AMBASSADOR NORMAN N. WINSTON AND THE NEW YORK WORLD'S FAIR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500110018-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: October 13, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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October 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 25953
institutions have been slowly ' built by trial
and error, pain, sweat, and sacrifice and
should not be petulantly discarded. 'Room
for improvement they all have, if improve-
ment is the genuine objective.
A second basis for, judging whether to take
part is whether the decision is made
thoughtfully or whether it is the product of
emotion. Group emotions quickly intensify
and what passes for a reason in the midst of
shared anger, resentment, or other strong
passions, too often turns up as regrettable
stupidity later. No one who has not wit-
nessed a mob can fully comprehend its in-
human acts and caprices. I was in college
when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor.
For some unaccountable reason the students
on campus kindled a huge bonfire on the ter-
race of one of the dormitories and fed it
with their furniture, their clothes, their
books, and their class notes. it was a pagan,
subhuman spectacle, spontaneous and per-
formed by generally sensible students. It
can happen.
Finally, and this is undoubtedly the most
critical question, will the proposed under-
taking actually serve the ends claimed for it?
Everyone can respond warmly to a rallying
cry of "peace," or "freedom," and conse-
quently the rascals of the day chant the
magic words even louder and more fervently
than the saints. Since both goals are as
difficult to attain as they are desirable, prog-
ress toward them is seldom achieved by hasty
or superficial techniques. Indeed, if free-
dom is a condition of unrestricted opportu-
nity which derives from mutual trust, one
of the few sure consequences of the Berkeley
uprising is a substantial setback in the con-
dition from which freedom springs, mutual
trust. As Leo Rosten has stated, "We must
learn to meet fanaticism with courage, and
idealism with great care, for we must be
skeptical of what is promised, even by vir-
tuous men, but has not been proved.
On the students' part, we must hope that
as they exert their power, they will do so
toward thoughtfully conceived, construc-
tive goals. What of the faculty and admin-
istrative roles in the new circumstances?
What changes must take place in what the
students perceive as "The Establishment"?
First, there is a more pressing obligation
than before to provide the clear channels
through which students may raise questions,
express dissatisfaction, propose change and,
in return, hear from and interact directly
with those who make policy. The people
who are ultimately responsible for any orga-
nization do themselves no favor by inter-
posing echelons of agents between them-
selves and their constituencies. The shape
and dimensions of any substantial grievance
cannot fall to be ' distorted when processed
according to the perception and the report-
ing of third parties. In any argument with
headquarters, students already perceiving
themselves as under-dogs, are confirmed In
that perception when the bone of conten-
tion is carried away to a remote adversary.
A second requirement relates to the atti-
tude of the policymakers toward students
does not understand democracy, and it has
added to whatever real or imagined problem
existed originally an obvious injury which
an unscrupulous leader can readily exploit.
This much of what Is required of academic
leadership is fairly obvious and can be passed
over quickly. The other point I would make
suggests a marked departure from general
practice and needs some elaboration and de-
fense. It is briefly that college policies ought
to be the product of carefully arrived at
value judgments which the institution has
made consciously, is prepared to proclaim
proudly, defend publicly, and alter or aban-
don with good grace if proven ill-founded.
Since value judgments are at the other end
of the scale from the dispassionate and
never-ending search for truth which is the
stock-in-trade of the academic institution,
college and university officials may under-
standably place the enforcement of regula-
tions as many steps removed as possible
from the poiicymakers In the hope that no
one will perceive a relationship between the
two. In this act of camouflage, they are
hoist by their own petard.
The Berkeley thing was started by an ad-
ministrative decision to enforce a ban against
a certain type of political activity by stu-
dents. The specific Infraction was the man-
ning of a table where political action groups
were making known their causes. A dean
charged with enforcing such a regulation
can hardly enlist enthusiastic compliance if
his ammunition is restricted to the assertion
that an act is against the rules. In this in-
stance, some students suspected that the
abrupt enforcement of a dormant rule was
the result of pressures by the Oakland
Tribune or other powerful, noncampus in-
fluences. The voicing of such suspicion
helped attract many defenders of academic
freedom and amalgamated the most diverse
elements in an attack upon a craven admin-
istration.
