive me for not
answering sooner, but it took time to get all
of my information properly documented.
There are so many statements in W. Wirtz'
letter that are untrue and/or misrepresented
that I feel it necessary to answer line by line,
as follows:
"We know that Vlasic subsidiary in Bridge-
port, Crown Pickle Co., unlike many pickle
processors in Michigan, is faced with a pros-
pective shortage of harvest labor." The De-
partment of Labor continually tried to make
every pickle company in Michigan believe
that they were the only company short of
harvest labor. Representatives of the De-
partment of Labor would come to my office
and tell me that no one else in Michigan Is
having any labor problems. Then, they
would visit the other pickle companies and
tell them the same thing. I am constantly
talking to all the other people in the pickle
business in Michigan, and I have been un-
able to find any that didn't have substan-
tial shortages of harvest labor. I would be
most interested in a list from the Depart-
ment of Labor of those pickle companies in
Michigan that had sufficient harvest labor
this year. I haven't been able to find any,
but maybe Mr. Wirtz knows of some. Who
are they?
"Crown Pickle refused to hire A Teams,
when they were available." This is com-
pletely untrue as we did agree to hire three
A Teams. Under the provisions established
by the Labor Department we were not
equipped to handle any more. However, after
accepting three A Teams, the Department
of Labor wanted us to take more. it was
impossible for us to construct the proper fa-
cilities and train the necessary people to
operate these facilities in the time we had
available. Also, we knew that the A Teams
would leave the fields at least 3 weeks before
the crop was completely harvested. How
could we complete the harvest on the farms
after the A Teams left?
"Crown Pickle, instead of recruiting
through the U.S. Employment Service, turned
to a fee-charging private agency in Texas,
with disappointing results." Only because
we were not able to procure enough harvest-
ing labor through U.S. Employment Service
did we turn to every other possible method
of recruiting. Enclosed are photostats of let-
ters from different divisions of the Depart-
ment,of Labor throughout the country which,
in their own handwriting, admitted that they
would not have labor available for us. What
were we to do? We thought it was commend-
able for us to look for help through an out-
side agency, but it appears by doing so we
are criticised. We advanced $20,000 to this
outside agency to help us get labor to pick
our crops. Enclosed is evidence where we re-
cruited 190 workers and advanced money to
these workers through the Texas Employ-
ment Commission, I am also enclosing evi-
dence of attempts to recruit labor through
individuals who promised 105 workers. We
advanced them considerable funds and we
have yet to receive any workers * * s or the
refund of our money. We tried every way
humanly possible to recruit a labor force.
Is this wrong? Without harvesting labor we
would have to close our plants and lay off
hundreds of production workers. Is it wrong
to fight for survival?
"Crown Pickle refused (despite its plea
for workers) to hire 75 constitutents of
yours, residents of Saginaw, who were seek-
ing jobs in the pickle. fields." It infuriated
me to hear that the Secretary was so naive
as to believe that we would leave 75 people
looking for work stranded. Surely you
should have investigated why this happened.
Of course, this was a totally Isolated inci-
dent. We had five buses shuttling teenagers
to our pickle fields. We were constantly
running ads in the newspapers and we never
knew how many people would show up on a
particular day. On the day in question
there were 75 children we could not handle,
but only for the one day. During the harvest
we had approximately 250 children working
for us. For these 250 children we were
writing approximately 800 checks a week.
You can see the turnover that we had.
Also, the cost of these children was phenom-
enal. They would go out into fields, take
about an hour to get started, and 2 hours
later they decided they didn't like the work
and quit. It was the saddest experience of
my life.
On one farm the boys decided to ride
the farmers cows. It nearly drove the farm-
er out of his mind trying to get his cows
back and the boys off his farm. On an-
other farm about 10 boys decided they
didn't want to work any more. They went
back to the buses and ate the lunches of
all the other boys that were working. This
completely ruined another crew. i don't
entirely blame the children-because they
are children and they will be playful-but
this business of picking pickles Is not a game.
"Additional workers are being recruited
in Louisiana and Kentucky." The labor we
25415
received from Kentucky was completely in-
adequate. People simply were not physically
fit for the difficult task of picking pickles.
The few that stayed would only pick large
size pickles when they did work. After they
received their first pay check they didn't
return to work for 3 days. When we ques-
tioned them they told us that they needed
time to spend their earnings. We suggested
that they might want to send some of their
money home where it was probably needed
rather than spending it on whisky. They
told us that, "we drank before we came, we
are going to drink while we are here, and
we are going to drink after we leave."
The only satisfactory labor we had this
year was the Mexican family groups. Be-
cause of the competition for this small pool
of efficient labor, this type of worker was
most scarce. If we are to get the pickle
crop next year in Michigan and operate our
plants at a profit, we certainly are going to
have to have more adequate labor than we
had this year.
Thank you very much for your patience
and help. I am most interested in Secretary
Wirtz' answer to this letter.
FRED RAZNICK,
Vice President, Crown Food Products
Division, Viasic Food Products Co.
BRIDGEPORT, MICH.
This exchange of correspondence
dramatically illustrates in my mind the
real need of a congressional investigation
into 1965 farm labor policies and results.
I do not speak for other sections of the
country in urging that the House Com-
mittee on Education and Labor under-
take .this probe-only for Michigan.
Let us get all the facts; let us take
steps now to avoid the same controversy
and the same problems next year. I
have written to Secretary Wirtz once
again, seeking his support of a thorough
study of this matter. In addition, I have
formally requested consideration by the
House Committee on Education and
Labor of an investigation.
I understand that it has been suggested
that the Michigan Farm Panel, estab-
lished by Secretary of Labor Wirtz on
May 7, 1965, conducted such an inquiry
in Michigan. The reason given was that
a congressional probe would only encour-
age politics. I would dispute that and I
would add that this is a proper and
responsible activity for a duly designated
congressional committee. It was Con-
gress that acted In 1964 to discontinue
Public Law 78 and the use of foreign
farm labor. I maintain that it is now
the responsibility of Congress to deter-
mine the success and failure of the new
domestic farm labor policies.
(Mr. LINDSAY (at the request of Mr.
GROVER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. LINDSAY'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. CLEVELAND (at the request of
Mr. GROVER) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. CLEVELAND'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the. Appendix.] _
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE October 7, 1965
But under Bosch the radio Stations began RUSHES TO ASSEMBLE TROOPS
to operate full blast and all the Communist I left my :home hurriedly and went to my
partic a bought time. At any hour what was headquarters where l: assembled all the
heard was incitement to subversion, and troops I could who were under my com-
dramitizations of biographies of Castro and mand-no more than 200 at the base. I
Ernesto IChe] Guevara (Castro's right hand awaited developments.
who has disappeared). Mobs, incited by the official radio Santo
PROMOTED CLASS HATRED Domingo TV network and other stations,
Botch tolerated everything that smelled of began to sack the city. That afternoon,
communism. Schools teaching Marxism- Brig. Gen. Juan de los Santos-Cespedes, chief
Lenir.ism appeared, one even flying the Soviet of staff of the air force, accompanied by some
flag. Bosch promoted class hatred. No per- of his high-ranking officers, came to my office
son who lived well could travel the poor dis- and told me not to offer any resistance be-
tricts of the city well-dressed or in an auto- cause a military coup d'etat had started to
mobie without being subjected to abuse. install'a military junta and call elections
Congress was a rubberstamp. In 90 days.
It was impossible to support any longer I told him I was opposed to a coup, to
a government so completely lacking in re- avoid a clash within the armed forces which
sponc ability, so we proceeded to depose Bosch, would shatter our much-needed unity, but
by the will of the people. The disgust of that my estimate of the situation differed
the people was so great that the 600,000 from his. It appeared to me that what was
citizens who had voted for Bosch 7 months on the march was a Communist coup be-
earlicr failed to protest his overthrow. cause for some time I had had Information
about the conspiracy.
No this man has landed back in our ONLY 200 MEN A.C BASE
rood people as a punishment. A humble and I also told the general that if he wanted
good like ours has been deceived and g
divided by this traitor full of hate and venge- to deliver himself to the revolt to go ahead
ance. The misfortune of my country at but I would not and was going to defend
this noment was planned for a long time by myself. When all this was happening, I did
the communists helped by Fidel Castro in not have more than 200 men in my base.
coma ination with Juan Bosch. Fidel Castro Due to his indecision and that of other
playc d a role. Parachutists were dropped to chiefs of the national army the Communists
guerrillas supporting the return of Bosch. were able during the night of April 24 to
Whaf country other than Cuba could they seize an arsenal and distribute arms to the
have come from? civilians and to place them at strategic
KNEW OF PLOT points in the city. The confusion was so
great that nobody knew who was his friend
Of) teers began plotting a revolution against or his enemy.
the fovernment of President Reid (Donald The situation of our armed forces at the
J. Reid-Cabral) and I informed the president moment was this:
of tl.e plot a few days before April 24. And The chiefs'of the army who were not in the
at nldnight of the 23d, an army corporal conspiracy were on the run. General Rivera,
cam o to my house to tell me that the follow- being under arrest, Could not issue any or-
ing lay, officers would start the revolution ders as chief of staff. President Reid was
by arresting Brig. Gen. Marco Rivera-Cuesta, commander In chief as well as minister of
Arm; Chief of Staff. defense.
I telephoned General Rivera to inform him The navy, with the exception of 9 of its
of what was to happen but he said it was more than 30 ships of all types, was almost
not '.rue and advised me to go back to sleep. totally on the other side. Indecision con-
Next day he was arrested; thus the move- tinued at air force headquarters.
men, that today has my country sunk in POLICE ARE DEMORALIZED
SITUATION IN DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC
(Mr. DERWINSK.I (at the request of
Mr. DROVER) was granted permission to
extend, his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous niat-
ter.)
Mr. DERWINS]KI. Mr. Speaker,
Tuesday I addressed the House calling
attention to the confusing, erroneous in-
formation forthcoming from the State
Department on the situation in the Do-
minican Republic. As I stated at that
time, since attention has been diverted
from the deteriorating situation there by
other major world events, the public is
not being effectively informed of the
truth of the tragic administration han-
dling of the Communist uprising in the
Dominican Republic.
A journalist recognized as having
thorough knowledge of complications in
Latin America is Jules Dubois of the
Chicago Tribune. I insert'in the RECORD
at this point as part of my remarks four
articles from the Tribune of October 4
through 7, by Mr. Dubois, in which he
interviewed Gen. Elias Wessin y Wessin:
GENERAL WESSIN TEL LS STORY OF DOMINGO
[Gen. Elias Wessin y Wessin, anti-Commu-
nist hero of the Communist revolt in Santo
Domingo last spring, has told his story of
this exciting period to Jules Dubois, Latin
American corrrespondent of the Chicago
Tribune. General Wessin, now exiled in
Miami, tells below the first installment of
his memories of the Red revolt. ]
(By Gen. Elias Wesein y Wessin as told to
Jules Dubois)
MIAMI, October 3.--I am glad for this op-
portunity to tell my Dominican story to the
people of the United States--and to those in
other lands who might read it-from this
city where I am living in involuntary exile.
I am now living in a country that is the
bastion of democracy and the defender of
human liberties, liberties for which your
forefathers fought and for which your loved
ones have died in war, and are dying today
in far-off Vietnam just as some of them died,
or were wounded, unfortunately, in my
homeland.
I am able to tell my story here thanks to
your Constitution, to your laws, to your
division of powers which enables you to elect
a Congress of dedicated men and women.
R r s r
I am also going to give you my opinion
about the landing of U.S. troops In Santo
Domingo and comment, of course, on the
pressure to which I was subjected and events
that preceded my being booted out of my
homeland by force by American troops, act-
ing under orders from the OAS.
I note that I have been accused of being
too anti-Communist. Is it acrime to be anti-
Communist? If so, then why are American
soldiers dying in Vietnam? I have read
books about communism and have become
convinced that it is intrinsically bad in all
respects. I was raised a Christian and I be-
lieve in God.
- THOUGHT INJUSTICE OVER
I don't like any regime that does not re-
spect private property, private enterprise, and
human rights. Neither do I believe in wan-
ton disobedience and lawlessness by those
who claim they are demonstrating to cham-
pion human rights. .
When Juan Bosch was elected president in.
December 1962, we who had suffered under arrest. I am sure the general was involved
ime felt that we had a gov-
ujillo re
th
T
g
e
r
ernment which was a result of the popular in i;he conspiracy because of his refusal to
will. I thought everything bad in our coon- tako any precautionary action and for other
try had terminated. reaeons.
