MOST VITAL U. S. WEAPON IN VIETNAM AMERICAN DETERMINATION TO STICK IT OUT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130006-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: August 24, 1955
• Content Type: OPEN

20648
HUMPHREY
COLLEGE
PROTESTS
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 24, 1965
STUDENTS AVOID "DESTRUCTIVE" The Very opposite-the fact that it will
(By Donald Janson) be tough and long and hard-is true, and
MADISON, Wis., August 28.-While pickets spite of this our top officials are de-
chanted outside, Vice President HUMPHREY termined to see it through.
urged college students today to replace de- This idea seems to have permeated
atructive demonstrations with constructive the understanding of leaders in Moscow.
social action. When it reaches the understanding of
"The right to be heard does not auto- those in Hanoi and Peiping, the pros-
matically include the right to be taken se- pects for negotiation and settlement will
riously," he told the opening session of the be greatly enhanced.
annual congress of the National Student As-
sociation. I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
"To be taken seriously depends entirely title by Evans and Novak be printed in
upon what is being said," he declared. the RECORD at this point.
What was being said Outside the Univer- There being no objection, the article
sity of Wisconsin's theater in the Student was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
Union Building was that the United States as follows:
Out of Vietnam." The number had doubled
by the time he finished speaking.
The students and townspeople, largely
members of the Committee To End the War
In Vietnam and the Student Peace Center at
the university, sang freedom songs and
chanted "peace now."
DEPARTS FROM TEXT
A group of convention delegates responded,
in the staccato unison shouts of a football
cheer, "rip 'em up, tear 'em up, give 'em hell,
HUBERT."
Inside, Mr. HUMPHREY departed from his
text several times to comment on the demon-
stration.
"I saw some signs that said get out of
Vietnam," he asserted. "I agree. But in our
getting out we don't want to let somebody
else take over.
"If you can show us how to get out of
Vietnam without the Communists taking
over in Saigon without South Vietnam losing
what freedom it has left, we'll put the plac-
ards that are around here in the Hall of
Fame instead of the hall of shame,
"But the signs offer no alternative: just
leave. I can promise you, we do not intend
to just leave."
The audience of 1,000 responded with an
ovation. The delegates are here from 300
colleges and universities affiliated with the
student association. They frequently ap-
plauded the Vice President's explanation of
administration policy on Vietnam.
There was no heckling inside the audi-
torium, where only delegates were permitted.
Mr. HUMPHREY praised the student union
as one that knew how to "differentiate be-
tween constructive and destructive protest."
He urged the students to direct their energies
toward teaching and training and otherwise
helping deprived people to profit by social
and economic legislation recently enacted by
Congress.
Outside the pickets were joined by W. M.
Grengg, a physicist whose sign said "scien-
tists, physicians, and engineers formerly for
Johnson and HuMP4REY."
MOST VITAL-V,18 'E~APON IN VIET-
NAM-AMERICAN DETERMINA-
TION TO STICK IT OUT
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
determination expressed by the Vice
President in Madison, Wis., yesterday to
stay in Vietnam until we can negotiate
a settlement that protects the independ-
ence of South Vietnam is the kind of na-
tional determination that may be our
most important weapon in this tough,
perplexing contest.
Evans and Novak spell out the cau-
tious optimism that realists are begin-
ning to feel about our Vietnam Prospects.
Although it would be a dangerous error to
overplay the importance of a single localized
action, the bloody marine victory over the
Vietcong on the Vantuong Peninsula sym-
bolizes an improved overall' situation in
Vietnam.
"We're still going downhill," says one top
administration policymaker, "but we're bot-
toming out. Then we start the long climb
back up."
By no means is the improvement strictly
first place, evidence is now available that the
Soviet Union, partly as a result of Ambassa-
dor-at-Large Averell Harriman's "vacation"
in Moscow last month, is now fully con-
vinced of the total U.S. commitment in the
war. Presumably Moscow is passing this
along to Hanoi.
Although the official Moscow word to the
United States Is that "you can't win," the
growing evidence of the U.S. commitment
has deeply impressed the Russians.
Unlike Moscow, Hanoi has never been
faced with a U.S. commitment of the kind
that forced the Russians to turn their mis-
sile-loaded ships away from Cuba in October
1962. Hanoi's knowledge of the West, in-
stead, derives from the French experience of
a decade ago. Under the influence of Com-
munist labor unions, French dockworkers
refused to load supplies for French battal-
ions in Indochina.
Remembering the French experience, the
North Vietnamese mission in Moscow stock-
piles a daily file of every incident in the
United States-newspaper editorials, signed
advertisements, peace demonstrations-as
proof that the United States, like the French,
will tire of the war and "bug out."
But the weight of evidence the other way,
coupled with Harriman's, stern message to
Moscow, is now for the first time forcing
Hanoi to confront the truth-that the
United States just won't be pushed out.
Several other factors must be fed into this
new psychological equation. For more than
6 weeks now, the number of Vietcong attacks
(called the "Incident rate" in Pentagonese)
has been lower than normal.
In addition, the tough-minded G-2 (Intel-,
ligence) estimates the ratio of captured
weapons has been running about 2 to 1
against the Vietcong-a radical switch from
several months ago. The parallel Vietcong
recruitment problem has been much publi-
cized, with 15-year-olds being forcibly let, village by village; and that will take
drafted in southern hamlets and made to time and intelligence and sacrifice, per-
fight the United States and Saigon. haps more of it than most Americans
Finally, evidence accumulates in the form begin to realize.
of captured orders and prisoner interroga- I ask unanimous consent that the
tion that this year's feared monsoon offensive Geyelin article from this morning's Wall
of the Vietcong so far has been a severe dis-
None of this rules out a major Communist , There being no objection, the article
offensive in the vulnerable highlands, where was ordered to be printed. in the RECORD,
the Vietcong has been gaining local victories, as follows:
to out the nation in two. But with Viet-
cong supplies far lower than expected at this
stage of monsoon operations, U.S. strategists
now hope the highly touted offensive will end
without the Vietcong having made a major
breakthrough.
It is against that backdrop that the marine
success on Vantuong must be viewed.
This was the first time a large U.S. force
had located and engaged a large Vietcong
force. Although U.S. strategists play it in
low key, the fact is that the operation was
conceived, planned, and executed by Uncle
Sam. This prevented the leaks and fumbles
that ruined similar efforts by the Vietnamese
Army in the past.
With more and more U.S. ground troops
available in widely scattered parts of the
country, future operations on this relatively
grand scale will increase.
This is important not just for military
consequences as measured by dead Vietcong
but even more so for morale: the morale
boost for South Vietnam, the morale drop
for the Vietcong (assured repeatedly that
U.S. troops would cower in well-defended
coastal positions, and never take the field).
Though far from comprising a bright pic-
ture, these improvements point the way
toward eventual success and mock the gloom-
and-doom critics of P sident Johnson on
Capitol Hill.
BIG U.S. WEAKN SS IN VIETNAM:
IGNORANCE
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, this
morning's Wall Street Journal carries a
brilliant article spelling out a serious U.S.
weakness in South Vietnam: the intel-
ligence gap.
Philip Geyelin writes of how substan-
tial and rich is the information available
and developed by our low-level officials.
Listen to this:
Ultimately the richest lode Is found at the
bottom of the bureaucratic pile among a
small but growing band of youthful Ameri-
can political warriors. Some are military
officers, others budding diplomats, or foreign
aid operatives, or U.S. Information Agency
officers. Their diverse official auspices are
less Important than the qualities they share.
At least some fluency in Vietnamese for ex-
ample; deep dedication and a scholar's ap-
proach to the new arts of counterinsurgency;
a real zeal for hazardous frontline duty in
remote hamlets; a remarkable grasp of all
the interrelating military, political, economic,
and psychological elements of the Vietnam
conflict to an extent unmatched almost any-
where along the chain of command except
perhaps at the very top.
But, as Geyelin says, something hap-
pens to this intelligence on the way to
the top.
The tough problem In Vietnam is that
it is complex. It is not simply a matter
of winning a military victory. Yes, it
is that, but that is only the beginning.
It is also a matter of winning economic
victories and educational and social vic-
tories, and convincing the Vietnamese
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August 24, 1.965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
solving the kinds of problems presented
Iso acutely by the Northeast water crisis.
Hitherto, such water shortages have
been primarily a problem for the and
West, except for the occasional, cyclical
droughts such as created the "dust
bowl" in the southern Midwest during
the early 1930's.
In recent years, however, water short-
ages have become a truly national, rath-
er than a regional, problem. 'The Water
Resources Planning Act provides the
machinery by which State, local, and
Federal governments can cooperate in
long-range planning to meet the ever-
growing water shortage problem.
The September 9 meeting between the
Council and the_ Interior Committee will
be the first held under the new program
established by the law, and on behalf
of the committee I wish to invite any
Member of the Senate to attend and
participate in the discussion and review.
The place will be the *Interior Committee
Room 3110 New Senate Office Building,
and the time 10:00 o'clock.
If any Senator wishes to make a state-
ment or other presentation, I ask that
he notify our committee and we will be
happy to hear him. Otherwise we are
limiting this informational hearing to
departmental witnesses only.
NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING ON
NOMINATION OF WfI.IAM O.
MEHRTENS, OF FLORIDA, TO BE
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE, SOUTFIERN
DISTRICT OF FLORIDA
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, on
behalf of the Committee on the Judici-
ary I desire to give notice that a public
hearing has been scheduled for Tuesday,
August 31, 1965, at 10:30 am., in room
222k New Senate Office Building, on the
nomination of William O. Mehrtens.:of
Florida, to be U.S. District Judge for
the Southern District of Florida, Vice
Emett-C. Choate, retired.
At the indicated time and place per-
sons interested in the hearing may make
such representations as may be pertinent.
The subcommittee consists of the Sen-
ator from Florida [Mr. SMAI'kEas] chair-
man, the Senator from Mississippi tMr.
EASTLAND], and the Senator from Ne-
braska [Mr. HRUSKAI.
NOTICE OF RECEIPT OF NOMINA-
TIONS BY COMMITTEE ON FOR-
EIGN RELATIONS
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, as
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, I desire to announce that yes-
terday the Senate received the nomina-
tions of Barnard Zagorin, of Virginia, to
be U.S. Alternate Executive_ Director of
the International Bank for Reconstruc-
tion and Development, and Dr. Gustav
Rants, of Connecticut, to be Assistant
Administrator for Program Coordination,
Agency for International Development.
Tm accordanee with the committee rule,
these pending nominations may not be
considered prior to the expiration of
dam of their receipt in the Senate.
20647
ENROLLED BILLS PRESENTED tons of natural rubber from the national
The Secretary of the Senate reported stockpile.
--~..~---
that on today, August 24, 1965, he pre-
sented to the President of the United
States the following enrolled bills:
S. 69. An act for the relief of Mrs. Gene-
vieve Olsen;
S. 97. An act for the relief of Lt. Raymond
E. Berube, Jr.;
S. 134. An act, for the relief of Lloyd K.
Hirota;
S.572. An act for the relief of Robert L.
Wolverton;
S. 1138. An act for the relief of Lt. Robert
C. Gibson;
S. 1196. An act for the relief of Wright G.
James; and
S. 1267. An act for the relief of Jack C.
Winn, Jr.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Rep-
resentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the House
insisted upon its amendments to the bill
(S. 618) for the relief of Nora Isabella
Samuelli, disagreed to by the Senate;
agreed to the conference asked by the
Senate on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses thereon, and that Mr. AsH-
MORE, Mr. SENNER, and Mr. HUTCHINSON
were appointed managers on the part of
the House at the conference.
ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED
The message also announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following enrolled bills, and they were
signed by the Vice President:
H.R. 485. An act to authorize the Secretary
of the Interior to construct, operate, and
maintain the Auburn-Folsom unit, American
River division, Central Valley project. Cali-
fornia, under Federal reclamation laws;
H.R. 1481. An act for the relief of the estate
of Donovan C. Moffett;
H.R. 1763. An act to amend section 1825
of title 28 of the United States Code to au-
thorize the payment of witness fees in habeas
corpus cases and in proceedings to vacate
sentence under section 2255 of title 28 for
persons who are authorized to proceed in
:forma pauperis;
H.R. 3750. An act for the relief of certain
individuals;
H.R. 3990. An act to amend section 1871
of title 28, United States Code, to increase
the per diem and subsistence, and limit mile-
age allowances of grand and petit jurors;
H.R. 8992. An act to amend section 753(f)
of title 28, United States Code, relating to
transcripts furnished by court reporters for
the district courts;
H.R.3997. An act to amend section 753(b)
of title,28, United States Code, to provide
for the recording of proceedings in the U.S.
district courts by means of electronic sound
recording as well as by shorthand or mechan-
ical means;
H.R. 4719. An act for the relief of Jose-
phine C. Rumley, administratrix of the es-
tate of George S. Rumley;
H.R. 5401. An act to amend the Interstate
Commerce Act so as to strengthen and im-
prove the national transportation system,
and for other purposes;
H.R. 5497. An act to amend paragraphs b
and c of section 14 of the Bankruptcy Act;
and
H.R. 9544. An act to authorize the disposal,
without regard to the prescribed 6-month
waiting period, of approximately 820,000 long
ADDRESSES,
CLES, ETC.,
PENDIX
EDITORIALS, ARTI-
PRINTED IN THE AP-
On request, and by unanimous con-
sent, addresses, editorials, articles, etc.,
were ordered to be printed in the Ap-
pendix, as follows:
By Mr. BYRD of West Virginia:
Article entitled "The Negro After Watts,"
published in Time magazine of August 27,
1965; and
Article entitled "Restoration of a Pictur-
esque Landmark," published in the Sunday
Gazette-Mail State magazine, of Charles-
ton, W. Va., on August 22, 1965.
By Mr. THURMOND:
Article entitled "Parallel Directions in
Church and State." written by William C.
Morris, and published in the News and
Courier, Charleston, S.C., August 8, 1965.
Letter written by Mrs. Lillie Schuster,
Hanahan. S.C.. August 8, 196!5.
By Mr. MUSKIE:
Articles entitled "The Rambler Has Vaca-
tion Adventure," dealing with the writer's
experiences on vacation in Maine, published
In the Washington Star of August 16, 1965.
VICE PRESIDENT HUMPHREY AT
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN: OB-
JECT LESSON IN HOW TO HANDLE
PROTEST
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
Vice President of the United States spoke
at the University of Wisconsin yesterday
and did a magnificent job of showing
how to handle demonstrating protesters
and do so in the American tradition of
full and free discussion and in the Wis-
consin tradition of sifting and winnow-
ing to determine the truth.
The Vice President did not come to the
University to discuss Vietnam, but the
presence of 42 protesters--nearly a hun-
dred before he was through-persuaded
him to remark on it briefly.
The Vice President contributed to the
protest that has stirred academic com-
munities over Vietnam an idea that
should be pondered long and thought-
fully. He recognized the right to speak
out, but added:
The right to be beard does not automati-
cally include the right to be taken seri-
ously. To be taken seriously depends entirely
upon what is being said.
In answer to signs telling the Vice
President that we should get out of Viet-
nam, he responded:
If you can show us how to get out of Viet-
nam without the Communists taking over
in Saigon, without South Vietnam losing
what freedom it has left, we will put the
placards that are around here in the hall of
fame instead of the hall of shame. But the
signs offer no alternative, just leave. I can
promise you we do not intend to just leave.
I ask unanimous consent that an ar-
ticle from the New York Times by Donald
Janson, reporting the Vice President's
appearance be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
VOID IN VIETNAM: UNITED STATES KNOWS
LITTLE ABOUT ITS FOE, NOT MUCH MORE
ABOUT ALLY
(By Philip Geyelin)
WASHINGTON-One of the more disquiet-
ing discoveries made on a tour of South Viet-
namIs the amount of sheer ignorance about
friend as well as foe upon which the most
portentous decisions back here must, of nec-
essity, be based.
President Johnson constructs a case with
fine precision for each new move he makes;
Secretary ' of Defense McNamara builds in
detailed and dazzling statistical support; Sec-
retary of State Rusk adds sturdy logic to the
policy underpinnings. Yet It becomes in-
creasingly apparent, as you dig deeper in,
that much of this rests on shifting sands of
uncertainties, unknowns, even unknowables.
The President and his war counselors have
no end of secret intelligence data. But the
bulk of it comes from Vietnamese-who have
no end of axes to grind. Much of it is also
belated, just because everything has to be
double-checked, and the best of it is, in the
words of one authority, "simply not good
enough."
The top men have pile upon pile of combat
reports. But the recent confusion over re-
sults of the bomb raid against North Viet-
namese missile sites is but one index to the
unreliability of even eyewitness accounts-at
jet speed. Enemy casualties, for another ex-
ample, remain a mystery; to penetrate It
often invites guesswork so wildly theoreti-
cal that U.S. military commanders In Saigon
privately scoff at the results. Even the regu-
lar "progress" reports from the South Viet-
namese on their own "pacification" efforts
must be examined with a fishy eye; their
contents, more often than not, are calculated
largely to please.
American war-watchers in the 'Held are
richly endowed with-rumor. But much of it
is false, often maliciously so. Wh t the Viet-
cong doesn't spread around, to confuse and
mislead, the South Vietnamese will cheer-
fully circulate about each other. "I used to
think Washington was rough on character
assassination until I heard the South Viet-
namese Buddhists talking about the Catho-
lics and vice versa," says one old hand.
Such striking exceptions as last week's
big Marine victory on Van Tuong peninsula
only reinforce the rule. There, a massive
Vietcong concentration, backed up against
the seacoast, seemed almost to be inviting
attack; skillfully it was trapped by an even
more massive force of Marines. Finding,
encircling and crushing a comparable force
Inland is much more difficult; chasing down
smaller, hit-and-run guerrilla units tougher
still.
The decisionmakers can deduce, and esti-
mate, and guess. In time they can usually
catch up to the truth. Moreover, in their
defense, It must be said that large aspects
of the Vietnam war are unavoidably im-
penetrable: The true intentions of the leader-
ship in Hanoi, for example, the identity of
the Vietcong terrorist in the village or the
Vietcong agent in the upper reaches of the
government, the whereabouts at crucial mo-
ments of enemy forces, the designs upon
each other of Saigon's coup-makers.
But the fact still is that In the main, and
at the time that it matters most, the deci-
sionmakers don't really know what they are
talking about. They are largely in the dark
about the enemy and not much more solidly
informed about supposed friends. They
have only a remote sense of the sentiment
of the Vietnamese populace, a fleeting feel
for the course the conflict is taking or may
take.
"WE'RE BLIND"
Not that they seriously pretend, at least in
private, to anything else. "We're blind,"
confessed one top military commander in
Saigon, speaking of the U.S. combat intelli-
gence capability. "With all this power, we're
like a.man fumbling around in a dark closet
trying to catch a mouse."
And not that avisiting reporter is neces-
sarily any better off. What he may, however,
be able to define somewhat more exactly than
a visting U.S. dignitary may be able to, on
his formal, official rounds, is the dimension
of the intelligence gap. In attempting to
do so, what is also revealed are some of the
bureaucratic idiosyncrasies and impediments
that may be making the gap somewhat wider
than it has to be.
What appears to have happened, in the
course of escalating the American effort in
this hideously complicated, many-faceted
war, is that the United States has hastily
jerry-built a hideously complicated, many-
faceted behemoth of a bureaucracy. The
men at the very top, who must make the big
decisions, are removed not once or twice but
many times from their lower-level minions
whose firsthand, frontline contact with the
shadowy, essentially local Vietnam struggle
makes them uniquely sensitive to what's
really going on.
To a degree, this can't be helped; intelli-
gence is always a headache in guerrilla war;
bureaucracy balloons whenever governmen-
tal activity grows rapidly. But it is hard to
escape the conclusion that a real effort to
streamline the multiple chains of command
and channels of information might well make
the policymakers a little less remote from
the realities. Granted, the upshot then
might sometimes be greater, not less, un-
certainty at the top. But a greater willing-
ness to concede uncertainty might be useful
in itself, if it served to restrain those who
would have the United States plunge Into
deeper involvement in the struggle.
As it is, a rough rule of thumb applies:
The further you proceed from Washington's
policymaking peaks, down through the bu-
reaucratic jungle in Saigon, past the pains-
takingly prepared, richly documented "brief-
ings" and on out into the countryside, the
more you are likely to encounter candor, a
questioning spirit, honest diversity of view.
The more you also encounter genuine, close-
up expertise.
Ultimately, the richest lode is found at the
bottom of the bureaucratic pile, among a
small but growing band of youthful Ameri-
can political warriors. Some are military of-
ficers, others budding diplomats, or foreign
aid operatives, or U.S. Information Agency
officers. Their diverse official auspices are
less important than the qualities they share:
At least some fluency in Vietnamese, for ex-
ample; deep dedication and a scholar's ap-
proach to the new arts of counterinsurgency;
a real zeal for hazardous frontline duty in
remote hamlets; a remarkable grasp of all
the interrelated military, political, economic
and psychological elements of the Vietnam
conflict, to an extent unmatched almost any-
where along the chain of command, except
perhaps at the very top.
Thus, some of the keenest insights are
the farthest removed, by rank or reach, from
the men who need them most. Moreover,
something funny happens to low-level expert
counsel on its way up the bureaucratic
heights. It gets tailored for political com-
fort, or to fit. preconceptions. For example,
last year U.S. officials built an impressive
case against bombing North Vietnam on
grounds that the war in South Vietnam was
largely a homegrown affair, which probably
would rage on even without Hanoi's outside
help. This year, with the decision to "bomb
north" already made, a new case was con-
structed, along the lines that everything
would be quite manageable in the-south were
It not for Hanoi's outside help and guidance.
The justification, however-stepped-up infil-
tration and other assistance from the
north-was difficult to document and, at best,
a difference only In degree.
20649
CATCHWORDS ANDS CLICHES
As information makes Its way inexorably
toward the President's desk it also gets con-
densed for quick comprehension; it gets re-
duced to catchwords - or cliches, or
committed to computers for display in glib
statistics or graphic charts. No matter how
carefully qualified and unsusceptible to gen-
eralities the original judgment may have
been, the end product may have the appear-
ance of unquestioned truth.
Combat casualties are a case in point. Ac-
cording to military authorities, the Air Force
estimates the effects of its bombing attacks
by a highly involved computation based on
the area hit, the number of people that
must have been in it, the number of bombs
that should have landed in it. "Then they
put those two unknowns together, come up
with an apparent 'known,' and ship the fig-
ure off weekly to Washington," says one
Saigon officer despairingly.
The very nomenclature of the enemy tends
to mislead. As the U.S. Government would
have it, the Vietcong are all Red, all under
Hanoi's thumb and not engaged in promot-
ing anything remotely resembling revolu-
tionary causes that might just have some
measure of popular sympathy. Few people
on the scene snare that view; but their care-
ful qualifications, which might someday be-
come the basis for coming to terms with at
least some elements of the enemy, are, even
If accepted privately, certainly not conceded
publicly by policymakers here.
Oversimplification, for the sake of mak-
ing a political case, is no novelty. Nor
does the high command privately pretend,
as one of their number puts it, "not to
know how little we know." A veteran Saigon
hand Is the first to admit that he is some-
times "appalled at the sort of information on
which I had to advise the President." But
if this is frank, It's hardly reassuring, and a
couple of caveats are suggested by a study of
the Vietnam intelligence void.
First, the illusion of knowledge can be
Infectious. As the United States stakes more
and more on the Vietnam struggle, it may be
all too easy to forget the struggle remains
a rather uncertain, unpredictable game of
chance; the knowledge gap is not necessarily
narrowed by the arrival of another division
of U.S. troops. Advocates of caution, then,
have every right to claim this as a com-
pelling argument.
Second, the fundamental requirement for
intelligence puts a very real and practical
limit on any effort to Americanize the war.
In Congress and elsewhere, there are in-
creasing cries that the time has come for
U.S. forces to elbow the South Vietnamese
aside and take over. But even if this
concept were practical on other grounds, it
collapses when you consider the intelligence
need. In the last analysis, a cooperative
Vietnamese populace, and an army reason-
ably loyal to the Saigon government and
committed to the ccopnflict, together hold the
key to "finding and fixing" the enemy; at
that point, U.S. firepower can possibly be
brought to bear. But language barriers, not
to mention the simple fact of being foreign,
make it quite impossible for the Americans
by themselves to flush out the Vietcong, ex-
cept by such Indiscriminate force that pop-
ular support would be alienated irretrievably
and the whole point of the exercise lost.
THE THREAT OF PASSIVITY
This, then, is the real key to turning the
tide in this political war. In the opinion
of almost every expert on the scene, one
of the gravest threats to. U.S. aims is passiv-
ity; most Vietnamese have no reason to
care. They will bend with the wind, whether
it be Vietcong terror or Vietcong blandish-
ments. The only real hope is that they can
somehow be persuaded to bend to Saigon,
and this, In the judgment of most, will re-
quire some more tangible display of Govern-
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meat interest in their lot than destruction of
their villages in quest of Vietcong.
It will take a long, patient, difficult Gov-
ernment program of social and political re-
form, skillfully promoted and stage managed
by the United States-but from the wings.
Done convincingly, as an adjunct to military
security measures, the theory is, this can
break the vicious circle that now makes
physical security a prerequisite of collabora-
tion with the Government in furnishing In-
telligence and makes timely intelligence a
prerequisite to security. This wouldn'tset-
tle the war; but it might help set the stage
for settlement.
For the United States, this means a greater
effort to develop the particular blend of
political, military, displomatic, and economic
expertise -required to work effectively with
the Government-in Saigon, at province
headquarters, at district and village level.
And this, in turn, many U.S.authorities be-
lieve, can be done not only by pooling indi-
vidual U.S. agency talents in cumbersome
collective efforts but by encouraging expan-
sion of that breed of American political war-
rior in whom all these special talents are
combined.
Sow this is already, happening, and why
it may not be happening as fast as It could,
Will be the subject of another report on the
question of how Washington's hard pressed
policymakers might be brought Into closer
contact with the day-Ao-day complexities
and realities of Vietnasrj's war. }
GENERALS TAVtOI1 AND WHEELER:
E LAl1ATION OF U.S. MILITARY
TACTICS IN VTETNAM
Mr. PROXMIRE. - Mr. President, I
have been asked repeatedly by Wiscon-
sin constituents, when I 'have been hl
the State and in correspondence, why we
have to make war on the Vietnamese,
Why do we burn villages, who do we use
the terrible weapons of death-including
liquid fire and bombing. These are sen-
sitive, sincere people asking these ques-
tions. They deserve answers.
In the splendid CBS series on Vietnam,
top correspondents Cronkite, Kalischer,
and Reasoner interviewed two of the
men most expert and responsible on
these subjects: Ambassador Maxwell'
Taylor and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, Gen. Earle Wheeler. The
questions were tough and searching.
They were based on firsthand knowl-
edge of the CBS correspondents.