Whatever the cause for the change in policy
from nonenforcement to enforcement, it
must have reflected some responsible au-
thority's judgment, that is, value judgment,
that it was wrong for the students to con-
tinue what they were doing. Such a judg-
ment should not have been made unless it
was explainable, defensible, and consistent
with other policies that relate to the same
judgment. A university through its regula-
tions commits itself to the propriety or im-
propriety of certain actions and if it Is un-
willing to acknowledge its regulative brain-
child and nurture and defend it, then per-
haps students are correct in assuming that
the offspring is illegitimate, sired outside the
family.
The open mind is one of the fundamental
necessities of a democracy, but if it is open
at both ends and there is no thought process
in the middle, it is no mind at all. It is
simply a conduit.
If the trustees and faculties and admin-
istrators of our centers of learning persist
in the belief that the sins, qua non of such
institutions is a collective open mind of the
conduit type, then their campuses will at-
Abe Raskin comments: 'the reckless prodi-
gality with which the free speech move-
ment uses the weapon of civil disobedience
raises problems no university can deal with
adequately."'
Since communism has rendered truth a
relative, If not a completely meaningless
word, and since civil disobedience seems to
be regarded within the acceptable or even
desirable range of acaedmic conduct, it ap-
pears that colleges and universities are going
to be forced to make some value judgments
and establish and enforce certain limits of
conduct, or face the eternal prospect of de-
fending themselves from internal attacks by
anyone with an ax to grind.
As these remarks have developed, this has
been a backward entrance on stage by a
character that deserves a center-stage fan-
fare. The change from a self-conscious in-
stitutional neutrality to a forceful, inten-
tional partisanship should not be the result
of a belated effort to improve a strategic
position in dealing with fractious students.
It should, instead, spring from a confident,
albeit humble recognition that the central
mission of education is to elevate society, and
that the educational institution cannot ful-
fill that role from the position of apologetic
neutrality.
In recent times a great deal of attention
has been paid to extremism or fanaticism
and the impropriety in a pluralistic society
of placing any one objective above all others.
Perhaps we are now seeing in the campus
uprising the predictable results of the ex-
tremist attachment of the academic com-
munity to the open mind. There are, how-
ever, beginning to be some notable deviations
from that rigid attachment. Professors are
Increasingly abandoning the dispassionate
pose and moving out into the public market-
place of ideas to press the causes of their
personal value judgments. Perhaps the best-
known instance in which academic men are
trying to influence the public mind is found
in that group of professors at Michigan and
elsewhere who have engaged in the teach-
in movement to encourage our Government
to withdraw from the Vietnam conflict. It
makes no difference whether you and I agree
or disagree with them, their action illustrates
the point of scholars who are propounding
value judgments.
Perhaps the time has come when our, in-
stitutions of higher learning, faced with the
necessity to protect themselves from Irre-
sponsible attacks, will have the courage to
transcend mere defensive regulations and
assert themselves as positive forces in the
battle for men's minds. There are certain
areas of commitment shared by men of good
will which could be codified as institutional
objectives. They might well include an in-
sistence upon responsible behavior and upon
respect for the Individual, and a rejection of
racial or religious discrimination. Once over
the hurdle of the traditional and almost
psychotic avoidance of anything that could
be interpreted as a value judgment, it is pos-
sible that colleges and universities might
reassert themselves in the role they once oc-
cupied of proponents of ethical and moral
living.
Education is, after all, supposed to be a
service to society. If the institutions of
higher learning are by default, or even by
active encouragement contributing to un-
ethical and immoral behavior, It is a strange
service they are performing for society.
This is a hazardous change of course to
propose for higher education. The hazards
lie in the choice of those human objectives
to which the institution commits itself and
also in the techniques by which it chooses
to advance them. But any institutional
move in this direction would certainly meet
such internal resistance that there is little
danger of precipitate action. There Is an
even more effective safeguard against any
who are seeking help, clarification or redress. tract growing numbers of malefactors whose
'A cavalier reception of petitioners is one of - purpose is to hobble and disrupt and whose
the most effective means of escalating a
minor difficulty into a full-scale battle. Vice
President HUMPH&EY, either misspoke or mis-
thought when he said on August 23, "What
I wish to suggest is that we in the United
States have created_a society in which free-
dom and equality are meaningful concepts-
not vague abstractions. But I must also
say that the right to be heard does not auto-
matically include the right to be taken seri-
ously. The latter depends entirely upon
what is being said."