Tie revolt of April 24 was a tripartite con-
spirccy in which Communists played the gun, for Col. Francisco A. C -Deno,
major role in alliance with ex-President who was to emerge as military y chief chief of the
rebels, had been an important officer of
Bosch and his agents. The Communists had
police.
triple objective: The only base determined to oppose the
First, to seize the Government and restore revolt was my armed forces training center
the malleable Bosch as set forth in the and this we did the first night. I dispatched
Dort inican Communist Party manifesto of b0 infantrymen and 4 tanks to occupy the
Mar,;h 16. Second, to create a diversion to eastern head of the Duarte bridge over the
the war in Vietnam. Third, to embarrass Ozama River in order to deny it to the
the United States and antagonize Latin enemy. Had the rebels been able to cross it,
Americans against Washington for any uni- they would have been in a position to seize
lateral action that might have to be taken the international airport and overrun the
to prevent my country from becoming a sec- San Isidro airbase, as well as attack the
and Cuba. training center.
KEYED TO HARM UNITED STATES President Reid issued an ultimatum to the
I feel that my assessment is accurate be- army rebels to surren.der'by 8 p.m. the first
cause every act of the Communists is keyed day. It was ignored. Then he extended it
to harm the United States, for they know to 6 a.m., April 25. His order was not obeyed
this is the only country which, in the long due to the betrayal and the cowardice of a
run will destroy communism. group of national army officers.
Oa April 24, despite the reports I had re- The rebels had more tanks than we did
ceivd and passed on the night before, all when Reid. and the other civilian chief of
the army personnel were given their week- the Government, Dr. Ramon Caceres, re-
end passes, except for the necessary guards signed next morning, after Reid's ultimatum
and caretaker officers and men. We did that had been ignored. And the police force, like
so es not to alarm anyone and to give the the army, failed to rally to us for 3 or 4
app:arance that everything was normal in days. The: police force's chiefs were inde-
the capital. We also recognize it was a mis- cisive and vacillating,
taker to have done it, a most lamentable --
'
S STORY: HOW THE REDS TOOK OVER--
mistake. WESSIN
Rhile at home for luncheon, I was in- USED BOSCH MAw Is SCREEN, SAYS EXILED
:Elias Wessi.n y 'Atessin, as told to
Jules :Dubois)
MIAMI, October 4,--On the afternoon of
April 25, following the resignations of Dr.
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October 7,. 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Donald J. Reid-Cabral and .Dr. Ramon
Caceres-Troncoso as heads of the Dominican
Republic's civilian Government, the Commu-
nists took over the national palace in Santo
Domingo. They acted behind the screen
of Jose Rafael Molina-Urena, Speaker of the
Congress during the regime of President Juan
Bosch. Molina was declared provisional Pres-
ident pending the return of Bosch [who Wes-
sin feels is alined with Communists].
The Communists strutted through the pal-
ace carrying submachineguns and automatic
rifles with the air of victors. Among them
were well-known leaders of the party.
The radio and television psychological war-
fare phase of the revolt which was directed
and broadcast from the palace created alarm
and panic. Here are some of the slogans
the Communists shouted into the TV cam-
eras and microphones, inside the palace, mind
you:
"Fatherland or death. We will win. 'Viva
the new Socialist Republic. Vica Fidel Cas-
tro. Down with the reactionaries who sell
out our fatherland."
INSTRUCT MOBS BY RADIO
The same men shouted instructions to the
mobs over radio and TV. They gave the ad-
dresses of families of selected officers of the
armed forces and the mobs rushed to the
officers' homes, sacking them and in many
cases killing the occupants. - -
The vacillation and indecision of Brig.
Gen. Juan de los Santos-Cespedes, chief of
staff of the air force; continued. But officers
of the force, independent of him, decided
it was time to act when the Communists
began to haul their families to their barri-
cade at the western end of the Duarte
bridge (Wessin's troops held the eastern end)
so that we would be reluctant to try to break
through and clear the line of communica-
tions into the city.
The one air force man who did not volun-
tarily unite with us was General Santos. I
forced him to support us under duress. I
sent two officers with submachine guns to
confrdnt him in his office at the San Isidro
air base and at gunpoint they convinced him
to join us in our resistance. - -
ORDERS STRAFING ATTACK
They told him that I wanted the Com-
munists out of the palace and that the most
effective means of forcing them to flee was
by a strafing attack. He gave that order to
his operations officer.
I could not rationalize why de los Santos
did not wantto act other than to attribute
his vacillation to irresponsibility, cowardice
or failure to realize what was happening. Or
because he might have been involved in the
conspiracy. It did not take him long though,
to realize that the revolt was Communist
dominated. From that point on he co-
operated with unchallenged loyalty during
all our fighting. - - -
The general dispatched his P-51 planes to
strafe the palace and ordered his special
troops of the. air force to join my troops at
the armed forces training center placing
them under my operational command as we
began to plan the capture of the Duarte
bridge,
STRAFE INFANTRY BATTALION
Our operations were fully coordinated.
The garrison of- the 27th of February fort on
the eastern bank of the Ozama River sur-
rendered to our joint forces and- P-51's
strafed the sixth infantry battalion head-
quarters of the army chief of staff.
We still didn't have the navy on our side,
except for 9 vessels of more than 30. The
attitude of Commodore Francisco J. Rivera-
Caminero, navy chief of staff, was most puz-
zling. I saw a message on. the air force
teletype announcing that he was supporting
the (rebel) provisional government of
Molina-Urena. This was on Sunday night,
April 25.
Shortly afterward, a Latin American friend
telephoned me from Washington to inquire
about the situation. I told him it was very
bad, that Commodore Rivera had just thrown
the, support of the navy behind the Com-
munist movement. He told me he would
call me right back, which he did and said
that I no longer needed to worry about the
posture of Rivera.
CAN'T EXPLAIN CHANGE
I don't know what happened and I can't
furnish an explanation for it but the truth is
that from then on Rivera supported me.
Air sorties over the palace, without the
planes firing a single shot, induced the Com-
munists to flee from it on April 26. By night-
fall, Molina-Urena also fled and obtained
asylum in the Colombian Embassy.
On Monday (April 26), the air force radio
at San Isidro advised the civilian population
to leave the Duarte bridge because it was
considered a military objective. The Com-
munist radio, on the other hand, urged the
civilians to concentrate on the bridge. It
also said that Juan Bosch was conferring in
San Juan, P.R., about an immediate return
to Santo Domingo.
Before we attacked the bridge," the air
force was ordered to make a level pass over
the bridge without firing. This was done and
the "brave" Communists fled the scene as did
the innocent civilians who had gathered
there. An attack was immediately ordered
with one objective: to destroy the artillery
and automatic heavy weapons in that sector.
Then we crossed the bridge with the small
force we had and secured the western end.
CONFUSION OF TROOPS -
Many persons have asked why our troops-
did not then capture the city that day, April
27. This is why: many innocent persons
would have been killed. We didn't have
sufficient troops, for the majority had not
returned to their bases because they could
not safely cross the city. The rebels would
either arrest or kill them when they tried
to reach their bases.
There was still confusion among the armed
forces but we continued preparations for
what was to be the final attack. Some of our
troops began to trickle back to their bases
through circuitous routes and the crews of
tanks which the Communists seized when
they took over the palace were able to steal
some of them back and return them to us.
There was a tug of war between some of
the military plotters of the revolt, but I
didn't participate in any of their negotia-
tions. The Communists wanted the return
of Juan Bosch, while the loyalists wanted a
military junta.
TALKS BROKEN OFF
On the morning of April 28, talks between
the opposing military were broken off and it
was decided to install a junta composed of
two colonels and one navy captain. Col.
Pedro Bartolome Benoit, a nonflying air
force officer who had risen from the ranks,
was named president.
That afternoon Benoit appointed Brig.
Gen. Salvador Montas-Guerrero, a former
army chief of staff, as "commander of all
military operations with all the responsibil-
ities entailed thereto." That automatically
placed me under the - command of - Montas
but he did nothing. There was no directive
to regroup or reorgantze for battle. He was
Involved in the original conspiracy and I
have never been able to understand his ap-
pointment. , -
While we were continuing with plans for
a clean-up operation on the afternoon of
April 30, Msgr. Emanuelle Clarizio, the papal
nuncio, brushed past the sentries at air force
headquarters, where Benoit had his office,
and insisted on negotiating a cease-fire
agreement, - -
254117:
REDS IGNORED CEASE-FIRE
He obtained that agreement at a meeting
in Benoit's office attended by John Bartlow
Martin special American Ambassador, and
Jose Antonio Mora, secretary general of the
Organization of American States. -
It appeared to me at that moment that
the destiny of my country was -sealed, and I
say that because all subsequent develop
ments confirm it. While the cease-fire was
observed by our troops, the Communists
never respected it during that earlier period.
It was only afterwards that I learned that
Bosch, apparently acting on an urgent appeal
from Col. Francisco A. Caamano-Deno, the
rebel military chief, had implored Mon-
signor Clarizio, who happened to be in San
Juan at the time, to fly back and negotiate
for a cease-fire.
MARTIN
Ambassador Martin decided to. Impose
upon us another government to substitute
for the military junta. Why he insisted
upon that I cannot understand. His candi-
date was Brig. Gen. Antonio Imbert-Barrera.
General de los Santos and I were opposed
to the selection of Imbert to replace Benoit
as president and we told Martin that. .
Notwithstanding our objections, Imbert
was designated president of the government
of national reconstruction at the urgent
insistence of Martin and his political adviser,
Harry Shlaudeman.
We immediately supported Imbert and
talked, to our troops and explained the situ-
ation to them.
WESSIN TELLS PRESSURE ON HIM To QUIT
DOMINGO AND His OUSTER-GENERAL RE-
LATES ANOTHER CHAPTER IN REVOLT STORY
(By Gen. Elias Wessin Y Wessin as told to
Jules Dubois)
MIAMI, October 5: When the cease-fire
was imposed on us last April 30, we were
ready to clean up Ciudad Nueva (part of the
capital city of Santo Domingo) that day,
At least we would have occupied the greatest
part of the city because we had the enemy -
demoralized and on the run despite its cap-
ture of the Ozama fortress that day.
The American troops had already landed.
A detachment of marines had arrived Z
nights earlier and the paratroopers of the
82d Airborne Division landed at San Isidro
Airbase early on the morning of April 30
and continued to land all day at 5-minute
intervals.
I want to tell the American people as well
as the people who are still free in the Amer- -
icas that the day those troops arrived, all
the men and women of the Dominican Re-
public who fight for freedom, said prayers
for the welfare of this Nation and your Pres-
ident, Mr. Johnson. I personally ordered a
mass celebrated at the chapel at my base for
the health of the President and all the o8i-
cers and men there at the time. About 600
attended. - -
- WHAT A PITY
With this action by the United States, we -
thought that shedding of more blood had
been averted and that the fall of another
American republic into the Communist orbit
had been prevented. - What a pity that what
had started out so well may have such a
gloomy ending for my country. -
Your Senator WILLIAM FULBRIGHT says that
President Johnson sent the marines to the
Dominican Republic because of exaggerated
reports about the situation in my country..
I want to tell this Senator that perhaps this
has been the only time that the President
has been so well informed about what was
happening in the Dominican Republic.
If President Johnson had not made' that
decision, today Santo Domingo would be an-
other Cuba. One had to be there, Mr. FUL-
BRIGHT, to realize that. -
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25418
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE October 7, 1965
Ex-President Juan Bosch (then in Puerto
Rico) had used the papal nuncio to our
country, Msgr. Emanuelle Clarizio, to obtain
a cease-fire In behalf of the rebels to save
them from annihilation by us. He knew
that the nuncio, as personal zopresentative
of Pope Paul VI, would be able to influence
the sincere Roman Catholic spirits of our
military chiefs to accept the cease-fire.
READY TO CLEAN CITY
We were ready to cleanup the city. The
rebels insisted 'on obtaining a cease-fire be-
cause they were confident that they would
be able to resolve their problems through
negotiations. -In reality, the cease-fire gave
the Communist's time to reorganize, re-
enforce themselves, and to train recruits In
subversion and guerrilla warfare.
Proof that we were ready to clean up the
city was that when we launched our offen-
sive in the Ilorthern industrial sector we
were able to rout the rebels there within a
week with a minimum of casualties. As
soon as we finished there, we requested per-
mission from the U.B. commanders to cross
the security corridor to clean up Cuidad
Nueva but permission was denied. The Gov-
ernment made many such requests, formal
and informal, to permit us to take the rest
of the city held by the rebels. All these
were turned down.. Our hands were tied.
I reached the conclusion that the security
corridor was established, under auspices of
the Organization of American States, solely
to protect the rebels. That section' of the
city was made a sanctuary for the Red rats
while the will of the rest of the country was
Ignored.
DON'T BLAME U.S., OFFICERS
I cannot blame the American military
commanders, for they were only obeying an
OAS order, but I consider that order which
prevented us from achieving a military vic-
tory a direct and unwarranted intervention,
in the affairs of the Dominican Republic.
Our relations with the American troops
were excellent. We gave them every kind of
cooperation and they set up headquarters in
our military installations.
But now I shall tell you the story of the
pressure to which I was subjected by Amer-
ican officials tp leave my country. I would
also like to give details of the attempts 'to
bribe me so that I would gracefully depart.