These television broadcasts are unfor-
tunately transient. Their impact is more
potent than any communication media
had ever been but the message fades and
disappears rapidly. To preserve the re-
vealing replies of Taylor and Wheeler in
this perplexing situation, I ask unani-
mous consent that the transcript of this
broadcast be printed in the RECORD at
this point.
There being no objection, the tran-
script was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
CBS NEWS SPECIAL REPORT-VIETNAM
PERSPECTIVE: "HOW WE CAN WIN"
(As broadcast over the CBS television net-
work, Monday, Aug. 16, 1965, 10 to 11 p.m.,
e.d.t.; participants-former Ambassador
Gen. Maxwell Taylor; Gen. Earle G.
Wheeler, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff; reporters--CPS news correspondent
Walter Cronkite, CBS news correspondent
Peter Kalischer, CBS news correspondent
Harry Reasoner)
Mr. REASoNER. Across from me sit two men.
high on the councils of the Government and
they have played major roles in directing our
military and diplomatic efforts in Vietnam.
Recently back from Saigon, this is our former
Ambassador to South Vietnam, Maxwell Tay-
lor, whose distinguished career includes lead-
ing parachutists into Normandy and heading
our forces in $orea. He was also Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Next to him is Gen. Earle G. Wheeler, the
present Chairman of the Joints Chiefs of
Staff who was in charge of all U.S. military
operations. And seated with me are two
CBS news colleagues, Walter Cronkite, who
is just back from Vietnam, where he re-
ported on our forces in the field. and Peter
Kaltscher, who has covered Vietnam and Asia
longer than any other correspondent,
We are talking today at the Pentagon and
I'd like to begin by asking a basic question.
How can our troops fight a jungle war against
an unseen enemy on the Asian mainland and
produce a traditional victory? Perhaps each
general could comment briefly on this, before
we go into detail on the current U.S. build-
up. General Taylor?
General TAYLOR. I don't think you sug-
gest by that question that our troops are
taking over the jungle war in southeast Asia
as their own war. We all know that our
forces are going there to supplement and
assist the Vietnamese forces who have been
in this jungle battle for 10 to 11 years.
There are 550,000 to 600,000 men under arms
of the Vietnamese most of whom are thor-
oughly trained. They are accustomed to the
environment. They know the problems of
guerrilla warfare. They know how to get
intelligence as well as intelligence can be
procured in this difficult situation. So our
people will go to assist in this guerrilla war-
fare according to their capabilities and ac-
cording to the situation. Now I wouldn't
suggest for a moment, also, that guerrilla
warfare is contrary to the tradition of the
American Armed Forces. Certainly our
Army has been in guerrilla warfare in many
situations; in the time of the Revolution, in
the Civil War, in the Indian wars, so that
the recognition of guerrilla warfare as an
accepted form of combat for which we should
be prepared is written into the-into the
training of the American forces and has been
for a century. Now I think your last point
was how will we achieve a victory. I think
we ought to hold that off until a later dis-
cussion, because what does one mean by vic-
tory in this very complex situation in South
Vietnam. I think we could profit well by
discussing that as a later topic. Now let me
pass the rest of the question to General
Wheeler.
General WHEELER. During World War D:,
the U.S. Army added some 45 battle and cam-
paign streamers to the Army flag. Over half
of those were won in the Pacific and some of
them--a number of them-at such places as
Guadalcanal, New Guinea, and in the Philip-
pines. Admittedly, the guerrilla warfare dur-
ing World War II was not a major portion of
the war or a major aspect of the war. It was
somewhat more formal. However, the enemy
was busily engaged in being as difficult as he
possibly could be and our troops operated, as
you know, most successfully on those occa-
sions.
Mr. CRoNxITE. General Wheeler, having
just been out there and having had my first
look at South Vietnam, it strikes me that this
is really a lot of little wars through this en-
tire area south of the 17th parallel. The jun-
gles, the highlands, the rice paddies to the
south, a Japanese garden of little sections
through the whole thing. How do we go
about, in our grand strategy, meeting the
enemy over this wide terrain of-I know
you've got a map back there. Maybe you
could show us the general picture before we
get into detail?
General WHEELER. Well, perhaps we ought
to take a moment and examine the country
that we are talking about. This is South
Vietnam. This banana-shaped piece of ter-
rain. It's some 720 miles, I guess, sort of a
big are, from the 17th parallel down to the
Gulf of Siam. Here at the demarcation zone,
the 17th parallel, the country is about 40
miles wide. Down here, it, runs up to such
distances of perhaps 120 miles. The country
is quite varied. You can see the mountain
ranges through here. There are ridges and
ranges up in this area which go over 5,000
feet. In this axek, there's one peak reported,
that's not verified, to rise to over 10,000 feet.
Down in here, there are ridges that rise 7,000
feet. And you'll notice that in many places,
the mountains march right down to, or close
to the sea. The population of this country is
about 141/2, million people, divided ethnically
by region and by religious sects, into many
smaller groupings. You have the bulk of the
population living along the coast in these
green areas where the mountains do not ex-
ist, in the Saigon area and in the delta, in a
broad belt across here. To the south down
in here, you do have the low marshy lands
out by a great many waterways either natural
or canals. As a- matter of fact, I understand
there are some 4,500 miles of navigable water-
ways for-some of them for quite sizable
craft, in this area. Obviously then, you're
going to have a different war in many areas.
Up in here, you have a heavily wooded moun-
tain area. In many places, you have. a rain
forest with two or three canopies rising 100,
120 feet into the air. Down here, It's rela-
tively open and marshy, except over in the
Plain of Reeds. You're going to have, I would
say, Mr. Cronkite, a number of differences in
how the troops on the ground will operate.
Mr. CRONxiTE. What is . different about
what we are doing, or planning to do, than
what has been attempted there before by the
French and the Vietnamese themselves before
us? Why do we have any greater hope of suc-
cess with our operations than they have had
with theirs?
General WHEELER. I think that the French
operation was somewhat different than ours
in its basic concept. You had an expedition-
ary force which in effect was engaged in an
attempt to hold or reconquer areas of the
country to restore it as a part of colonial
France.
General TAYLon. In the case of the French,
the French were the basic force trying to
impose colonial rule upon South Vietnam.
They had auxiliaries who were South Viet-
namese. Just the reverse is true now. The
main force-there were 500,000 South Viet-
namese who are fighting this war and we
are supplementing them.
Mr. K&LIsCHER. Would you say though that
this was their war, or Isn't this getting more
and more to be our war?
General TAYLOR. Not In the slightest.
This Is their war. We want it to stay that
way.
Mr. REASONER. It seemed to me, General
Wheeler, that you were giving an almost
classic description at the map of the kind
of place you don't want to fight a war. Your
predecessors, of both you gentlemen in your
office, have said--well, General MacArthur
said, "No sane man would get into a war like
this" in general. Does this represent a
change in policy that you're forced to live
with, or do you-have you changed-is it
possible you can win it?
General WHEE:.ER. Mr. Reasoner, I would
say this. I don't want to fight a war any-
where. Here, or elsewhere.
General TAYLOR. There are no good places
for war.
General WHEELER. There are no good
places, I agree, Mr. Ambassador. The fact of
the matter is, the enemy is attempting-
when I say this, the Vietcong, supported
amply by the North Vietnamese and in the
background by the Chinese Communists-he
has decided to fight in South Vietnam and if
we don't oppose him there, that is the
South Vietnamese and ourselves, they're go-
ing to take over that area. NoW-yes, if I
didn't think that we could prevail in this
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war, I assure you that I would never have General TAYLOR. Not clear. Obviously Ha- training programs both in China and in the
supported the increase.in the American forces not very determinedly is saying nothing and Soviet .Union for-for North Vietnamese per-
there-one man, or one weapon. making brave sounds. I would expect that. sonnel.
General TAYLOR. I think we ought to go I would. not expect to see any visible signs, Mr. CRONKrrE. What Is the sum total of
back and find out realy what. we're trying to but anyone who looks at the map and sees evidence today as to foreign aid, interven-
accomplish there, because I am always struck the destruction caused certainly would be tion, or what not in the war in Vietnam?
by the fact we're talking about the military convinced that this is having a vast im- General WHEELER. Well, the evidence that
aspect and that's only a small fraction of pact. You might be wanting to talk about we have Indicates that the aid has been sub-
the overall problem. impact. stantial. For example, the main force Viet-
Mr. REASONER. Nevertheless, the point is Mr. KALISCHER. What about the SAM sites? cong units in South Vietnam, some 70,000 of
made again and again that before we can win General WHEELER, I might talk about two them at least, in recent months have been
the hearts and minds that we must give the points here If I may, as long as I'm up. completely equipped with a different family
people security. It's been mentioned already. First, the first being that we have, by our of weapons, Chinese made, incidentally from
General WHEELER. Quite true. air strikes, broken the lines of communica- Russian models, and excellent weapons, au-
Mr. REASONER. And if that's not possible, tion where you see the X's on these roads tomatic in many cases. They use a 7.62-
you can't-you can't proceed. and railroads. As you probably remember, millimeter ammunition, which is unobtain-
General TAYLOR. But related to this in the the primary. highway runs right up -the coast able in South Vietnam. It has to be im-
country program of so defeating the Vietcong and so does the-the railroad. The railroad, ported, and is not made, as far as I know, in
that security can be restored is the question however, came only south from Hanoi as North Vietnam either and certainly the weap-
of how to stop the intervention from Hanoi far as the town of Vinh, a little bit below. ons aren't. Also, the surface-to-air missiles,
and the flow of equipment, so that leads into Now this doesn't represent all the disruption which we were just discussing, came from
the air aspect. to the. LOC's. Now the question-how suc- out of country. And others-other items as
Mr. KALISCHER. How do you stop the flow cessful has this been? Well I cite Soviet well. I speak particularly of-of conven-
of equipment? You've got 1,600 miles of colleagues of yours, gentlemen, who appar- tional triple A, antiaircraft artillery, tube ar-
coastline and you've got two bleeding borders ently on a broadcast in Moscow the other tillery. None of this is made In-North
with Laos and Cambodia. And as you know, night told of the disruption in the North Vietnam.
General, Mr. Ambassador, in-in Korea, and said, among other things, that the job Mr. KALLSCHER. Sir-
where you were in command, there was a of truckdriver in North Vietnam is regarded Mr. CRONKITE. Could I ask one more on
three-quarters of a million-man army fac- today as a heroic occupation. While. I'm that direct area? What about personnel in
ing us on a conventional front of 130 miles, here, I might point out similar things that this form of advisers?
and we knew every road and every trail lead- the Vietcong have done in South Vietnam, General WHEELER. We have--we have no
ing up to the Yalu River and we had com- and one of the great problems out there evidence despite what you hear from time to
plete domination of the air and we bombed which I'm sure the Ambassador would like time, that there are any advisers with the
it from hell to breakfast and that never to expound on a little further. These X's Vietcong in South Vietnam. The most fre-
stopped the supplies coming down to that here also indicate where they have dis- quent rumor that you hear, that there are
army rupted roads and railroads. The black dots Chinese there. Well, I forgot to say a mo-
General TAYLOR. Well you're quite right. mark provincial and district towns which ment ago, that of the about 1,800,000 people
This is a very tough problem and we have are intermittently isolated from the rest of in Saigon, or in the Saigon area, about a third
not licked it yet. However, I am encouraged the country by ground line of communica- are of Chinese descent, and I would expect
by the fact we are using different methods tions. You can always get in by air. Some- that you would find among the Vietcong, cer-
than what we did in Korea. There's no sane- times you cannot get in by truck. The SAM tain people of Chinese descent, who look Chi-
tuary north of the Yalu in this situation. sites are shown on this chart here, arranged nese. We've never seen a Chinese adviser in
That decision has been taken last February in a sort of a ring around Hanoi- South Vietnam. Now, I accept that-that in
and the air campaign is having an effect, Mr. REASONER. May I explain for laymen North Vietnam, you undoubtedly have Chi-
not a complete effect, of course, in suppress- who might not remember, SAM stands for nese advisers, and no doubt a number of
ing infiltration, but it's certainly making it what, surface to air missile? Soviet advisers or technicians of one kind or
much tougher for that infiltration. General WHEELER. Surface to air missiles, another.
Mr. KALIscuEa. How effective is that aerial Mr. REASONER. The Russian installed or Mr. KALISCHER. I remember that Secretary
war? And I understand that there's been a Soviet built- Rusk made a statement during the Cuban
reevaluation of-been asked for on the General WHEELER. They're Soviet built, crisis of a few years ago, that we were eyeball
bombing, north and south? I believe that's they are the SA-2, which is a standard So- to eyeball with the Soviet Union, and the
correct? viet surface to air missile. Russians blinked. Who would you say we
General WHEELER. Reevaluation by whom, Mr. KALISCHER. How effective are they, and are eyeball to eyeball with basically in this
Mr. Kalischer? This is news to me. how effective could they be against our confrontation, the Chinese, the Russians, the
. Mr. KALISCHER. Well, I had heard that and bombing in. North Vietnam? South Vietnamese Vietcong, the North Viet-
that- General WHEELER. Well, they're-they're a namese?
Mr. CRONKITE.. Well, we'll make news on good weapon, as we know. As a matter of General TAYLOR. Well, of course, we are not
this program even if Mr. Kalischer has to do fact, we have lost a couple of aircraft to eyeball to eyeball with anyone directly. It's
it. [Laughter.] them. They are roughly comparable to our really the question is, with whom is the
General TAYLOR. Let me first-I'll answer Nike-Hercules surface-to-air missile. Inci- South Vietnamese Government eyeball to
the first part and perhaps he can have the dentally, you might be interested in seeing a eyeball with, and I would-my answer would
other part. picture here of one of the Soviet surface-to- be basically Hanoi, as Hanoi is the source of
Mr. KALISCHER. Yes- air missile sites, taken fairly recently. Down the Vietcong strength. The Vietcong pro-
General TAYLOR. Why are we having-why here you can see a missile, here you can see vide the men on the battlefield, but the de-
is the air campaign-what's the purpose of the cable crossings which connect the missile cisions, the basic strength comes out of
it? There are three purposes, duly an- Itself to the radars, the control radars, sit- North Vietnam, so it's the problem of con-
nounced, clearly thought through before ting back in-in a very lightly rebedded area, vincing the leaders of Hanoi, rather than
embarking upon this program. The first with the vans camouflaged. This is a sort of convincing leaders of the Vietcong of the
was to give the South Vietnamese people the a standard configuration for this type of-of impossibility of final success. Now, I rec-
sense of being able to strike back for the surface-to-air missile. ognize that behind Hanoi is Peiping, and to
first time against the Source of all their evil, Mr. REASONER. We have bombed two of some degree Moscow, but their direct in-
namely, North Vietnam. And I can assure those so far, is that correct? fluence on the decisions in Hanoi are far
you the psychological effect, the morale ef- General WHEELER. That's right. from clear.
feet of this decision was most visible Mr. REASONER. And not since the second Mr. KALISCHER. Do you think that if we
throughout all of South Vietnam-military downing of the plane. stepped up our military stake in this, that
and civilians alike. The second-the second General WHEELER. That's correct. there-that the Chinese would come in?
purpose I've already alluded to-to reduce, Mr. KALISCHER. Is that one of them that we General TAYLOR. I don't think so. Not
not to eliminate Infiltration. We know air have bombed? as long as we do not actually attack Red
can't eliminate infiltration any more than General WHEELER. This one is a recent pic- China. I think what we're doing now is cer-
it could in-in Korea. On the third point, ture. tainly within the ground rules of-of rea-
and perhaps the most important in the long Mr. CRONKITE. General, do we have any evi- sonable prudence insofar as inviting the in-
pull, is to remind the leaders in Hanoi, the dence as to who is operating those sites? tervention of either the Chinese or the Soviet
men who are making the decisions, who can General WHEELER. Not at all, not at all. Union.
stop the infiltration, that unless they do not Mr. CRONKITE. Is it possible the North Mr. WHEELER. I share that view; I share
cease their aggression, they're going to pay Vietnamese could have been trained to do his view.
an increasing price to the point that the this? Mr. CRONKITE. What is keeping, or will
game is just not worth this kind of-this General WHEELER. I would think that in keep Peiping out of this war, if we seem to
kind of loss. the period of time that's elapsed that cer- be winning it?
Mr. CRONKITE. What does our intelligence tainly they could have been trained for this General TAYLOR. Self-interest. Self-inter-
indicate on that third point? What's hap- purpose, or substantially trained for this est. Fear of consequences.
pened in North Vietnam? purpose. We know that there have been great, they are very great. They're very
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20652 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE August 24, 1965
Mr. REASONER. This recurrent theme, ground action of both sides which creates a situation such as this. Remember, the
which came up In this last answer, about most of the destruction. That is a very un- Marines lost four men killed and a number
supporting the South Vietnamese, and really happy situation, a most regrettable one, but wounded in this action; they were dealing
merely being there as allies to help them out, it's been true in every war in history. I can with a hard-core enemy, determined again
brings up the question that concerns a lot just look back at Europe and think of the de- to stop them. They had several men
of Americans, that we seem to have picked a vastated, Completely leveled cities, friendly wounded in the village. And I would say
loser. That under, as far as the South Viet- cities, friendly cities in France, for example, this: General Westmoreland, his senior com-
namese are concerned, the situation has devastated by the conditions of World War manders-I think you know General Walsh,
steadily deteriorated, there's some question II. So this is not something new; it's just the Marine commander up there-these are
about how many people in the country even an unhappy fact of warfare. not only fine, fine officers, they happen to
know there Is a government in Saigon. Is General WHEELER. I'd like to expand on be fine men. They're not arsonists at heart,
this going to prevent us from winning or that, because you spoke of Cam Ne. Actually, but they are-they are fighting a very dim-
from gaining our kind of unconventional on July 12, when the Marines first moved in cult war, and they're trying to do it the
victory? there, the district chief urged the Marines right way, protecting their--their own men,
General TAYLOR. Of course, I don't think to raze the ground-the town to the ground, letting their men defend themselves, and
there's much glory in running to a cause because he said it was a known totally Viet- at the same time, taking due account of the
that really doesn't need much help. It's cong hamlet. They didn't do it. They lost hazards and the risks to the civilian popula-
quite true, we are on the side that has very three marines killed and four wounded, I tion who unfortunately get caught to any
tough problems, but they're problems that think, as they moved through the village war.
can be resolved, and we have the resources In and cleared it out. Now, to bear out what Mr. REASONER. In two areas I would like to
my judgment to reach a final resolution. Ambassador Taylor said, there were some 51 get your estimate of the Vietcong: first, as
The attitude of the South Vietnamese peo- buildings destroyed in the town of Cam Ne. a military estimate, and, second, what this
ple, I know, creates concern among many of Fifty of them were destroyed by ground fire. must be pretty rough on him. lie's been
our citizens. Are they really-is their heart The tracer bullets, grenades and what not, fighting 20 years now. They can't all be
really in their work? Well, I have no doubt- set fire to things and they burned. So, this trained agents of Moscow. How does this
I have no difficulty in answering positively was not an air strike that destroyed this happen that they go on fighting so well so
"Yes," they do have their heart in their work village, this was actually the ground weap- long Mr. Ambassador?
and I think the record speaks for itself. ons that destroyed it. General TAYLOR. Well, as you suggest, there
The fact that for 11 years, the South Viet- Mr. KALIsCHER. General, I hate to-to is a hard core which has been trained for
namesehave been fighting against the Viet- quote our own correspondent against your 10 years, and knows nothing but this.
cong, and refusing to accept any-any ac- information, which I'm sure is good. But They're beyond redemption. They represent
commddation with the Vietcong; the fact on-there's been considerable flap over the some 40,000 of the so-called firstline units.
that the first-in 1954, you recall, they had Cam Ne incident, and Morley Safer has ca- But as guerrillas, as assistants--sometimes
the choice of either coming under Com- bled in what I consider, and what we all con- part time, too-they, have many-manly
munist rule or being under free rule, and eider, a pretty factual account. There were young men now frequently impressed into
by a vote of 10 to 1, a ratio of 10 to 1, the more, he Said, than 50 huts burned, and he the service-ages down as low as 15-who do
North came South, rather than go to Com- personally saw at least 20 of them put to have very, very spotty morale. We find this
munist rule in the North. In other words, the match by a cigarette lighter. out In interrogation of prisoners. We see
about a million refugees came out of North General WHEELER. That doesn't agree with also that the heavy losses is making it more
Vietnam to be in the South, only about my information, Mr. Kalischer. I'll rest on and more difficult for the Vietcong to recruit
80,000 went out of the South to be in the that. locally. The evidence is that they're bring-
North. Now we have other indicators, Mr. REASONER. Well, certainly, whether- ing more and more North Vietnamese, ethnic
which show the depth of commitment of the whatever happened in this particular inci- North Vietnamese--who have never set foot
Vietnamese people; the internal movement dent, you're going to have problems in rela- in South Vietnam. Now, their performance,
of population. Throughout this period, tions between American soldiers and ma- both professional performance and their
whenever they-Whenever the Vietcong rines, and the Vietnamese. Doesn't that morale--reaction to the situation, is cer-
pressure has mounted in a new region, there's again decrease the odds on victory? tainly going to be unfavorable to the Viet-
been- a flow of refugees out of that area to General TAYLOR. You're going back to the cong's cause.
avoid falling under their domination. The point that we're alienating the population. We have a final indication of wavering
total number runs 000,000 to 700,000, perhaps I don't think so in a broad sense. i think morale. I wouldn't overstate it, but some
who have actually moved. And we see abso- these people, they're hard realists. They deterioration In morale in the increased num-
lutely no sign of a similar movement from have seen war for 10 to 20 years.. They know bars of ralliers who come in in response to
Government-controlled territory into Viet- whose side is fighting for their cause, and the open arms program. They desert, defect,
cosig'-eontroned territory. while they unhappily take these, the in- and come to the Government's side. This is
running something over a thousand a month.
Mr. planation in Might there not be area he- suitable losses that go with being in a poste Now, very few of those are hard core, the
the the fact that when an area be- tion of an area of combat, nonetheless, we old, tough type, but certainly those who are
comma Completely under Vietcong control, we have seen no indication that our military on the fringes, so to speak, they are coming
exercise rather unlimited aerial warfare action is alienating the population. In con- more rthan in the past.
more readily eads I hate to seem to be the
against that section of the country, and it's trast, what are we saving them from? The across
Mr. KALxscHYR. just common sense for those people who intolerable impositions of the Vietcong. In- devil's advocate on these questions all. the
don't-who are not particularly engaged in tolerable In the sense they impress their time, but it's been my experience that in a
my experience Vietnam between
the fighting to get out and come over to our sons in the military service, Often against straight-out battle in
side, where the bombs aren't fa111ng7 their will. They kill the officials in the vii- Government troops, wiSouth
th the possible excep-
General TAYLOR. I wouldn't attribute this lages; they kidnap anyone who might be of tion of a few elite battalions, it takes two
to the bombs. I would say that in any. area any use; they impose prohibitively high Government battalions to stand up to a good,
Where war goes on, and it's the ground war taxes and end up by confiscating large-- hard-core Vietcong battalion, and that is
that Is far more destructive than the air large parts of the rice crop. Now, this is a with the full complement of aerial support,
war, that any citizen is unhappy and for ob- pretty tough life and when you contrast which the other side hasn't got. Also, since
vions reasons. And he intends to go some that kind of--of unhappy existence with we've been killing them at about the rate of
place, but he doesn't go deeper into Viet- the casualties of battle, I think you'll find 25,000 a year for the last 3 years, according
cong territory, he comes to the government most of the peasants will say, rd rather run to statistics, where do they recruit them
side, which I think is a very important point, the chance of battle if I can be free, and if from?
Mr. CRoNSrrE. Now, last week we had this security will last. General TAYLOR. Let's go back to the first
episode of the-of the burning of Caul We Mr. CROxxrrE. General, just to put a period point and I will turn the second one over
by the Marines up there. And, certainly, to the Cam Ne thing. Have any orders gone to General Wheeler.
whether this was justified from a military out that specifically forbid this kind of an We do need more than one battalion to
standpoint or not, how are we going to win operation such as Cam Ne? I mean, putting fight one battalion because we are trying to
these people to our side, when this-this the torch to a village? box in and destroy this-the enemy. Hence,
sort of thing goes on whether it's a military General WHEELER. In the first place, I we need three or four to close all the ave-
neceasity or an unfortunate accident? don't agree that the village was deliberately nues of retreat. Hence, we should have a
General TAYLOR. Well, first let me go back burned. In the second place, General West- very high preponderance of strength in terms
to a point you made at the outset, that moreland, a long time ago, a month and a of battalions, or in terms of individuals, to
bombing of villages. The bombing of vil- half ago, recognized the problems that could Cope adequately with the situation.
lages almost never occurs. Villages are de- possibly arise in this type of operation, and You can take over the question of casual-
stroyed, yes, they suffer very severe losses, enjoined all of his senior commanders to ties.
but It's generally from ground action. I can exercise the utmost of judgment and pru- General WHEELER. Well, I would just say
hardly think, I don't think offhand of any dence in dealing with situations of this kind. that military planning factors, if you are
time we've deliberately taken a village as a I think we must recognize that there are going to attack, you always want a prepon-
bombardment target. - Sometime, unfortu- two sides to this as there usually is to every- derance of at least 2, and preferably S to I
nately, in the uncertainty of the-of thelo- thing. And I happen to be very much con- if you expect your attack to be successful;
cation, villages have been bombed, but it's cerned about what happens to our troops in otherwise, you may get yourself a bloody nose.
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Where are these people coming from? We
have evidence over the past several years of
the infiltration of at least 40,000 from North
Vietnam, and one element is-at least one
regiment of about 1,200 to 1,400 men, I would
think, of the 325th North Vietnamese Divi-
sion.
You spoke of the casualty figures. The
early casualty figures, going back to 1981-62,
I, myself, discount very heavily. However, as
the number of our own American advisers
In the field with Vietnamese units has In-
creased, our information Is much better, and
I believe that our latest figures are reasonably
accurate. At least they show the trend.
They give the difference in losses between the
Vietcong and the Vietnamese. At the present
time, these losses are running about 2 to
1 in favor of the Vietnamese forces.
Now, you can say that this is a function of
mobility and a greater firepower, and I would
agree with you. This is precisely what it is.
There is a recruiting program going on In
South Vietnam, as well as the infiltration
from the north. Ambassador Taylor spoke
of young men being impressed into service.
As a matter of fact, this is one of the great
dissatisfactions of the Vietnamese peasant
with the Vietcong: the fact that he's hauled
away from his family, from his village, and
taken off into the boondocks. someplace to
fight for people that he doesn't like anyway;
and many of them desert, and when they do
desert, as the Ambassador said, they usually
desert to the government.
Mr. KALISCHER. What is the desertion rate?
What is the desertion rate between the Viet-
cong and the government forces? How does
that stand up?