As the administration of any democratic
community falls to take seriously the claims
or the complaints of its people, it makes a
critical error, for it has by that failure re-
vealed that it either does not honor or else
harvest of destruction will increase as they
discover there are no limits to what can be
undertaken under banners of free speech and
civil disobedience. In a recent article Dr.
Buell Gallagher, president of the City Col-
lege of New York, reporting on the Berkeley
events, stated, "(The students) were In no
mood to talk things over or to compromise.
The time for action had come. They no.
longer respectfully requested, they de-
manded. And when demands were not met,
they used the well-learned tactics of civil
disobedience to bring the academic process
to a grinding halt. 'We shall see who runs
this university,' shouted the student leader,
Mario Savio. Thus did the defense of rights
become a naked struggle for power * * ?.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE October..13, 1965
trust into. mass indoctrination..
`Shat safeguard is the large number of col-
leges and universities and the diversity of
their control. F,ach has its own policy board
its own faculty committees, its on execu-
t1ve,of5cers. If one institution through its
faculty, trustees and administration con-
cluded that slovenliness and bad manners
were. not necessary to the highest-, nteliec-
tualendeavor and in fact were antithetical
to that, end, and if it declared its institu-
tional self In behalf of such a value judg-
ment, there is no reason to fear that all
others would follow suit.
I would propose here one objective for all
colleges and universities--a conscious and
determined effort to, prepare their students
for a world which has always been and al-
Ways will be, beset with monumental prob-
lems and imminent dangers, but a world
that has also been blessed with a sequence
of heroic figures who defied pessimism and
proved of themselves that man can work
prodigies. Mankind has always needed. Its
heroes and with the mechanical devices we
have to apprise us immediately of the full
details of every world catastrophe, we need
our heroes now more than ever before. The
sad part is that there are enough scholars
at work to unearth the human foibles and
peculiar failings of each entry in the lexicon
of the great, with the result that one may
suspect greatness is merely a coincidence of
good luck and skillful public relations.
.College students and all people, but espe-
,dally college students, need a periodic en-
,counter with the vibrant, dedicated, opti-
mistic, magnificent accomplishers of our
times, whose works and temper place them
beyond any suspicion of self-serving orpetty
motives.. There.are such Individuals, people
who make. those around them stand-taller
just by the power and thegenuineness of
their commitment. On our campus, we have
experienced this confident aura in Dr. Con-
nie Gulon, Dean Myron Tribus, Gwendolyn
Brooks, Walter Judd-or you write your own
list.
The first 11 articles of the March issue of
the. Atlantic were devoted to Winston
Churchill. Editor Edward Weeks began his
Introductory statement by saying, ';Anyone
who ever saw Winston Churchill in action
will never forget it." And concluded, "This,
then, is the Atlantic's expression of gratitude
for the greatest man of our age." In the
Saturday Review, Norman Cousins' editorial
said in part, "Several times during the 20th
century-most notably following the deaths
of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Mahatma Ghandi,
John P . Sennedy, Jawarharlal Nehru, Pope
John XBIII-there have been worldwide
demonstrations of loss deeply felt. What is
most significant about the response to
Churchill's; death is the reflection in It of
the changes he created in the people he
reached. In speaking to the strength inside
people, he caused that strength to come into
being,"
Our educational. institutions are, after all,
working with the future leaders of the Na-
tion. It is not our obligation to stretch
their aspirations, fortify their courage and
challenge them to rise toward their own
possibilities of dignity and power? And to
do these things intentionally?
it would be a collosal irony if Mario Savio
and his Free Speech Movement were the
agents for proving to our colleges and uni-
versities that their total commitment to un-
hampered freedom in the search for truth is
an untenable position. It would be a great
service if Mario and the Free Speech Move-
ment proved to students the necessity for
responding thoughtfully to the urgings of
each self-styled messiah. And it might be
the dawn of a new era for the Nation if the
California student leaders, prompted a recog-
nition by faculties, trustees, and adminis-
trators that they cannot conduct an educa-
tional institution without some value judg-
meats, and therefore they .might as well ex-
tend themselves and make some value judg-
mants that will amount to something:
In closing these remarks I want to include
a quotation I have used before, repeating it
nuiw both because it bears repeating and also
as a tribute to the man who wrote it, Albert
Sc tsweltzer. It occurs in a volume bearing
UP, significant title, "The Light Within Us."