VISIT BY AMBASSADOR
Two or three days after Gen. Antonio
Imbert-Barrera assumed the Presidency,
American Ambassador W. Tapley Bennett,
Jr., accompanied by Lt. Gen, Bruce Palmer,
came to see me at the military academy.
The Ambassador said that with much re-
gret he had a mission to fulfill. He told me
that I had to leave the country and that I
should not worry because. 1 was not going to
have any kind of problems.
I replied that I could not turn my back
on my people or my soldiers who accom-
panied me in the most difficult moments. I
asked what' would the people and my troops
think if I left. I said that I had three sons,
and that I could not seta bad example for
them by leaving.
The Ambassador said that my departure
would settle the situation. That was the
reason they always gave: That my departure
would help in reaching a solution of the
Dominican problem and that I should sacri-
fice myself. They called it an act of patriot-
ism but I knew that my departure would only
bring about a breakdow2? of morale within
the armed forces and, consequently, through-
out the country.
LIST OTHER OFFICERS
I asked the Ambassador why they did not
eject other generals whohad not done any-
thing for the country other than to enrich
themselve$? Ile replied that they were going
to do that. I wrote in my own hand a let-
ter addressed.to Mr. Bennett in which I in-
chided, among other things, ' a list of those
ofcers.
is the same better I said that when the
situation returned to.normal I would retire
from the army. I did not mean immediately.
TY.e Ambassador left with the letter. I was
dii:heartened.
3ne cannot possibly imagine how a gen-
ercal officer of a small country feels when he
is unjustly pressured by the most powerful
co:intry in the world. Mind you, it was not
tha Dominican Government that made the
prueipitate announcement that I had resigned
and was going to leave the country. It was
tha spokesman for the State Department In
Santo Domingo.
VISIT BY V.S. COLONEL
The next night, Lt. Col. Joe Wyrick, the
U.3. Army attache, came to my house and
as: ted me if I was ready to leave. He said
Ambassador Bennett had kept his part of the
bargain as the officers I had requested to go
he d already left the country.
This surprised me and I told Colonel Wyrick
I :lad delivered a letter to the Ambassador
in 'which I had explained everything relating
to the matter. But he insisted I had to go.
I emote another letter to Ambassador Ben-
nett in order to put an end to this pressure.
I t old him I could not leave the country with-
out money because I had a family, and that
I could sell my house for $40,000. The house
is not worth that much but, as I have said,
m'7 purpose Was to get them to stop pressur-
in; me.
Approximately 3 months passed. Then one
day-I think it was September 1--a man
cache to my house and identified himself as
being from the American Embassay. He had
at interpreter with him. They surprised me
by mentioning the sale of my house.
MAKE $50,000 OFFER
The Embassy representative offered me
$515,000 and told I'ne he would give me $8,000
cash right then and the rest when I boarded
the plane to leave the country. I replied
that I would not sell my house to leave the
country; that I would build another one on
kilometer 9 of the San Pedro de Macoris
Ii:ghway. He insisted that my departure
would end the crisisIn the country. I an-
swered that I did not start the war. They
le:'t.
On Saturday night, September 4, David
Phillips of the Central Intelligence Agency
and Colonel Wyrick arrived at my house.
Phillips did the talking. He offered me
$E0,000 for my house. It cost me $18,000 to
build. He offered me trips as guest of honor
tc military installations of the United States
and in the Panama Canal Zone. I was soon
tc be taken, precisely, to the Canal Zone but
not as a guest of honor.
I told these men that I had fought in my
country for the same cause for which I sup-
pc ae they fight, and that I had served my
cc untry with honesty.
CALL FROM GARCIA-GODOY
Some days passed. Then President Garcia-
Gidoy called me to his office and told me I
could have any post I wanted abroad. I
asked if he thought my departure would
terminate the crisis. He replied af irma-
ti rely. I told him it would not settle the
crisis but would worsen it, and that I would
answer his proposal the next day.
I did not do so because I was determined
n at to leave my country and turn my back
ole my people and my comrades In arms. But
u:ifortunately, at 8 o'clock that night, I was
booted out forcibly as if I was an epidemic.
I had waited. in my house for a visit from
General Palmer. He arrived at 6 p.m. with
h! S general staff. Also with him were Gen.
Hugo Panasco Alvim, commander of the
Inter-American peace force, other Dominican
officers, and a large number of troops.
What I thought was a visit started out
with the same pressure theme of 4. months
before. refused arid told them I 'would not_
accept a post from a government (his) that
used foreign officers to eject me from my
country. i told them that if they did eject
me, much blood would eventually be spilled.
FAREWELL TO TROOPS
General Alvim said that the "Constitu-
tionalistas" (I would have used the word
"Communists") would surrender their arms
if I left the country.
Seeing that these people were disposed to
boot me out anyway, I asked them to accom-
pany me to my base to say farewell to my
officers and men so they would know about
my departure and also to calm them and
avoid a clash between Dominican troops and
those of the peace force. We left my house
with my family in tears because they realized
what was happening-.
I addressed my men at the training center
with tears in my eyes. More than 400 brave
and democratic soldiers wept too. I had been
a father to them.
Then General Alv:im replaced me with Col.
Elio Osiris Perdomo, one of the best officers In
the Dominican army. Alvim told me I was
consul general in Miami and asked if I ac-
cepted. I said yes but with mental reser-
vations. I asked permission to go home and
say goodbye to my family, to get my passport
and some money, but the American lieu-
tenant with me said: "I'm sorry but those
are not zny orders."
GRABBED MY ARM
Then be grabbed me by the arm and took
me to a helicopter in which I was flown to
the Punta Caucedo airport. There, a civilian
came up and, almost on the double, took me
to a U.S..Air Force transport.
Naturally I hold rancor for the manner in
which American troops hustled me out of my
country by force. Of course, as I have pre-
viously said, militarymenhave tocarry out
their orders. The Americans were ordered to
boot me out, an order that was issued by the
famous OAS, which has served only to com-
plicate everything in my country.
I am a general of the Dominican Army. I
assumed responsibilities In my own country
for what I consider the same ideal for which
this cour. t.ry fights. And I consider the man-
ner in which these men booted me Out of my
own country as humiliating.
WESSIN FEARS TAKEOVER BY REDS-DEFENDS
REFUSAL To TAKE CONSUL GENERAL POST
(By Gen. Elias Wessin Y Wessin, as told to
Jules Dubois)
MIAMI, October 6.-If the non-Communists
of the Dominican Republic do not arouse
themselves to protest, the Republic will be
delivered. to the Communists by elections
within 8 months.
For the first time in history this will be
done under the direct vigilance of American
troops in the Inter-American peace force
(policing a cease-fire in Santo#Domingo).
Juan ]3oscl (a deposed ex-president), or
one of his men, will be the candidate of the
Communists no matter under what party
banner he may be nominated.
IT I$ A DUCK
I do not think that Provisional President
Hector Clarcia-Godoy is a Communist. But
there is a saying in my country that goes
something like this: "If a cat swims like a
duck, flies like a duck, walks like a duck, it
is a duck."
It must be remembered that Garcia-Godoy
served under Bosch as foreign minister in
September 1963, but that does not necessarily
mean they see eye to eye on .everything, Per-
haps the president feels that he owes the
only opportunity he would have had to
occupy the national palace to Bosch and Col.
Francisco A. Caamano-Deno (the rebel
chief).
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October 7, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Now Caamano is, in my opinion, an in-
strument of the Communists. It could very
well be that at this moment he is a Com-
munist. It could also be that Hector Aristy
(a close associate of Caamano) at this mo-
ment is, too, a Communist.
TWO FOLLOW AMBITIONS
I believe that their actions and affiliations
are predicated on ambitions, personal ambi-
tions, ambitions for money and for power.
I don't believe. they are Communists because
of any convictions they might have.
I warned foreign officials (Americans) who
came to my house in Santo Domingo to tell
me I had to go that my departure would
complicate the crisis. (Wessin was taken by
a U.S. Air Force plane to Panama, being told
by American officials that his departure
would settle the situation in the Dominican
Republic).
After being booted out of my homeland, my
words are proving to be true and time will
tell if I am right. I was determined not to
accept the post 'as consul general in Miami
(to which he was appointed as he unwill-
ingly left the country).
FIGHTS SAME CAUSE
Do you think that I should serve a gov-
ernment that ordered me booted out in such
a humiliating manner? That is what. they
did to a man whose only offense was to de-
fend a cause (anticommunism) for which to-
day the youth of the United States is shed-
ding its blood in different parts of the world.
Commanders of the Organization of Ameri-
can States' Inter-American force insisted
that when I left the country the Commu-
nists had assured them they would deliver
up their arms.
As I finish this story, the Communists
have delivered only a trickle of arms still in
their possession. I estimate-and this is a
conservative figure-that they have between
4,000 and 5,000 weapons.
MADE MANY MISTAKES
In my career I have made many mistakes.
Who hasn't? But if I had to take an inven-
tory, I would regard as the biggest error the
type of government the Armed Forces of my
country installed after the overthrow of
Bosch.
If I had to do it. again, I would recall an
adage in my country which runs like this:
"Stumbling makes one lift his feet."
When Juan Bosch fell I never thought the
politicians were going to comport them-
selves as they did in the government of the
civilian triumvirate that replaced him. If I
had been clairvoyant, I would have insisted
on another type of government-a civilian-
military junta-and I am sure it would have
maintained stability and would have led the
country to free elections.
WAS--RAVE ERROR
It was a grave error not to have done that,
but there prevailed In our minds at the time
the best of intentions, for we had no ambi-
tions for power as time has proved.
This ends my Dominican story, but I can
assure you that the story of the Dominican
Republic is far from ended.
Mr. Speaker, my purpose in address-
ing the House this afternoon and direct-
ing this information to the attention of
the Members is the hope that it will
arouse sufficient interest in the great
danger facing the cause of freedom in the
Dominican Republic.
I believe President Johnson was fol-
lowing a sound and necessary policy in
sending troops to the Dominican Repub-
lic to help defeat the Communist-led re-
volt. However, due to State Department
misdirection, . our ..troops were. In effect,
used to protect a Communist sanctuary
No. 186-21
and administration diplomats have now
acquiesced in a Communist-infiltrated
provisional government.
The Dominican Republic can either
become another Cuba; with all the trage-
dies that would follow, or the stanch citi-
zens of that island, given proper leader-
ship, can crush the Communist menace
and continue their progress under free
enterprise and " effective government
operations.
THE 1965 CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
AND A SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON
THE CAPTIVE NATIONS
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mr. GROVER) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
. Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, in a
highly interesting and informative ad-
dress on the 1965 Captive Nations Week
observance several weeks ago our dis-
tinguished colleague, the gentleman
from Ohio, the Honorable MICHAEL A.
FEIGHAN, quoted the chief Soviet Russian
ideologist, Wehail Suslov, concerning
this annual event. This quotation is a
most illuminating one for what it ob-
viously indicates. For the benefit of
those who still fall to comprehend the
meaning and significance of Captive Na-
tions Week-indeed, the whole captive
nations movement-this eye-opening
quotation should be repeated again and
again. Here is how Suslov and the Rus-
sian imperio-colonialists view the week:
Especially disgusting is the villainous
demagogery. of the imperialistic chieftains
of the United States. Each year they orga-
nize the so-called Captive Nations Week,
hypocritically pretending to be defenders of
nations that have escaped from their yoke.
PRIME REASON FOR A SPECIAL COMMITTEE
This quotation is but one among scores
of vehement 'denunciations that have
come out of Moscow since the week was
provided for by Congress in 1959. Khru-
shchev and many lesser lights in the ap-
paratus of Soviet Russian imperlo-colo-
nialism have expressed themselves in the
same spirit. It is. conclusively evident
from all this that Captive Nations Week
is a profound thorn of truth in the side
of the. Soviet Russian totalitarians. It
is equally evident that the annual ob-
servance and all it entails by way of pop-
ular discussion and enlightenment con-
stitute a stubborn impediment to Mos-
cow's deceptive policy of peaceful exist-
ence as applied to the United States and
the free world.
For some time now it has been the
paramount objective of Red psychopolit-
ical warfare to bury the truth of the cap-
tive nations. Moscow and its totali-
tarian Red associates have steadily aimed
at our acquiescence. to the Red empire,
at our apathy and indifference toward
the captive nations throughout this em-
pire, and even at the renunciation of our
politico-moral obligations to them. In
some areas of our Nation they have suc-
ceeded in this; fortunately in most they
have not as yet made any substantial
inroads.
25419
Mr. Speaker, we can thwart and defeat
this Red design by establishing now a
Special Committee on the Captive Na-
tions. The very existence of such a com-
mittee, albeit on a temporary basis, would
symbolize our determination to prevent
any Russian burial of truths regarding
the captive nations. In fact, the work
of this committee would unravel and cir-
culate more factual truths about all the
captive nations that millions of our
people still are unaware of. Much
precious time has been lost in not creat-
ing this committee earlier... We can ill
afford to lose more time while the Red
totalitarians intensify their campaign of
lies and distortions about some mythical
"American imperialists" in the under-
developed areas of the free world.