General WHEELER. Well, as of right now,
as Ambassador Taylor said, the ralliers coming
to the government's side average about 1,000
a month. We have no way of estimating the
number of Vietcong impressees who instead
of coming back to the government, wend
their, way back to their native villages and
hide 'out to escape the Vietcong. At one
time, the desertion rate within the Vietna-
mese forces was running as high as about
10,000 a month. This has been somewhat
better recently, and hopefully, it will con-
tinue to go down as they improve their pro-
grams to take care of the soldiers and their
families. Some reforms, as a matter of fact,
which have been long overdue, I believe, in-
cluding an increase in pay.
Mr. KALISCHER. 10,000 a month from the
Vietnamese forces versus 1,000-
General TAYLOR. Oh, no. Hold everything.
General WHEELER. Hold everything.
General TAYLOR. There's a very important
difference here. The desertions from the
Vietnamese forces is to go back to the farm.
We have very little indication of desertion-
defection to the enemy. We don't know the
factor which corresponds with that desertion
rate in the North Vietnamese forces. We
know the defector rate, so we have to dis-
tinguish those two sources.
Mr. REASONER. What's your military esti-
mate of the Vietcong as a soldier? One of
your generals, talking to Walter Cronkite in
Vietnam, said, I think, that he thought he
was a "bum" and a "coward." Is that the
IT S. Army estimate?
General WHEELER. No. I don't know what
gentleman said this. To give you a quote,
the captured Vietcong field order-I believe
the battle of Dongxoal-regimental field or-
der-and General Westmoreland told me that
when he saw the translation, it might have
been written by a graudate of the Command
and General Staff College at Fort Leaven-
worth.
General TAYLOR. I saw the order; I agree.
Gneeral WHEELER. And you agreed, I be-
lieve. We have found, I think this is gen-
erally true, that the main force units are
well trained, well disciplined, and that they
plan well, and they attack vigorously in an
effort to carry out their mission. They seem
to be brave, or as brave as most men are.
I would say that the guerrilla forces, as you
would expect-I'm talking now about the
part-time types-you're not going to get this
order of performance. You're going to get
the spotty stuff of a group of men who will
shoot at you from behind a wall and then
disappear. You're not going to get the same
type of planning, nor the same type of per-
formance from them.
Mr. CRONKITE. General Wheeler, what is
our grand strategy out there now as far as
the employment of U.S. forces? General Cao
Ky, the Premier, said a couple of weeks ago
that he expected the Americans to get out
and hold the perimeter while the mopping-
up operations, the police operations, the
pacification, will be carried on by the Viet-
namese behind-I gather behind our perim-
eter defense. Is that the way you-
General WHEELER. Let me-let me turn to
this map again, if I might because I think-
as you know, and I know that Mr. Kalischer
at least has visited several of these places,
we are creating base areas here at Hue, Da
Nang, Quang Ngai, Qul Nhon, Nha Trang,
and oh, one or two other smaller places.
We have also a base area over here at Bien
Hoa. Now why are we establishing these
bases? In the first place, the line of com-
munication by road, as we know, is subject
to disruption at any time. Secondly, we
have to support our forces throughout the
country and preferably not by air, which is
an expensive way of furnishing sizable sup-
port over a period of time. So we need these
small ports-Da Nang, Quang Ngai and so
on, and one at Cam Ranh Bay, in order to
establish logistic complexes to support the
forces that we have in the country. In con-
junction with each of these places which I
mentioned, these base areas, we have con-
structed, or are constructing, airfields: These
for both combat and logistic purposes. Now
General Westmoreland has organized-and
I think Da Nang is a fine example-has or-
ganized these in such a way that
the forces as they come in are disposed
to protect these bases. This is the first
charge against them. Thereafter, they begin
to extend their area of Influence out from
the base area. As the forces have Increased,
he has started to use certain of his battalions,
not needed for the purpose I have just men-
tioned, to act in support of the Vietnamese
forces who are actually out finding and
fighting the enemy. I think you will recall
reading In recent weeks of two or three ac-
tions of which the 173d Airborne Brigade
have performed this function. So I would
say this. That, one, we must have our bases;
we must have airfields; we must defend
them. Thereafter, we can undertake cooper-
ative action. with the Vietnamese to defeat
the main force of Vietcong battalions.
Mr. KALISCHER. Don't we, sir, also some-
times airlift American troops to certain
strategic areas far from these bases in order
to shore up a situation that is getting out
of hand?
General WHEELER. You are absolutely
right, Mr. Kalischer, and I should have made
that more clear. This is a part of the co-
operative effort with the Vietnamese of
which I spoke. But, you are quite correct;
that we do airlift these people into where
the combat area is-where the combat is
either occurring or is expected to occur, so
that they can furnish support at need.
General TAYLOR. I think that this is prob-
ably going to be the most important and
most useful employment of our troops. Cer-
tainly, we don't contemplate what I gather
some people are talking about-sitting on
the coast and sitting out this war. Gen-
eral Westmoreland expects to use his troops
in the most advantageous way, to bring
this thing to a close.
Mr. REASONER. That-that brings up a
question. When President Johnson an-
nounced the buildup a couple weeks ago,
20653
Walter Lippmann then read into what the
President said a new choice or a choice of
a new strategy; that we were not going to
use a lot of troops; that we were going to
sit in our enclaves and be a thorn in the
side of the Communists and thus force
them to a decision. Is that-is that a fair
reading of what the President said?
General WHEELER. I didn't understand
him to say that.
General TAYLOR. Quite the contrary.
General WHEELER. Quite the contrary.
General TAYLOR. Mobile use as Peter
Kalischer just mentioned is one-probably
the most important employment we are go-
ing to find for these forces.
Mr. CRONKITE. In addition to the mobile
use, is this-from these bases we are es-
tablishing along there on the coast-is this
the spreading-oil-spot theory that we are
going to move out from those and continual-
ly press out in a search-and-clear-up opera-
tion?
General WHEELER. Well, you could liken it
to that. Every time-for example, we were
talking a while about about some marine ac-
tions in the vicinity of Da Nang. Now, what
they were doing is they are going out really
to protect their base because if the enemy is
allowed to build up around your base and
take you under fire at will you are in a very
bad spot. So you could call this the oil
spot theory, or the ink spot, I've heard it
called that. In other words, you may ac-
tually occupy a certain area, but your mili-
tary influence can be extended far beyond
that by an active patrolling and by move-
ment by helicopter and so on which Mr.
Kalischer mentioned.
General TAYLOR. I will make one observa-
tion which I think you will agree to, that
we are not going to try to hold terrain-
General WHEELER. No.
General TAYLOR (continuing). Per as. We
are going to use our firepower and mobility to
destroy, to assist in destroying the Vietcong
units; but the clearing, the holding, the
bringing in of the governmental agencies, to
assure the continual protection and the
growth, the reconstitution of a given area-
that clearly is a Vietnamese function. We
couldn't take it over and couldn't do it if
we tried.
General WHEELER. I do agree; I do agree
with that.
Mr. CRONKrrE. What will constitute vic-
tory in this fight in South Vietnam?
General TAYLOR. Well, I unfortunately
started this question, so I'd better answer it.
It will not, in my judgment, as I visualize
it, not be as in Malaysia, where in the last
months of the war they had reduced the
guerrillas to individuals. They knew their
names. They had their pictures. I went
into the commanding general's headquarters
and there were the pictures. These are the
guerrillas and we're going to catch them and
eventually did. The kind of operation we're
faced with, something like 140,000 guerrillas
in South Vietnam-obviously is not going to
yield to that kind of tailored technique-
hand-tailored technique. I would visualize
this as rather something that will come to
an end and victory should be defined as get-
ting Hanoi to lay off its neighbors. Once
that is accomplished, then a great deal of
the internal problems of South Vietnam will
fall away and leave something that can per-
haps be taken on as a reduced police kind
of operation. I could well visualize another,
a second partition of the population as took
place in 1954, where under a general am-
nesty, those who still wanted to go north
could be allowed to go north again, and those
who remained south could come forward
and be accepted back into the citizenship of
South Vietnam. I am thinking more in
those terms rather than the kind of termi-
nation-kind of victory that took place be-
fore-
Mr. CRONxrTE. Is there any reason why
Hanoi should negotiate that kind of a set-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = SENATE August 24, 1965
tiement? Isn't it conceivable that Hanoi General WHEELER. I would like to make a building up the Vietnamese forces and by
would simply say, "let's lay off the battalion- point there, if I might. I would think-in adding whatever is required of U.S. forces so
size operations. Let's take our formal troops fact, I do think, and not conditional at all-- that we can-to use General Wheeler's
back along the Ho Chi Minh trail just the that if we blunt this Vietcong-Hanoi sup- term-blunt and bloody the Vietcong forces
way we put them in and return this to a ported operation In South Vietnam, the in South Vietnam; simultaneously to con-
guerrilla war that could go on for 20 years?" chances of you having to go into other coun- duct the war-the air campaign against
General TAYLOR. I don't think so, because tries with the same type of aid are very, very North Vietnam to convince the leaders of
the guerrilla war could not be supportable remote. I think it demonstrable that this Hanoi that this is a losing operation and
without the outside aid from Hanoi. I think is the first of Mr. Khruslichev's wars of na- they must change their tactic; third, an area
the blow to the Vietcong-the Vietcong in tional liberation. Its been- seized upon by which we unfortunately have not talked
South Vietnam-if, Indeed, the aid of Hanoi the Chinese Communists and by the North about-the vast effort which is going on in
disappeared, would be critical to them. I Vietnamese, and they have started to use the political and economic field, to strength-
think there would be a great defection almost this tactic in South Vietnam. If it's de- en the Government in South Vietnam, to
at once. I'm not suggesting that this can feated, the chances of having another one bring some element of stability into a scene
end all with the ringing of a bell, let's say, or soon in the same area, I think, are quite where turbulence has been the rule, and at
the termination of negotiations, but the ne- small. But the reverse, I'm afraid, is also the same time maintain the economy, avoid
gottations can create conditions which cer- true. inflation in South Vietnam, so there can't be
tainly would permit the justified hope in a General TAYLOR. Yes. The importance of an internal collapse which I am sure still is
final, reasonable settlement. defeating this war of liberation is indeed on the hope list of the leaders of Hanoi.
Mr. KALLSCHER. Isn't it-- very great, and it is recognized by the other And finally, throughout all this, to main-
Mr. CRoNKrrE. Just a minute, Pete. side. I just happen to have a quotation from tain the open, clear position, we are ready
You've had the floor for a minute. If the General Giap, the commander in North Viet- to sit down and talk with any sincere search-
United States is not eyeball to eyeball, as nam, who phrases it from his point of view, er after peace. Now, that is the four-pronged
we're getting back to where we were -a mo- He says, "South Vietnam is the model of the program-strategy, I call it, going on. I think
ment ago, with the enemy, then would a national liberation movement of our time. it is a sound strategy. I think it has a reason-
South Vietnamese capitulation, since they're If the special warfare that the U.S. imperial- able chance of success. I am sure it will not
eyeball to eyeball with Hanoi, be acceptable lets are testing in South Vietnam (our re- take 20 years to convince Hanoi that, indeed,
to the United States? sistance to wars of liberation-if that re- this is a losing operation when each month
General TAYLOR. The South Vietnamese- sistance on our part is overcome) then it (our that picture should be clearer In the minds
there isn't going to be a South Vietnamese resistance) can be defeated everywhere in the of the gentlemen that sit in that country.
capitulation. That's just unthinkable. The world." So he states it very clearly, his eval- Mr- RsAsowER. Are we reasonably well in-
army-bear in mind, the army is the power uation of the essentiality of victory in this formed about Hanoi? I was thinking in par-
In South Vietnam. The generals are com- situation. We have it on our side just as titular-particularly In your case, Mr. Am-
pletely committed. They've burned all their deeply. bassador. You helped study our Intelligence
bridges behind them. They would never Mr. REASONER, General Wheeler, to get back after the Bay of Pigs.i believe, and you must
tolerate a government that was caught sur- to what you might call the mechanics of the have been well aware of how our intelligence
reptitiously or overtly negotiating with war or the problems you have now as your Is doing in North and South Vietnam. Is It
Hanoi or with the Vietcong. forces Increase. There were a couple of in- doing a creditable job?
Mr. CRONKrrE. Pete, the floor's yours. cidents last week, I think one involving CBS, General TAYLOR. Well, I never like to speak
)r .KALiscIun. Well, I've almost forgotten of information which you felt improper to in public about intelligence. It's always a
what it was I was going to say. But one of be published. Is the voluntary censorship sensitive subject but there is an easy answer.
the things-one of the objections that I fore- not working? Do you have cause for con- Intelligence is never good enough; It's never
see on a renewed partition Is that North cern? adequate, whether it's In Cuba or whether it
Vietnam will be getting more people again, General WHEELER. No; I would say this, is In North Vietnam or elsewhere in the
and they've already gotten more than they that obviously it didn't work on that partic- world. So the answer is we don't have a clear
can support, which is one of the reasons that ular occasion. I think it's too early for me insight into what goes on in Hanoi but we
they're trying to get down in South Vietnam. to say that it cannot work under proper see intimations which certainly convince us
So that wouldn't solve any of their problems, supervision and proper cooperation on all that the pressure of this war is being felt.
If some South Vietnamese decided to go sides. I did eprxess my concern yesterday Mr. CRONKITE. General Wheeler, two ques-
north, they'd have more mouths to feed. and I expressed it to Mr. K:alischer the other tions on manpower; Are we going to have
General TAYLOR. Well, that's quite true, day because to give Information to the en- to extend the draft and call up Reserves in
Peter, but I would envisage a peaceful ad- emy, when your troops are in the face of the order to take care of this situation and, two,
justment of all southeast Asia where North enemy, could really lead to a disaster. And what do you anticipate in the way of aid
Vietnam continues as a Communist member I know this is something none of us want. from other nations?
of the community; South Vietnam as an in- So what I feel is that the situation certainly General WHEELER. Insofar as the draft is
dependent nation determining its own form can and must be improved. concerned, of course, the callup by means of
of government and society, free exchange of Mr. KALISCHER. Does that mean that you the draft is already being increased, as we
trade back and forth. There's no reason why are going to impose some more concrete form all know. As to whether or not we will have
there should be it food shortage in Hanoi if of censorship than voluntary? to call up the Reserves, the future must speak
Hanoi would be a good neighbor to South General WHEELER. Mr. Kalischer, I can't for Itself. We simply don't know. The-
Vietnam. Many things could happen which answer that at this time because obviously what was your third point?
now-are not taking place, this is out of my purview. I can view with Mr. CRONKITE. Do you anticipate any help
Mr. CRONKITE. Gentlemen, Vietnam is just alarm and recommend. Others make gov- in the nature of armed forces from other na-
one country in southeast Asia. ernmental decisions and finally, but I think dons?
General TAYLou. True. also most important, the Government of General WHEELER. We have gotten, of
Mr'.. CRONKTTE. We're getting rather heavily Vietnam must be brought into this. As you course, a contribution from the Austrialians,
committed there, and I don't think there are know better than I, the great number that a contribution from the Koreans and a con-
many people that really accept the fact that are in the press corps out there from many tribution from the New Zealanders.
we may be stopping at 125,000 men, perhaps, nationalities, the numerous cable systems General TAYLOR. It's interesting to note
there. Are we going to be able to move in and what not, or means of communication the numbers now, that there are some 34
and help other nations in southeast Asia If that are available to them-all of these have nations who are making some contribution
the Communists decide to expand the area of got to be taken into consideration. I merely In South Vietnam, and 13 nations are ac-
the conflict? say this, that we have got to study the sit- tually represented by their nationals. I
General TAYLLOR. Well, I think in int of uation hard and I hope intelligently and ar_ wouldn't overstate the magnitude of the
fact we are, of course, at the present time. rive at something that is going to protect our individual effort. In many cases it's very,
very small,
have been helping Thailand very sub- troops. , but nonetheless, it is important
othe free world uniting to assist
stantially. We have in the past helped Laos Mr. REASONER. Gentlemen, the North Viet- Souta token h Vietnam.
very substantially. I agree this is a single namese have talked on occasion about a 20- Mr. CRONxrrE. General Ky is now in Tai-
problem. But, fortunately, I don't see any year war. You have now had some expe- wan. Do you anticipate his recruiting any
excess strength available in Hanoi and North rience with our new tactics and with the Nationalist Chinese forces?
Vietnam to apply elsewhere. It's quite not- buildup. Speaking not about 20 years but General TAYLOR. I would not anticipate
able-that the campaign in Laos has not had just about the next year, what do you fore- that.
its annual offensive which characterized the see if wedid this same program a year from
past. My feeling is that the resources of now? What would the change in the situa- General WHEELER. I wouldn't either.
North Vietnam are being stretched very tion be? ' Mr. REASONER. Gentlemen, as kind of a
much by the situation in South Vietnam, General TAYLOR. P7rst, let me sum up what final question, I have ar-unlike my col-
and unless the Chinese come in--and that I think our strategy is. I know what our leagues, I haven't been in Vietnam since 1954
would create quite a different situation--I strategy is. It Is a four-prong strategy which when the Americans-
can't--would not anticipate any expansion at Is in effect at the present time. First, to Mr: CRONxrra. That was a pretty good
this time. - strengthen our forces on the ground, by year. A vintage year.
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
Mr. REASONER. Yes, it was a good year. The
American officers there were explaining that
it they could only get the French out and
take over, they would end it in 6 months.
But in spite of what we've said, there do seem
to be some frightening similarities between
what the French did and what happened to
them and what we're doing. Granted that
they had an expeditionary force and we're
there to assist the Vietnamese. Can you can-
didly say with what you know about it, that
we have any reason for optimism, or are we
just headed on the same downhill trail that
led the French out?
General TAri,oa. I certainly don't feel
there is any inevitability in defeat which
seems to be a strange obsession in some quar-
ters here in Washington. We are in a tough
fight. In many, a battle that I have been
engaged in there are moments when you are
hitting the other fellow and he is hitting
back and you can't say when this is going
to end or exactly how it is going to and ex-
cept you can be sure of one thing. 'You are
not going to allow yourself to be defeated.
Now if we have that attitude toward the
problem in South Vietnam, sooner or later-
I can't predict a date-we do have the re-
sources to restore-to reach the objectives,
the very broad objectives of allowing this
country to continue its life without the con-
tinued aggression from the north.
General WHEELER. I would add to that
that we have been sitting here largely this
morning discussing our problems and the
scene as we view it. I wonder how it looks
to the planners and the policymakers in
Hanoi from their vantage point? And I must
say that with all of the problems I see and
the problems that I have to deal with, I think
I would rather be sitting in Washington with
my problems than sitting in Hanoi with Gen-
eral Giap's problems.
General TAYLOR. I would certainly echo
that point. I would say that there must be
at least three overriding problems facing
Hanoi. First, how to offset this American
commitment In the south which they now
see is unlimited. It's perfectly clear we're
there to stay. No. 2, how to limit the
devastation of the homeland which is going
on daily from our aircraft; and, finally, how
to do those things without inviting in the
Red Chinese who are the traditional hated
enemies of every Vietnamese whether it's
in the north or in the south.
Mr. REASONER. Gentlemen, I can see that
one thing we should do is extend this series
of programs and get General Giap here be-
cause I would like to hear those answered.
I would like to thank both of you for com-
ing here. I am sure that your answers have
given the American people a clearer under-
standing of what we are against in Vietnam.
Tonight we have examined the question
of how we can achieve a victory in South
Vietnam, but beyond an immediate victory
lies the wider issue of peace in southeast
Asia.
Next week at this same time we shall bring
you part 3 of Vietnam perspective: "Win-
ning the Peace," and among our guests will
be the new U.S. Ambassador to the United
Nations, Arthur J. Goldberg. This is Harry
Reasoner. Good night.
RESPONSIBLE CONSERVATISM
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, Mr. Wil-
liam F.- Buckley, Jr., in a series of recent
newspaper columns, has touched a vital
nerve-the Johns Birch Society.
-In its thoughts about the John Birch
Society, the American public tends to
react in either black or white. Seldom
are shades of gray permitted in the de-
bate. Mr. Buckley has attempted to deal
in the in-between gray area. He has
No. 156-4 -.
raised a serious and responsible question
about how many members of the John
Birch Society adhere to the positions of
some of the society's leaders and publi-
cations.
For his efforts to air a vital question,
Mr. Buckley has reaped a whirlwind of
unreasoned attack and vilification from
some society members.
Mr. Buckley happens to be a conserva-
tive. So am I.
As a conservative, I welcome responsi-
ble inquiry. The essence of conserva-
tism is support for individual rights and
beliefs. Responsible conservatism wel-
comes questions and respects their value
in getting to the root of problems.
Mr. Buckley's columns graphically il-
lustrate the gulf between responsible
conservatism and unreasoning radical-
ism. I hope the columns' message will
be pondered by all Americans.
I ask unanimous consent that the col-
umns to which I have referred be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
THE BIRCH Socsrrv, AUGUST 1965
(By William F. Buckley, Jr.)
The John Birch Society is engaged in a
nationwide drive to convince the skeptics of
its responsibility. Thousands of members
of the John Birch Society, who joined it
eagerly as a fighting organization devoted
to antisocialism and anticommunism, have
been saying for years that the unfortunate
conclusions drawn by Mr. Robert Welch
about Dwight Eisenhower in 1958 are alto-
gether extraneous to the society's mandate,
purposes, and mode of thought, and should
therefore be ignored in assessing the society,
A.D. 1965.
I regret to say that it is in my judgment
impossible to defend the leadership of the
John Birch Society if one reads closely even
its contemporary utterances. I should like
to know how those members of the society
who believe that it long since departed from
the mania of Mr. Welch's conclusions about
Dwight Eisenhower can justify the current
issue of American Opinion, the society's
monthly magazine, with its featured article
about the extent (60 to 80 percent) of Com-
munist Influence in the United States (and
elsewhere) .
It is an unsigned, staff written article,
given especial prominence. And the editor
calls attention to it on the masthead page:
"If you want to know what is going on in
the world, we strongly recommend the next
144 pages to help you find out."
Mental health? "The attention of the
American people was first drawn to the real
problem of mental health on October 1, 1962,
when, in obedience to the specific demands
of the Communist Party, a gang under the
direction of Nicholas Katzenbach (now At-
torney General of the United States), kid-
napped Gen. Edwin A. Walker in Oxford,
Miss."
Medicare? "The. principal object of medi-
care is to destroy the independence and in-
tegrity of American physicians. It will in-
evitably create a 'pressing shortage' of phy-
sicians and nurses. Communist provinces
are sure to have a surplus * * * they will be
glad to export to the United States to relieve
the shortage."
The death of Kennedy? "The Commu-
nists were able to exploit the assassination
of Kennedy. (It is gossip in Washington
that Earl Warren succeeded in destroying
all copies of the pertinent part of a motion
picture film which showed who escorted Jack
20655
Ruby through the police lines so that he
could silence Oswald.) "
Civil rights? Selma: "A horde of termites
from all over the country, led by half-crazed
ministers and professors, swarmed over the
small town of Selma, Ala., in a typical dem-
onstration of Communist activism." The
Civil Rights Act of 1964: "(It was a) part of
the pattern for the Communist takeover Of
America." In general: "(It is) an obvious
fact that the whole racial agitation was de-
signed and is directed by the international
Communist conspiracy."
The economic situation? "The conspiracy
can now produce a total economic collapse
any time that it decides to pull the chain."
The lower courts? "Do not overlook the
fine contributions made by the criminals
whom the conspiracy has slipped into lower
courts."
The Supreme Court? "The theory that the
Warren court is working for a domestic, as
distinct from foreign, dictatorship becomes
less tenable every day."
The Federal Government? "Communist
domination of many of the departments of
the Federal Government is too obvious to re-
quire much comment."
Foreign policy? "As for Vietnam, one
thing is certain: no action really detrimental
to the Communists is conceivable or even
possible, so long as Rusk, McNamara, and
Katzenbach remain in power."
The Dominican Republic? "The policy
that began with the landing of marines in
Santo Domingo (came) under the direction
of what often seems to be Communist head-
quarters in Washington-officially called the
State Department."
Summary? "The important point is that
Americans can expect only defeat so long as
they are commanded by their enemies."
One continues to wonder how it is that the
membership of the John Birch Society toler-
ates such drivel. Until the members rise
up and demand a leadership whose programs
and analyses are based other than on the
premise that practically every liberal politi-
cian, every confused professor, every civil
rights demonstrator, every ideologized judge,
every bungling diplomat, every avid prosecu-
tor; everyone who wants free medicine, and
civil rights legislation, and Government con-
trol of the economy, is an agent o" the Com-
munist conspiracy-until then at least they
ought not to go about the country complain-
ing that the society is consistently misrepre-
sented. Their own views are undoubtedly
misrepresented. But their views aren't the
voice of the John Birch Society. That voice
you have just heard.
MORE ON THE BIRCH SOCIETY
(By William F. Buckley, Jr.)
One week ago I wrote a column expressing
a dismay I felt sure was shared by the ma-
jority of the members of the John Birch So-
ciety at some of the positions being subtly
advanced by the leadership of the JBS in its
magazine, American Opinion, even while the
society is spending tons of dough to appease
public opinion and persuade the average
American that the leadership is nonkooky.
The response has been discouraging to those
who (like myself) have steadfastly adhered
to the position that between the opinions
of Robert Welch and those of his votaries
there is a great gulf: that the latter calmly
disbelieve, or ignore, his enormities, remain-
ing loyal to the society on the grounds that
you need simply scrape off the barnacles of
extremism and have left a trim seagoing
hull bent on an upwind anti-Communist,
anti-Socialist course.
I am troubled by the initial response to
that column, and have decided to extend my
inquiry Into the nature of the support of
the John Birch Society in an effort to answer
several questions. One: Is there in fact sub-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 24, 1965
stantial disagreement between the member-
ship at large, and the leadership of the JBS?
Two: Do the members of the JBS make any
attempt to understand what it is that the
leadership of the JBS believes; or do they
simply ignore the zanier findings of the lead-
ership, taking shelter in the argument that
the society is anti-Communist, and that
therefore all anti-Communists should sup-
port it?
Mr. Robert Welch, the founder of the John
Birch Society, has often expressed his pride
in the character and gentility of his mem-
bers. I say it sincerely that I do not doubt
that he is to a considerable extent correct.
But I also doubt, to judge from the response
to date, that be could easily explain away
the manners of some of the more vociferous
members of his society.
Mr. William Patten of St. Louis, Mo., for
instance, suspects my motives. "So, the
establishment has finally gotten to you. The
word is comply-or else. Or else what'?
Your magazine will not be distributed by
'accepted' distributors, Cancel my,subscrip-
tion' (hereinafter, CMS). Mrs. Lenore Mc-
Donald of Los Angeles: "What Robert Welch
wrote in the Politician (Imputing procom-
munism to Dwight Eisenhower) is mild."
Mrs. W. D. Porter of Lex gton: "Did you
just have to do it? Couldn't you have left
It to the Overatreets, Gus gall, and perhaps
Chet Huntley? CMS." Mr. William Gehrke
of Denver, Colo.: "The same old smear meth-
od employed by the liberals is used; namely,
condemn the man and what he stands for
but don't dare try to refute his facts. (I.e.,
that the United States is 60 to 80 percent
dominated by Communists, that being the
conclusion of the article I quoted.) CMS."