"7gre final decisions as to what the future of
a society shall be depends not on how near
its organization is to perfection, but on the
degrees of worthiness in its individual
members."
It is time we recognized that college edu-
cation has a direct bearing on the worthiness
of 'the members of our society and labored
earnestly and humbly and forthrightly to
ac d to that worthiness according to our
lig2sts.
AWARD FOR HON. WILLIAM L.
SPRINGER
(Mr. ANDERSON of Illinois asked and
wts given permission to extend his re-
mOks at this point In the RECORD.)
lvtr. ANDERSON of Illinois. Mr.
Sneaker, the Illinois Optometric Asso-
ci ition is having its annual meeting to-
diy in Chicago. The association will
present three awards for outstanding
service in the field of health. One will
be' to the optometrist of the year; one to
an outstanding lay person, and a third
to a distinguished public official:
Our own colleague, BILL SPRINGER, of
tie 22d Congressional District, has been
cluosen by the association to receive its
distinguished public official award and I
know that all of the Members of the
Huse join me in congratulating him on
being singled out for this honor.
BILL has been the ranking minority
member of the House Committee on In-
terstate and Foreign Commerce during
tie last year and has contributed sub-
stlntially to constructive portions of
much of the health legislation that has
cc me from that committee this year.
Ttis award goes annually to only one
public official in the State of Illinois.
Bi,cause of the hard work which BILL
Sl'RrNGER has given to health legislation
In this last year, I know that this award
is well deserved and am sure that we are
all pleased that the associationis pub-
114 IV recognizing his effort.
A,,"TION OF UNITED STATES IN THE
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC CRISIS
(Mr. BRAY asked and was given per-
mission to address the house for 1 min-
ul e, to revise and extend his remarks, and
tG include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, last April
tl`. a United States sent soldiers and
marines to the Dominican Republic to
pi'eveilt a Communist takeover and crea-
ti In of another Cuba. This action, pre-
ft stably, set off sharp controversy both
ai. home and abroad.
'The argument flared again, In mid-
S bptember, in the other body, when one
Senator, denouncing our actions, said:
Our; intervention in Santo Domingo shook,
. if dt did not shatter, a confidence in the
,Ua{ted States that. had been built up over
a .y ars.
)owever, another Senator, with whose
confusions I .heartily agree in this mat-
ter, defended our intervention, pointing
out that it was an unavoidable necessity
and went on to observe that many critics
of our ]Dominican policy "are not pro-
Communist. But they are so bemused by
the Communist pretension to social
revolution, that they permit their toler-
ance of communism to blind them to the
very real danger It poses to the survival
of freedom."
It seems to me that we should have
learned after so many years that the
Communist Party Is nct just another po-
litical organization which may be dealt
with around a - conference table. But
have we learned? From a look at the
situation in the Dominican Republic
today, I am inclined to doubt it.
The United States is, deeply involved
with the political, military and economic
problems of the Dominican Republic. If
American troops were to be withdrawn,
there is little doubt that fighting would
break out again; if American aid money
were not forthcoming, the economy
would collapse; If American support did
not bolster the present government
headed by Hector Garcia Godoy, set up
in September under a compromise ar-
ranged by the Or? anizatlon of American
States, there would be' political chaos.
Our officials admit that the Dominican
problem is one of the most complex ever
tackled. I have grave doubts, though,
that some of the actions of the Garcia
Godoy administration, supported by the
United States, will go very far toward
solving the matter.
Garcia Godoy, with U.S. approval, has
taken a firm stand against Brig. Gen.
Elias Wessin y Wessin, who led the fight
against a Communist takeover before we
intervened last April. Under conditions
that can only be described as puzzling,
to say the least, General Wessin has been
deported from his country and he has
charged the United States expelled him
"with a'bayonet at my back." I do not
claim perfection fir General Wessin, but
there is certainly no honor due us for
our role in throwing him out of his
country,
The Dominican Government, with ap-
parent U.S. consent, seeks to operate on
the assumption that, by giving some
former rebels good Government jobs,
they can be rehabilitated. There are
both Communist and non-Communist
forces in the rebel camp, and there is
always the possibility of open conflict
between them. Dominican and U.S.
strategy seems to be "divide and con-
quer" and weaken the rebel forces, which
admittedly are made up of a number of
splinter groups.