THE INTERNATIONAL SCOPE OF CAPTIVE NATIONS
WEEK
Our far-seeing initiative in this vital
respect would be in accord with and
would bolster the international character
of Captive Nations Week. One of the
outstanding aspects of the 1965 Captive
Nations Week observance was the fur-
ther notable expansion of the observance
in other lands. Free China, the Philip-
pines, the Republic of Korea, Turkey,
West Germany, Malta, and other areas
are places where the week was observed
by patriotic groups and organizations.
For the first time in the history of any
foreign nation the Parliament of Turkey
passed a Captive Nations Week resolu-
tion similar to Public Law 86-90, and
the move is on for other free parliaments
to do likewise. One of the salutary re-
sults of a Special Committee on the Cap-
tive Nations would be the propagation
of information and truth about Sino-
Soviet Russian imperio-colonialism in
these and other areas of the free world.
I join with my colleagues in our praise
of the National Captive Nations Commit-
tee for its splendid citizens' implementa-
tion of Public Law 86-90, and to give
our Members a further inkling into the
activities and scope of Captive Nations
Week, which the Suslovs never tire
to deprecate. I request that the follow-
ing items be printed in the RECORD: First,
editorials and articles in Maltese papers;
second, the Dayton Daily News and the
Catholic Telegraph reports and edito-
rials; third, nation and worldwide sum-
maries of the 1965 Week in the August-
September Ukrainian Bulletin; fourth,
the Bergen County, N.J., observance
program; fifth, letters to the Pittsburgh
Press and the America magazine; sixth,
an article in the Cincinnati Enquirer of
July 20; seventh, pertinent resolutions of
the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist
League; and eighth, an editorial in the
Free Front of the Philippines:
[From the Times of Malta, July 19, 1965]
NOBLE CAUSE
The Anti-Communist League is organizing,
for the first time in Malta, the Captive. Na-
tions Week commencing from today. This
is the practice throughout many countries
in the free world.
In 1959 the United States passed a law
authorizing and requesting the President to
designate the third week in July as captive
Nations Week and inviting the people of the
United States to observe such week with the
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25420 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE October 7, 1965
appropriate ceremonies and activities. The
game law further authorized and requested
tile'President to issue a similar proclamation
each year until such time as freedom and
independence shall have been achieved for all
the captive nations of the world.
The Anti-Communist League's manifesto
published for the occasion appeals to the
people of Malta to demonstrate, during this
week, their awareness of the importance of
the freedom of all nations. It calls upon
them to pray to the Almighty for the cause
of the peoples suffering under the atheist
Soviet yoke.
Malta is fortunate in belonging to the free
World, The Maltese people so cherish freedom
and democracy that they ardently desire all
the peoples of the world to have the same
freedom enjoyed by them. Truly free men
must Inevitably love freedom not only for
themselves but for all men because so long
as there are nations languishing under the
Communist yoke there is a constant threat
to freedom.
But apart from the threat which tyranny
poses to the free world, it is the duty of free
nations to assure the peoples behind the Iron
and Bamboo Curtains that their resistance is
not in vain. It Is up to them to show that
these people's struggle has the same aim as
that of all freedom-loving peoples through-
out the world, who do not merely desire free-
dom and democracy within their territories
but beyond their frontiers, too.
It is true that politically speaking Malta
could' not do much to help those suffering
under Communist domination. This is not
very surprising when one considers that
much more powerful countries have not
been able to free the World's enslaved mil-
lions. However, Malta's size has nothing to
do with Malta's spirit which has always
nobly risen to the occasion when called upon
in the cause of freedom and justice.
As a Catholic people, the Maltese cannot
be indifferent to the suppression of religion
in Communist-dominated countries, and the
religious persecution which has not abated
in spite of propaganda to the contrary.
Just as the free world aims at winning
freedom for the captive nations, so does in-
ternational commnnsmm i aim at conquering
the `free world. It would be naive to believe
that Malta is not included in the Communist
quest for world. domination. This makes it
imperative that the Maltese people should
take much more than an academic Interest
in the activities of communism both within
and outside the Soviet bloc.
Communist propaganda in the newly
emergent countries is harping on the now-
hackneyed theme that the emancipation of
the former colonies of the Western powers
is attributable to the U.S,S.R.'s efforts. This
is the sort of propaganda which has reaped
a rich harvest for communism in many
African and Asian countries,
Malta must be on her guard if she is to
preserve the ideas and ideals of freedom. and
democracy which have been bequeathed to
her by Great Britain.
The Anti-Communist League's initiative
should therefore receive the wholehearted
support which it abundantly deserves. Un-
less all the Maltese are made fully aware
of the tyranny and oppression in Communist
countries, they cannot really appreciate the
price at which freedom must be regained,
once it is lost.
jFrom the Maltese Observer, July 18, 1965]
CAPTIVE NATIONS
The Communists are always the most ar-
dent defenders of freedom, democracy, self-
determination, independence-except where
!-nd when they themselves. are most in a
ittlon, and in duty,` bound to promote
Foi tiu>se who remember, the last war
Was declared in defense of the territorial in-
egrity (the famous corridor) of Poland
lgainst Nazi aggression. It finished with
`she Communist domination of a string of
nations, where Communistgovernments were
Inposed and are still maintained democrat-
Leally and peacefully with Russian Com-
datl east tanks.
From the Baltic to the Balkans there
stretches that Iron Curtain which cordons
5ff the biggest and most brutal concentra-
tion camp in the history of humanity-a cur-
tain which is symbolized by, and epitomized
in, the barbaric wall of Berlin.
That wall not only goes through the heart
of a city, it also goes through the heart of
many families and many persons, with loved
ones on different sides.
Within that concentration camp lie and
languish millions of human beings whose
only fault is to be on the wrong side of the
tine, who live a life of tense terror, and who
are denied the most elementary human
rights.
To the east, that concentration camp is
now bounded by the Bamboo Curtain, no less
cruel than the Iron Curtain on the west.
. Out of this gigantic prison stream thou-
Sands upon thousands of refugees, bent des-
perately, at tremendous cost, even at the
Cost of their lives, upon reaching freedom
and a human existence.
The Lega Anti-Komunista Is this week or-
ganizing in Malta, as is done elsewhere in the
free world, Captive Nations Week, to remind
US of the thousand million human beings
like ourselves who live, if that word can be
used in this context, in the chains of slavery
under a tyranny that is the enemy of both
God and man.
We speak of the church of silence, but it
is we who deserve that name if we remain
silent before such a barbarous reality.
When Cardinal Stepinacz was imprisoned
by the Communist regime of his country, and
a certain outcry was raised in the free world,
his jailers were told: "Let them shout: they
will forget." We must not forget.
We must not forget not only out of our
duty toward our fellow human beings and
fellow Christians, but also lest we ourselves
be swallowed up by the all-devouring mon-
ster that is international atheistic commu-
nism. Let us not say: "it cannot happen
here." Where that was said, that did hap-
pen there. Eternal vigilance is the price of
freedom.
We owe the captive nations the help of our
thoughts, our prayers, and our moral and
material support and solidarity,
Captive Nations Week, July 18 to 24, 1965.
Spare a thought for the 1 billion human be-
ings who were born free and are now enslaved
in the grip of Communist dictatorship.
[From the Times of Malta, July 19, 1965]
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEER STARTS TODAY
The Lega Anti Kommunista (Anti-Com-
munist League) in its manifesto on Captive
Nations Week, July 19-25, maintains that
it is dedicated to the restoration of freedom
in the Captive Nations, and calls the atten-
tion of the Maltese people to Captive Nations
Week which is celebrated throughout the
free world on the third week of July of
each year.
The manifesto adds: "All the captive peo-
ple behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains,
including the Russian and Chinese people
themselves, have suffered Communist tyr-
anny for long years. Tsarist Russia was a
colonial empire based on the' conquest of
non-Russian people.
"A new colonial empire was seized by the
Soviets after the last world war: the nations
of Central and Eastern Europe have been
deprived of their national independence,
despite solemn Soviet treaties and agree-
ments, while the non-Russian people, within
the Soviet Union have been denied their
promised right ,to national self-determina-
tion. All have lost the basic human free-
dom-freedom of speech, freedom of religion,
freedom of assembly and, most important
of all, freedom from fear.
"The captive people have never ceased to
strive for freedom, actively when possible,
passively when necessary; they have never
abandoned hope; but the preservation of this
hope and the resistance upon which it feeds
depend. on the support, moral and material,
which these enslaved nations have a right
to expect from the free world.
"The liberation of the captive people Is
in the interest of the whole world; there is
no hope for a Just and lasting peace until
the basic cause of international tensions-
the division of Europe into two parts, one
slave, one free-has been removed.
"We,, of the Lega Anti Kommunista, Malta,
therefore, feel it incumbent upon us to give
voice to the silent aspirations of the captive
people
"We accuse the Soviet Union of violating
the solemn promises of independence and
freedom of the captive nations, of forcibly
depriving the captive non-Russian people
within its borders of the right of self-deter-
mination, and of destroying the formerly
independent states of Ukraine, Georgia,
Armenia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia,
and others.
"We: urge the governments of the free na??
tions to liquidate all unsolved consequences
of the war in Europe on the basis of the
right of self-determination, and to Insist
that this right be exercised by means of free
elections under effective international safe-
guards.
"Finally we appeal to the people of Malta
to manifest during the Captive Nations
Week, their awareness of the importance of
the freedom of all nations, and to pray the
Almighty for the cause of enchained human-
ity languishing under the atheist Soviet
yoke," the manifesto concluded.
Captive Nations Week, July 18-24, 1965.
Spare a, thought for the 1 billion human
beings who were born free and are now en-
slaved In the grip of Communist dictator-
ship. Who is next? Take care-stay free.
[From the Dayton (Ohio) Daily News,
July 14, 19631
CAPTIVE NATIONS
Now comes the annual observance-"cele-
bration" is a dead-wrong word-of Captive
Nations Week.
in the free world this is a solemn occasion.
The bell tolls for the United States of Amer-
lea-and England, France, West Germany,
Japan, and every other free country-when
it tolls for Russia.'s string of satellites and for
the nations Red China has overrun in Asia.
Call the roll. In Europe no light of free-
dom Shines on Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Albania.
In Asia no drums are beaten for freedom in
Tibet, North Vietnam, or North Korea. The
people are locked in bondage.
We mourn for them? How and when can
we free them? That's a tougher question.
We do them no good if we encourage them
to revolt but lack the will and the power to
support: the uprising. We do them no good if,
by pressing too hard, we drive Russia and
China back into their old embrace. We do
them no good if we bring a rain of nuclear
bombs down on them. The best-and the
least--we can do is to notice, to feel, to suffer.
We can let our friends know that we work
and scheme and sacrifice to bring a day when
freedom's cause will be overpowering. When
that day comes, all the prison doors will
swing open.
People as brave as these can live for a
long time on hope tliat is genuine, even if
deferred. They will nose heart only if they
are betrayed once too often by false promises.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE October 7, 1965
they can make their own decision about how
large their family should be rather than be-
ing in the position where, because of
ignorance, they may have a number of un-
wanted children, as they often do?
Dr. STEWART. Yes. You anticipated my
next sentence, which is, I don't think people
can make intelligent choices unless they
know, and therefore, they need to know so
they can make these choices.
Now, as far as the role of the Public Health
Service in this is concerned, at the moment,
I believe what Dr. Price summarized is prob-
ably our role, three parts: research, because
I don't know that we have the ideal ways for
family planning, there is a variety of ways,
and on population dynamics itself, we need
more information, and In training individ-
uals for a variety of things, and in assisting
the State and local communities as we do in
many other kinds of programs for informa-
tion and for development programs in family
planning.
Senator CLARK. This latter effort is
primarily education, is it not?
Dr. STEWART. I think it would be primarily
education, although some of our grant money
to States is used for clinics, but principally
that is in the Children's Bureau.
Senator CLARK. But you would have no
inclination to sweep this problem under the
rug?
Dr. STEWART. Not at all.
f7 Senator CLARK. Thank you.
SUPPORT GROWING FOR SENATOR
FULBRIGHT IN HIS VIEWS ON
FOREIGN POLICY
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, in my
judgment, a consensus of informed opin-
ion in this country is developing in sup-
port of the Senator from Arkansas [Mr.
FULBRIGHT], both in his view that debate
on foreign policy is a necessary part of
our democratic process and in his fur-
ther view that our activities in the
Dominican Republic have brought us an
unnecessary amount of trouble with na-
tions in Latin America which should be
our best friends.
I also note with dismay a resolution
adopted by the House of Representatives
under the leadership of Representative
SELDEN, which would seem to indicate
that the United States believes it has a
right to intervene unilaterally, with
force, in any Latin American country
where, in our opinion, there is a threat
of a Communist takeover.
. The resolution which was adopted, so
far as I can tell, without any effective
opposition from the State Department,
has caused a furor in Latin America al-
most equal to that caused by our over-
reaction to the Dominican Republic
crisis.