Mrs. George Caldwell, of San Creecento,
Calif.: "Since I have just so much hate in me
I must parcel Itout rather sparingly, and as
I understand you I am now to love Russia
and hate the John Birch- Society." Mrs.
Ruth S. Matthews of New 'York: one more
thing before you open your big mouth again.
ask Congress to give a hearing to Colonel
Golieswki." (Who will prove that Ike Is a
Communist?) Mrs. Monica Dosing of Santa
Barbara, Calif.: "Do you mean that you don't
think that the kidnapping of General walker
was a part of the Communist conspiracy?
U so, you better get your head out of the
sand."
Mr, and Mrs. John Dalziel of Brooklyn:
"' 'hen you attack Robert Welch you attack
every member in the society." Mr, Arthur
Barksdale of San Mateo, Calif.: "I have al-
ways believed you to be a true conservative.
However, since you seem categorically to ac-
cept most of the left wing programs I'm be-
ginning to doubt your sincerity."
Mr. Robert Jonas of Oyster Bay, Long
Island: "I am unable to understand whether
in this latest attack, you are just being
officious, or whether you periodically suffer
from hot flashes, in some form of male meno-?
pause? CMS?" Mr. James Oviatt of Los
Angeles and Beverly Hills: "I am just won-
dering what Zionist Jew wrote this article?
Could It have been Lippmann, Goldberg, or
even Abe--Johnson's attorney? ? * * I have
known Bob Welch for over 15 years; I think
he told the truth about Eisenhower."
Miss Patricia Buster, of Baltimore, Md.:
"I believe I heard that there was some $95,-
000 involved in your last smear of the John
Birch Society. How much did you get paid
this time? And by the way, whose side are
you on, anyway? CMS." Mr. Lee Adamson of
Bellingham, Wash., writes: "I have heard a
rumor that John Kenneth Galbraith is at
.majority stockholder in National Review."
And Mr. J. T. Timothy, of Willimantic,
Conn., sums it up in a single word, in large
red crayon: "Judas."
John Birch Society wince when the leader-
ship makes spectacular remarks imputing
procommunism to the highest officials of
Government? I have received 200 (and they
continue to pour In) letters since I quoted in
this column from an article In the current
issue of Mr. Welch's magazine, American
Opinion. Of those 200 correspondents, only
2 joined me in deploring the article's ex-
cesses.
I quoted some typical reactions in an inter-
mediate column. Today I quote from Mr.
Frank Cullen Brophy; of Phoenix, Ariz.,
whose distinguished career as a gentleman,
banker, rancher, and writer is well known in
the Southwest. He is a member of the Na-
tional Council of the John Birch Society.
Let us see how his mind reacts on the ques-
tions at issue.
I quoted from the American Opinion article
the following sentence: "The attention of the
American people wasfirst drawn to the real
problem of mental health on October 1,
1962, when, In obedience to the specific de-
mands of the Communist Party, a gang un-
der the direction of Nicholas Katzenbach
(now Attorney General of the united states)
kidnapped Gen. Edwin A. Walker, in Oxford,
Miss."
Whereupon Mr. Brophy writes me: "Gen-
eral Walker was kidnaped, or at least seized
unlawfully, confined in a mental institution
or prison without proper medical examina-
tion, and after some days released due to the
patriotic pressures of thousands of outraged
Americana. The oddest thing about this
is that you think it odd that the John Birch
Society takes a dim view of such totalitarian
tactics and tries to arouse people before it
is too late."
Here, preserved in formaldehyde, is a spec-
imen of the utter hopelessness of commu-
nication with anyone suffering from ad-
vanced Birchitis. I happen to agree with
every syllable of Mr. Brophy's dismay at
what was done to General Walker, and am
abundantly on record to that effect. But the
operative words in the Birch article were
that Walker was detained "in obedience to
the specific demands of the Communist
Party"-words to which Mr. Brophy does not
even bother to allude.
Again, I had quoted American Opinion:
"The theory that the Warren court is work-
ing for a domestic,. as distinct from foreign
dictatorship, becomes less tenable every day."
Mr. Brophy writes me, by way of justiflca-
tion: "The pro-Communist activities of the
Court in recent years are so obvious that I
find it hard to believe that you would find
any comment to offer." -
The vital difference between "pro-Commu-
nist in effect," and "pro-Communist in in-
tention," it once again does not cross Mr.
Brophy's mind to mention. When J. Edgar
Hoover, by relaxing his vigilance, permitted
several convicted members of the Communist
Party to slip off to Mexico, the result was
pro-Communist in effect; but hardly by de-
sign. When the Founding Fathers ratified
the first amendment to the Constitution,
they committed an act that was profoundly
pro-Jacobin, and ultimately pro-Communist
in effect; but was hardly such by design.
When the Warren court interprets that first
amendment in such a way as to grant license
to the Communist Party, it is most certainly
doing something that is pro-Communist in
effect; but in the absence of evidence that
the Justices are secret friends of the Com-
munist conspiracy, hardly pro-Communist
by design. One can deplore, as for instance
Prof. Sidney Hook (and I) have done, the
absolutization of the first amendment in
such fashion as, to help conspirators; without
questioning the motives- s distinguished
from the judgment-of the ideologies on the
Court
AND FINALLY ON JOHN BIRCH And besides, the Birch article suggests in
(By Wm. F. Buckley, Jr.) plain English that the Warren Court is
have labored to find the answer to the "working for," i.e., is hoping to bring into
question: Does the typical member of the being, "a foreign dictatorship"; which Is join in a tribute to her longtime friend,
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to suggest, pure and simple, that the majority
of the Court are pro-Communist traitors.
Why are such elementary distinction lost
on Mr. Brophy? And on other members of
the National Council of the John Birch
Society? Hasn't their position, to judge
from Mr. Brophy's analysis, clearly come
down to the following propositions: (11
Things ar going poorly for the United States
these days; (2) the reason why is because
the people who are running things are Com-
munists and Communist sympathizers; (31
anyone who believes in proposition (1) yet
cavils at the derivative proposition (2) is
either (a) naive, or (b) irrelevant; and in any
event, (c) a clear and present nuisance.
In the absence of public disavowals of this
reasoning from, responsible members of the
John Birch Society; one must henceforward
conclude that the minority who object to
imputing procommunism to such as At-
torney General Katzenbach, and to Justices
Warren, Black, Douglas, and Brennan, are
overruled: that the majority of the members
of the society sanction the imputation of
treasonable motives to such men as these:
not to mention Dean Rusk, Allen Dulles.
Robert McNamara, etc., etc.
Mrs. Michael Vaccarlello of Glendale, Calif.,
writes me: "I have often quoted your sen-
tence (in 'Up From Liberalism' decrying the
liberals' toleration of some of Mrs. Roose-
velt's enormities during the forties and
fifties) : 'The Intellectual probity of a per-
son Is measured not merely by what comes
out of him, but by what he puts up with from
others' It seems to me, having written that
and then having read that issue of American
Opinion, you could only, have written what
you did--to have remained silent would not
have been discreet, but debasing." Mrs. Vac-
cariello is a member of the John Birch
Society. She appears, alas, to be hopelessly
outnumbered.
SENATOR MARGARET CHASE SMITH
PRAISED FOR 25TH ANNIVERSARY
PARTY HONORING SENATOR
AIKEN
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, in the
Bangor, Maine, Daily News, of August
21, was published an interesting story
entitled "Senator SMTrH Gets Praise at
Party." A part of the article reads as
follows :
Senator MARGARET CHASE SMrrs, Republl?-
can, of Maine, set the staid V.S. Senate on
its ear Friday with a birthday party that
attracted 110 notables, including almost
two-thirds of the Senate and three-fourths
of the Lyndon B. Johnson family.
The President, with his wife and daugh??
ter, Lynda, made a sentimental journey to
the Capitol, at Senator SMrrH's invitation, to
join in a tribute to her longtime friend.
Senator GEORGE AIKEN, Republican, of Ver..
mont, on his 25th anniversary in the Senate.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article be printed in the
RECORD as a part of my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD
as follows:
[From the Bangor (Maine) Daily News, Aug.
21-22, 1965]
SENATOR SMITH GETS PRAISE AT PARTY
WASHINGTON, D.C.-Ken MARGARET CHASE
SMITH, Republican, of Maine, set the staid
V.S. Senate on its ear Friday with a birthday
party that attracted 110 notables, including
almost two-thirds of the Senate and three-
fourths of the Lyndon B. Johnson family.
The President, with his wife and daughter,
Lynda, made a sentimental journey to the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 24, 1965
SENATOR TYDINGS REPLIES TO
EVENING STAR EDITORIAL
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, yes-
terday the Senator from Kentucky [Mr.
MORTON], asked to have an editorial
from the Washington Evening Star
printed in the RECORD. The editorial
suggests that there is some inconsist-
ency between my opposition to the Dirk-
sen constitutional amendment and my
advocacy of an equitable congressional
districting plan for Maryland. This is
not the case.
I ask unanimous consent that my
letter to the editors of the Evening Star,
in reply to their editorial be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
The EDITOR,
Washington Evening Star,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Your Sunday editorial criticized
suggestions I have made with respect to the
establishment of eight congressional dis-
tricts in Maryland. Since my position has
been distorted and misrepresented, I should
like to use this opportunity to make my views
absolutely clear.
Maryland faces a redistricting crisis. Our
seven congressional districts were estab-
lished in 1952. Since then, we have become
entitled to an additional seat, and the popu-
lation of the seven existing districts have be-
come drastically disproportionate. Three
times the Maryland Legislature has tried and
failed . to establish eight congressional dis-
tricts. The first plan was petitioned to ref-
erendum and rejected by the people. The
second plan was declared- unconstitutional
by the court. The third plan has also been
petitioned to referendum and will presum-
ably be on the ballot in the November 1966
election. Meanwhile, the State is under
court order to redistrict prior to 1966.
This crisis has been one of the problems
discussed by the Maryland congressional
delegation. At my request, and with the en-
couragement of Senator BREWSTER, weekly
meetings of the entire delegation-Republi-
cans and Democrats, House and Senate-
have been initiated to work jointly on Mary-
land problems. This cooperative effort marks
the first time in 15 years that the dele-
gation has functioned effectively as a team.
It is well known that the Maryland Con-
gressmen have been unable to agree among
themselves upon a fair and practical redis-
tricting plan. This is unfortunate. At a
delegation meeting last month, it was de-
cided that a committee of three would try to
prepare a redistricting plan which could
receive the enthusiastic support of all mem-
bers of the delegation. I was appointed to
the committee, primarily to act as a media-
tor.
From the beginning, I have insisted that
we approach the problem with three basic
considerations in mind:
1. The districts must be substantially
equal in'population.
2. The districts should be as homogene-
ous as possible in composition.
3. The districts should be drawn, if possi-
ble, so as not to require two incumbent Con-
gressmen with substantial seniority to run
against each other.
There is no truth in the charge that I have
deviated from the fundamental concept of
fair and equal representation. I advocate
the principle of "one man, one vote" for both
the State legislature and for the U.S. House
of Representatives.
One of the primary reasons I agreed to
help formulate a new districting proposal
was my deep concern that the most recent
plan enacted by the legislature did not
create districts of substantially equal popu-
lation. That plan allowed deviation of over
29 percent in population between the largest
and the smallest district. While this is more
satisfactory than our present districting, I
think we can do better.
The major problem lies in the Baltimore
area. If we can decide how to district Balti-
more City and the surrounding suburbs, the
rest of the pieces will fall into place. Balti-
more City is entitled, on the basis of Its 1960
population, to two and one-half Congress-
men. It now has three Congressmen. The
alternatives that face us, therefore, are: (1)
to create two districts wholly within the
city and one district half in and half out
of the city; or (2) to create three districts
each of which is substantially inside Balti-
more City, but which extend into an adjoin-
ing suburb.
I have never advocated three districts
wholly within the city of Baltimore. I have
never advocated districts of unequal pop-
ulation.
I have advocated that we seriously con-
sider establishing three districts that are
anchored in Baltimore City, but take in part
of the adjoining counties. Such a plan-in
addition to providing districts of substan-
tially equal population-would have the ad-
vantage of creating homogeneous districts
and of preventing two incumbent senior
Congressmen from running in the same dis-
trict.
Although the districts created under such
a plan would cross the city line, they could
be homogeneous and include the same basic
interests, backgrounds, and environments.
There is no magic in city boundaries for
congressional districting purposes. Forty
years ago, my father represented a district
that included Harford and Baltimore Coun-
ties and a substantial segment of East Balti-
more. Today, thousands of residents of
Baltimore City have crossed the city line
and now reside in the suburbs of the Balti-
more metropolitan area.
Finally, the districts created under the
type of plan I suggest would enable our most
senior Congressmen to run in separate dis-
tricts. It would be foolish, to force them to
run against each other if we can avoid it.
GEORGE FALLON has just become chairman of
the House Committee on Public Works.
Every Federal dredging and public works
project, including those involving the
Chesapeake Bay, comes under the jurisdic-
tion of his committee. ED GARMATZ is the
ranking member of the House Committee on
Merchant Marine and Fisheries. He could
soon become chairman. Every piece of legis-
lation In these fields, which are so vital to
tidewater Maryland, comes before his com-
mittee.
I did not create the seniority system, but
since it is an important fact of congressional
life, I think we would be remiss to ignore
seniority in drawing boundaries of congress-
sional districts. On the other hand, senior-
ity is not the only factor to be considered.
There is no effort on my part to create "safe
seats" for the three Congressmen from Balti-
more City, or for anyone else. Each incum=
bent Congressman will have to justify his
renomination and reelection to the voters
of his district, and I reserve the right to sup-
port the best qualified candidate in any
future election.
Despite the suggestion of some critics, I
would not support a plan that underrepre-
sented any area of the State just as I would
not support a plan to overrepresent Balti-
more City. The suburban counties near
Washington ate entitled to equal representa-
tion, just as is Baltimore and its suburbs.
Any acceptable redistricting plan must pro-
vide at least two districts for the Washington
metropolitan area similar to those proposed
in the legislature this year.
To summarize: I have never advocated
three congressional districts entirely within
Baltimore City, or any other deviation from
the principles of one man, one vote. I
have advised the Maryland delegation to try
and agree on a redistricting plan which would
contain eight districts of approximately
equal population, which would, to the extent
possible, contain citizens of like interests and
background, and which would seek to avoid
placing two senior incumbent Congressmen
In th same district.
I appreciate the opportunity to restate
my position.
Sincerely yours,
JOSEPH D. TYDINGS.
MIGRANTS-EDUCATION AND
COOPERATION
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, all of
us from Utah are proud of an excellent
record of community cooperation and
when local efforts are coordinated into
highly successful programs I believe the
accomplishments should be recognized.
Recently citizens of Cache County, a
scenic, northern Utah county, provided
the formal classwork and supervised
recreation for a group of children of
migrant workers from three local camps.
These fine Americans independently
financed and carried out this worthwhile
experiment in close cooperation.
The funds were obtained through do-
nations and proceeds from - benefits
throughout the valley. -
Mr. President, I feel this fine example
of Utah cooperation and commendable
community effort deserves widespread
recognition - and I ask unanimous con-
sent that an editorial from the Salt Lake
Tribune further explaining the project
be printed in the RECORD as an example
for others to follow.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
EDUCATION FOR MIGRANTS
Over 150 citizens have been involved in
the Cache Valley Migrant Council's project
to provide 4 weeks of formal classwork for
children of migrant farmworkers In the val-
ley. The volunteers transported children
from the three migrant camps in Logan,
Amalga, and Lewistone, prepared lunches,
supplied materials, and made donations.
The school, for 40 students in two class-
room units, was financed entirely through
local efforts. Its budget of less than $500
was obtained through donations by churches
and individuals, proceeds of a rummage sale
and a dessert -bridge party. The Cache
County Board of Education made possible
use of the Hyde Park School and the Cache
and, Logan City boards supplied books and
other materials.
A number of high school and college
students helped the special teachers in the
classrooms and in supervised recreation.
The project grew out of the United
Church Women's efforts to provide some
summer schooling for migrant children at
Logan in recent years. It is a fine example
of church and educ tonal cooperation for
which Cache County aid its people are to be
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN VIET-
NAM POLICY-PRESERVATION OF
LIFE - AND HEALTH-VOTING
RIGHTS
Mr. LONG of Missouri. Mr. President,
two leading Missouri newspapers have
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
formity anyway so long as our Government
Continues to pay allowances and differentials
now paid to Federal employees in foreign
areas.
It seems to me that the geographic die-
stance existing between these four areas and
the 48 contiguous States is, in itself, ade-
quate reason to think them different, par-
ticularly with reference to Alaska with its
extremely high cost of living and long, cold
winters.
The second premise underlying the bill is
apparently that since people can presumably
be hired without paying a cost-of-living al-
lowance, the allowance ought to be ended.
In other words, if people can be hired more
cheaply, they ought to be hired more cheaply.
This, in my view, is an unsound concept
upon which to build a pay system or, more
broadly, upon which to build a career service
of efficient and able civil servants. It is also
an unworthy philosophy for our Government
to pursue.
The U.S. Government does not seek to hire
as cheaply as it can those persons who will
serve as foreign posts, and it should not seek
to hire as cheaply as it can in any other
place.
A second objection I have to the entire
bill is that it would produce consequences
that none of us want.
If H.R. 8390 was enacted, there would be
widespread dissatisfaction among the civil
Servants affected. The Civil Service Com-
Mission agrees that this would be a conse-
quence-explaining that no employee likes
to have his pay cut-but the Commission
suggests that this is only to be expected and
indicates that Its a matter of little Impor-
tance. I disagree. It Is a matter of real
Importance, as manifested by this stack of
letters from Federal employees who are my
constituents, and who are opposed to this
bill. They believe it is a matter of real
importance.
They also believe that, If the Commission's
proposal is to be seriously considered, hear-
tugs ought to be held in Alaska.
If we look to the likely effect of dissatis-
faction, it becomes plain that it is a matter
of real importance. The likely effect would
be the movement away from the nonforeign,
noncontiguous areas by our present classified
employees, especially those in Alaska. Some
might leave in anger-not having been told
upon their recruitment that the cost-of-
living allowance was to be temporary, and
t2uey'll correctly conclude that they've been
unfairly treated. Others will leave because
the monthly commitments they have made
on purchases of homes and cars and In other
oredit transactions were based upon contem-
-plation of a tax free allowance that is no
longer paid. And others will leave because
they simply cannot afford to stay.
In Alaska we have been fortunate in at-
tracting and keeping the highest caliber
of Federal classified employees under the
system in effect under law for 17 years. We
don't want to lose them. And if we must
'lose them, we don't want them replaced by
any who are less able. The Federal Govern-
ment has succeeded, under the present eye-
. te,m, in adequately staffing its multiplicity
of departments, and agencies operating in
Alaska with competent, dedicated and loyal
people of high morale. Let us not take
action now which will seriously shake if not
shatter this Federal establishment in Alaska,
and cause our agencies in Alaska more head-
aches than they can count. A solution to
what was a difficult recruitment problem has
been found. We have a winning combina-
tion. Let's not change it.
Although I believe these to be adequate
reasons to reject the bill, I want now to com-
ment on two problems of this proposal of
the Civil Service Commission as it relates
specifically to Alaska.
The first of these problems is that asso-
elated, with the principle of comparability-
the principle that the Commission says
should be the basis of the higher salary
schedule that would replace the cost-of-liv-
ing allowance if B.R. 8390 were enacted.
Though I agree with the principle of com-
parability in establishing governmental pay
systems, that principle cannot be effectively
applied in Alaska. There are two reasons for
this:
1. Since the population of Alaska is small,
there are many government positions that
have no counterpart'in private industry that
might be used for comparison. In the 1963
survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor
Statistics, private industry counterpart
salaries to three classification act grades
were left blank in a chart of salaries with
the footnote that there was "Insufficient data
to warrant presentation of an average."
2. Since the higher salary schedule that
would be proposed by the Commission would
be based upon an average of salary differ-
entials between all grades found in private
industry counterpart positions, compar-
ability in salaries would be at best only a
very rought approximation of true salary
differences.
Let me explain. By the 1963 survey, the
private enterprise counterpart to a classified
grade 1 earned 39 percent more in Alaska
than he earned in the contiguous 48 States;
the private enterprise counterpart to a classi-
fied grade 11 earned 14 percent more in
Alaska than he earned in the contiguous
States. These specific salary differences
would not be applied to these specific classi-
fied grades in Government under the Com-
mission proposal. Instead, an average would
be struck that would take into account all
of the grades and the differences.
One final observation on this matter-
since the population of Alaska is small, and
the smallness of any sample reduces its re-
liability, I think the present system is more
nearly based upon the comparability prin-
ciple that what is proposed. What we have,
of course, is a nationwide comparison of sal-
aries between private industry and Govern-
ment that is used as the basis of the salaries
in Alaska and elsewhere. Then the cost-of-
living allowance is added to this salary
schedule-a schedule that is basically sound.
The second problem that I want to com-
ment on specifically as It relates to Alaska
is one I touched upon earlier-the reduction
of take-home pay that the Civil Service Com-
mission desires to effect for all Federal clas-
sified employees in Alaska and the other
nonforeign areas. In my earlier remarks I
offered several reasons why such reduction
should not be brought about. Now I want
to elaborate on one of them-that the cost
of living is so high in Alaska that Federal
employees will not be able to afford to stay
In Alaska as Federal employees if their take-
home pay is reduced. They will leave Fed-
20675
eral employment for private jobs, or they will
leave Alaska.
At this point, Mr. Chairman, I request
that these letters from Federal employees In
Alaska-ail in opposition to this proposal,
with emphasis upon the cost-of-living as-
Peet-be made a part of the record at the
conclusion of my statement.
According to the Civil Service Commission,
once the 25-percent tax-free cost-of-living
allowance is terminated a new basic sched-
ule of salaries 27 percent over mainland sal-
aries would be instituted. Since all of the
salary under the new schedule would be
taxed, the -effect would be a substantial re-
duction of take-home pay.
Attached to this statement is a chart
showing the scope of reductions that typical
employees would suffer.
These are very substantial reductions to
inflict upon any group of dedicated em-
ployees. They are very substantial reduc-
tions-especially in view of the fact that the
28-percent cost-of-living allowance present-
ly paid in Alaska does not fully cover the
higher cost of living in Alaska.
The most recent figures quoted by the
Civil Service Commission Itself show the cost
of living In Alaska to be higher than the
allowance now paid. According to these fig-
ures, compiled by the Bureau of Labor Sta-
tistics, living costs are higher than Washing-
ton, D.C., by 29.3 percent in Juneau, Alaska,
37.8 percent higher in Anchorage, Alaska,
and 42.4 percent higher in Fairbanks, Alaska.
To reduce take-home pay by repealing
COLA-ae the Commission proposes-would
work a severe hardship on Alaska's civil serv-
ants and be a grave injustice to them. As
I have said, it would result in the loss of
many competent and dedicated Federal civil
servants from their Alaskan jobs. Such
would be a tragic consequence for the Fed-
eral service and for Alaska.
The Civil Service Commission has failed
In its advocacy of MR. 8390 because of un-
avoidable contradictions within its case.
1. The Commission claims that it is seek-
ing a uniform pay system for U.S. areas, but
admits that a special schedule would be nec-
essary for Alaska.
2. The Commission claims that compari-
sons of Government salaries with private
salaries in Alaska ought to determine salary
levels, but falls to show that there is an
adequate number of comparable private po-
sitions in Alaska to enable reliable com-
parisons.
3. The Commission indicates that substan-
tial savings would be realized with termina-
tion of the allowance to Alaska's Federal
civil servants, but agrees to a special higher
schedule In Alaska that would cancel out a
large portion of the alleged savings.
Mr. Chairman, and members` of the sub-
committee, I urge you to reject H.R. 8390.
Effect on take-home pagf of conversion of p5-percent cost-of-living allowance to salary
Grade
Base pay
Cost-of-
living
allowance
Total
Income
Taxes
Loss in
take-home
pay
08-4 (8/1) single:
Present-------------------------------
4,480.00
$1,120.00
$5,600.00
$437.00
G8-7
(sf1) 1 dependent:
0
5,600.00
617.00
-
$180.00
Present------------- -----------------
Propposed------------ -----------------
(38-9 (8/1) 1 dependent:
6,050. 00
7,662.50
1,512.50
0
7,662.50
7,582.50
480.00
1,001.26
--------------
671.26
Present-------------------------------
Proposed
7,220.00
1,805.00
9,026.00
939.80
--.-----------
------------------------------
GS--9 (8f1) 2 dependents:
9,025.00
0
9,025.00
1,264.80
324.90
Present----------------------------
Proposed-----------------------------
7,220.00
9,026.00
1,806.00
0
9, 026.00
9
026
00
601.00
1
144
60
--------------
043
50
G8-11 (8/1) 1 dependent:
,
.
,
.
.
Present-------------------------------
8,660.00
2,162.60
10,812.50
1,197.00
Proposed -----------------___ -_----
G8-41 (8f1) 2 dependents:
10,812.50
0
10,812,50
1,623.94
--------------
426.94
Present-------------------------------
8,650.00
2,162.50
10, 812.50
1,077.00
-
Pmposed- ---------------------------
08-13 (8f1) 1 dependent:
10,812.50
0
I0,81250
1,x.94
405.04
!'resent --------- - -------------
12,075.00
3,01&75
15,093.75
1,920.88
--.-----------
Y roposed
(,8 13 (8/I) 2 -----------------
15, 003.76
0
14 093.76
2,660.31
739.68
Present ------------------------------
12,075.00
3,018.76
15,09& 75
1,779.83
-----
Proposed -----------------------------
14093,75
0
15,093.75
2,499.31
719.68
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 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130006-9 '
August 24, 1965 'CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE '20677 uis editorialized this month in three areas pelted.' He said then, as he had said before, [From the AuSt. g . ou 196 ]-Dispatch,
of great importance to our national in- that a military decision is not possible, and
terest. "a peaceful solution is inevitable." He called FIVE YEARS MORE
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch carried a for unconditional discussions with North We hesitate to relate too many of Presi-
Vietnam, and indicated strongly that ways dent Johnson's programs to politics, but we
thoughtful and penetrating assessment could be found to include the Vietcong itself can hardly think of a better way of per-
of some of the more recent developments in the talks. He urgently asked for the as- suading citizens to join the consensus than
in our Vietnam policy. President John- sistance of U.N. officials and all U.N. members to promise them an extra 5 years of life.
son's call for a settlement of the conflict in getting talks started for "an honorable This should certainly appeal to the far right,
there on the basis of the 1954 Geneva peace." the far left, and everyone in between.