However, these conditions are also
conducive to Communist consolidation of
power among the rebels. The Commu-
nicts, too? know how to divide and con-
quer, and they have operated on this
principle for many years. Their abilities
in using this strategy cannot be ignored;
we would do so only at our peril. There
can be no doubt about the skills avail-
able to the Communists in the Dominican
Republic, either; it is known that Cuban-
trained Communists are operating there
and have been active since the first of
the fighting.
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October 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
For reasons that are obscure. to me, we
chose to turn our attention to the Do-
minican rightwing first, when it seems
the most logical course would have been
to move against and destroy what Com-
munist power and influence existed
there. Perhaps in so doing we have
missed our chance to nullify and root
out the Communists altogether.
General Wessin was described as being
objectionable to the United States be-
cause "he is so rigidly anti-Communist
that he creates more Communists than
he destroys." To me, this is a rather
dogmatic assertion to make about one
aspect of a problem described as one of
the most complex ever tackled. But
General Wessin was of the Dominican
rightwing, and it was felt so urgent to
get him out of the country that he was
put aboard an American Air Force plane
under the supervision of five armed FBI
agents and a contingent of the 82d Air-
borne Division.
Now, at least in theory, it is the turn
of the Dominican leftwing. But is it too
late, and can the divide and conquer tac-
tic succeed? A non-Latin diplomat,
quoted in the September 27, 1965, issue
of U.S. News & World Report, had a very
gloomy view of the situation:
The Communists are stronger now than
they ever have been in this country. They
have come out in the open, publish their
own newspaper, hold conventions, even call
themselves Communist, openly. All the con-
cessions are being made to the Communists-
none to the other side. * * * Their gall is
enormous. In one edition of Patric the
Communists bragged in one statement that
they were the power in the revolution. `+ ?
In these months of revolution, the Commu-
nists have built up their political and mili-
tary apparatus far beyond anything they
ever had here before,
In the same magazine, a high-ranking
Dominican military officer is quoted:
United States * * * seems to be protect-
ing the Communists. * * * The Commu-
nists publish their newspapers-but the anti-
Communists are ordered off the air. ? * ?
We cannot understand your Government.
You send thousands to fight communism in
Vietnam-but give in to the Communists
here.
We may well have allowed the Do-
minican Communists time to gain a foot-
hold in this strategic Caribbean island
republic and, in so doing, once again
seized defeat from the jaws of victory.
If there is a resultant loss of American
prestige over the entire situation, it will
not come from the fact that we did inter-
vene to begin with. it will come from
what we did not do when we had the
munist influence" out of the Western
Hemisphere. This faith has already been
badly shaken in Latin America by our
actions at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 and
the continued menace of Castro Cuba,
and we will only have ourselves to blame
if we are faced with more Cubas and
more Dominican situations in the fu-
ture.
Those in charge of conducting our for-
eign policy, in their attempts to make
friends of our enemies, have managed to
compile a rather sorry record of making
enemies of our friends, without notice-
able success in their original endeavors.
We sometimes act as 'if the supply of
goodwill and respect for the United
States in the world is not only inex-
haustible but is also resilient enough to
withstand whatever strains we choose to
put upon it. Self-confidence in the con-
duct of a nation's foreign policy is an
admirable and desirable trait, however,
we can expect nothing but trouble ahead
if it degenerates into self-deceit.
THE U.S. PAVILION AT THE
WORLD'S FAIR
(Mr. WAGGONNER asked and was
given permission "to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, it
was my privilege, along with my wife,
last year, shortly after the opening of
the World's Fair in New York to.attend
that fair, with a number of my col-
leagues and their families. The hospi-
tality of the city was boundless indeed
as usual. On returning to Washington
after that wonderful and very fine week-
end I, along with other Members of
Congress, found it necessary to criticize
the World's Fair itself for it was and is a
good fair but the U.S. pavilion at that
fair. At that time I was not critical of
the building itself or its architecture
which is teriffic but I was critical of the
subject matter, the treatment, and the
handling of the history of the United
States as portrayed then in that pavilion.
It simply missed the mark.
It was my privilege again this year,
for a brief while, to visit the World's
Fair. I returned to the U.S. pavilion
out of curiosity and I should like to say
that the U.S. Commissioner to the
World's Fair, Ambassador Norman E.