I would hope that in short order the
State Department would undertake to
issue a statement, which I am confident
a number of members of the Foreign
Relations Committee-possibly a ma-
jority-would approve, which would
indicate a return to the sound basis of
standing firmly behind our treaty com-
mitments entered into with our fellow
members of the Organization of Ameri-
can States.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD the
following articles and editorials which
confirm the point of view which I have
endeavored to express briefly this
afternoon
First, an article entitled, "The Speech-
maker," which was published in the Oc-
tober 2 issue of the New Republic under
the byline of Andrew Kopkind, with a
subtitle, "Senator Fulbright as the Ar-
kansas de Tocqueville"; second, a column
written by Joseph Kraft and published
in the Washington Post of recent date
entitled, "Fulbright and His Critics";
third, a column written by Walter Lipp-
mann entitled, "Soviet-American Rela-
tions," which was published in the Wash-
ington Post on September 28, 1965;
fourth, a column under the byline of
Marquis Childs, entitled "Tyranny of the
Majority in United States," which ap-
peared in the Washington Post on Sep-
tember 27; and, finally, an editorial
entitled "Defending Intervention," which
appeared in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
during the week of September 20-26.
There being no objection, the articles
and editorials were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
THE SPEECHMAKER: SENATOR FULBRIGHT AS
THE ARKANSAS DE TOCQUEVILLE
(By Andrew Kopkind)
For his troubles in detailing the errors of
U.S. foreign policy, Senator J. WILLIAM FUL-
BRIGHT has been rewarded with a congres-
sional resolution compounding the error and
doubling his troubles. A few days after
FULDRIGHT delivered a characteristically long,
intelligent, and eloquent condemnation of
American intervention in the Dominican Rev-
olution, the House of Representatives passed
(312 to 52) a sentimental endorsement of
armed intervention anywhere in Latin Amer-
ica in the event of "subversive domination or
the threat of it." The rebuke had the tacit
approval of the State Department and bi-
partisan support of the House leadership.
It is not unusual for FULBRIGHT to find
himself on the short side of a 6-to-1 vote,
and in his own way he derives a certain moral
superiority from being a minority of one.
"More than a hundred years ago, Alexis de
Tocqueville warned us * ^ * of the dangers
that might be expected from the 'tyranny of
the majority.' This is the tyranny that pres-
ently is growing In our country," FULBRIGHT
said in a doom-laden speech on McCarthyism
11 years ago. Last week, privately, he re-
peated the same phrase, and predicted the
same doom. He made his Senate speech not
as a political leader but as an elder states-
man-without-portfolio, an Arkansas de
Tocqueville whose job it is not to make policy
but to report it, and by reporting, influence
in some small way its future course.
He has no taste for the heat of battle or
the pitch of crisis. "At this time of relative
calm," his speech began, "it is appropriate,
desirable and, I think, necessary to review
events in the Dominican Republic and the
United States role in those events. The pur-
pose of such a review-and its only purpose-
is to develop guidelines for wise and effective
policies in the future." Fulbright removed
himself as much as he could from the onus of
personal criticism: President Johnson's de-
cision to send 20,000 troops to Santo Domingo
was understandable under the circumstances.
There were "No easy choices. Nonetheless,
It is_ the task of diplomacy to make wise de-
cisions when they need to be made and U.S.
diplomacy failed to do so in the Dominican
crisis."
The blame could not be placed on he
President but was laid squarely to the sources
of information: the CIA, State Department
intelligence, and U.S. Embassy officials in
Santo Domingo. The lack of reliable infor-
mation-it was inadequate and inaccurate-
gets congressional leaders off the hook, too.
FULBRIGHT and the usual collection of Sena-..
tors and Representatives concerned with
foreign policy were called to the White House
during the crisis, told the President's plans,
and, in effect, asked to ratify the decision
to intervene. They offered no opposition,
either because they agreed with the Presi-
dent, or (like FULBRIGHT, perhaps uniquely)
they had no independent source of informa-
tion on which to base any instinctive doubts.
FULBRIGHT got the opposite of help from
the White House. "The whole affair * * ? "
FULBRIGHT said, "has been characterized by
a lack of candor." He was told at the White
House that hundreds or thousands of Ameri-
can lives were in danger, and that the pro-
tection of these compatriots was the reason
for intervention. Later, he said, he knew
that it was not exactly the case: "The dan-
ger to American lives was more a pretext
than a reason for the massive U.S. interven-
tion," he said. "The United States Inter-
vened in the Dominican Republic for the
purpose of preventing the victory of a revolu-
tionary force which was judged to be Com-
munist dominated."
There was no doubt about whose bad
judgment it was. FULBRIGHT conceived the
Dominican episode as a "classic study" of
policymaking with the "inevitability of a
Greek tragedy." The antagonist was the
American Ambassador in Santo Domingo, W.
Tapley Bennett. It was he who refused to
help the supporters of deposed President
Bosch when they pleaded for a U.S. presence
on April 25, the second day of the revolu-
tion, and it was he who refused U.S. media-
tion on April 27, when the-rebels sought a
negotiated settlement.
FULL SPEED AHEAD
Instead, Bennett seemed intent on help-
ing the military junta stay in power. Gen-
eral Wessin y Wessin shot off a telegram to
Washington accusing his opponents of being
Communists. A quick check could only turn
up three Communists, and Wessin was told
that the reasons for intervention were not
good enough. Only a threat to American lives
would bring American troops. Several min-
utes later, thus prompted, Wessin discovered
a threat to American lives. That was all
that was needed; the troopships were al-
ready speeding toward Santo Domingo. It
did not take long to see just how exag-
gerated the danger was; in fact, no Amer-
ican lives were lost until the marines landed.
But by that time, someone found 55, or 58,
or 77 verifiable Communists, some of them
alive and some of them dead, some of them
in the country and some of them out, some
of. them pro-Castro, some pro-Peiping, and
some pro-Moscow, who could be associated,
with the revolution. Association soon be-
came _"control," and the United States had
to put the country under military com-
mand.
FULBRIGHT slowly amassed these facts in
6 weeks and 13 sessions of secret Foreign
Relations Committee hearings this summer,
to which almost every administration official
concerned with the intervention was invited.
A great many came. McGeorge Bundy po-
litely, refused. Ambassador Bennett testi-
fied and was asked about those telegrams
from General Wessin y Wessin; Bennet did
not remember the episode, offhand. Other
witnesses had better memories. FULBEIGHT
was well prepared; the committee staff is
one of the best in Congress, and it orga-
nized surveys and chronologies of the crisis
from a wide variety of sources. So much so,
in fact, that opponents of FULBRIGHT thought
they detected some kind of conspiracy.
"Someone had prepared a sheaf of cards, r
should say 11/2 inches thick," Senator
LAUSCHE reported darkly of the hearings.
"When the witnesses appeared, the ques-
tions on the cards were systematically asked.
One question was read, and the card was
turned over. Then the second question was
read, and the third." The giveaway was the
systematizing. LAuscIE was not alone In.
catching it.
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October 7, 1965 CONGESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE.,
the consideration of the pending motion
to proceed to the consideration of H.R..
77:
DEACTIVATION OF SIX RESERVE DI-
VISIONS AND -OTHER UNITS OF
THE ARMY RESERVE
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, ear-
lier today the distinguished Senator from
Mississippi [Mr. STENNIS] made an ex-
tremely important statement to the Sen-
ate on the question of the disbanding of
the 750 Army Reserve units announced
at a press conference by Secretary
McNamara on September 30.
The reason why I felt it was so impor-
tant is that it shows quite clearly to
me that Congress is being ignored, to
say the very least, by the Secretary of
Defense. I would go further than that
in this particular instance and say that
the Secretary of Defense has misled
Congress and the people of this country
as to his relationship with Congress.
The Senator from Mississippi placed
in the RECORD very specifically what was
said in the questions and answers at the
news conference on September 30. I
should like to repeat them for emphasis.
.The first question put by a news reporter
to the Secretary of Defense was:
Mr. Secretary, did you get as favorable a
response in the Senate to this plan that you
apparently got in the Hebert committee this
morning?
Referring to the plan to disband 750
Axmy Reserve units-
Secretary MONArsARA. Well, we haven't met
with committees of the Senate in quite
the same way as we did with the Hebert
committee this morning, but those Members
of the Senate with whom we have discussed
It, I think, have responded as favorably as
did Members of the House. Cy, is that a fair
appraisal, do you think?
Question. That presumably includes Sen-
ator STENNIS?
Secretary MCNAnMARA. I don't want to speak
for individual members of the committee.
I would rather you talk to, him directly. Let
me simply say we have talked to Members
of the Senate, leaders of the Senate, in the
Armed Services and Appropriations Commit-
tees and they have received the plan favor-
ably.
Note that, Mr. President-"They have
received the plan favorably."
I continue with the quotation:
But I don't want to speak for any particu-
lar one of them. I think each of them might
put some particular interpretation on his
own appraisal of it and you should get it
from him.
In his statement, the Senator from
Mississippi [Mr. STENNIS] went into the
names of the senior Members and lead-
ers of the Senate in the Armed Services
Committee and the Appropriations Com-
mittee and mentioned the names of Sen-
ators HAYDEN, RUSSELL, of Georgia, HILL,
ELLENDER, MCCLELLAN, STENNIS, SALTON-
STALL, YOUNG Or North Dakota, SMITH,
BYRD of Virginia, SYMINGTON, JACKSON,
and THURMOND.
He said he had talked with each of
them, and he found that neither Secre-
tary McNamara nor Deputy Secretary
Vance had ever mentioned the plan an-
nounced on September 30 in any form to
Senators HAYDEN, HILL, ELLENDER, MC-
CLELLAN, YOUNG of North Dakota, SMITH,
BYBD of Virginia, SYMINGTON, JACKSON,
or THURMOND. He said he learned that
tho matter was discussed with the Sen-
ator from Geo;gia [Mr. RUSSELL] ; that
this Senator was not in favor of the plan;
thus: same thing with respect to the Sen-
atur from Massachusetts [Mr. SALTON
sTn J,L] ; and the Senator from Mississippi
hit hself.
: strikes me that when there is a
deliberately called press conference at
wllch the Secretary of Defense, at least
by implication, if not by direct state-
mint, says he has done something which
he has not done, we have gone pretty
fa: in the exercise of executive preroga-
tis a in dealing with Congress. I for one
thank it is a shameful exhibition.
tam delighted that the Senator from
Mississippi [Mr. STENNIS] has spoken as
pl, tlnly and as specifically as he has. It
strikes me that this country and the peo-
pl > of this country should know of the
deliberate efforts, made on one occasion
of er another, by those in the executive
department to try to override the wishes
of the Congress and to try to imply that
they had the support of Congress when
they had not even discussed it with
Members of Congress.
[ wanted to put that statement in the
RliCORD, because I think it is important,
ar d I believe the Senator from Missis-
sippi showed great courage in bringing
it to the attention of the country. I am
hippy to support him.
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the Senator
for his generous remarks.
0:3JECTION TO MEETING OF COM-
MITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
WHILE THE SENATE IS IN SESSION
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, if any
request shall be made to give the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations permission
to-meet while the Senate is in session,
I wish that I may be notified, because I
all object to such a request.
FAMILY PLANNING AND BIRTH
CONTROL
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, on Sep-
tember 29, Dr. William H. Stewart, whose
nomination to be Surgeon General, U.S.
R lblic Health Service, has been sent
do Wit by the President, appeared before
tl a Committee on Labor and Public
IN elfare. During the course of that
bearing, I undertook to ask him to indi-
cf.te what his general attitude and ,policy
in the area of family planning and birth
cc ntrol would be.
I ask unanimous consent to have a
cc?tiy of the colloquy between Dr. Stew-
art and me printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the colloquy
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Senator CLARK. Dr. Stewart, I am going
to make a few observations on thesubject
of 'family planning and birth control, and
ask you to indicate to us what your general
attitude and policy in the area would be.
As you know, this matter is a somewhat
ccntroversial subject, and the windsof con-
tr~versy blew around your predecessor for
a good many years. But at the moment, in
tt e, Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, the National Institute for Child
25321
Health and Human Development is spending
about $600,000 a year for basic research in
reproductive biology. The Children's Bu-
reau under the leadership of Mrs. Katherine
B. Oettinger, is also doing a good deal of
research. And she made what I thought
was an excellent speech the other day. I
would just like to quote you the last para-
graph :
"Many. of us here are working together
at a new rapid pace as dimensions of our
problem become clearer in reaching the goals
of providing better health for the mothers
and children in this Nation. If family plan-
ning is a useful tool in achieving this goal,
it should be available on a universal basis
as a right to parents without coercion with
a genuine and sympathetic attention to the
needs of each human being."
The American Medical Association's house
of delegates, not too long ago, passed a res-
olution:
"That the prescription of child spacing
measures should be made available to all
patients Who require them, consistent with
their creed and mores, whether they obtain
their medical care through private physicians
or tax or community-supported health
services."