Even more important, the President on In signing a bill extending for 3 years
accords has reminded the world once July 28 gave some hint of the kind of settle- Federal grants for immunization from
again that the U.S. harbors no territorial ment the United States would accept once disease, Mr. Johnson stated a number of "very
ambitions in this strife-torn country. It negotiations are started. He advocated for ambitious, but attainable" goals. One is the
has given notice to the peoples of all na- the people of South Vietnam "the right of extension of life expectancy for the average
tions that we seek only a just peace for choice, the right to shape their own destiny America, from 70 to 75 years in the next
southeast Asia. The Post-Dispatch edi- in free elections in the south or throughout decade. This will be a great boon if it can
torial recognizes the great support of the all Vietnam under international supervision." be brought about, and it will create prob-
He declared that the purposes of the 1954 lems too, in caring for an increasing pro-
American people for this peaceful admire- Geneva agreements "still guide our action"- portion of older citizens.
istration objective. and those purposes were military neutraliza- That is partly what social security and
In the field of national health, the Post- tion, ultimate unification through free elec- medicare and various allied welfare pro-
Dispatch has noted Federal determiria- tions, and the withdrawal in due time of all grams are all about, and it is well that the
tion to provide Americans with all possi- foreign troops. administration is moving forward in those
ble protection against disease. It is grati- This necessarily generalized statement of fields.
fying that the President's goal of pre- "peace aims" went considerably beyond the
serving life and health is given favorable President's Baltimore speech of April 7, and [From the Springfield (Mo.) Leader & Press,
we hope the difference has been noted in Aug. 9, 1965]
attention by one of Missouri's nationally Hanoi. At Baltimore the President had not QVITE A SHOW
Circulatedi papers. even menrioneu Luc fro=.a--< , Johnson was highly conscious of
In still another major area of concern, instead had called "an independent South Lyndon civil rights, the Springfield Leader-Press Vietnam" one of the essentials of any final wthe fact that he was eek when he signed thema i g history last
has voiced its strong support for the settlement. sure voting rights d ale Abil mericans, to in-
President's efforts to guarantee all Amer- Since an independent South Vietnam was sure voting
tolor.
lcans their most basic right in our demo- not contemplated at Geneva, making it cen- less of He went out of his way, as a matter of fact,
tral to any settlement could be interpreted
trait system. Mr. President, I am sure as demanding simply that the Vietcong to surround the entire ceremony with his-
this outstanding south Missouri news- movement lay down its arms and accept de- torical trappings-going to the rotunda of
paper speaks for a very great majority feat. But now the President, as we under- the Capitol for his speech and then moving
of Missourians when it praises the ad- stand him, is calling for something quite into the historic President's Room for the
ministration's Voting Rights Rights Act, different. He is saying that the question actual signing. It was there more than a
and urges all citizens to make a wise and of south Vietnam's independence should be century ago that Abraham Lincoln signed a
responsible use of the constitutional prig- left to the people of South Vietnam, as the law freeing slaves who had been pressed into
1954 accords contemplated. He is saying Civil War service for the Confederacy.
liege it assures for them. that we will not be driven out by force, but The President made of the signing a sol-
Mr. President, so that all of my col- are willing to negotiate a settlement based emn occasion. In so doing, we consider that
leagues may read the opinions that these on the 1954 principles, under which Ameri- he was acting correctly. It should have
two newspapers hold in three vital areas, can troops would be ultimately withdrawn been a solemn occasion-and we trust that
I ask unanimous consent that these three as part of an internationally sanctioned the Negro population of the United States
editorials be printed in the RECORD. agreement. will regard it as such and will realize the
There being no objection, the editorials North Vietnam and the Vietcong have great significance of the new law to members
repeatedly claimed that they seek the resto- of their race.
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Let them hear and take to heart the
are an
as follows: notice that ration t a1 they ey cannot accords. achieve They it by now war, President's words-
[From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Aug. 11, but only at the conference table. No doubt "Today is a triumph for freedom as huge
as any victory won on any battlefield
1965] the negotiations would be long and strenu- This may have been a true statement of
A UNITY FOR PEACE IN VIETNAM ores, but in the meantime the fighting would Lyndon
President Johnson has embarked on a new have been stopped and some beginning could the Johnson imsigned. . of It ca the n measure true ue Lmate
round of Vietnam discussions with Members be made toward economic rehabilitation of n but only if the anbe a beneficiaries state-
of Congress Congress designed to show, as he says, that a war-torn country. As Secretary Rusk has m the voting rights bpi accept the respons
"there is no substantial division" over Amer- indicated, the bombing of North Vietnam sibilities as well as the privileges the bill
ican policy there. Evidently he feels a need would surely end the moment Hanoi gave grants them.
to convince Hanoi that debate and differences "some clear sign of opening the road to President Johnson went on to note that
of opinion in Washington do not signify a peace." "through this act, and its onfocemtnt, an
willingness to pull out of Vietnam. The choice for Hanoi and the Vietcong is important instrument of freedom passes in-
It is right and proper that he should make whether to continue the war in the hope of to the hands of millions. But it must be
this clear. There has never been any sub- inflicting total defeat upon the United used .,
stantial body of American opinion in favor of States, or to accept negotiations for a resto- Presidents and Congresses and laws, he
abject, unconditional withdrawal. There is, ration of the principles of the 1954 agree- said, can open the doors of polling places to
however, a, large body of opinion in favor of ments. The Communists would make a se- the wondrous rewards awaiting the wise use
limited objectives rather than the unlimited rious mistake to assume that the American of the ballot. But only the individual
ones of a major land war in Asia. people will accept total defeat. On the Negro, and all others who have been denied
The unity which the President seeks,to contrary, the longer the war goes on the the right to vote, can use that right and
demonstrate is a unity behind limited objec- more difficult it will be to satisfy the Ameri- convert the vote into use instrument of
tives. It is a unity behind a negotiated set- can people with limited objectives. Yet as justice.
Clement. It is a unity in favor of an honor- of now limited objectives do unquestionably Speaking directly to Negroes, the President
able end to the fighting. If it is important to command overwhelming public support. It said:
let Hanoi know that we will not be thrown was when the President clearly adopted register. You must vote.
you must mutt reglegist tout your choice
out of Vietnam, it is also important to let them that he gained in Congress and the "You
everybody know that our purpose in main- country the high degree of unified backing And advances your interest o that interest of
taming'a military presence is not conquest he is now demonstrating. adv aces y and
of the Vietcong but to bring about a peace- Many mistakes have been made in Viet- the
way of thinking, this was the heart
ful settlement under which the people of nam, on both sides, but the time has come our
and osoul ur o the President's was the We
South Vietnam can' determine their own to relegate them to the past and to turn a particularly ethese future. new page. The President with full popular would "And you mu particua learn, emphasize
that your words:
This, we take it, is the meaning of the consent has committed the United States to "And yo * * * the interest that the your chois
.e
President's press conference statement of the purposes of the 1954 agreements, and advances of Nation
July 28, at which he announced a limited the Communists proclaim those purposes as These are truly words of wisdom. It
buildup of American ground forces rather their own. Peaceful negotiation should be would seem to us that what the President
than the all-out war which some had ex- the next step. was saying, in effect, was that the signing
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 ,20678
of the voting rights bill represented an im-
portant victory in the Negroes' long battle
for first-class citizens-ltut A hat that vic-
tory would be nullified unless the victors con-
ducted themselves . as first class citizens
should.
The victory, the- President pointed out. is
"also a victory for the freedom of the Amer-
ican Nation. And every family * * * will
live stronger in liberty, more splendid in ex-
pectation, and prouder t9 be an American
because of the act I, sign today."
This, too, can be true-but only, as we
said earlier, if the new rights now guaran-
teed to all citizens are accepted by all citi-
zens-and used by them-in a spirit of sober
and thoughtful responsibility.
A GROWING PRO DLEM-THE
POP-. ,ATION EXPLOSION
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, on July 13, 1965, I submitted
a report of the committee of conference
on the disagreeing votes of the two
Houses oi'l the amendments of the Sen-
ate to the bill H.R. 6453, making appro-
priations for the government of the
District of Columbia for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1966. In my statement,
I included some comments concerning
the 'need for family planning, not only
in the District of Columbia, but also in
the Nation and throughout the -world.
I have had so many requests for this
statement as it pertained to the subject
of family planning that I believe It
worthy of again being brought to the
attention of the readers of the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
Mr. Bran of West Virginia. Mr. President,
I call attention to the additional position
that was allowed by the Senate and accepted
by the House conferees in.. the Department
of Health. This is the position of medical
officer, which position was needed to round
out a full-time birth control clinic team.
..Also, in the Senate committee report, there
is language to authorize the Director of the
Health Department to utilize up to $200,000
Out of available funds for the establishment
ofthree additional full-time birth control
Clinic teams, the Director having stated to
the subcommittee during the hearings that
four full-time teams were, needed to meet
the present needs in the District of Colum-
hia. I believe that this is one of the most
important features of the bill, the confer-
ence report, and the Senate committee
report.
Mr. President, there are certain things
that I think we would all like to have for
America. Regardless of his political per-
suasion, I think everybody would like to
we full employment, an end to slums, an
end to the necessity for relief rolls, an end
to the violent juvenile gangs in big cities,
and an end to schools that are too crowded
for realeducation. However, I submit that
we will never achieve these goals until we
learn to control our population growth.,
Medical science has prolonged the average
lifespan of man far beyond the wildest
dreams of pur pioneering grandfathers..
Since 1900, we have cut the mortality rates
of American children under age 1 from 16
out of eve 100 4 1
th
r
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 24, 1965
mendous.progress in subduing some of man's
most fearsone historic enemies has forced
upon us the necessity of curbing his birth
rate.
By our last census, the United States was
shown to have a population of approximately
180 million. At our present rate of repro-
duction we will have, by the year 2000, 340
million people. One hundred and sixty mil-
lion more people in only 40 years' time. From
where. Will the jobs come for these people?
One of the American philosophers of our
day is Charles Hartshorne, now at the Uni-
versity of Texas. In his most recent book,
"The Logic of Perfection," he makes this
statement:
"Men judge a philosophy or a religion by
its practical application, its 'fruits.' What-
ever our religion or philosophy of life, its
fruits can hardly be judged adequate unless
it can be used to illuminate two momentous
practical questions of our times. These are:
How can we have liberty with peace, or at
least with the avoidance of totally destruc-
tive warfare; and how can we bring the hu-
man birth rate into reasonable relation to
the unprecedently low death rate achieved
by scientific hygiene?"
I think the coupling of these two problems
by Dr. Hartshorne is significant and war-
ranted.
The President is aware of the seriousness
of the situation. As we know, in his state of
the Union message to Congress on January 4,
he stated that he would "seek new ways to
use our knowledge to help deal with the ex-
plosion in world population and the grow-
ing scarcity in world resources." That the
President also understands this explosion is
domestic as well as foreign has been well
demonstrated within the past few months.
The Office of Economic Opportunity has
granted funds to Corpus Christi, Tex., for a
birth-control clinic project; and applica-
tions from three other cities are reported to
1-e pending, The President has appealed to
Congress to double last year's appropriation
to the District of Columbia for its clinic pro-
gram, which in itself was a historic "first."
Indeed, there are many extremely hopeful
signs that both public officials and the public
themselves are becoming alive to the popula-
tion problem and to the possibilities of solv-
ing it. But this has always been a delicate
issue in the United States. Officials have
been understandably reluctant, on all levels
of government, to initiate a devisive con-
troversy.
Despite the considerable change in cli-
mate surrounding the issue of birth control
during the past few years, public officials are
still hesitant to take the needed action.
There are presently a number of Federal pro-
grams under which the States may obtain aid
for family planning services. But in most
cases a clarification of policy is needed. The
President, as I have said, has taken the first
steps. But I think-in view of the past his-
tory of this question--it is unfair to expect
him to take all the political risk, if there in
fact is a risk. The Members of Congress
should speak out and give him the support
he needs in effecting such a major change.
Certainly this is no time to maintain a
golden silence. Children are being born
every second. Ofter they are unwanted.
They, in turn, when the time comes, will
produce more unwanted children. No war
against poverty can ever be a victorious one
if its wagers do not identify the real prob-
lems. And the protlem is the spiraling birth
rate cmong those who are incapable of ade-
quately providing for their offspring.
sary information. And if they do, they can-
not afford the cost of practicing it. A re-
cent article in the Wall Street Journal points
out:
"Public health and welfare authorities
contend the lack of access to modern, ef-
fective child-spacing methods is an import-
ant reason why more than half of the 7,800,-
000 persons on relief in this country are
mothers and their dependent children. The
lack of birth-control information, it's argued,
also helps explain why this aid to dependent
children (ADC)) relief group has soared to
More than 4 million persons from 2.2 mil-
lion in 1955."
I do not believe that these people would
be having all of these children if they knew
how to prevent it. What we must do is give
them a choice. Opportunities for the ire-
poverished must include the opportunity to
plan family growth. The hopelessness of the
constant flow of children, often unwanted,
to people already with little hope cannot be
overestimated. And something can be done
about it. The time to do it is now.
The subcommittee of the Appropriations
Committee has responded to this respon-
sibility, as has the Senate, and as did the
House conferees.
Mr. President, that completes my state-
ment on the conference report.
WEAK SPOT IN OUR DEFENSES
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, Jes-
uit Fathers of the United States and
Canada publish weekly the national
Catholic review, America, one of the no-
table magazines of comment and inter-
pretation.
Indicative of the broad and growing
concern over the tragic decline of our
merchant marine is the leading article
in the July 24 issue of America titled
"Weak Spot in Our Defenses."
Written by Rear Adm. John D. Hayes,
U.S. Navy, retired, it details the erosion
of our merchant fleet since the Korean
confliet, and pictures the effect that
this may have in the event of enlarged
future hostilities overseas.
Mr. President, the editors of America
are to be commended for the prominence
they have given to Admiral Hayes' warn-
ing. For the convenience of my distin-
guished colleagues who may not have
ready access to this magazine, and with
the knowledge that in reading It they
will be impressed as I have been, I ask
unanimous consent that the article
"Weak Spot in Our Defenses," be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WEAK SPOT in Our DEFENSES
(By Rear Adm. John D. Hayes)
At the opening of the Korean hostilities,
the U.S. merchant marine, although its ebb
had already set in, was still the greatest the
world had known, Its quiet, effective service,
made that war appear logistically easy and
gave rise to the dangerous assumption that
the United States would have little trouble
conducting limited wars overseas. Today,
it Is difficult to see how the residue of that
once great fleet can properly support our
present commitment in Vietnam---soon to be
100,000 troops, the South Vietnamese forces
and an enlarged 7th Fleet.
If military operations In Vietnam are al-
lowed to expand even to the extent of the
Korean war, we must be ready to accept se-
vere and lasting strains on our economy and
foreign relations. For we do not have now,
as we had in the similar situation in 1950,
y o ass
an o. Mr. President, my approach to the -issue
The plagues and famine which in former of birth control may be summed up by that
times brought their own form of cruel popu- one pivotal word in the official title of the
lation control are mercifully a thing of the Poverty Act: opportunity. The people in this
past in our country. It must be hoped that country who, most of all, do not know how
none of us wishes to rely, for a way out of to space their children are those who are
Our dilemma, on that final and most terrible least able to adequately provide for children.
of the four horsemen, war. Our own tre- They simply do not have access to the neces-
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 20743
Mr. LAUSCHE. My only answer to Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I FUNDS FOR PROSECUTING THE WAR IN VIETNAM
the question of the Senator from New move that the motion to reconsider be Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, the
York is that I seek to have equal ap- laid on the table. defense appropriations bill, for which I
plicability of a principle to all situa- The motion to lay on the table was voted in committee, carries all the funds
tions. agreed to. requested by the President for the prose-
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I am Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I cution of our war in South Vietnam. We
advised by the staff that, under the pres- move that the Senate insist upon its were informed that the special item in
ent language of the amendment, it prob- amendments and request a conference the pending bill for the Vietnam war is
ably does not affect the balance-of-pay- thereon with the House, and that the in the nature of a down payment, and we
ments situation to any important degree. Chair appoint the conferees on the part will be presented with a supplemental
I agree very much with what the Sen- of the Senate. item early next year, when the military
ator from New York has just stated, that The motion was agreed to; and the authorities can make a more actual ap-
this is an area on which we have not Presiding Officer appointed Mr. BYRD of praisal of what will be required.
really been fully informed as to how far Virginia, Mr. LONG of Louisiana, Mr. I shall make no effort at appraising
it would reach. How far it generally ap- SMATHERS, Mr. WI LIAMS of Delaware, the amount but some well-informed
plies, we do not know; but, under the and Mr. CARLSON conferees on the part members of our Senate Armed Services
circumstances, I would be glad to recom- of the Senate. Committee have placed the figure as high
mend that we take the amendment to Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask as $10 billion a year. Before we become
conference at the present time, and then unanimous consent that H.R. 4750 be committed to expenditures of that mag-
we will get the views of the Treasury printed with the Senate amendments nitude, which inevitably will have an in-
Department on it, as to what they think numbered; and that in the engrossment flationary effect upon our domestic econ-
of the amendment, and perhaps we may of the amendments of the Senate, the omy because they will be superimposed
be able to solve the problem. Secretary of the Senate be authorized to upon a regular budget of $100 billion or
Mr. LAUSCHE. Let me say to the make the necessary technical and cleri- more with anticipated revenue of less
Senator from New York that I con- cal corrections, than $95 billion, a serious effort should
templated preparation of an all-embrac- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without be made for us to gain complete control
Ing amendment, but I was told that we objection, it is so ordered. of a war in which we will pay all of the
do notknow how much the impact would Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, we expenses and in the end do most of the
be and, therefore, I limited it. have just completed action on H.R. 4750, fighting.
Mr. JAVITS. Let me say to the Sen- the extension of the interest equalization For instance, it is a well known fact
ator from Ohio, who has a deep devotion tax. It has been a very long time since that up until recently, we have permitted
to public service, that it is unlikely that I have seen such cooperation displayed the Government of South Vietnam to
the amendment will not affect the bal- in this chamber as that which was dis- have control of the war effort. Those
ante of payments. I believe that it will. played today on the part of the Senators government officials could tell our com-
To show the Senator why: We have closely associated with this bill, manders what they could do and what
no illusions about what the conference The Senator from Florida [Mr. they could not do. There were reports
committee will do to the amendment if SMATHERS] has again displayed his great to the effect that when we stepped up
the amount involved is negligible, because parliamentary ability and leadership on commitment to 70,000 men, we would
then it would affect the balance of pay- this measure. He was more than ably our insist upon taking charge of the war,
ments only negligibly; but as to the over- assisted by the junior Senator from but to what extent that promise has
all perspective, we do a vast amount of Louisiana CMr. LONG]. been carried out has not as yet been
advertising business with Canada in Equally great credit and appreciation made public. One of the evidences that
terms of Canadian companies advertis- are extended to the senior Senator from it has not been carried out is a news
Ing in this country. Therefore, other Delaware [Mr. WILLIAMS], the ranking item today to the effect that local labor
media could be clamoring for similar Republican member on the Finance unions control the hours which dock-
treatment. . . Committee, for his cooperation and skill workers in Saigon are willing to work,
It would affect the balance of pay- in assisting in the swift and satisfactory and that huge supplies of both food and
ments, if only appreciably, because our completion of the consideration of this ammunition are piling up at that prin-
exports involve not only the export of vital legislation; to him and to the senior cipal seaport because of the lack of
goods, for which we get back dollars, Senator from New York [Mr. JAVITS], stevedores to expeditiously handle them,
but also exports of services. who offered his proposals so succinctly and yet we have thousands of Marines
But I understand the dilemma of the and expeditiously, the Senate owes a in the jungles have thousands of whose
Senator from Ohio. The amendment special note of thanks. Again, this dis- in the of Asia
would go to committee, and with the play of cooperation this afternoon re- we are will shipping, pinupon the supplies
for instance, sup a that
a
understanding that the committee would news my optimism that we shall be able
approach this in conference as a matter to adjourn around) Labor Da.v eon, and which cannot easily reach their
have not had an opportunity to consider ~/ have destroyed all of the railroads and
it, I would have no objection. DEPARTMENT " OF DEFENSE most of the main highways for at least
.Mr. HART. Mr. President, I thank APPROPRIATIONS, 1966 half of South Vietnam.
the Senator from Florida for his willing- Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I Another problem that should' be
ness to take the amendment of the Sen- move that the Senate proceed to the con- solved before we commit more men and
ator from Ohio, which I congratulate sideration of Calendar No. 608, House of more billions of dollars to this effort in
the Senator from Ohio in offering, and Representatives bill 9221. the jungles of southeast Asia is the lack
join the Senator in sponsoring, and hope The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill of accurate information on what is ac-
that divine providence will be at work will be stated by title for the informa- tually happening in South Vietnam. in
with the conferees. tion of the Senate. a featured article in today's Wall Street
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R. Journal, entitled, "Void in Vietnam," by
question is on agreeing to the amend- 9221) making appropriations for the De- the well-informed correspondent, Philip
ment of the Senator from Ohio. partment of Defense for the fiscal year Geyelin, the statement is categorically
The amendment was agreed to. ending June 30, 1966, and for other pur- made that we know little about either
The amendments were ordered to be poses. foe or ally in South Vietnam. I ask
engrossed, and the bill to be read a third The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
time. objection to the present consideration unanimous consent to have printed at
The bill was read the third time, and of the bill? this point in the RECORD, the full text
passed, There being no objection, the Senate of that statement.
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I proceeded to consider the bill, which had There being no objection, the state-
move that the vote by which the bill was been reported from the Committee on ment was ordered to be printed in the
passed be reconsidered. Appropriations with amendments. RECORD, as follows:
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20744 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE August 24, 1965
Mom the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 24,'10651 confessed one top military commander in north--was difficult to document and, at
Vom IN VIETNAM-UNITED STATES IrNOWS Saigon, speaking of the U.S. combat intelli- best a difference only in degree.
LITTLE ABOUT ITS FOE, NOT MUCH MORE gence capability. "With all this power, we're CATCHWORDS AND CLICHES
ABOUT ALLY like a man fumbling around in a dark closet
" As information makes its way inexorably
ouse
h
i
t
t
a m
.
o ca
c
try
ng
(By Philip Geyelin) And not that a visiting reporter is neces- towards the President's desk it also gets
WASHXNCToN.-One of the more di. uiet- sarily any better off. What he may, how- condensed for quick comprehension; it gets
g discoveries made on a tour of South viet- ever, be able to define somewhat more exactly reduced to catchwords or cliches, or corn-
in
lib sta-
i
l
in
g
ay
sp
nam is the amount of sheer ignorance about than a visiting U.S. dignitary may be able mitred to computers for d
-* tisties or graphic charts. No matter how
friend as well as foe upon which the-most to, on his formal, official rounds, is the di-
carefully qualified and unsusceptible to gen-
f
. In attempt
e
e m
,
h
intelli
k h
f
o
-
s
o
g
nce gap
er
mensi
n o
t
e
portentous decisions bac
necessity, be based. Ing to do so, what is also revealed are some eralities the original judgment may have
President Johnson constructs a case with of the bureaucratic idiosyncrasies and Im- been, the end product may have the
fine precision for each new move he makes; pediments that may be making the gap appearance of unquestioned truth.
Secretary of Defense McNamara builds in de- somewhat wider than it has to be. Combat casualties are a case in point.
tailed and dazzling statistical support; Sec- What appears to have happened, in the According to military authorities, the Air
retary of State Rusk adds sturdy logic to the course of escalating the American effort In Force estimates the effects of its bombing
policy under-pinnings. Yet it becomes In- this hideously complicated, many-faceted attacks by a highly involved computation
creasingly apparent, as you dig deeper in, war, is that the United States has hastily based on the area hit, the number of people
that much of this rests on shifting sands of jerry-built a hideously complicated, many- that must have been in it, the number of
uncertainties, unknowns, even unknowables. faceted behemoth of a bureaucracy. The bombs that should have landed in it. "Then
The President and his war counselors have men at the very top, who must make the they put those two unknowns together, come
no end of secret intelligence data. But the decisions, are removed not once or twice but up with an apparent 'known,' and ship the
bulk of it comes from Vie namese-whop have many times from their lower-level minions figure off weekly to Washington," says one
no end of axes to grind. Much of it is also whose first-hand, front-line contact with Saigon officer despairingly.
belated, just because eve'rything has to be the shadowy, essentially local Vietnam strug- The very nomenclature of the enemy tends
double-checked, and the best of it is, in gle makes them uniquely sensitive to what's to mislead. As the U.S. Government would
the words of one authority, "simply not good really going on. have it, the Vietcong are all Red, all under
enough." To a degree, this can't be helped; intelli- Hanoi's thumb and not engaged in promot-
The top men have pile upon pile of com- gene is always a headache in guerrilla war; ing anything remotely resembling revolu-
bat reports. But the recent confusion over bureaucracy balloons whenever governmen- tionary causes that might just have some
results of the bomb raid against North Viet- tal activity grows rapidly. But it is hard measure of popular sympathy. Few people
namese missile sites is but one index to the to escape the conclusion that a real effort on the scene share that view; but their care-
unreliability of even eyewitnesses accounts- to streamline the multiple chains of com- ful qualifications, which might someday be-
at jet speed. Enemy casualties, for another mand and channels of information might come the basis for coining to terms with at
example, remain a mystery; to penetrate it well make the policy-makers a little less re- least some elements of the enemy, are,
often invites guesswork so wildly theoretical mote from the realities. Granted, the up- even if accepted privately, certainly not con-
that U.S. military commanders in Saigon shot then might sometimes be greater, not ceded publicly by policy-makers here.
privately scoff at the results. Even the regu- less, uncertainty at the top. But a greater Over-simplification, for the sake of mak-
lar "progress" reports from the South Viet- willingness to concede uncertainty might be ing a political case, is no novelty. Nor does
namese: on their own "pacification" efforts useful in itself, if it served to restrain those the high command privately pretend, as one
must be examined with a fishy eye;'their who would have the United States plunge of their number puts it, "not to know bow
contents, more often than not, are calculated into deeper involvement in the struggle. little we know." A veteran Saigon hand is
largely to please. As it is, a rough rule of thumb applies: the first to admit that he is sometimes "ap-
American war-watchers in the field are The further you proceed from Washington's palled at the sort of information on which I
richly endowed with rumor. But much of it policymaking peaks, down through the bu- had to advise the President." But if this is
I false- maliciously o. What the Viet- reaucratic jungle in Saigon, past the pains- frank, it's hardly reassuring, and a couple
tong ,of spread around, to confuse and takingly prepared, richly documented "brief- of caveats are suggested by a study of the
mislead, the South Vietnamese will cheer- Inge" and on out into the countryside, Vietnam intelligence void.
fully circulate about each other. "I used to the more you are likely to encounter candor, First, the illusion of knowledge can be in-
think Washington was rough on character a questioning spirit, honest diversity of view. fectious. As the United States stakes more
assassination until I heard the South Viet- The more you also encounter genuine, and more on the Vietnam struggle, it may
game of
namese Buddhists talking about the Catho- closeup expertise. be all too easy to forget the struggle remains lies Such vice versa," sty one old hand. Ultimately, the richest lode is found at a chance; rather the uncertain, knowledge gap is not unpredictable necessarily
Such striking exceptions o last week the bottom of the bureaucratic pile, among narrowed by the arrival of another division of
big Marine victory on Van Thong Peninsula y a small but growing band
of youthful Amer- U.S. troops. Advocates of caution, then, have
only reinforce the rule. There, a massive ive i oan political warriors. arriors. Some are military y right to claim this as a compelling
argument.