Winston, along with his staff, are de-
serving of credit, because they have gone
back into the history of the United
States and have caused the pavilion to
be completely redone so that it in truth
and in fact tells in a very creditable
manner the story of the United States
in its growth and in world history. I
am proud of. that history and the man-
ner in which it is now presented. I am
sure all real Americans are. I think
credit should be given where credit is
due. Ambassador Winston, our U.S.
Commissioner to the fair, and his staff,
are deserving of credit. They have done
a good job. The fair is a good one. I
could not in good conscience let this
great fair come to a close this week with-
oulnecognizing that what I thought was
ETON AND THE NEW YORK
WORLD'S FAIR
(Mr. ROONEY of New York asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and ex-
tend his remarks.)
Mr. ROONEY of New York. Mr.
Speaker, I have asked for this brief time
to commend the distinguished gentle-
man from Louisiana [Mr. WACCONNER]
for his frankness and his fairness in re-
gard to his visit this year to the New York
25955
World's Fair and particularly the Fed-
eral pavilion therein. There is no ques-
tion in my mind that the improvement
this year in the Federal exhibit was
wholly due to Ambassador Norman K.
Winston, the Commissioner-General, my
distinguished friend, and his staff. Am-
bassador Winston deserves great credit
for the considerable time and attention
he has given to his considerable duties.
MICHIGAN PUBLIC SCHOOL DENIES
ADMISSION TO NEGRO NONRESI-
DENT
(Mr. WILLIAMS asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, I have
previously informed the House that 22
States and the District of Columbia pro-
vide for a system of school tuition for
nonresidents. At that time I mentioned
that my research showed that Michigan
has such a law.
On October 1, 1965, the Detroit News
published an article indicating that a
Georgia resident was prohibited from en-
rolling in a Michigan school. The school
superintendent said that Michigan law
forbade the admission of the 14-year-old
Negro.
For the enlightenment of the gentle-
man from Michigan [Mr. FARNUM] who
has criticized our Mississippi law, I em-
phasize the fact that this incident oc-
curred in Michigan-not in Mississippi.
Under unanimous consent, I insert the
aforementioned article at this point:
[From the District News, Oct. 1, 1965]
CENTER LINE BLAMES LAW FOR BAN ON NEGRO
PUPIL
(By Robert M. Pavich)
The superintendent of the all-white Cen-
ter Line-Warren school district said today
that State school laws, not racial prejudice
prevented enrollment of a 14-year-old Negro
boy from Georgia who had been invited to
attend school here.
The boy, Matthew Hunter, was not en-
rolled and has returned to Georgia.
ADVISED OF LAW
In a resolution submitted to the State
house of representatives at Lansing, nine
Democratic legislators have called on Center
Line officials to "search their souls and con-
science" because they had "denied the hos-
pitality of the North" to the Negro boy.
Clarence E. Crothers, superintendent of
the suburban district, said that when he was
approached by persons who wanted to enroll
the boy in Center Line High School, he ad-
vised them that State law prohibited enroll-
ing anyone from another district unless he
were in the home of relatives in the district,
in a licensed boarding home, or living with
legal guardians in the district.
PETITION TO COURT
Matthew Hunter, who had been invited to
the North by a Warren priest who became
acquainted with him during a voter registra-
tion drive in the South could not qualify.
Crothers said he was informed on Septem-
ber 13, the day regular classes began at Cen
ter Line High, that the couple the Negro
boy was staying with, Mr. and Mrs. George
Fielder, had petitioned to probate court for a
ruling that would allow them to be named
guardians.
REFUSED TO RULE
Crothers said, "I assumed this would be
authorized, so I informed the principal of
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95G CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE October 13, 1965
Center Line School who In turn informed
his staff that the boy would be attending
classes there.
"After this ' I heard nothing. The Field-
era must have decided to, send the boy home
and the boy must have decided to go"
The probate court refused to. rule on the
petition by the Fielders, referring them in.
stead to the State department of social wel-
fare. That department said the matter was
not in its jurisdiction.
Crothers said, "We had a colored child in
our school system for nearly 2 years, from
the spring of 1903 until the spring of 1965.
We welcomed that child and her parents,
who were involved in the local PTA.
"We have signed pledges with the Federal
Government guaranteeing to enroll students
without regard to race, color or creed. We
have operated as such."
,RIOTS Ili WATT'S, CALIF.