Secretary of the Interior Udall is making
contraceptive information available to Eski-
moes, American Indiana, and Polynesians
who are under his general supervision.
Senator GRuENINO is holding some most
interesting and provocative hearings in a
subcommittee of the Government Operations
Committee on a bill which would create as-
sistant secretaries on population in both
HEW and the State Department.
Our foreign aid programs under the splen-
did leadership of Dr. Baumgartner and va-
rious others have for some years under the
F'ulbright amendment to a recent foreign aid
bill made technical assistance and research
facilities available to countries receiving for-
eign aid, particularly in Latin America and
Africa and Asia.
Your colleague, Dr. David E. Price, back in
April made an address entitled "Action on
the Home Front" to the Symposium on Pop-
ulation Growth and Birth Control at Bos-
ton University during the course of which he
summed up the various governmental pro-
grams as follows-speaking, I guess, for the
Surgeon General's office-"Our job is three-
fold, to continue to help States and localities
make family planning available based on
existing :knowledge; to speed up research in
all aspects of human reproduction and pop-
ulation dynamics so that knowledge may be
improved.; and to increase greatly our train-
ing of personnel so that the inevitably heavy
demand for their services may be met."
I have been somewhat critical of Mr. Sar-
gent Shriver and the Office of Economic Op-
portunity because of what seemed to me to
be his undue timidity in this area. It is
true that he has made., under some local
pressure, a few grants available in the pov-
erty program. I made a speech on the floor
of the Senate the other day indicating that.
I would like to know whether you endorse
these various Government programs, and
what would be your general policy with re-
spect to family planning and birth control
if you become Surgeon General.
Dr. STEWART. I might answer that in two
parts. First, I would like to give you my
personal and professional feelings about this.
I think the world population problem Is a
great problem. And it is going to become
greater. I Include the United States in the
world. l: believe that family planning is a
way of perhaps doing something about this.
However, I think that family planning
should be on the individual's initiative, that
they are seeking it themselves as a person.
Senator CLARK. Let Ire interrupt you to
ask you whether you believe that every
American family has the right to know the
basic physiological facts and have the tech-
nical assistance available to them so that
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October 7, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 25323
One of the six "criteria" Senator DODD
has for telling an out-and-out Communist
revolution from the other kind is the syste-
matic "pattern of the revolt itself." In his
long speech opposing FULBRIGHT, DODD said,
"Spontaneous revolutions, guided by indig-
nant nationalists, are invariably character-
ized by a certain amount of bungling and
amateurism. But the Dominician revolt was
characterized, instead, by the highest degree
of precision and professionalism."
The core Of FULBRIGHT's case was that the
(revolution was not controlled by Commu-
nists, even if it attracted Communist sup-
porters:
"The administration * * * assumed al-
most from the beginning that the revolution
was Communist-dominated, or would cer-
tainly become so, and that nothing short
of forcible opposition could prevent a Com-
munist takeover. In their apprehension lest
the Dominican Republic become another
Cuba, some of our officials seem to have for-
gotten that virtually all reform movements
attract some Communist support that there
is an important difference between Commu-
nist support and Communist control of a
political movement, that it is quite possible
to compete with the Communists for in-
fluence in a reform movement rather than
abandon it to them, and, most important of
all, that economic development and social
justice are themselves the primary and most
reliable security against Communist sub=
version."
From the evidence gathered at the hear-
ings-at which all witnesses, with the excep-
tion of former Gov. Luis Mufiez-Marin, of
Puerto Rico, were in the administration-
FULBRIGHT concluded that the charge of
Communist control of the revolution does
not stick. The motive behind U.S. interven-
tion was a new dedication to preserve the
status quo in Latin America against all
revolutionary forces about which there is
any suspicion of political instability. What
happened between the coup against Presi-
dent Bosch in September 1963, and the at-
tempted return of Bosch's party, the PRD,
in April 1865, was a shift to the right in
American foreign policy notably toward
Latin America. FULBRIGHT saw American
policymakers increasingly preoccupied with
the anti-Communist credentials to the ex-
clusion of all other aspects of their roles.
The springs of the rightward surge were
not clear. FULBRIGHT senses an unwilling-
ness on the part of State Department officials
to take chances with the Latin American left
after the dreadful experience of William
Wieland; who fought for 5 years to regain
his security clearance as a U.S. Foreign Serv-
ice officer after he had the misfortune to be
on the Cuba desk during Castro's accession
to power. No doubt FULBRIGHT believes Am-
bassador Bennett and a raft of lesser officials
have Wieland's example before them.
More Important, FULBRIGHT thinks, is the
loss of genuine commitment to social change
which inspired Kennedy's policy, haphazard
as it was, toward the Latin countries. Now,
policy planners seem to conceive America's
interest more mechanistically, as a matter
of who's with us and who's not. That sounds
very toughminded, but it is often simple-
minded: such a policy misses the long view
of history as the politics of change. FUL-
BRIGHT sees the national interest coinciding
more than casually with the revolutionary
forces at work in the hemisphere.
His world view is an ever-changing subtly
shifting abstraction, a mixture of Realpolitik
and idealism unbetrayed by the demands of
crisis politics. He is not obsessed by a fear
of communism; he is more worried at the
moment about anticommunism. He detests
sentimentalism in foreign policy, on the part
of the left as well as the right. He harks
back to the mythological basis of America's
conduct of foreign affairs. In his first Sen-
ate speech, in March 1945, he began, "Myths
are one of the greatest obstacles in the for-
mulation of national policy." His famous
speech last year concerned "old myths and
new realities." He is convinced that America
is captive of what he calls "the obsession
with communism," and that is inevitably
destructive.
"We are not, as we like to claim in Fourth
of July speeches; the most truly revolution-
ary nation on earth," FULBRIGHT said in his
Senate speech. "We are * * * much closer
to being the most unrevolutionary nation
on earth." Later he added, "If any group
or any movement with which the Commu-
nists associate themselves is going to be auto-
matically condemned in the eyes of the
United States, then we have indeed given up
all hope of guiding or influencing even to a
marginal degree the revolutionary move-
ments and the demands for, social change
which are sweeping Latin America."
PAPA KNOWS BEST
He is willing to go far in his analysis of
U.S. policy, but he stops short of the most
unthinkable thought of all. A real Com-
munist revolution in Latin America would
provide grounds for American intervention.
He hopes that there are viable "democratic
left" forces available to fulfill revolutionary
missions, but if there are none, as there very
well may not be in many countries, FUL-
BRIGHT is not at' all sure he could stomach
one or two or four more Castroite regimes
in the Western Hemisphere. And yet that
seems to be a necessary corollary of his
speech. He may be right about the "essen-
tial legitimacy" of the Dominican revolution,
that is, its derivation from Bosch and the
PRD. On the other hand, he may be wrong;
the difference between his position and. his
opponents' on that central issue is one of
method, not of philosophy. Dedication to
social -change and revolutionary reform
means accepting nasty consequences along
with beneficial ones. It requires an ex-
tremely narrow definition of "threat to the
national interest." The relationship be-
tween nations must be one of equality, and
intervention conceived only as a last resort
when there is a clear threat and imminent
danger. FULBRIGHT still clings, perhaps un-
consciously, to a paternalistic approach to
Latin America. In his view, what papa
knows best is left-of-center social reform.
That is much better than most American
papas will admit, but it may not be enough.
FULBRIGHT'S speech was the best on any
subject made on the floor of the Senate dur-
ing this session. It was clear, elegantly
styled, and subtly intellectual. It was also
received with towering hostility, by many of
FULBRIGHT's Senate (and committee) col-
leagues, and in much of the press. The
White House is said to have responded with
predictable unhappiness. The best-that was
heard from the administration was the
guarded comment of one aid-not at all in
the inner circle-who ventured the opinion
that he was "glad the speech was made."
But it is the measure of FULBRIGHT'& role
in the Senate that his friends, as much as his
enemies, were critical. He is the archetypal
loner, the most anticlub of all the Senators.
He is stuck with an unwieldy (19 members)
committee which he assumed is stacked
against him. He may be right; it seems to be
a question of how one counts the members.
FULBRIGHT counts them very much against
him, at least as they stand in their pristine
ignorance. Other members think that with
pressure and tutoring, a majority of the 13
Democrats, and perhaps the entire commit-
tee, could be welded into a cohesive opinion
bloc with a consistent point of view. It
would require only minor compromise on
FULBRIGHT'S part, but a great deal of effort
and charm.
FULBRIGHT apparently wants to expend
little of either. He begins with an idea of the
futility, if not exactly the inappropriateness,
of Senate participation in specific matters of
foreign policy. Crises are for executives. He
admits that a strong leader could galvanize
a willing Foreign Relations Committee and
perhaps influence policy decisions, but at the
same time he knows that he is not that man.
Neither are his committee fellows. Imme-
diately under FULBRIGHT is Senator SPARK-
MAN, then Senator MANSFIELD, then Senators
MORSE, RUSSELL, LONG, GORE-and so on. The
ranking Republican Is Senator HICKEN-
LOOPER. The truth is that there are no
Borahs or Cabot Lodges (Senior, of course)
available, and there is no one to lead the
Senate in foreign affairs in a way which
might even approach the authority of the
Johnson administration.
ONE-MAN SHOW
Some wish that FULBRIGHT would try, but
he will not. He did not attempt to get a
report to the committee on the Dominican
investigation. One of his friends on the
committee asked him to see about a ma-
jority and minority report (he might have
won more than half the Democrats to his
side), and muttering something about "bi-
partisan" and "impossible," FULBRIGHT let
the suggestion go by. Only the loyal Senator
CLARK, among his committee friends, was
on hand in the Senate to support his posi-
tion. He is not worried by the dire predic-
tions of his banishment from the White
House. His influence there is already severely
circumscribed, both because of the diverg-
ence of his and the President's views, and
also because the President wants very much
to run his own show; the executive depart-
ment advisors are part of his show, but the
legislators are definitely not. Even with
President Kennedy, with whom FULBRIGHT
was on quite good terms, his voice was small:
FULBRIGHT'& brilliant Cuban memorandum,
submitted shortly before the Bay of Pigs
invasion, was not heeded. Neither was his
argument to the invasion planners on the
eve of the crisis. Arthur Schlesinger says,
in his memoirs, that he was the only one in
the White House planning session who shared
FULBRIGHT's doubts. Maybe the President
did, too.
The more FULBaiGHT looks at the possi-
bilities for effectively influencing policy de-
cisions, the more he is overcome with that
sense of futility. It is almost an existential
anguish; he periodically wonders (sometimes
in public, on the floor of the Senate) whether
he ought not, after all, resign as chairman
of the committee and be done with it. He is
restrained by a sense of responsibility and a
sense of history, which amount to the same
thing. His speeches seem to be prepared
for instant anthologizing; they are addressed
to posterity as much as to the Chair.
His friends say that he is inclined to mo-
ments of petulance, which are sometimes
visible. Last spring, he announced that he
was through with foreign aid bills until they
were put on a more rational basis. He favored
authorization terms longer than 1 year (so
that the President would not have the drain
of a yearly appropriation fight) and moves
toward institutionalizing aid in international
funds. FULBRIGHT knows that the "ingrati-
tude" of aid recipients, which shows up in
the burnings of libraries and the stonings of
embassies, grows out of the unbridgeable
hostility between the giver and the getter.
"Shakespeare said it," FULBRIGHT says snap-
nishly, "loan loses both itself and friend."
But by the end of the session, FULBRIGHT
was back at his post, managing the foreign
aid bill in the Senate. He tried to get other
committee members-MoasE, SPARKMAN,
CHURCH-to take it over, and for their own
good reasons they refused. FULBRIGHT even
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caved in on the 2-yeas authorization clause IJLBRIGHT AND HIS CxxTres Politicians with such an obvious interest
in an extended conference with House Mem- (By Joseph Kraft) in raising the Communist issue are, to be
bers. He did not have the power to pull it The doubts raised by Senator FULBRIGHT sure, limited in number. But their strength
Off. is as the strength of 10 because the ad-
with constituency, of course, is far respect have to been this country intensified b by y do th he cries Latin ministration is doing nothing to organize
America meen
wider than the boundaries of Arkansas. It of his critics. resistance against them.
includes much of liberal intellectual Ameri- Basically, the contrary, the administration has
ca, and more than that, educated opinion in good Bd, question. the He was Senator was asking only whether posing this a promoted inside the State Department a
most of the non-Communist world. Most country had reverted to th, policy of direct group of regular Foreign Service officers,
Latin Americans in Washington last week military intervention in South America. heading up in Under Secretary Thomas Mann
were overjoyed at FULBEIGHT'S speech. One of and Assistant Secretary for Congressional
With the Dominican case before him
he
,
the most important political leaders in South
con- sensed a new disposition to identify all social
America sent him a telegram of warm
contest with
gratulation. FULBRIGHT hopes that his con- Communist subversion, and a
connected sistent opposition to U.S. military adventure later. He pointed d tendency out shoot first and think
ikeep American prestige alive in Latin later. H that there were im-
can
ed
America, something like Labour's opposition portant distinctions between protests backed
by the
to Suez kept Britain's prestige viable, if Communists and protests under their
barel so, in the Middle East, against the din- control. He suggested that when trouble
y south of the border developed next, it might
tant day when new policies could be be appropriate for this country to think first
formulated. Similarly, De Gaulle's repudia- and shoot next.
tion of France's long-held Algerian policy A reasonable, and I believe honest, re-
made it seem as if it were never held at all. sponse to Senator FTLBRIGHT'S question was
America as a, political monolith is a more available to the administration. It would
dangerous image to project than a picture have emphasized that there was no basic
of America riven with dissent, FULBRIGHT change in American policy; that there were
thinks. The White House, of course, is terra- matters open for debate in the Dominican
fled that the world will overestimate the record; but that the Dominican case, be-
importance of the dissenting opinions, and cause of the special impact of the Trujillo
doubt the administration resolve. FuL- dictatorship, was a special one without gen-
BRIGHT has no such nightmares. eral application to Latin America.
some hearings, reviewed the record, wrote
a speech with the help of his staff, and gave
it one day to a near-empty Senate. Almost
that simple: he did put it off for about 3
weeks while the provisional government of
Hector Garcia Godoy was installed in Santo
Domingo. Then, when there was absolutely
no chance of having any effect on current
events, he unwound.