Vietcong concentration, backed up against officers, others budding diplomats, or foreign evethe sea coast, seemed almost to be inviting aid operatives, or U.S. Information Agency ery every
n the frequirement for
attack; skillfully it was trapped by an even officers. Their diverse official auspices are Second, intelligence puts a fundamental e very real and practical
more massive force of Marines. Finding, less Important than the qualities they share: limit on any effort to "Americanize" the
encircltAg and crushing a comparable force At least some fluency in Vietnamese, for war. In Congress and elsewhere, there are
inland is much more difficult; chasing down example; deep dedication and a scholar's come for
smaller hit-and-run guerrilla units tougher approach to the new arts of counter-insur- Increasing cries elbo that w the the Smith time ith has s comefor
still. genet, a real zeal for hazardous front-line forces one
- The decision-makers can deduce, and es- duty in remote hamlets; a remarkable grasp aside were and and take ke over. but But other even en if If eh this t con-
col-
timate, and guess. In time they can usually of all the Interrelated military, political, eco- cept
opse a when you consider the Intelligence
catch up to the truth. Moreover, in their nomic and psychological elements of the need. In the last analysis, a cooperative Viet-
defense, it must be said that large aspects Vietnam conflict, to an extent unmatched namese populace, and an army reasonably
of the Vietnam war are unavoidably im- almost anywhere along the chain of com- l to the Saigon government and asonabt-
penetrable: The true intentions of the leader- mand, except perhaps at the very tap. loyal l the conflict, together hold the key to
ship in Hanoi, for example, the identity of Thus, some of the keenest insights are "finding and fixing" the enemy; at that
the Vietcong terrorist in the village or the the farthest removed, by rank or reach, from point, U.S. firepower can possibly be brought
Vietcong agent in the upper reaches of the the men who need them most. Moreover, to bear. But language barriers, not to men-
government, the whereabouts at Crucial something funny happens to low-level expert tion the simple fact of being foreign, make
fnomeits of enemy forces, the designs upon counsel on its way up the bureaucratic it quite impossible for the Americans by
each other of Saigon's coup-makers. heights. It gets tailored for political com- themselves to flush out the Vietcong, except
But the fact still Is that in the main, and fort, or to fit preconceptions. For example, by such indiscriminate force that popular
at the time that it matters most, the deci- last year U.S. officials built an impressive support would be alienated irretrievably and
lsion-makers don't really know what they are case against bombing North Vietnam on the whole point of the exercise lost.
talking about. They are largely in the dark grounds that the war in South Vietnam was THE THREAT OF PASSIVITY
about the enemy and not much more solidly largely a homegrown affair, which probably
informed about supposed friends. They would rage on even without Hanoi's outside This, then, is the real key to turning the
have only a remote sense of the sentiment help. This year. with the decision to "bomb tide in this political war. In the opinion of
of the Vietnamese populace, a fleeting feel north" already 'made, a new case was con- almost every expert on the scene, one of the
for the course the conflict is taking or may structed, along the lines that everything gravest threats to U.S. aims is passivity; most
take. would be quite manageable In the south were Vietnamese have no reason to care. 'T'hey
"WE'RE BLIND" it not for Hanoi's outside help and guidance. will bend with the Wind, whether it be Viet-
Not that they seriously pretend, at least The justification, however-stepped-up tnfil- cong terror or Vietcong blandishments. The
in private, to anything else. "We're blind," tration and other assistance from the only real hope is that they can somehow be
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
persuaded to bend to Saigon, and this, In the
judgment of most, will require some more
tangible display of government interest in
their lot than destruction of their villages in
quest of Vietcong.
It will take a long, patient, difficult gov-
ernment program of social and political re-
form, skillfully promoted and stage-man-
aged by the United States-but from the
wings. Done convincingly, as an adjunct to
military security measures, the theory is, this
can break the vicious circle that now makes
physical security a prerequisite of collabora-
tion with the government in furnishing in-
telligence and makes timely intelligence a
prerequisite to security. This wouldn't set-
tle the war; but it might help set the stage
for settlement.
For the United States, this means a greater
effort to develop the particular blend of po-
litical, military, diplomatic and economic ex-
pertise required to work effectively with the
Government-in Saigon, at province head-
quarters, at district and village level. And
this, In turn, many U.S. authorities believe,
can be done not only by pooling individual
U.S. agency talents In cumbersome collective
efforts but by encouraging expansion of that
breed of American political warrior in whom
all. these special talents are combined.
How this Is already happening, and why it
may not be happening as fast as it could,
will be the subject of another report on the
question of how Washington's hard-pressed
policymakers might be brought into closer
contact with the day-to-day complexities
and realities of Vietnam's war.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I
move that the Senate adjourn.
The motion was agreed to; and (at
6 o'clock and 50 minutes p.m.) the Sen-
ate adjourned until tomorrow, Wednes-
day, August 25, 1965, at 12 o'clock
meridian.
20745
NOMINATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate August 24, 1965:
U.S. ATTORNEY
Richard E. Eagleton, of Illinois, to be U.S.
attorney for the southern district of Illinois
for the term of 4 years vice Edward R. Phelps,
term expired.
THE JUDICIARY
Sidney 0. Smith, Jr., of Georgia, to be
U.S. district judge for the northern district
of Georgia vice William Boyd Sloan, retiring.
John P. Fullam, of Pennsylvania, to be
U.S. district judge for the eastern district of
Pennsylvania vice Abraham L. Freedman,
elevated.
CONFIRMATION
Executive nomination confirmed by
the Senate August 24, 1965:
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
J. Cordell Moore, of Illinois, to be an Assist-
ant Secretary of the Interior.
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House of Representatives
The House met at 12 o'clock noon.
The Chaplain, Rev. Bernard Braskamp,
D.D., prefaced his prayer with these
words of Scripture: Luke 17: 5: Lord,
increase our faith.
Eternal God, whose mercies are with-
out number, whose power is ever gracious
and whose love is new every day, we give
Thee thanks that Thy hand of blessing is
always upon us.
Grant that there may be given unto) us
a new birth of faith, hope and wonder,
and may our minds be touched to a more
liberal distribution of our blessing in be-
half of those who know the bitterness of
want.
May our faith in Thee be more trustful
and triumphant, and joyous in service,
giving us the assurance that our vision
of the moral and spiritual values are a
prophecy of our high duty and destiny.
Inspire us to be numbered among those
who live in Thy spirit and may Thy
words ring In our ears, at once an invita-
tion and a challenge and causing us to be
partners with Thee in the building of a
better world.
Hear us in Christ's name. Amen.
THE JOURNAL
The Journal of the proceedings of
yesterday was read and approved.
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A message from the Senate by Mr. Ar-
rington, one of its clerks, announced that
the Senate had passed a resolution as
follows:
S. Ras. 141
Resolved, That the Senate has heard with
profound sorrow the announcement of the
death of Hon. Clarence J. Brown, late a Rep-
resentative from the State of Ohio.
Resolved, That a committee of two Sena.-
tore be appointed by the Presiding Officer to
join the committee appointed on the part of
the House of Representatives to attend the
funeral of the deceased Representative.
Resolved, That the Secretary communicate
these resolutions to the House of Represent-
atives and transmit an enrolled copy thereof
to the family of the deceased.
Resolved, That, as a further mark of re?-
spect to the memory of the deceased, the
Senate do now'adjourn.
The message also announced that the
Senate had passed without amendment;
a bill and concurrent resolutions of the
House of the following titles:
H.R. 9544. An act to authorize the disposal,
without regard to the prescribed 6-month
waiting period, of approximately 620,000 long
tons of natural rubber from the national
stockpile;
H. Con. Res. 453. Concurrent resolution ex-
pressing the approval of Congress for the
disposal of magnesium from the national
stockpile;
If. Con. Res. 454. Concurrent resolution ea.-
pressing the approval of Congress for the
TUESDAY, AUGUST 24, 1965
disposal of diamond dies from the national
stockpile and nonstockpile bismuth alloys;
and
H. Con. Res. 455. Concurrent resolution ex-
pressing the approval of Congress for the
disposal of hyoscine from the national stock-
pile.
The message also announced that the
Senate had passed, with amendments in
which the concurrence of the House is
requested, bills of the House of the fol-
lowing titles:
H.R.4152. An act to amend the Federal
Farm Loan Act and the Farm Credit Act of
1933 to provide means for expediting the
retirement of Government capital in the
Federal intermediate credit banks, including
an increase in the debt permitted such
banks in relation to their capital and provi-
sion for the production credit associations
to acquire additional capital stock to pro-
vide for allocating certain earnings of such
banks and associations to their users, and for
other purposes; and
H.R. 6007. An act to amend title 10, United
States Code, to authorize the promotion of
qualified reserve officers of the Air Force
to the reserve grades of brigadier general and
major general.
The message also announced that the
Senate had passed, with amendments in
which the concurrence of the House is
requested, a bill of the House of the
following title:
H.R. 9220. An act making appropriations
for certain civil functions administered by
the Department of Defense, the Panama
Canal, certain agencies of the Department of
the Interior, the Atomic Energy Commission,
the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development
Corporation, the Tennessee Valley Authority,
and the Delaware River Basin Commission,
for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1966, and
for other purposes.
The message also announced that the
Senate insists upon its amendments to
the foregoing bill, requests a conference
with the House on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses thereon, and appoints
Mr. ELLENDER, Mr. HAYDEN, Mr. RUSSELL
of Georgia, Mr. MCCLELLAN, Mr. HILL,
Mr. MAGNUSON, Mr. HOLLAND, Mr. BIBLE,
Mr. MCNAMARA, Mr. PASTORE, Mr. HRUSKA,
Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota, Mr. MUNDT,
and'Mrs. SMITH to be the conferees on
the part of the Senate.
The message also announced that the
Senate Insists upon its amendments to
the bill (H.R. 5768) entitled "An act to
extend for an additional temporary pe-
riod the existing suspension of duties on
certain classifications of yarn of silk",
disagreed to by the House; agrees to the
conference asked by the House on the
disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and appoints Mr. BYRD of Vir-
ginia, Mr. LONG of Louisiana, Mr. SMATH-
ERS, Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware, and Mr.
CARLSON to be the conferees on the part
of the Senate.
AN ACT MAKING APPROPRIATIONS
FOR MILITARY CONSTRUCTION
FOR THE. DEPARTMENT OF DE-
FENSE FOR THE FISCAL YEAR
ENDING JUNE 30, 1966, AND FOR
OTHER PURPOSES
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani-
mous consent to take from the Speaker's
table the bill (H.R. 10323) making ap-
propriations for military construction for
the Department of Defense for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1966, and for other
purposes, with Senate amendments
thereto, disagree to the Senate amend-
ments, and agree to the conference asked
by the Senate.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Flor-
ida?
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, reserving the
right to object, may I inquire of the dis-
tinguished gentleman from Florida, the
chairman of the subcommittee, if this
is the regular military appropriation
act, other than military construction,
and other than procurement of missiles,
tanks, planes, et cetera?
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, if the dis-
tinguished gentleman will yield. This
is the military construction appropriation
bill. It has no other function and no
other purpose.
Mr. HALL. Then, if the distinguished
gentleman will answer further, this is
an appropriation on a, bill for which there
is no authorization at this time; is that
correct?
Mr. SIKES. If the gentleman will
yield further, that is correct. The au-
thorization bill has been vetoed. How-
ever, the subject of the veto is not car-
ried in either of the versions of the mil-
itary construction appropriation bill.
Therefore, this item IS not in disagree-
ment insofar as our bill is concerned. It
is my understanding that the Commit-
tee on Armed Services expects to bring
a bill to the floor in a day or two which,
it is hoped, will resolve the problem which
prompted the veto. In the meantime,
may I point out to the House that there
are a number of matters of disagreement
in the two versions of the military con-
struction appropriation bill. We feel
that we should get along with the con-
ference in an attempt to iron out these
differences. Then we will be prepared.
to bring an appropriation bill back to the
House when there is an authorization.
We realize at the moment there is no
authorization but we are seeking to con-
serve the time of the House.
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
gentleman from Florida [Mr. SIKEs] for
his, as usual, straightforward, informed,
and adequate answers, plus the explana-
tions. However, inasmuch as this mat-
ter involves a serious constitutional ques-
tion and certainly the prerogatives of the
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 20807
ment. I hope to see the day when this
Government might spend perhaps a
tenth as much on music as it does on
munitions. I am sure the rewards will
be far greater.
AMERICAN HUMANICS FOUNDATION
(Mr. HALL asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to revise and
extend his remarks and include extra-
neous matter.)
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, per attached
summary, a recent meeting was held in
the heart of America at Kansas City,
Mo., of the 18th Annual Convention of
the American Humanics Foundation.
In this day of those who claim no rep-
resentation, in this day. of emphasis on
the minority, in this day of competition
for survival, and in this day of turmoil,
it is refreshing to see and read of those
dedicated to training of the human ele-
ment in the instruction of the youth of
today for leadership tomorrow. Such in
a nutshell is the mission and objective
of the American Humanics Foundation.
Formed by a group of those dedicated to
youth, and principally by H. Roe Bartle,
former Scout executive of the Greater
Jackson County Council, Boy Scouts of
America, and with the tacit consent- of
the Boy Scouts of America and other
youth training organizations, a curri-
culum was developed in basic colleges
distributed geographically toward the
training of our executive directors and
leaders of youth groups such as the Boy
Scouts of America, YMCA, Campfire
Girls, Girl Scouts, Boys Clubs, YWCA,
and others; rather than using the some-
times excellent, but oftentimes untrained
personnel from other vocations and jobs
in life. Graduates now serve over the
world with distinction in youth training
organizations. The sterling success of
this program, including its scholarship
foundation-a rotating fund-and many
of those who have been the prime movers
in the program and its expansion to
other colleges are summarized in the ar-
ticle by Secretary Russell S. Planck,
which under unanimous consent I place
hereafter:
HIGHLIGHT REPORT OF THE 18TH ANNUAL
MEETING OF ' THE AMERICAN HUMANICS
FOUNDATION, HELD ON JULY 30-31, 1965,
AT THE HOTEL MUEHLEBACH, KANSAS CITY,
Mo.
President Ralph W. McCreary convened
the 18th annual meeting of the American
Humanics. Foundation at 2:30 p.m. on Fri-
day, July 30. One hundred and sixty-six
At the annual banquet, Dr. Delmer H. Wil-
son, vice chairman of the board, Impres-
sively unveiled the findings of the yearlong
study by the long-range planning committee.
The committee recommended the adding of
the humanics program on one- additional
campus each year for the next 5 years; of
adding a new faculty member when each
unit Is started, and a second professor after
the second year at each new institution; of
serving 100 students in each college unit by
the time of the third year in each unit,
bringing our total students within the next
5 years to 555 at a time; of supporting this
vital work with the necessary annual budget
reaching $285,000 for the 1969-70 academic
year. Annual awards were presented by
Founder H. Roe Bartle to Dr. Delmer H.
Wilson, as life member, No. 12; to _ Dr. K.
Duane Hurley, president of Salem College, as
life member, No. 13; to Mrs. Harper J. Rans-
burg in recognition of her election and serv-
ice as honorary president of the foundation.
Appreciation plaques were conferred upon
Mr. Harold Ransburg, who was elected as vice
president of the foundation, and Prof. Weav-
er Marr who has been an administration for
the foundation for the past 12 years at Salem
College. The 166 delegates at the banquet
were treated to a mountaintop experience
by the eloquent and stirring address of the
Reverend Thomas Stephens Haggai, of High
Point, N.C., as he proclaimed our challenge
for the future in terms of accomplishment
on the campuses of America and in our mis-
sion of spreading love and leadership upon
the American scene.
Committees conferred and planned Satur-
day morning bringing their recommenda-
tions to the business session. Dr. Morris
Thompson, president of Kirksville College of
Osteopathy and Surgery, reported for the
curriculum and expansion committee that
the invitation of Indiana Central College at
Indianapolis, Ind., had been accepted for the
establishment of the next unit of the Ameri-
can Humanics Foundation. Students will be
accepted for the opening in September, 1966.
Dr. Thompson also reported that the com-
mittee was interested In next moving to the
Far West, then the Southwest, and then the
Eastern portion of the Nation for ensuing
units He also reported that the committee
was interested in investigating a possible
program of graduate study with particular
interest in our own grads receiving the grad-
uate work that would help prepare them for
service as resident administrators in the hu-
manics program. The finance committee
proposed a budget for 1965-66 of $143,200
which was adopted. Dr. Harry McGavran,
chairman of the finance committee, pro-
vided one of the high points of the annual
meeting in presenting a dramatic program
for the financial undergirding of the Ameri-
can Humanics Foundation. Dr. McGavran
presented the plans for a $4 million develop-
ment campaign, providing for expansion
projects for endowment of certain phases
of the program, and for current needs and
operations. Dr. McGavran mentioned gifts
of $100,000 and $80,000 which were offered
volunteered of himself to visit each college
campus in eagerness to aid the students in
seeing the need for youth agency admin-
istrators.
The closing business session saw Spurgeon
Gaskin, outlining a pattern of student re-
cruiting as tailored by the student recruit-
ing committee, heard a telephone call report
from England from the Honorable Charles
Wright, Jr., mayor of Topeka, Kans., and
chairman of the public relations committee
reporting on accomplishments of the com-
mittee and of projected plans for the coming
year. By 'acclamation and ovation the an-
nual meeting reelected Ralph W. McCreary to
once again serve as president of the founda-
tion. The annual meeting adjourned upon
the conclusion of the installation of officers
by Dr. H. Roe Bartle, founder of the Ameri-
can humanics Foundation.
Respectfully submitted,
RUSSELL S. PLANCK,
Secretary.
DISCHARGE PETITION ON HOME
RULE FOR THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA
(Mr. MULTER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, there
was placed on the desk this morning
petition No. 5, to discharge the District of
Columbia and the Rules Committees
from further consideration of the ad-
ministration bill for home rule for the
District of Columbia, making in order
the bill for the same purposes passed in
the other body. My bill is H.R. 4644.
The Senate passed bill is S. 1118.
I urge all of the Members of the House
to sign the discharge petition which is at
the desk. By so doing, I assure them,
there will be no offense intended or
tendered to any member of the Com-
mittee on the District of Columbia.
The fact of the matter is that no
matter how long the hearings may con-
tinue before that committee, no such
bill will be reported to the House from
that committee because, unfortunately,
a majority of the members of the com-
mittee are opposed to bringing a home
rule bill to the floor.
The only way that Congress will be
able to act on home rule for the District
of Columbia Is by Members signing the
petition and bringing the bill before the
House under my resolution. It provides
an open 5-hour rule, which will give
the House an opportunity to work its will
on this subject.
Again I urge all Jifembers to sign the
delegates responded to the call for the an- during his feasibility study for this develop-
nual meeting making it, by far, the largest ment campaign. President McCreary asked
annual meeting In the history of the founda- only those to vote in favor of the develop-
tion. The administrators reported on cam- ment campaign who were willing to work and
pus accomplishments of the Missouri Valley support it. Development campaign proposal
unit, the Salem College unit, and the Ogle- adopted unanimously.
thorpe College unit, as well as the pioneer- The luncheon featured two addresses. Dr.
ing work done at the new High Point College K. Duane Hureey, president, Salem College,
unit. The report was given about the im- who indicated that the presence of the
portant role our 416 graduates are playing American Humanise Foundation on the
in youth agencies such as juvenile courts, Salem campus had helped bring to that
Junior Achievement, Boy Scouts of Amer- campus the distilled essence of the spirit of
ica, YMCA, Camp Fire, Boys' Clubs, and service that now permeates the entire cam-
the YWCA. Humanics graduates gave per- pus. Alden Barber, Scout executive of the
sonal testimonials on how the humanics Chicago Area Council, BSA, indicated the
program assisted them In their chosen personal regard he had for the dozen Hu-
career. mantes graduates that he had employed and
AN AMERICAN MARINE WHO KNEW
WHY WE ARE FIGHTING IN VIET-
NAM
(Mr. ALBERT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous material.)
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, the re-
cent news from Vietnam heralding the
success of our marines in the fighting at
Chulai must not be allowed to obscure
the fact that we still face a long, tough
struggle in Vietnam. The Vietcong and
its comptrollers in Hanoi have not yet
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081Ski1T1L :.RE1tD~-> flT August
demonstrated any intention of abandon-
ing their efforts to overcome the people
of the south by military force and to
communize them.
Even more irtantly, perhaps, such
reports of the fighting strength of the
South Vietnamese soldiers and their
American counterparts in the current
battles should not obscure the kind of re-
ports that come to us of the personal un-
derstanding which our fighting men have
of the necessity of the U.S. Involvement
in Vietnam, and the dedication which
they have to the basic purposes of our
commitment there. I have been preoccu-
pied for some time, Mr. Speaker-con-
cerned-at the difference betweendedi-
cated soldiers in the rice paddies and
highlands of Vietnam and some placard-
carrying objectors here in the United
States far from the field of conflict. The
former want to press ahead, believing
that the reality of the situation requires
Communist force to be met by force in
order for peace and the chances for sta-
bility and development to come to south-
east Asia. The,latter, unhampered by a
direct, personal experience in the situa-
tion and by the kind of thinking a man
has to do when his own life is at stake,
want to withdraw.
There are, no doubt, some American
soldiers in Vietnam who feel uncertainty
about our goals in Vietnam and skepti-
cism about the, chances of achieving
them. I do not mean to say that they
do not exist. But I do.not believe they
are characteristic either-they are the
exceptions to the rule. In this regard,
I would like to insert in the RECORD an
excerpt from Monday's White House
press conference which discusses a letter
Marine M. Sgt. George A. DeLuca wrote
home shortly before he,died:
Question. Bill, a marine sergeant in Viet-
nun was killed and the family received. a
letter after he had died saying he was sorry
for people in the United States who felt that
the Vietnam war was not their war?
Mr. MOYERS. Well, the President reads a
number of letters like this, Helen:
"I feel sorry for those Americans who are
saying the Viet war is not their war," wrote
Marine M. Sgt. George A. DeLuca of Ham-
monton 2 days before he was killed in the
southeast Asia,war.
"If you ask the fighting men who are there,
the tragedy of Vietnam is indeed necessary,
DeLuca told his sister-in-law and her hus-
band, Mr. and Mrs. Willard Ehrke of Folsom
In his last letter.
"If China takes South Vietnam, she has
control of the Indian Ocean and from there
she can put her tactics into Africa, Australia,
Japan, and just keep moving," said the
marine.
"if we don't stop them, now Georgie a:nd
Mike will be fighting 10 or 15 years from
now." George, 7, and Michael, 2, are De-
Luca's sons.
'`When I read. or hear about those demon-
strations and people saying this is not their
war, I feel sorry for them," he wrote,
As I said, the President reads a number of
letters like that almost every day from serv-,
icemen, some of which are directed to him,
others of which are directed to officials of the
administration. And to those to which he
replies, and in the replies from others from
within the administration, the President
tries to express his appreciation and his grat-
itude for their. understanding of the im-
portance of why they are there.
The President feels very strongly that those
of our sons who are fighting in South Viet-
nam should be supported by unity and ac-
cord at home and he thinks it is very im-
portant that this kind of national unity ex-
ists. He thinks it is extremely urgent, in
fact, that those fellows know that this coun-
try supports them and, in fact, the President
does believe that this country is supporting
their efforts-an of the efforts of all of our
troops in South Vietnam.
I think It is just one of the reasons why
the President continues to stress the Im-
portance of unity and accord and under-
standing back home. That Is the reason for
our fellows knowing that while they are
fighting .and dying they have the solid sup-
port of the American people.
The key point here, Mr. Speaker, is
that this U.S. marine not only knew why
he was fighting in Vietnam and believed
in it, but that he felt sympathy for those
back home who didn't understand. Many
other such soldiers are actually discour-
aged by the failure of some protected citi-
zenssafe at home to believe in the cause
for which others are risking their lives
and to give it full support. We have other
reports, such as that of the first American
soldier to escape captivity of the Viet-
cong, 45 pounds thinner after 20 months'
confinement in a jungle prison, express-
ing disappointment in fellow Americans
back home who have protested the U.S.
role in Vietnam. He remarked that this
was disheartening to the troops over
there facing death. I have no doubt that
this is so.
This should give pause to those who ap-
pear blind to anything but the complex-
ity, the difficulty of our course in Viet-
nam-those who are too quick to shout
for withdrawal. The Army informs us
that 2,000 GI's stationed in Germany
have taken pause-and applied for trans-
fers to go to Vietnam to fight beside their
buddies there.
I believe a little more thoughtfulness
and selflessness is called for in order to
give our soldiers the sustaining knowl-
edge of unified support back home.
MICHIGAN PICKLE GROWERS ARE
IN A PICKLE
(Mr. CEDERBERG (at the request of
Mr. SxUBrrz) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. CEDERBERG. Mr. Speaker, the
Michigan pickle growers are in a pickle.
I am advised that unless labor is pro-
vided at once for the harvest of this
crop the loss to the farmers of Michi-
gen will be in the millions. Yesterday,
I wired and wrote the Secretary of Labor
indicating the urgency of the need for ad-
ditional workers now. I have received
the following telegrams from my district
indicating the seriousness of this
problem :
Mr. Orbie J. Swartz, of AuGres, Mich.,
wires:
As a farmer and pickle grower we are
experiencing a crop loss because of a short-
age of qualified laborers for picking our
pickles. Much of 'the labor available is un-
satisfactory. The problem will be further
crippling as school opens.
Victor Lutz, of Lutz Brothers Farms,
Turner, Mich., says in his wire:
Pickle picking labor shortage is critical.
Must discard half of pickle crop if no more
24, 1965
labor is available next week. Please bring
this to the attention of Department of La-
bor. Labor from cities work 3 hours and
quit.
Mr. Edwin Swartz, of Turner, Mich.,
sent the following telegram:
Due to the fact that qualified pickle pick-
ers are not available, we, the farmers, are suf-
fering crop loss. Some of the help available is
proving very unsatisfactory such as the high
school students.
In response to requests from my dis-
trict, I have sent the following wire and
letter to Secretary Wirtz:
Hon. WILLARD WIRTZ,
Secretary of Labor,
Washington, D.C.:
Shortage of labor threatens Michigan
pickle crap. Urgently request you provide
additional labor at once. Farmers cannot
stand additional losses.
Congressman ELFORD A. CEDERBERG.
Hon. WILLARD WIRTZ,
Secretary of Labor,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SECRETARY: I am advised that the
shortage of labor in the pickle Industry is
threatening the ability to harvest the crop
in Michigan. The farmers tell me that un-
less additional help can be provided this
week they will lose a large portion of their
crop.