(Mr. YOUNGER (at the request of Mr.
HuTcxiNsoN) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
ia>cCOltn and to include extraneous
matter. )
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, I have
read, many editorials arising. from the
rioting in_Watts, Calif. One of the best
is the editorial broadcast over KMPC
radio and KTL~A channel 5 from Holly-
wood as M.. B. Jackson's commentary.
The editorial follows:
T Sncorm Civic WAR
One hundred years ago the Civil War
ended. and with it, the bloodiest episode in
our country's history. Not many realize it,
but the Civil War toll in dead and wounded
was greater than that in all other wars in
which we have been involved put together-
including World War II and the Korean war.
'in the past few days, Los Angeles has wit-
hessed and been the victim of a state of
anarchy and virtual civil insurrection prob-
ably unmatched since the last one.
To deny that it was racial in character or
Motivation-as some have attempted to
do-would be like denying that slavery was
an issue in the Civil War. It erupted in a
depressed heavily Negro area, and has been
fought and carried on by Negro mobs and
gangs consisting of young and old alike.
Slavery was a secondary issue in the Civil
War. The preservation of the Union was the
principal one. By the same token, the racial
aspect of this second one is a secondary,
albeit important, issue; the preservation of
.the fabric of our society and our type of
government is the principal one here.
The consequences of last week's rioting
sounds like a catalog of major crimes:
riots, pillage, arson, looting, murder,
aggravated assault, armed robbery, beatings,
burglary--you name it. Scenes of fire and
destruction remind one of London during the
Battle of Britain-and they call to my mind
many vivid combat scenes during the war in
the Pacific.
The extraordinary thing is that this should
have happened in California. This is not the
Deep South. Los Angeles has an enviable
record for good race relations among its
citizens, and they are justifiably proud of it.
It has it's poorer sections-no large city is
without them-but they are nothing com-
pared to some of the slum areas in the large
northern cities of this country-to say
nothing of other large cities in the world.
Why did it happen here? What caused
ft? What is the answer; what Is the cure?
As usual with anything as cataclysmic as
this, there are no easy answers. This is
a cliche `in itself, I know. But many of the
basic factors involved are not difficult to
Identify. The trouble is, however, that they
are unpleasant to face, and people in post-
-tions of responsibility and leadership in the
cmunity--National and State as well as
ii cal-frequently try: to sidestep them or
a fold coming directly to grips with them
ii the terms they require.
We might start off by eliminating a few
sopworn excuses that are invariably offered
t;p when situations like this break out-and
alee beginning to be peddled about in this
cee. The first of these, and probably the
F?Ost vicious, is that police brutality-that
old bugaboo-is responsible for the whole
nr'ess. A few Eastern commenators have al-
rsady played this tune. But it just doesn't
play this time.
Los Angeles has probably the finest metro-
politan police force in the country, if not
tie world-and I am familiar with many of
tiiem. Its record and efforts in the field of
community and race relations is particularly
r. pteworthy, and it is there on the record
fir anyone who is interested in facts to
check. I made a point of this myself a
year or so back and spoke not only with
($iief Parker and several of his people, but
also with several prominent members of the
lbegro community, including one who is now
S .member of the city council. At that time,
complaints of police brutality were among
the reasons cited by those who favored the
cteatlon of a police review board. When
a liked for examples of this, they invariably
foiled down to complaints of "verbal bru-
t$lity"-use of offensive language, or at least
language offensive to Negro sensitivities. I
teas cited to not one example of actual
ihysical brutality. Even this complaint was
ret by a special training course given to
police officers who were instructed in the
i ceties of language to be employed when
cealing with Negroes, and particularly when
l a .ndling Negro suspects.
Actually, no better evidence of the lack
cf police brutality is furnished than the
very restraint with which our law enforce-
s ent officers have conducted themselves un-
der conditions of extreme provocation dur-
iag the last week.
On the contrary, what we have seen is
lroic devotion to duty of police and fire
cpartment people-outnumbered and un-
vier constant, savage attack-in their attempt
10 restore law and order and to defend the
f afety and security, Mr. and Mrs. Citizen of
l ?s Angeles, of you and of your property.
Parenthetically, I frequently wonder how
it is that those who get themselves so
worked up over police brutality, so-called,
fan feel so little apparent corresponding
cpncern over the brutality practiced on hun-
dreds of Innocent citizens by lawless mobs
Ia the past few days.