He cannot understand what the fuss is all
about. Journalists buzz around his office
searching for hidden meanings and un-
recorded connections. What is FULBRIGHT
up to? Did he really mean Vietnam when
he was saying Dominican Republic? (He
did make one oblique reference to Vietnam
in his speech; he wondered why the United
States is so eager to keep "more ambiguous
and less formal promises" made to Saigon
a Ind yet willing to disregard formal commit-
ments to the Organization of American States
and the Rio Treaty.) Is he bitter because
he was passed over for Secretary of State? Is
he frustrated by the voting demands on a
southern Senator (not only against voting
rights this year, but also against such liberal
measures as increased minimum wage and
home rule for the District of Columbia) ?
His claim to represent a revolutionary spirit
for social reform is seriously, if understand-
ably, flawed. Perhaps an awareness of the
inconsistency of his political behavior makes
his outbursts more vivid.
FULBRIGHT advises all doubters to apply
Occam's razor.' The simple explanation is
the true. He only appears to be a riddle
wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. He
is really an uncomplicated Rhodes scholar
from Arkansas interested in the price of
chickens and international relations.
His own theory to explain the extraordi-
nary outcry which followed the Senate speech
has to do with the constructions of con-
sensus politics, as well as the sensitivity to
criticism. generated by the continuing foreign
crisis. He is not alone in worrying about the
anti-Communist hysteria which seems to be
building up again in the United States, as
it did during the Korean war. That, too,
followed a period of mild liberal noncon-
formity, something like the early 1960's.
Senator FULBRIGHT'S Speeches were heard
then in lofty condemnation of McCarthyism.
As always, they were cool, sensible, and well-
reasoned. This time, it may take more than
speechmaking to set things right.
The actual reaction was not unlike the
stoning reserved by the high priests of
primitive communities for those who ques-
tion the efficacy of blood sacrifice.
For a starter there was Senator THOMAS
-DODD,of Connecticut, with his usual tactic
of crying soft on communism. DODD charged
that FULBRIGHT "suffers from an indiscrim-
inating infatuation with revolutions of all
kinds, national, democratic, or Communist."
Short remarks in similar vein were made
by Senators FRANIS LAUSCHE and RUSSELL
LoNG-a Member of Senator FuLBRIGHT's For-
.eign Relations Committee who had not even
bothered to attend the committee's recent
hearings on the Dominican Republic. Then
in defense of the American Ambassador in
`the Dominican Republic, Tapley Bennett,
there boomed the big gun of the Senate,
RICHARD RUSSELL, of Georgia.
RUSSELL had known Ambassador Bennett
"as a small boy." He had known "his father
and his mother." He had known "both of
his grandfathers." Only last year he had had
a meal "with Ambassador Bennett's father
and mother on their Franklin County farm
in the rolling red clay hills of northeast
Georgia." With that pedigree, and that solid
rural background, how could anyone even
begin to have doubts?
A day earlier, the House had expressed Its
reaction to Senator FULBRIGHT. It passed by
an overwhelming vote a resolution that, in
..effect, endorsed direct military intervention
by the United States in Latin America to
- prevent "subversive action or the threat
of It."
By themselves, neither the House resolu-
tion nor the Senate statements have any
practical force. But precisely because they
are free of real content, they provide a good
measure of the play of domestic and bureauc-
ratic politics on foreign affairs.
At the base, plainly, there are politicos
with self-interested motives for raising anew
the issue of softness on communism. The
original author of the House resolution,
ARMTSTEAD SELDEN of Alabama, for instance,
-comes from a district that is being changed
by reapportionment, by Federal registration
of voters, and by possible action on the poll
tax. With Negro voters due to figure in the
Alabama primary next May, SELDEN can no
-longer fall back on the usual theme of pro-
'tecting white supremacy. Instead, he is
Wrapping himself in the mantle of anticom-
munism.
Relations Douglas MacArthur H, who made
their way in the era o1.' unsophisticated, mon-
olithic anticommunism. Their ideas, indeed
their. careers and reputations, are tied up
with that era. Not surprisingly, they prac-
tically invited the Selden resolution.
Lastly, the White House itself seems to be
holding anticommunism in reserve as a rod
to discipline its congressional majority.
Where there is a jingoist issue working, in
other words, the President wants it working
on his side. He has gone soft on Goldwater-
ism. And while he maintains that stance,
it remains a question whether this country
will be able to move in harmony with the
vast Social changes that are sweeping Latin
America, and Africa and Asia, too.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Sept. 28,
19651
SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS
(By Walter Lippmann)
Last week the world had a fleeting but
tantalizing glimpse of what might become
possible if the cold. war subsided. The
U.S.S.R. and the United States acting
on their parallel interests in averting a
war 'between Pakistan and India, made
it possible for the United Nations to order
a cease-fire. This show of unanimity dis-
couraged the Chinese from intervening in
the quarrel.
Parallelism is a long way short of positive
cooperation, and. there is no assurance that
a settlement of the quarrel is in sight or even
that the underlying hostility will not
smolder on for a very long time. Neverthe-
less, the events of last week were a spectacu-
lar demonstration of how all hope and pros-
pect of a reasonably peaceable world is tied
up with an improvement in Soviet-American
relations.
Is an improvement possible? What is there
between us that now sets us against each
other'? It is, quite plainly, the conflict of
ideology and interest, of emotion and of
prejudice, over the revolutionary condition
of the so-called third world-the world of
the underdeveloped and emerging nation of
the Southern Hemisphere-in Asia, Africa,
and Latin America. The revolutionary con-
dition. Is an objective historical fact of this
century, and it will continue to exist no
matter what the Russians or we say or do
about it.
The Soviet-American conflict is about this
revolutionary condition. Thus, the conflict
is no. longer, as it was a generation ago,
about what kind of social order Is to exist in
the highly developed countries of Europe
and North America. As a matter of fact, in
this whole area, which includes European
Russia itself, the old argument between the
Marxists and the laissez faire capitalists has
been bypassed by events. For example, the
economic philosophy of General Eisenhower
and Senator Goldwater in America is as dead
as the economic philosophy of Marx is among
the European socialists. In the whole de-
veloped, progressive, industrial world, the
prevailing economic order is a mixture in
varying degrees of planning and the incen-
tive of profit of fiscal management, and
social regulation.
It is in regard to the turbulence of this
third world-which was not foreseen a gen-
eration ago-that the Soviet Union and the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
United States find themselves locked into TYRANNY Or THE MAJORITY IN UNITED STATES
what has the appearance of an irreconcilable (By Marquis Childs)
conflict. The Johnson consensus is so powerful that
In its official ideology, the Soviet Union is large areas of policy-normally in past years
committed to the support of the revolution- a subject for debate-are now off limits.
aries, to the incitement and supplying of The zeal of a majority President, who by
"wars of national liberation." temperament and conviction draws the line
In the American ideology, we are not ab- against dissenters, underscores the fears of
solutely opposed to wars of national libera- a time of troubles when revolutionary re-
tion, provided they are not inspired or sup- gimes threaten all order and stability.
ported by Communists. We are very much Add to this an expanding Federal Govern-
disposed to feel, however, that all revolutions ment dispensing money in old ways-the
will be captured by the Communists who in- House just passed a $1.7 billion pork barrel
variably participate in them. rivers and harbors bill-and new ways such
Thus, Russia and America find themselves as huge defense and research contracts. The
in a vicious circled The Russians are dis- sum total in the view of pessimistic observ-
posed to intervene wherever there is a rebel- ers is a new America with little resemblance
lion, and the United States is inclined to to the give and take democracy of the past.
intervene to oppose as aggression the Com- A case in point is what happened to Chair-
munist intervention. In the Soviet Union man J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, of the Senate
there exists a prejudice in favor of rebellion Foreign Relations Committee. Waiting un-
as such, of rebellion against any established til after a provisional government had been
order. The Soviet Union is the product of a established in the Dominican Republic, FUL-
fairly recent revolution. In the United BRIGHT in a Senate speech delivered a care-
States, where the revolution occurred nearly fully reasoned criticism of how the Domini-
two centuries ago, there is now a prejudice can crisis had been handled. This was based
against revolution. The result is a vicious on an inquiry before the Foreign Relations
circle in which dogmatic communism and Committee with 13 sessions at which all the
dogmatic anticommunism incite and exas- principals testified.
perate each other. Immediately the full force of administra-
The improvement of Soviet-American re- tion spokesmen, big and little, was leveled
lations, which is prerequisite to an accom- against him. The voices turned up high,
modation between the West and China, re- did not so much seek to refute the criticism
quires the breakup of this vicious circle. as to discredit the critic. At the lowest level,
How? Essentially, I believe, by fostering as represented by Senator RUSSELL LONG, of
the ascendancy of national interests over Louisiana, the majority whip, the sugges-
global ideology, by the reassertion in both tion was that If you didn't believe Com-
countries of prudence and calculation munists were about to take over In the
against-semireligious fanaticism and frenzy. Dominican Republic then you must have
We had a glimpse last week of how this can more sympathy for communism than you
happen. The hostilities in Kashmir began knew.
with an infiltration of guerrilla troops (re- On careful rereading of the Fulbright
cruited as a matter of fact from the Pakistan speech it is hard to discover why the reaction
army though they wore different uniforms). was as though it had been an offense against
The purpose of the guerrillas was to arouse majesty. He was saying that aspects of
the population and to liberate Moslem Kash- America's policy in the Dominican Repub-
mir from Hindu rule. Here was a war of na- lic compounded these faults. The example
tional liberation which the Soviet Union, ac- of a Senator soundly birched for faulting
cording to its theoretical doctrine, was bound the administration raises a troubling ques-
to support. However, the fact of the matter tion: Is any dialog at all possible on the
is that it did not suit the Soviet Union that great issues of foreign policy?
Pakistan, in cahoots with Red China, should To put it another way: Must the power
defeat India, which is a tacit ally of the of the Executive be so absolute in view of
Soviet Union. So the Soviet Union acted in the threat to Americas' security that critics
favor of peace, which is its real interest, should keep silent? An American war in
rather than on behalf of an ideological Vietnam is rapidly expanding with reports
prejudice. of 200,000 troops to be committed by the
At the same time, the United States, hav- year's end and yet scarcely a doubt Is ex-
ing learned something in recent months, pressed publicly over the authority of the
resisted the temptation to take a lofty post- Commander in Chief to direct an undeclared
ence of mind and real freedom of discussion
as in America. Profound changes have oc-
curred since democracy in America first ap-
peared and yet it may be asked whether
recognition of the right of dissent has gained
substantially in practice as well as in theory."
Senator FULBRIGHT discovered in 1957 what
it meant to go against the majority. He op-
posed the Eisenhower-Dulles doctrine em-
bodied in a resolution giving the President
power to use "the Armed Forces of the United
States as he deems necessary" in the Middle
East and to spend $200 million as he saw
fit without congressional restrictions. The
Senate majority leader then was Lyndon B.
Johnson. He urged FULBRIGHT to back Eisen-
hower as he himself had.
Johnson has triple-starred consensus in
the political lexicon. But, defined as "tyran-
ny of the majority," consensus has another
look.
[From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sept.
20-26]
DEFENDING INTERVENTION
The best thing that can be said of the
new House resolution on intervention in
Latin America is that it is ineffectual. It
is not binding on anyone, and merely ex-
presses a point of view. But what a point
of view.
Subversive domination of a New World
nation, or even the threat of it, the resolu-
tion says, violates the Monroe Doctrine.
Therefore any Western Hemisphere nation
may, in the exercise of individual or collec-
tive self-defense, which could go so far as
resort to armed force * * * take steps to
forestall or combat the subversion.