It is urgent that you promptly Investigate
this matter and try to provide the needed
help before it is too late.
I would appreciate it if you would advise
me at once the possibility of locating labor
that can be promptly used In Michigan.
Sincerely yours,
ELFOED A. CEDERBERG,
Mr. Speaker, it is absolutely necessary
that these pickle growers receive relief
now. We wait anxiously for action by
Secretary Wirtz.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
(Mr. DERWINSKC[ (at the request of
Mr. Shiusivz) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. DERV4'INSKI. Mr. Speaker, in
due time the administration will an-
nounce that the OAS has finally solved
the problem in the Dominican Republic.
This announcement, when made, will
be the "big lie." The facts of life are
that the administration has completely
bungled the situation in the Dominican
Republic and will, in effect, promote the
placement of Communists in a so-called
coalition government.
I Insert in the RECORD at this point a
story in the Sunday Chicago Tribune by
Jules Dubois:
REDS STRENGTHEN DOMINICAN POSITION
UNDER GUISE OF NEGOTIATION-REVEAL How
OAS, UNITED STATES PLAY INTO RED HANDS
(By Jules Dubois)
(Jules Dubois, the Tribune's Latin America
correspondent who was the first mainland
reporter to arrive In Santo Domingo at the
outbreak of the April rebellion, in this arti-
cle, sums up his conclusions to developments
on the island, with particular attention to
the role played by the U.S. Government.)
SAwrro DOMINGO, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC,
August 21.-After 4 years of the Alliance for
Progress, a program devised to contain the
advance of communism in Latin America,
the Reds are stronger than ever here.
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20834 V~iGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 24, 1965
untarily to place the drug an prescription
basis, change the labeling, and issue warn-
ings to the medical profession, FDA decided
to assemble an, ad hoc committee whose
decisions, while not binding, would be useful
support for the agency's position in any
regulatory action that might arise. It ap-
pears that, at the time, medical opinion
within FDA strongly favored restricting use
of the drug.
An advisory committee met in April 1964
and made several strong recommendations:
1. That meclizine and cyclizine be re-
moved from over-the-counter sale and be
made prescription Items only.
2. That labeling of meclizine and cyclizine
be revised to include the following general
statement: "Safety in early pregnancy has
not been established. Animal studies indi-
cate (name of drug) causes congenital mal-
formations. Clinical studies to date are in-
conclusive."
3. That further studies on, these drugs be
made, with reference to efficacy and terato-
genicity.
Up to this point, FDA's record is clear. It
is what happened subsequently that aroused
FOUNTAIN'S interest. For 9 months, nothing
happened at all. On January 18, 1965, Medi-
cal Director Sadusk transmitted the recom-
mendations to Commissioner Larrick, stating
that they were endorsed by the Burehu of
Medicine. Two or three days later, Sadusk
changed his mind and asked that the rec-
ommendations be withdrawn. The follow-
ing month, Sadusk set about to reconvene
the advisory committee. When it met again
1 year later, in April 1965, its recommenda-
tions were startlingly different. According
to the hearing transcript, three motions (and
evidently only three) were placed before it.
The first, that the status quo regarding the
drugs in question be maintained-that is,
that they remain freely available, no men-
tion being made of possible hazards in preg-
nancy-was voted down. The second, that
the committee be reconvened to review
"other selected drugs that may have terato-
genic effects in lower orders," was passed.
The third was a motion to the effect that
"the over-the-counter preparations of mecli-
zine, cyclizine, and chlorcyclizine may con-
tinue to be so distributed, providing that
their labeling include the warning state-
ment, 'this drug shall not be taken during
pregnancy without the advice of a physi-
cian."' That one also passed, and it appears
that it will become the basis of FDA policy.
Now, the logic of this decision can be criti-
cized in many ways, and will be. Many med-
ical scientists point out that the time a drug
is most likely to harm the fetus is in the first
few weeks of pregnancy, frequently before a
woman knows she is pregnant. This is the
time she is most likely to go to a pharmacist
and ask what is available for nausea-and
be given one of these familiar products. One
Government physician who has followed the
arguments closely feels it is "medically inde-
fensible" to assume that a label on an over-
the-counter product offers adequate protec-
tion. "The only people this decision can
possibly benefit are the drug people," he said.
FOUNTAIN, however, was interested not so
much in the medical arguments as in the
way the decision was reached to overturn the
first committee's recommendation and sup-
plant it with a far weaker recommendation.
He questioned Sadusk closely on why he had
changed his mind on an issue of such po-
tential public importance. Sadusk's reply
was essentially that he had never agreed
with the stringent recommendation in the
first place, but had passed it up the line
because it represented the conclusions of re-
spected scientists. FOUNTAIN wanted the
tape largely to discover what had transpired
in the meeting to induce this body of scien-
tists to alter its recommendations. A draft
.of an edited version of the tape had previous-
ly been received by the committee in manu-
script form, but FOUNTAIN and his staff evi-
dently felt it left key mysteries unresolved.
TWO SIDES
Thus, whatever else can be said about the
FOUNTAIN-FDA dispute, it must be said in
fairness that there are two sides to it.
FOUNTAIN'S request for the information with
which FDA was so reluctant to part grew out
of his need for data concerning two cases
that have very clear and imminent conse-
quences for the public interest. In the light
of past and present FDA policies, neither re-
quest was unique or extraordinary. Why
some segments of the scientific community
have responded so emphatically is a some-
what puzzling question. One factor seems to
have been that FOUNTAIN has been a favorite
villain of the scientific community since his
investigation of NIH a few years ago, and
there was probably a preexisting readiness to
believe that if FOUNTAIN was involved in it,
it couldn't be a very good thing for scientists.
Another factor is a natural response to sig-
nals of distress from a fellow scientist-in
this case Sadusk, who has done more in a
year to put FDA on the scientific map than
any other official accomplished in a lifetime.
It is likely that many scientists also sym-
pathize with Sadusk's view, as reported in an
article in an industry trade publication,
that "he and his bureau should be left
alone until he can get his staff to the point
where it can do a genuinely effective job"-
a point he estimated to be around fiscal year
1967 at the earliest. While this notion may
fit in with the views of many scientists who
believe that Congress should not interfere
with the conduct of scientific agencies, it
makes little sense from an administrative
point of view. By the same logic, one could
say that no new Government programs
should be reviewed at all until they had
been operating for several years. In addi-
tion, it is an uncomfortable fact that a good
many of the decisions with which FOUNTAIN
was concerned-including the remarketing of
Parnate and the reversal on meclizine-took
place after Sadusk assumed stewardship.
And it is another uncomfortable fact that,
in terms of its potential consequences for
public health and safety, the subject of Gov-
ernment drug policy is of far more impor-
tance than the subject of research-grant
administration. When a congressional com-
mittee has reason to believe that a particular
situation may be dangerous, it takes pres-
sures far more powerful than the dismay of
civil servants or the complaints of scientists
to make it change its course.
Two more points should be noted. The
first is the fact that at least some of the
scientific and medical groups who have peti-
tioned FOUNTAIN did so on the basis of re-
ports of the hearings which appeared In the
trade and regular press, and did not study
the proceedings themselves. The second Is
the possibility, reported in the trade press,
that, in an effort to blunt the impact of the
forthcoming Fountain committee report,
FDA Commissioner George Larrick may re-
tire. Larrick, 64, has been head of the FDA
since 1964 and, under Government policies,
is now free to retire. His retirement would
make the report something of an anticlimax.
MAJ. GEN. EDWAITIT G. LANSDALE
TO GO TO SOUTH VIETNAM
(Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
ROOSEVELT) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I am ex-
ceedingly pleased to see that Maj. Gen.
Edward G. Lansdale is being sent to
South Vietnam as a special assistant to
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge. I in-
clude the announcement in the Wash-
ington Post of August 20 as a part of my
remarks.
General Lansdale's appointment is be-
ing regarded-and properly so, I think-
as a clear indication of President John-
son's desire to meet the challenge of
Communist subversion and aggression
on the political front as well as on the
military front. I share his hope that the
military situation will improve as rapidly
as possible so that more and more em-
phasis can be given to the political
struggle in Vietnam-to the contest for
the allegiance of the individual Viet-
namese citizen.
It is also my hope, Mr. Speaker, that
we will push the political initiative out-
side of Vietnam-in the rest of south-
east Asia, in Africa, and in Latin Amer-
ica. I believe we could find a nation in
each of these areas whose leaders would
be willing to have our help in moving
rapidly toward social justice and a
broadly based economic prosperity.
Such a country, with our aid, could be-
come a showcase of progress, an example
and a challenge to the leaders and peo-
ple of surrounding countries. And such
an example in another country in south-
east Asia could have a profoundly fa-
vorable effect on the course of the strug-
gle in South Vietnam, by showing the
people of that area what the United
States could help them accomplish once
the Vietcong were rejected militarily and
politically.
We need not wait for military action
to create a new environment for such an
initiative in another southeast Asian
country. We can expand our political
offensive against communism now and
I think we should be as willing to sup-
port this effort financially as we are to
provide whatever may be necessary in
the way of funds to support our military
effort.
LANSDALE TO VIETNAM: STRESSES A POLITICAL
SOLUTION
(By Stanley Karnow)
The administration has appointed Maj.
Gen. Edward G. Lansdale as special assistant
to Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge at Saigon
in what Is regarded here as a reflection of
growing concern that the U.S. approach to
Vietnam has become too militarized and too
Americanized.
An unorthodox and controversial figure,
Lansdale is to aim broadly at essential polit-
ical, social, economic, and psychological
factors that, many specialists feel, have been
neglected in the recent American buildup
in Vietnam.
"In several ways we're missing the point
out there," a source close to Lansdale claims.
"The Communists are waging revolution in
all its dimensions, while our side is merely
fighting a war."
TO SEEK CLOSER BONDS
One of Lansdale's initial efforts after his
arrival in Vietnam next week will be to es-
tablish closer bonds between Vietnamese
leaders both in Saigon and in the country-
side.
Ties with the Vietnamese wore thin dur-
ing the tenure of former Ambassador Max-
well Taylor, whose mission tended to plan
programs without consulting local authori-
ties.
Lansdale is said to believe that little prog-
ress can be achieved, particularly in the
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --i HOi35E circumstantial
On the first point, officials of the agency. patient-hospital relationship. Furthermore, More important than these including commissioner George Larrick and the reporting by doctors and hospitals of in- arguments is the fundamental fact that
medical director Joseph Sadusk, claimed that formation concerning the effects of drugs to FOUNTAIN did not simply invent his requests
handing over the tape "would interfere with the Bureau of Medicine is extraordinarily de- to give the agency trouble. Wh h Fomeerrged,
cooperative relations between FDA and seise- pendent upon the preservation of this con- first, shares with ith levery other Senator
tilts, would prevent frank and open discus- fidential relationship.
sloes at such meetings, and would destroy "We are deeply concerned, therefore, at the and Congressman who has ever studied the
our attempt to set up good procedures." If recent, insistence of a congressional commit- agency, that, like other units with regula-
scientists knew the tapes would be made tee that confidential records containing spe- tort' functions, FDA has a difficult time dis-
public. Sadusk said, the result would be cific names of doctors, patients, and hos- entangling the public interest from the
private interests of the industries it is sup-
advised discussions, and out efforts to handle interfered "it pi'It is s our r belief ethat the purpose of the posed to regulate. Man critics have felt
advisory committees 'would be y
with." congressional committee could have been that there are times when agency decisions
On the second point, it was argued that properly met by obtaining records in which do not fulfill the objective of protecting the
submitting the names of doctors and patients actual names of patients, doctors, and hos- ac bliic rfro oe thsome o try the selFOvxTAUer reed
violated, the confidentiality of that relation- pitals had been deleted.-
ship, and that it would hamper the efforts We therefore recommend that steps be quests also grew out of a particular context,
of the agency to elicit cooperation from doe- taken through appropriate channels so that k and dealt with owled a of the intnelns activities Fes had rAA ed
tors in reporting adverse drug reactions. Re- in the future the confidentiality of these him Dome skeptica
sistance in the agency was so strong that the records will be preserved."
FDA officials are known to have taken the "Whereas the kinds of decisions that set- The Parnate case has an extremely com-
case to Secretary Celebrezze for final de- entists are called upon to make in advisory plex history. Full discussion of it should
cision, where they were overruled, reportedly committee meetings are not open-and-shut await publication of the FOUNTALN hearings,
on the basis of "conversations with the White and therefore require free, unrestricted and which will provide much supporting docu-
House.' The material has now been sent often contentious discussion in order to mentation. Briefly, however, the siutation
over to FOUNTAIN. reach a final decision which will represent was this. Parnate, a monoamine oxidase in-
On. the face of it, of it seems likely that the concensus of informed opinion, and hibitor used in treatment of severe depres-
almost every trained scientist would support "Whereas since such free discussion re- sion, was withdrawn from the market (under
the position taken by Larrick and Sadusk. quires further review by the individual mem- protest of its manufacturer, Smith, Kline &
A good many already have. 'Fountain's ef- bers of the committee after the meeting, In French) in February 1964, after being im-
forts to obtain this material have elicited order -that a proper permanent record may plicated in many instances of high blood
critical mail from the National Academy of be made, it is often necessary that the pro- pressure and stroke, and in some fatalities.
Sciences, the Greater Philadelphia Commit- ceedings be recorded or verbatim transcripts Subsequently it was permitted back on the
tee for Medical-Pharmaceutical Sciences, made which will later be edited by members market under new ground rules, which called
and the Mid-West Committee on Drug In- of the committee in establishing the final for its use only in hospitalized patients or in
vestigation; the communication from the report, and patients under close observation. Warnings
Mid-W-est Committee was reportedly signed "Whereas scientists would, in general, be were added against its use in combination
by 30 well-known scientists. There has also unwilling to indulge in such free discussion with other drugs, and the recommended
been correspondence from one unit of the If the detailed discussions were to be made dosage was reduced. FOUNTAIN wanted to
American Medical Association, though no for- available to a third party: Therefore, be it know why the decision to remarket the
mal word from the AMA's top leaders. While Resolved, That such recordings and tran- drug-known to have been a matter of some
none of this correspondence has yet been scripts be held confidential and that they be controversy within FDA as well as outside
made public, an apparently steady theme is m only for the purpose of arriving at It-was made, and what adverse reactions
-ed
that this kind of activity would end by in- minutes and recommendations which would had been reported since it returned to the
iterfering with clinical investigation of then be approved by members of the com- market. FDA offered some data, which the
drugs in general. A hostile editorial male- mittee after which the recording and tree- FOUNTAIN staff evidently had reason to be-
,
:ing that point has appeared in "Medical scripts would be destroyed, and that under lieve were incomplete-a contention support-
World News," an influential medical weekly no circumstances would they be transmitted by the fact that FDA has found it neces-
edited by Morris Fishbein, is former editor to a third party; and be it also sary to make several changes in the statement
of the "Journal of the American Medical initially submitted during the hearings.
"Resolved, That a copy of this resolution Little that had gone on in the hearings be-
Association." "If patients are to be faced be transmitted to the office of the President fore made for an atmosphere of trust between
with the threat that their illnesses and "their of the United States through appropriate the two parties, and the FOUNTAIN staff ap-
names may be revealed in congressional channels.- parently felt that, without access to the
testimony:' Fishbein said, "it will intensify PRINCIPLES AND CASES names of patients and physicians, it had no
the difficulty of, securing competent clinical There is little doubt that, as the writers of way to verify FDA's assertions or interpreta-
nally, the newly to assess xDru new medical advisory letters and resolutions evidently believe, the tions.
milt', the newly
beard 1 of the Foood d and brag Administration principles that have been associated with AN gccENTarc CASE HISTORY
met in July and supported the agency's post- this dispute are of some importance to the In the case of the antihistaminic drugs,
tion in several resolutions, including one on. scientific community. Unfortunately, it is FOUNTAIN'S interest was aroused by what ap-11 confidentiality of records and another on ad- not altogether clear that the principles and peared to be the drugs' eccentric recent his-
visory boards. These two resolutions read as the immediate case are related as purely as tory. The basic drugs in question are mecli-
follows: some of the critics believe. First, some rela- tine and cyclizine, which have been available
. "One of the foundations 'of the practice of tively minor points. In fairness to Repre- for many years both on prescription and on
medicine is the confidentiality of the doctor- sentative FOUNTAIN, it must be said that an over-the-counter basis. They are used
l eel no reason to believe that f ti nausea
i bs
on
u
th
I Members of the 'board are as follows:
Mark W. Allam, dean University of Pennsyl-
vania School of Veterinary Medicine; Harry
F. Dowling, professor of medicine and"head
of the Department of Medicine, University
of Illinois; Sidney Farber, professor of path-
ology, Harvard Medical School, and director
of research, Children's Cancer Research
Foundation, Boston: William M. M. Kirby,
professor of medicine, University of Wash-
ington School of Medicine, Seattle; Norman
Kretchmer, professor and executive head of
the Department of Pediatrics, Stanford Med-
ical Center, Stanford University; William R.
Mann, professor of operative dentistry, dean
of the School of Dentistry, and director of
the W. R. Kellogg Foundation Institution,
University of Michigan; John G. Morrison,
practicing physician, oaleland, Calif,: Arthur
T. Richardson, dean of the Emory University
School of Medicine and professor of pharma-
cology, Emory University; and Wesley W.
Spank, professor. of medicine, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis. -
,
o
ere s
y for treatment o mo
the -oonfidentiaiity of the material would be and vertigo. A related drug, chlorcyclizine,
violated through display In public hearings. is available on the same basis, and offered for
It was intended for the background infor- allergies, colds, hay fever, and insect bites.
Ination of l?'ovNTArN and his staff. Indeed, In the aftermath of the thalidomide episode
there one circumstance which makes a and the increased interest in the possible
Joke of f the whole issue of privacy: retie- teratogenic effect of drugs that it engendered.
the ves of the drug preparations hies were per- reports began to come in from various Euro-
antihistaminic preparat- pean countries linking meclizine with a num-
mined to sit in on the very meeting re- ber of cases of birth deformities. Several
corded on the tape to which FDA wanted to 'ountires, including Sweden? Australia, Den-
refuse FOUNTAIN access. (The company rep- mark, and :Germany, placed. the drug on a
resentatives left the room in the final hour prescription basis, and Italy put a warning
of a 6-hour session in which the retain- on the label. Subsequently, animal studies
isolations were being drawn up.) The conducted at the National Institutes of
fabled "confidentiality" of the doctor- Health showed meclizine to be teratogenic in
patient relationship also has its limits: rats causing cleft palate and incomplete
names of patients suffering adverse reactions calcification of the, vertebral column, femur,
are routinely solicited by drug companies as humerus, and skull.
well as by the FDA, and In fact have been In the light of these discoveries, the Food
i and Drug Administration began seeking out
vestigators frequently seen by studying the agency, congressional staff Including g
POuN'rArN'a Investigators. The agency doesn't ways to limit the possible harmful effects
like this, but It has been going on for several of the drug in this country. After having
years. Why FDA tried to draw the line on failed in efforts to persuade the manufac-
Parnate remains unclear. turers (Pfizer and Burroughs Wellcome) voi-
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
political realm, unless a sense of trust is
restored between Americans and Vietnamese.
He will also strive to contact Vietnam's
wide variety of political and religious fac-
tions in hope of helping them find some
common ground for unity.
TO BUILD UP RED FOES
Some analysts submit that Lansdale's
longer-term objective is to strengthen anti-
Communist elements should future negoti-
ations prescribe elections in Vietnam. The
Geneva Accord of 1954 scheduled nation-
wide elections, which were postponed,
largely because anti-Communist forces felt
too weak to contest them.
To assist in his operation, Lansdale has
recruited a "political action team" compris-
ing a dozen specialists. Like Lansdale him-
self, some fought the Communist-led Huk
rebels in the Philippines in the early 1950's.
Others include officials of the U.S. Informa-
tion Agency, Pentagon, and Central Intelli-
gence enc .
member dates his familiarity with
Vietnam back to World War II, when he
parachuted into the area to help form an
anti-Japanese guerrilla force. On and off
he served in Vietnam until September 1964,
when he was dismissed by Admiral Taylor
for what was unofficially described as "un-
conventional conduct" in the line of duty.
Commenting on that dismissal at the time,
one U.S. official in Saigon said: "We don't
want Lawrences of Asia."
Like Col. T. E. Lawrence, who rallied the
Arabs to the Allied cause in World War I,
Lansdale has inspired admiration, ridi-
cule-and above all, controversy.
Asa CIA operative in Saigon in 1954, he
back e - Ie na ese President Ngo Dinh
Diem against President Eisenhower's spe-
cial representative, Gen. J. Lawton Collins,
who favored a coalition of Vietnamese
leaders.
In their transparently fictious novel,
William Burdick and William Lederer de-
picted Lansdale as a sensitive, selfless
"Ugly American" who sympathized with
Asian aspirations. However, British author
Graham Greene personified him as a
naively idealistic "Quiet American"
Early in 1961, President Kennedy sent
Lansdale back to South Vietnam to assess
the growing insurgency there. Lansdale
returned considerably disillusioned by the
Diem regime's incapacity to motivate and
mobilize its people.
Lansdale believed that U.S. involvement
in Vietnam had to stress political and social
activities to win popular support. This view
was particularly contested in the Pentagon
by officials who argued: "Let's fight first and
worry about politics later."
Sharp disagreements led to Lansdale's re-
tirement in 1961. In recent years he has
publicly criticized U.S. policy in Vietnam, re-
iterating his theme that military action alone
cannot improve the situation.
REVOLUTIONARY IDEA
Writing in Foreign Affairs last October, for
example, he expressed doubt that bombings
of the kind now carried out in South and
North Vietnam would be effective. He wrote:
"The Communists have let loose a revolu-
tionary idea in Vietnam, and it will not die
by being ignored, bombed or smothered by
us."
These strong opinions reportedly irritated
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and
his military advisers. It is understood that
they opposed Lansdale's present assignment
to Saigon but were overruled by President
Johnson.
Lansdale's views, however, caught the at-
tention of several legislators, among them
Senator THOMAS DODD, Democrat, of Con-
necticut. Early this year he proposed to the
President that Lansdale and other experi-
enced Americans be sent to Saigon to estab-
lish liaison with the Vietnamese Army,
Buddhists, intellectuals, and local leaders.
Acting on that counsel, President Johnson
instructed Ambassador Lodge to include
Lansdale in his mission. As far as is known,
Vietnamese leaders were not consulted on
Lansdale's appointment.
Americans familiar with the stresses with-
in the U.S. mission in Saigon believe that
Lansdale's unorthodox manner may incur the
opposition of certain American officers in
Vietnam.
A far greater worry-said to disturb Lans-
dale as well-is that he may be expected to
perform miracles in Vietnam. "If he doesn't
produce a miracle," says one U.S. official, "his
friends will be disappointed and his enemies
delighted."
STATE DEPARTMENT RESPONDS TO
QUESTIONS ON VIETNAM
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
PuciNsxl). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from California
[Mr. COHELANI is recognized for 5 min-
utes.
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, in a
speech to the House on July 29 concern-
ing the war in Vietnam, I raised a num-
ber of questions which have been of deep
concern to many of my constituents. I
stated that I believed these questions
deserved to be discussed and I indicated
that I was asking the Department of
State.to comment on each of them.
I have now received the responses
which I requested. I Include them for
the attention of our colleagues and all
who are interested in this most critical
problem:
Question 1: What did the 1954 Geneva
accords provide with respect to the future
Governments of North and South Vietnam
with respect to free elections?
Answer: By the terms of the 1954 Geneva
accords, Vietnam was temporarily divided
into two separate zones, each to be admin-
istered by the authorities in North and South
Vietnam respectively until the country could
be unified peacefully. Thus, although the
provisional military demarcation line estab-
lished by the Geneva accords is not a "politi-
cal or territorial boundary," it was estab-
lished by an international agreement. The
accords, then, endowed both North and
South Vietnam with separate and distinct
status. For example, diplomatic or consular
relations have been established by various
governments with Saigon or Hanoi or both.
At the same time, the provisional military
demarcation line established by the Geneva
accords, although not a "political or terri-
torial boundary," is still an international
frontier that must be respected under inter-
national law. In this respect the division of
Vietnam is similar to the division of Ger-
many or Korea. It is obvious that if a state
is divided by an internationally recognized
demarcation line, each part of that state
must refrain from the use of force or hostile
acts against the other. Thus, an attack by
North Korea on South Korea or East Ger-
many on West Germany would be illegal.
Such attacks are no less "aggression" or
"armed attack" than an attack by one state
against another.
As far back as 1955, South Vietnam was
recognized, de jure, by 36 nations, and North
Vietnam had full relations with 12 countries.
A separate declaration of the Conference,
not signed by any of the participants, stated
that the truce line should not be considered
permanent and ' called for free nationwide
elections by secret ballot in 2 years under
the supervision of the International Control
Commission (ICC).
20835
Question 2: Why did the United States not
sign the Geneva accords? Did the United
States state that it would follow the Geneva
accords?
Answer: The Geneva accords include the
Agreement of the Cessation of Hostilities in
Vietnam. It was signed by the parties to
the hostilities: France and the forces of the
Vietminh. Under Secretary of State Bedell
Smith, the U.S. Government's representative
to the Geneva Conference, made the follow-
ing statement at the concluding plenary ses-
sion of the conference on July 21, 1954:
"As I stated on July 18, my Government
is not prepared to join in a declaration by
the conference such as is submitted. How-
ever, the United States makes this unilateral
declaration of its position in these matters:
"DECLARATION
"The Government of the United States be-
ing resolved to devote its efforts to the
strengthening of peace in accordance with
the principles and purposes of the United
Nations take note of the agreements con-
cluded at Geneva on July 20 and 21, 1954,
between (a) the Franco-Laotian Command
and the Command of the Peoples Army of
Vietnam; (b) the Royal-Khmer Army Com-
mand and the Command of the Peoples Army
of Vietnam; (c) Franco-Vietnamese Com-
mand and the Command of the Peoples
Army of Vietnam and of paragraphs 1 to
12 inclusive of the declaration presented
to the Geneva Conference on July 21,
1954, declares with regard to the afore-
said agreements and paragraphs that (f) it
will refrain from the, threat or the use of
force to disturb them, in accordance with
article 2(4) of the Charter of the United Na-
tions dealing with the obligation of mem-
bers to refrain in their international rela-
tions from the threat or use of force; and
(ii) it would view any renewal of the aggres-
sion in violation of the aforesaid agreements
with grave concern and as seriously threat-
ening international peace and security.
"In connection with the statement in the
declaration concerning free elections in
Vietnam my Government wishes to make
clear its position which it has expressed in
a declaration made in Washington on June
29, 1954, as follows:
"'In the case of nations now divided
against their will, we shall continue to seek
to achieve unity through free elections super-
vised by the United Nations to insure that
they are conducted fairly.'
"With respect to the statement made by
the representative of the State of Vietnam,
the United States reiterates its traditional
position that peoples are entitled to deter-
mine their own future and that it will not
join in an arrangement which would hinder
this. Nothing in its declaration just made
is intended to or does indicate any depar-
ture from this traditional position.