The second cliche which is being offered
tip is that the Negro is simply reacting by
hiving vent to long pent-up frustration; that
Its has been held down and mistreated too
long,'and the inevitable reaction is setting
16. One is given the impression that this
lies been the result of a deliberate, almost
itngle-minded conspiracy on the part of
lbo white community. The utterance comes
ice :a sort of breastbeating, a mea culpa, and
it is heard from white and Negro apologists
mike, who, incredibly seem to justify and
o:xcuse, in their own minds, murder, arson,
;assault, armed robbery, and every other crime
in the book by the mere fact of social mal-
aedjustment or'economic underprivilege.
Again, this one does not play, because it
does not square with the facts-nor does it
have heard so much about recently. He is
the one: you never hear of, and seldom hear
might; be gained from reading the papers,
he represents the vast majority of the peo-
ple in this country.
This citizen has educated himself-has
taken advantage of the marvelous schools
this country affords; he works for a living
and supports himself and his family. He
pays his taxes--and he doesn't complain too
loudly over the fact that they are high and
that a large part of them goes to pay the
cost of maintaining programs for the relief
of those who haven't gone at things the
way he has. He is probably making pay-
ments on his own home, but the property
taxes are getting so high that he wonders
if he will be able to hang onto it. Welfare
programs which' soak up over half of this
State's budget alone keep pushing them
further and further up.
He pays his bills on time; and with what
little is left over, he very likely contributes
to various charities of his own choosing.
Our Mr. Citizen obeys the law. He may
grumble at an occasional traffic ticket, but
he has respect for the officer nevertheless.
He probably uses his seat belt when he drives
but, more importantly, he respects the rights
of others on the highway. He supports and
stays with his wife and children, and he is
concerned to see that his children receive a
good education, hopefully at the college level,
so that: they may do better in life than he
has done. He probably belongs to his local
PTA and very likely is a member of his com-
munity church.
The likelihood also is that he put in a
weary and dangerous > tint fighting for his
country, and that his son may possibly be in
Vietnam now, or at least available for the
draft. Neither he nor his son relishes the
idea, but they accept the obligation, and the
son will discharge it with honor just as his
father did.
This Mr. Citizen we have been talking
about has a quality that is part of the root
structure of our society-a sense of respon-
sibility. He is a vital and accepted part of
hiscommunity because of his contribution
to it. This is the essence of his identity
with it. He doesn't take or demand-he
gives, contributes, in the best sense of our
common Judeo-Christian tradition, As a
consequence, he is respected.
It was precisely this sense of obligation,
this notion of personal responsibility and
this type of contribution to the community
which gave rise to our Nation and gave it the
character which has kept it stable and thriv-
ing for. 200 years-a continuity which no
mation in the Western world, with the possi-
ble exception of Great Britain, can claim.
You will notice that the Mr. Citizen I am
talking about is not white, or black, or yellow,
or red, because his qualities still character-
ize the "at majority of our countrymen, in-
cluding the vast majority of our so-called
minority communities--Negro, Jewish, Chi-
nese, Japanese, Mexican, Polish, Italian,
Irish. Scandanavian, or what-have-you.
These citizens contribute to their com-
munities. And they ask only to be secure
in the equal protection of the law which it
is the Government's obligation to extend
to them. They don't bother their neighbors;
but they demand, and have a right to ex-
pect protection from injury by neighbors
;dace them. who would bother them.
The opinion makers in our society today- These citizens stand out in startling con-
'''e journalists, writers, political leaders, etc., trast to those in: that community which
seem to have a preoccupation with sickness, spawned the bath of fire and blood recently
icocial and physical. It is all they seem to ' witnessed here: one where crime is rampant,
Xs s able to write or talk about. We see little where over 1,000 felonies have been logged
e on television and the screen; we read , in the last few months including 196' mur-
,A hardly anything else in books, magazines ders and other major crimes; with an illegiti-
,tnd all the other media. It is hardly lash- macy rate of 25 percent or higher and a di-
!irnable anymore to be healthy or normal. vorce rate of 88 percent or higher; an area
:aowever, to put this point into somewhat containing at least 500 probationers from the
'letter focus. let us consider for the moment commission of major crimes and a large pro-
a different type of citizen from the one we portion of whose population lives on relief.
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