In sponsoring this proposal, Representa-
tive SELDEN, of Alabama, argued that a new
type of collective security is needed to com-
bat a new type of aggression-that of sub-
version inside a country. But the Belden
resolution goes far beyond collective security.
It suggests that one republic may intervene
unilaterally in another. It is. so worded,
Representative BINGHAM, of New York, as-
serts, that a Latin nation could intervene in
the United States if the Latin neighbor con'
cluded that, for example, the civil rights
movement were Communist-inspired.
The idea of a Latin republic intervening
in the United States is so patently absurd
that the Belden resolution must be read the
other way around-to justify U.S. interven-
tion among its neighbors. Indeed, the reso-
lution seems to be an ex post facto vindica-
tion for the American intervention in the
Dominican Republic.
tion against aggresion, and instead, reticently war Perhaps this explains why the State De-
and prudently, choose to work quietly and Granted the stakes are awesome and the partment is so timid in its view of the reso-
behind the scences. power of the Executive great in conducting lution. The department asked Mr. SELDEN
This is the way that Soviet-American rela- policy with proper secrecy as in the India- to make clear in debate that the mere threat
tions can be improved-by encouraging the 'Pakistan crisis. Granted, too, that nothing
prudent and the practical to predominate succeeds like the Johnson successes. of subversion would not justify unilateral
over the ideological and the hot. In this Nevertheless, the domination of the ma- use of force, but the resolution does not say
country, at least, the process will require the jority is so all-encompassing that a funds- so. And when the House had voted by 312
resumption of public debate-the kind of to 52 for the measure, after only 40 minutes
mental distortion of the American system of debate, a press officer lamely explained
debate which Senator FULBRIGHT has once seems for the time being at least to have re- that the State Department agreed with the
again opened up. suited. More than a century ago Alexis de
For the issue which he has posed in his Tocqueville, one of the most searching and sentiments expressed but questioned some remarkable speech is the essential issue in at the same time sympathetic foreign critics, of the language.
our attitude and policy toward the revolu- wrote in his "Democracy in America" of the Opponents of the resolution have accused
tionary condition of our time. The question danger of the "tyranny of the majority." Of the State Department of lack of backbone.
he posed is how to tolerate rebellion, which the tyranny this French aristocrat consid- The accusation assumes that the Depart-
is often necessary and desirable, without ered the main evil of democratic institutions ment still opposes unilateral intervention.
surrendering the control of the rebellion to he wrote: Does it?
the Communists who will always be part of "? ? s The smallest reproach irritates its
it. sensibility and the slightest joke that has BICENTENNIAL OF THE CONVENING
There is no rule of thumb for answering an
foundation in truth renders it indignant:
...
TAMP -m CONGRESS
OF
HE S
y
Union made about the Kashmir freedom made the subject of encomium. No writer, day marks the bicentennial of the con-
uch military we made about the s- whatever his eminence, can escape paying
nese threat and
cuss tat his ary aggression. The dis- vening of the Stamp Act Congress in
of this tribute of adulation to his follow citi- New Yrok On October 7, 1765. The
cannot cussion serious and difficult problem be monopolized d by the assorted hang- zens."
Stamp Act Congress was the first united
ers-on, often more Johnsontan than Johnson De Tocqueville was writing of the majority action of protest by the colonies in the
himself, who are presuming to lay down the itself but his words today might be applied
rule that only those who conform with the to the master of the majority. preliminaries of the War for Independ-
current political Improvisations are alto- wrote, know "in which thererisrso little Independ- call of Massachusetts, S asleattended
gether respectable and nd quite quite loyal.
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ZOU13 CQIVGRESSIONAL RECORD - SEN,A '~ October 7, 1965
by delegates from 9 of the 13 col.
onies. Voting by colonies, each col-
ony having one vote, the Stamp Act Con-
gress drafted petitions to the King and
to Parliament, and adopted an impor-
tant declaration of rights, the first plat-
form of American principles.
The acts of this first American Con-
gress were instrumental in bringing about
the repeal of the abusive stamp tax. One
of the most persuasive of the delegates
in the Stamp Act Congress was Chris-
topher Gadsden of Charleston, S.C.. Mr.
Gadsden, as a delegate from South Car-
olina, distinguished himself by his argu-
ments for colonial union and against
recognition of authority of the English
Parliament.
Mr. President, the Congress in which
we now serve can truly trace its begin-
ning to this important assemblage in
New York in 1765. Our Nation owes
Much to the patriots who assembled
there. As we conduct the legislative
business of the Nation today, we would
do well to remember that those who as-
sembled in the Stamp Act Congress in
ask himself the question: Will Ameri-
cans feel the same sense of pride in the
"rubberstamp Congress" of 1965 on its
bicentennial that all freedom-loving
Americans have cause to feel for the
Stamp Act Congress of 1765 today?
WABASH VALLEY ASSOCIATION
RESOLUTION
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, at a
meeting held in New Harmony, Ind., on
August 21, 1965, the members of the
Wabash Valley Association adopted a
resolution, a copy of which has been
furnished to me. This association, com-
prised of members from both Indiana
and Illinois who have devoted great ef-
fort to the development and conserva-
tion of water and natural resources in
the valley, has been a great force
through private assistance to public pro-
grams of various Federal agencies in-
volving the region.
I ask unanimous consent that the res-
olution be printed in the RECORD.
Whereas much more is to be done and re-
quired to complete projects now in the plan-
ning; stages; and
Whereas the Wabash Valley Association is
thankful and appreciative of the untiring
efforts, services, and devotion to the princi-
ples of the Wabash Valley Association for the
total and complete development of the wa-
ter resources of the Wabash River Basin:
Now, therefore, be.it
Resolved by the Wabash Valley Association,
Thai, we extend to the Federal and State
officials who have given of their untiring
efforts the complete endorsement of this
organization; and further be it
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions
be presented to State and Federal officials
who. have so ably participated in this pro-
grain.
PERSONAL INCOME STILL CLIMBING
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, the
October 2, issue of Business week pre-
sents an interesting analysis, together
with a table, of the continued growth in
personal income during the month of
July.
--
---. ......, va 4- bU uc 1Jar1111,eU in tile
----:--- --- -. ??_'' ?" x'-' ' ev, T4aala ,po?ti
purpose of protecting liberty against the RECORD, as follows: million on the first 7 months as compared
tyranny of a despot. It is our patriotic RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE MEMBERSHIP OF with it year earlier. Only one of the 50
duty and responsibility to carry on the WABASH VALLEY ASSOCIATION, AT A MEET- States, Wyoming, was below the year-
precedents begun by the Stamp Act ING AT NEW HARMONY, IND., AUGUST 21, 1965 ago level in personal income, but for the
Congress. Whereas the Wabash Valley Association is 7 months Wyoming was also ahead; 28
Mr. President, down through history, composed of common people of the States of States improved their July figure more
assemblages, including Congresses, have Indiana and Illinois who are Interested In than 8 percent over 1964, and 27 are more
earned and received names according to the development and conservation of water than 8 percent ahead for the 7 months.
the actions for which they were noted. and the natural resources of this great val- With a gain of 9.6 percent for July
The Stamp Act Congress received its ley; and over July 1964, my own State of Indiana
name because it met to oppose the tyran- tion of ourt natural resources requires ong- is well above the average and its 7-month
nical Stamp Act imposed on Americans range planning on local and national levels; gain ranks 15th in the list. It is en-
by an English King and Parliament. The and couraging to see such evidence of the
89th Congress of the United States, In Whereas the U.S. Corps of Engineers, the continuation of our prosperity as it af-
Its 1st session, has earned and received, Interior Department, the Department of fects the personal income of our people.
to A. greater de
re
+11-
..t
_n Agriculture th
g
e
any
hee C
e
Welfare, the four tLS. Senators, Members of . 'z'? u11ttn1111ous consent teat the
Congress, the Governors of the two etflr Business Week, table be printed in the
this bicentennial of the Stamp Act "aa" a`aa aaii,ereseea representatives of state
On this
Congress, Oeach member of the Stamp Act t government have given aid and support to There being no objection, the table was
projects proposed by the Wabash Valley As- ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
gress, and indeed each American, should sociation; and follows:
Measure of personal income
(Dolltir amounts in millions. Not adjusted for seasonal variations)
State
1957-59
July 1964
Juno 1966
July 1965
Percent
change versus versus year
ago
First 7 months
------~-
1964 1965
Percent
versus year
ago
Alabama_____________________________
Aiaska--------- _____?______-
$366.8
44
9
$477.7
$528.9
$535.6
+12.1
,:293.2
$3
$3,648.5
+10
8
______--_
--__-_------------
Arizona
_____________?______-______--------__-----------
A
k
.
, 184.4
72.2
283.7
78.4
319.8
81.9
310
4
+13.4
4-9
4
432.0
2
046
9
478.8
.
+10.8
r
ansas
---------------------?__----------------------
California _________
182.3
3
264.9
282.7
.
279.4
.
4-9.6
,
.
1,766.1
2,189.3
1
880.6
+7.
+7.0
+7
0
_______________________________________
Colorado
,160.6
296.8
4,642.6
426
0
4,981.4
444
2
4,994. 7
462
7
+-7.6
31, 724. 6
,
33,969.7
.
1
+7.1
Connecticut __________________________
Delaware
. _--------
551.9
.
740.2
.
807.1
.
799.6
4.8.6
48.0
2,926.8
5,1166.4
3,085.7
5
521.4
+5.5
+6
9
_----?-_-- -------------------
District of Corumbia_____-------------------------------
103.8
177
9
144.9
229
0
153.3
246
0
154.9
+6.9
1162.0
,
1,070.5
.
+11.3
Florida
_______________
_________________________
Georgia
e
.
711.9
.
1,064.4
.
1,179.8
245.8
1,202.4
-+7.3
+13.0
1,086.5
7
729
7
1,679.8
8
527
3
+5.9
10
:
_ ___ _________ _
____________------------------
_
Hawaii ----------------------------------------
477.4
--.. 98
5
692.4
152
3
752.1
9
765.9
+10.6
,
.
4,740.2
,
.
5,166.0
+
.
3
+9.0
-----
'----
Idaho __________________?-------------------------------
I
l
.
03.7
.
121.8
16
.5
133.3
174.9
131.3
7.88
-+7
. 6 6
8 8 1,0905
1, 8
.8
+10.8
l
inois_______________ __
------------------------------
Indiana
_
2,048.2
2,644.3
2,864.3
2,853.7
.
+7.9
.
18
,205.4
94
637.3
19
837
3
+10.5
9
+7
_______
__________________________________________
Iowa -------------?___-__________________------__-------
779.9
438.0
1,027.3
547.3
1,128.4
613
4
1,126.4
619
4
+9.6
7,(143.2
,
.
7,673.7
.
+9.0
Kansas y____________________________________________
S______
Kentucky
344.1
447.5
.
480.6
.
475.7
+13.2
+6.3
3,853.3
3,(112.5
4,221.4
3
179.1
+9.6
5
+4
_______________________________________
Louisiana ------------------------------- ..............
364.3
416.1
478.4
531. 9
633.0
593
6
532.6
597
7
+11.3
3,322.6
,
3,662.4
.
+10.2
Mainet
____________________?`-,_________-______----_-,_-
Maryland__
___
137.8
182.0
.
194.8
.
-192.8
+12.4
+5.4
3,677.0
1,196.4
4,063.1
1
332.0
+10.
6
_
_________________________________________
Massachusetts___------------ --------------------- ------
559.9
983.2
813.0
1,294.1
885.4
1
371
7
888.5
1
365
7
-{-9.3
5,31.1
,
6,059.7
+9. 6
Michigan ------------------------------------------------
Minnesota______
-- 1,414.7
3
1,863, 7
,
.
2,079.6
,
.
2,053.2
+5.6
+10.8
8,955.7
12,778.1
9,383.8
14,338.4
+4.8
+12
_________________________________________
Mississippi------------------_-----_-_----?-_?--?------
5
7.9
191.3
699.9
264.9
782.9
286.9
778.7
290
7
+11.3
+9
7
4, 885.6
1
84
5,300.6
.
+8.5
Missourl-------------------------------------------------
Montana
728.8
960.3
1,027.7
.
1,023.4
.
+6.6
,
5.8
6,545.5
1,999.4
951.4
6
+8.3
2
+6
-------------------------------------------------
Nebraska________________________________________________
109.6
226.7
139.0
300.4
143.7
315
4
145.9
323
7
+5.0
897.3
,
968.7
.
+7.7
Nevada ------------------------------_-?-----_-------__
New Hampshire
58.1
118.6
.
118 7
.
120.8
+7. 8
+3.2
2,026.7
795.7
2;177.2
80L0
+7.4
+0
7
_____________________.,_-____._____-______
New Jersey --_--__-??---_---?-?------------------.---
93.6
1, 225.2
130.2
1, 667.5
135.9
1,821.7
138.8
1,828.7
+6.5
+9.7
872.9
11.410.8
908.7
12.3922
.
Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000500110020-3