"We share the hope that the agreements
will permit Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam to
play their part, in full independence and
sovereignty, in the peaceful community of
nations, and will enable the peoples of that
area to determine their own future."
Question 3: Was a government represent-
ing South Vietnam a party to the Geneva
accords? How did the first South Viet-
namese Government come to power? Has
there been any government in South Viet-
nam chosen to any extent by a democratic
process? If so, when and how?
Answer: The State of Vietnam was repre-
sented in the discussions in Geneva in 1954,
but did not sign the accords, and indeed
issued a formal protest that the proposal of
its delegate had been rejected without ex-
amination, and the final agreement included
political provisions formulated without the
consent of their Government. The specific
agreement on the cessation of hostilties in
Vietnam was signed on July 20, 1954, by
representatives of France and the Vietminh.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 24, 1965
The State of Vietnam came into existence
in 1949 under Emperor Bao Dal as an as-
sociated state within the French Union. In
1950, Great Britain and the United States
extended de jure recognition to the State of
Vietnam. Ngo Dinh Diem, who came to
power on i'uly 7, 1954, was the last of the
Bao Dal appointed Prime Ministers. The
basic decision on the form and leadership
of the new South Vietnamese Government
was taken in a referendum on October 23,
1955. As a result of this referendum the
country was declared a republic, Diem re-
placed Bao Dal as Chief of State, and na-
tional elections were held on March 4, 1956,
for a Constituent Assembly, which was trans-
formed into a National Assembly after pro-
mulgation of the constitution it drafted.
Question 4: What happened to prevent the
1956 "free election" contemplated by the 1$54
Geneva accords? Did the United States op-
pose such election? If so, when and with
what explanation.?
Answer: South Vietnam's, position onelec-
tions was made clear by President Ngo Dime
Diem in a nationwide broadcast to his people
on July 16, 1955.
"Our policy 1s a policy for peace. But noth-
ing will lead us astray of our goal, the unity
of our country, a unity in freedom and not
in slavery. Serving the cause of our nation,
more than ever we will struggle for the re-
unification of our homeland.
"We do not reject the principle of free
elections as peaceful and democratic means
to achieve that unity. However, if elections
constitute one of the bases of true democ-
racy, they will be meaningful only on the
condition that they are absolutely free. _
"Now, faced with a regime of oppression as
practiced by the Vietminh, we remain skep-
tical concerning the possibility of fulfilling
the conditions of free elections in the north."
At the 1954 Geneva Conference, the United
States supported free elections throughout
Vietnam supervised by the United Nations to
insure that they were conducted fairly. The
proposal was not adopted by the conference
and partly for this reason the United States
refused to become a party to the Geneva
accords.
In the period from 1954 to 1956, it became
obvious that conditions of freedom did not
exist in North Vietnam and ,that it wag Ina-
possible to envisage really free elections by
secret ballot, as required by the1954 Geneva
accords. North Vietnam was already a police
state, and it was evident that Hanoi Was
counting on an election that would be rigged
in their favor.
,Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, of North Vietnam,
admitted this In October 1956, when as the
Communist Party's spokesman, he read a
long list of errors to the 10th Congress of
the Party Central Committee. With un-
precedented Communist candor, he admitted
that in carrying out their land reform, the
authorities had gone too fat and had exe-
cuted and tortured many innocent people.
He also confessed that there had been re-
ligious persecution and repression of mi-
nority groups.
Question 5: To what extent has there been
objective verification of interference by the
North Vietnam Government (as distin-
gutshed from participation by individual
North Vietnamese) in the affairs of South
Vietnam?
Answer: The war in South Vietnam is the
result of the announced attempt by the
Communist regime in North Vietnam to
conquer South Vietnam in violation of the
1954 Geneva Accords. In Communist prop-
aganda this form of aggression masquerades
as a "war of national liberation." In reality,
the war which the Vietcong are waging
against the south is directed politically and
militarily 'from Hanoi, the capital of North
Vietnam. It is commanded primarily by
leaders and specialists infiltrated from north
of the 17th parallel. It is supplied by weap-
ens and equipment sent by North Vietnam,
which in turn is supported by Red China.
Its aim is to win control of South Vietnam
for communism in violation of solemn agree-
ents and with no reference to the wishes of
the South Vietnamese people.
In December 1961, the State Department
thoroughly documented North Vietnam's
efforts to conquer South Vietnam in Its
white paper entitled "A Threat to the Peace."
The February 1965 State Department white
paper entitled "Aggression From the North"
adds documentation on how Hanoi has mas-
terminded the Vietcong campaign in South
Vietnam. The 1962report of the Interna-
tional Control Commission for Vietnam
spelled out North Vietnam's aggressive ac-
tions in flagrant violation of the 1954 Geneva
Accords and the 1962 agreement on Laos.
What Hanoi was up to then Is even more
apparent now. In the minority ICC report of
February 13, 1965, the Canadian delegate to
the ICC, Mr. J. B. Seaborn, says that "* * *
the events which have taken place in both
North and South Vietnam since February 7
are the direct result of the intensification of
the aggressive policy of the Government of
North Vietnam." He points to "the continu-
ing fact that North Vietnam has increased its
efforts to incite, encourage, and support hos-
tile activities In South Vietnam, aimed at the
overthrow of the South Vietnamese adminis-
tration."
In a recent network television interview,
Mr. S aborn said that perhaps even more
significant than the actual numbers of North
Vietnamese infiltrators ,is the quality and
type of people Hanoi has been sending, in
that they are essentially the trained 'officers
and specialists who serve as the backbone of
the Vietcong movement.
Question 6: In terms of international law,
what is the basis for our present activity in
South Vietnam?
,Answer: Although Congress in fact has not
made a formal declaration of war, the sense
of Congress has indeed been expressed. Con-
gressional leaders have been consulted con-
tinuously by the administration, and many
Senators and Congressmen have made their
views known both In private discussions and
nubile speeches in Congress. A joint resolu-
tion (Public Law 88-408) was passed in Au-
gust 1964 by a combined vote of 502 to 2,
which stated, among other things;, That the
Congress approves and supports the deter-
mination of the President, as Commander in
Chief, to take all necessary measures to repel
any armed attack against the forces of the
United States and to prevent further aggres-
sion" * * * and that "the United States re-
gards,as vital to its national interest and to
world peace the maintenance of International
peace and security in southeast Asia" * * *
and that "* * * the United States is, there-
fore, prepared, as the President determines, to
take all necessary steps, including the use of
armed force, to assist, any member or protocol
state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its
freedom." It has not been considered desir-
able or necessary to declare war in the Viet-
nam situation. Should a declaration of war
become necessary or desirable, Congress
would, of course, make such a declaration,
since it is recognized that the power to de-
clare war is solely within the province of the
Congress.
Article II of the Constitution makes the
President Commander in Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States, and vests in
him the executive power. This article has
also been interpreted by the Supreme Court
as making the President the "sole organ of
the Nation" in the field of foreign affairs.
Thus the President has authority to deploy
U.S. military personnel abroad.
Furthermore, the United States and Viet-
nam are parties to the agreement for Mutual
Defense Assistance in Indochina of Decem-
ber 23, 1950, which was concluded pursuant
to Public Law 329, 81st Congress. This agree-
ment provides for the furnishing by the
United States to Vietnam, inter alia, of mili-
tary assistance in the form of equipment,
material and services.
The Manila pact, ratified in February 1955,
which established SEATO, included South
Vietnam as a protocol state. This treaty was
approved by the Senate by a vote of 82 to 1.
A Presidential decision was made in 1954
to extend aid to South Vietnam. President
Eisenhower said in a letter to the President
of South Vietnam: "The purpose of this offer
is to assist the Government of Vietnam in
developing and maintaining a strong, viable
state, capable of resisting attempted subver-
sion or aggression through military means."
Prior to our stepped-up assistance to South
Vietnam In 1961 in response to increasing
aggressive actions against the south, U.S.
military aid to South Vietnam was carried
out within the limits imposed by the 1954
Geneva accords.
It was in response to North Vietnamese
violations of the accords (documented in
1962 by the ICC in Vietnam and reconfirmed
by the February 13, 1965 report of the Ca-
nadian delegate to the ICC) that the United
States responded to the Government of Viet-
nam's request for stepped up assistance to
help defend itself. We believe our aid is
justified in view of North Vietnam's flagrant
violations of its obligations under the 1954-
and 1962 (Laos)-Geneva agreements.
Our air strikes are justified as an exercise
of the right of individual and collective self-
defense recognized by article 51 of the United
Nations Charter. They are a limited and
fitting response to the aggressive campaign
being waged by North Vietnam against South
Vietnam. The Saigon Government has re-
quested our assistance in. defense of South
Vietnam, and air elements of both United
States and South Vietnam have answered
Vietcong attacks by striking at North Viet-
nam--the source of the Vietcong campaign.
The kind of Communist aggression that we
see in Vietnam today-a so-called "war of
national liberation"-amounts to an open
armed attack within the meaning of article
51.
Question 7: Is there a legal basis for
asking the U.N. to take action in relation
to Vietnam? If so, are there practical rea-
sons for our not having made this request
up to this time?
Answer:: The United States has attempted
more than once to use the machinery of the
United Nations to help solve various aspects
of the Vietnam situation. When In May
1964, Cambodia complained to the United
Nations Security Council of South Viet-
namese military incursions into Cambodian
territory, the United States proposed that a
United Nations peacekeeping body be estab-
lished on the border. The Security Council
sent a mission of three of its members (Bra-
zil, Ivory Coast, and Morocco) to examine
the border situation and to make recommen-
dations as to how these incidents could be
avoided. Hanoi and Peiping condemned
even this limited United Nations initiative
in southeast Asia. The Vietcong warned
that they could not guarantee the safety of
the mission and would not accept its
findings.
In August 1964, the United States re-
quested an urgent meeting of the Security
Council to consider the serious situation
created by the North Vietnamese torpedo
boat attacks on two United States destroyers
in International waters. After hearing the
United States report of the defensive meas-
ures taken in response to these attacks, the
Council stated that it would welcome such
information relating to this issue as North
or South Vietnam desired to make available
either by taking part in the Security Council
discussion or in a form they might otherwise
prefer. The Republic of Vietnam expressed
its readiness to offer the Security Council its
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full cooperation. However, the North Viet-
namese maintained that the Security Coun-
cil "has no right to examine the problem"
and replied that any "illegal" decision on the
United States complaint by the Security
Council would be considered null and void
by the North Vietnamese authorities.
In recent weeks, the President has taken
several steps to engage the resources and
prestige of the United Nations in an attempt
to move the Vietnam problem from the bat-
tlefield to the conference table. These efforts
followed upon 15 earlier attempts by the
United States and other governments to ar-
range a peaceful settlement in Vietnam.
On June 25, 1965, President Johnson,
speaking in San Francisco, called upon mem-
bers of the United Nations to "use all their
influence, individually and collectively, to
bring to the table those who seem deter-
mined to make war."
During his July 28 press conference, the
President renewed this appeal to the mem-
bers of the United Nations, noting that "if
the United Nations and its officials, or any
one of its 114 members can by deed or word,
private initiative or public action, bring us
nearer an honorable peace, then they will
have the support and gratitude of the United
States of America." The same day President
Johnson requested Ambassador Arthur Gold-
berg to deliver personally a letter to U.N.
Secretary-General U Thant requesting that
"all the resources and the energy and the
immense prestige of the United Nations be
employed to find ways to halt aggression and
to bring peace in Vietnam."
On July 30, in a letter to the United
Nations Security Council President, Ambas-
sador Goldberg 'oted that responsibility to
persist in the search for peace weighs espe-
cially upon the members of the Security
Council. He went on to emphasize that the
United States stands ready, as in the past,
to "collaborate unconditionally with the
members of the Security Council in the
search for an acceptable formula to restore
peace and security" in southeast Asia. The
United States, he said, "hopes the members
of the Council will somehow find the means
to respond effectively to the challenge raised
by the state of affairs" in that area.
By these actions the United States intended
to engage the United Nations and its mem-
bers in serious efforts to bring about a peace-
ful settlement of the Vietnam problem, in
accordance with the principles and purposes
of the United Nations Charter. We believe
that these actions represent the most con-
structive way possible, under present cir-
cumstances, of seizing the United Nations
with the pursuit of peace in Vietnam. The
United States is actively continuing consulta-
tions with U.N. members. We hope that in
time these U.N. efforts or others will lead to
talks designed to achieve a peaceful settle-
ment.
Meanwhile, the United Nations is also
deeply involved in international economic
and social development programs in south-
east Asia. President Johnson, in his speech
of April 7 in Baltimore, expressed the hope
that the U.N. Secretary General could initi-
ate with the countries of southeast Asia a
plan for increased regional development, and
pledged $1 billion in support of this under-
taking. Mr. Eugene Black has been desig-
nated as the President's special representa-
tive and has already held consultations with
officials of the United Nations and the Asian
countries concerned.
Secretary Rusk further summarized the
problem of United Nations involvement in
the Vietnam situation -during a recent tele-
vision interview by stating:
"Well, we have been in touch with the
Secretary General and the members of the
'United Nations many times on many occa-
sions on that matter. The problem is rela-
tively simple. As you know, the General
Assembly has not been functioning in the
last year or so because of a very difficult
constitutional issue involving the financial
problems of the U.N. The Security Council
is the principal agency in which this matter
might arise. In the Security Council noth-
ing could be done except by agreement
among the Big Five. There is a veto in the
Security Council. Now, the question is really
whether it is desirable to have a highly
acrimonious, eye-gouging kind of debate
there if at the end of the trail there is go-
ing to be no action by the Security Council.
It would be far better to sound this out
quietly behind the scenes, as is going on
and has been going on for a long time, to
see whether there is some action which the
United Nations can take that would help
the situation.
"Now,- we could easily, I suppose, meet
the views of those who say, 'Oh, take it to
the U.N.,' by putting on one or two demon-
strations. Let it go there. Let a resolu-
tion be vetoed. Have the U.N. break up
with no capacity to do anything about it,
no agreement and then come away and say,
`Well, they have had their fling at it.'
"Well, this is a little irresponsible to deal
with- it that way. What we would like to
do is to find some way in which the United
Nations can contribute positively and con-
structively to the solution of the problem
in South Vietnam and not necessarily just
to a further inflammation of the issues in-
volved."
Question 8: What efforts have been made
by the United States to substitute negotia-
tion for military action? By others?
Answer: During the last 41/2 years the
United States has made repeated attempts
with Communist countries to reach reason-
able solutions in southeast Asia. The re-
sults to date have in all cases been negative
or unsatisfactory. The following summarizes
the main efforts of the United States along
these lines.
1. Bilateral talks with U.S.S.R. and
Peiping: The United States has frequently
held bilateral talks with the 'Soviets and
Chinese Communists on southeast Asian
problems over the past 41/2 years. The most
important talk with the Soviets was between
President Kennedy and Chairman Krushchev
at Vienna, in June 1961, where the United
States thought that it had Soviet agreement
that Laos would be effectively neutralized.
Intervening events have shown that the
United States expectations have not been
realized.
The United States has also had continuing
talks over the years at the ambassadorial
level with the Chinese Communists at War-
saw without finding any intention or desire
on the part of the Chinese Communists to
arrive at a fair and reasonable settlement-
or indeed any settlement at all other than on
their own terms, which called for the with-
drawal of United States influence from the
area. -
2. Geneva Conference on Laos: In 1961-
62 the United States entered the Geneva Con-
ference on Laos and accepted in good faith
the agreement negotiated there to neutralize
Laos. The United States withdrew all its
military personnel (who were advisory only)
from Laos within the time limit set by the
agreement.
However, Communist North Vietnam did
not withdraw its combat military personnel
who have consistently numbered several
thousands and who are reinforced from time
to time as Communist operational needs re-
quire. These personnel have supported Pa-
thet Lao offensives against the neutralist
and conservative forces. North Vietnam has
also consistently continued to use southern
Laos as a corridor for the infiltration of per-
sonnel from North Vietnam to South Viet-
nam in violation of a specific commitment in
the Lao agreement not to use the territory
20837
of Laos for interference in the internal
affairs of other countries. - -
3. Further attempts to reach a Laos set-
tlement: After the Communist seizure of the
Plain of Jars in May, 1964, Prime Minister
Souvanna Phol/ina called for consultations
among the Geneva Conference powers as en-
visaged by the 1962 Geneva Agreements on
Laos. The United States participated in
these consultations, but the Communist sig-
natories refused to take part.
Subsequently Poland put forth a proposal
for preliminary discussions among the three
Laos factions, the Geneva cochairmen and
the members of the International Control
Commission to see whether the conditions
for a wider conference could be established.
The United States supported the Polish pro-
posal but after the Pathet Lao, Hanoi and
Peiping opposed the plan, the Soviets failed
to, pursue it.
The United States then supported discus-
sions among the three Lao factions, and
these are still continuing in desultory fash-
ion. In these discussions the Pathet Lao
have claimed that the charges Prime Minis-
ter Souvanna Phouma has made in the
cabinet over the past year are illegal, thus
challenging his authority to act as Prime
Minister of the Royal Government of Laos.
The Communist side has also blocked the
entry of, and effective investigations by,
the International Control Commission in
Communist-controlled territory.
These attitudes on the part of the Com-
munists have made pursuit of the Lao ne-
gotiating track exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible. The United States continues to
back the Lao Govermmnet acceptance in
principle of a new Geneva Conference on
Laos provided the Communist side first dem-
onstrates, by removing the roadblocks dis-
cussed above, that the conference will be
fruitful.
4. Consultations under article 19 of the
1962 Geneva accords on Laos: The United
Kingdom approached the Soviets in February
for discussions as foreseen by article 19 of
the Geneva accords on Laos with respect to
the future activities of the International
Control Commission in-Laos. The countries
participating initially would be the cochair-
men, the Laos Government and the Inter-
national Control Commission powers. The
Soviets have thus far not responded. The
article 19 discussions, if held, might also
lead to further talks which could involve
South and North Vietnam as well as Com-
munist China and the United States as sig-
natories, and this might provide oppor-
tunities for quiet contacts on the Vietnam
question.
5. Cambodia: The United States has
always supported the independence, neutral-
ity and territorial integrity of Cambodia.
From 1962 to 1964 the United States sought
to work toward a resolution of the problems
between Cambodia and her neighbors, Thai-
land and South Vietnam, as a necessary
prelude to international reaffirmation of
Cambodia's desired status. In February 1964,
Cambodia proposed a four-power conference
(Thailand, South Vietnam and the United
States, with Cambodia) to consider the neu-
trality and territorial integrity of Cambodia.
The United States and South Vietnam re-
sponded favorably to the call for a confer-
ence,.but the proposal came to nothing when
Prince Sihanouk formally withdrew it in
March 1964.
In 1965, following a renewed Cambodian
proposal for a formal conference on Cam-
bodia, the United States and South Vietnam
indicated their willingness to accept invita-
tions to such a conference, and in April the
United States- informed the British Govern-
ment, in its capacity as a Geneva. Conference
Cochairman, that the United States would
agree to -attend a conference of the 1954
Geneva powers on- Cambodia as proposed by
the Cambodian Government in March.
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The Cambodian Government subsequently
specified that the conference must be con-
fined to Cambodian questions and, shifting
from its earlier position, stated 'that the
South Vietnamese Government could not be
permitted to participate. Chou En-lal, on
behalf of Communist China, endorsed the
position of the Cambodian Government that
only the neutrality and territorial integrity
of Cambodia might be discussed and, twist-
ing the Cambodian Government's statement
excluding participation of the South Viet-
nam Government, added that at any inter-
national conference on the Indochina ques-
tion only the "National Liberation Front of
South Vietnam" can represent South Viet-
nam. North Vietnam, through an editorial
May 5 In the official Nhan Dan, expressed
support for Prince Sihanouk's. rejection of
a conference on Cambodia which would be
broadened to include discussions on
Vietnam.
Apparently shifting its position once more,
Cambodia sent a message May 15 to the
United Kingdom stating that Cambodia de-
sired a conference if only the Cambodian
problem is dealt with there and if the inter-
ested powers (the United States, the United
Kingdom, the Soviet Union, trance hid Coin -
munist China) agree in advance on South
Vietnamese representation. Regarding the
Issue of the South Vietnamese Government
versus the "National Liberation Front.".
Prince Sihanouk said Cambodia is willing to
accept either, neither or both.
On the basis of Prince Sihanouk's message,
the United Kingdom then approached the
Soviet Union to have invitations Issued to
the 1954 Geneva, conference powers. To date
the Soviets have not replied.
Such a conference could provide an op-
portunity for corridor contacts with the
Communist powers on Vietnam if they so
desire.
S United Nations: The United States
raised the Tonkin Gulf events last August
in the Security Council. The President of
the Security Council invited North Vietnam
to furnish Information relating to the com-
plaint of the United States, either through
participation in the Security Council discus-
sions or by other means. The Foreign Min-
ister of Communist China ,jin an August 12
letter to the Foreign Minister of North Viet-
itam, emphatically pointed out that the
United Nations had no right at all to consi-
der the Indochina question. North Viet-
nam responded August 19 to the President
of the Security Council, stating that the war
in Vietnam does not lie within the com-
petence of the Security Council and that
any Security Council decision. would be con-
sidered null and void by North Vietnam.
In early April 1965 the Secretary General
of the United Nations, U Thant, considered
visiting Peiping and Hanoi on the Vietnam
question. Communist China, through the
medium of the People's Daily, commented
on April 12 that U Thant was knocking at
the wrong door and should spare himself
the trouble since "the Vietnam question has
nothing to do with the United Nations."
The Prime Minister of North Vietnam, Pham
Van Dong, in a statement on April 8, said
that "any approach tending to secure United
Nations Intervention in the Vietnam situa-
tion is * ? ? inappropriate."
7, Exploration of a Vietnam Settlement:
On February 20 the United kingdom proposed
to the Soviet Union that the British and
Soviets undertake as Geneva cochairmen
to explore the bases of a possible Vietnam
settlement with all the Geneva Conference
countries. The United States supported this
approach. The Soviets-obviously under
pressure from Hanoi and Peiping-were,
however, not even prepared to cooperate in
seeking the views of the parties concerned
regarding the grounds for settlement.
8. Gordon Walker mission: The British
then undertook to send Cjordon Walker to
visit interested countries and explore the
bases for a Vietnam settlement. Walker
visited South Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos,
Thailand, and Burma in April. Peiping,
however, informed the British Government
in a note, responding to the proposal that
Walker visit Peiping, that in present cir-
cumstances it was not suitable for a special
representative of the British Government
to contact the Chinese Government on the
problems of Vietnam and Indochina and
that he would not be welcome. Hanoi also
declined to receive a visit from Walker.
9. U.S. readiness for unconditional dis-
cussions: On April 7, President Johnson
stated that the United States remains ready
for unconditional discussions with the gov-
ernments concerned. He noted that we have
stated this position over and over again to
friend and foe akike. Hanoi and Peiping
have refused to respond, calling the proposal
"a hoax," "a big swindle," "a lie covered with
Sowers."
10. Appeal of 17 nonalined nations: In re-
sponding April 8, to the appeal of 17 non-
alined nations for a peaceful solution
through negotiations without preconditions,
the United State's reiterated the statement
In President Johnson's April 7 speech that
it remains ready for unconditional discus-
sions. The United States also stated that,
as soon as the aggressive acts of North Viet-
nam stop and the obstacles to security and
stability in South Vietnam are removed, the
need for American supporting military
actions. will come to an end, The United
States further noted that, when conditions
have been created in which the South Viet-
namese people can detc~aiine their future
without external interference, the United
States will withdraw Its forces from South
Veitnam.
Communist China, through the medium of
the People's Daily, rejected unconditional
negotiations, declaring that the Vietnamese
people will never agree to negotiations with-
out any preconditions. Marshal Tito and
other unspecified backers of the 17-nation
appeal were labeled "monsters and freaks."
North Vietnam likewise rejected the non-
alined appeal through an authorized state-
ment by the Vietnam News Agency saying
that any approach contrary to Pham Van
Dong's four-point conditions for a Viet-
namese settlement is Inappropriate. Since
Dong had stated that reconvening the Ge-
neva Conference could be considered if the
basis outlined in his four paints is recog-
nized, it appears that North Vietnam was not
prepared at that time to accept talks other
than those conditioned on its position for a
settlement.
11. Indian proposal on Vietnam: The In-
dian Government has proposed (a) the
cessation of hostilities by both sides, (b) the
policing of boundaries by an Afro-Asian
patrol force, and (c) the maintenance of
present boundaries so long as the people
concerned desire it.
The United States has publicly stated that
it has noted this proposal with interest and
3s giving it very careful consideration. The
United States is continuing discussions with
the Indian Government on this proposal.
Communist China has denounced the In-
dian proposal as a plot to use Afro-Asian
countries to serve U.S. aggression against
Vietnam, and accuses the Indian Govern-
ment of betraying the Afro-Asian countries'
stand of opposing Imperialism and colonial-
ism and supporting the National Liberation
Front movement.
Hanoi has also rejected the Indian pro-
posal, calling the "erroneous viewpoints of
Indian ruling circles" an offense against the
South Vietnamese people. Hanoi says the
proposal is aimed a finding a way out for
the United States which will help it rule
over South Vietnam.
12. Bombing pause: During the period
May I3-17, the 'United States suspended
bombing operations against North Vietnam.
This fact was obviously known to Hanoi, but
there was no response indicating an inten??
tion to move toward a settlement. The Viet-
nam News Agency in Hanoi called the sus-
pension "a wornout trick of deceit and
threat." The New China News Agency in
Peiping characterized the suspension as "a
peace swindle," "an American hoax," "a des-
picable trick," and "war blackmail."
13. Canadian approach to North Vietnam:
At the end of May the Canadian representa-
tive on the International Control Commission
in Vietnam proceeded to Hanoi to discuss the
reaction of North Vietnam to the bombing
pause. As reported by Canadian Foreign
Minister Martin, the Foreign Minister or
North Vietnam stated that "four conditions"
stand in the way of the negotiations urged
by the United States. The Canadian Foreign
Minister has, therefore, concluded that North
Vietnam and Communist China do not sup-
port peace overtures at this time. This con-
forms to the United States view that Hanoi
is not prepared for unconditional discussions,
but instead insists on the recognition of
clearly unacceptable conditions for discus.
sion.
14. Commonwealth initiative: Most re-
cently, the Conference of Commonwealth
Prime Ministers meeting in London issued
a statement June 19 proposing that a special
Mission composed of British Prime Minister
Wilson and four other Commonwealth heads
of government visit the capitals of the coun-
tries involved to "explore the circumstances
in which a conference might be held to end
the fighting in Vietnam." The United States
and South Vietnam immediately welcomed
the Commonwealth initiative. Peiping's re-
sponse was to call Prime Minister Wilson it
nitwit making trouble for himself"; Hanoi
turned down the proposed visit In a state-
ment July 1; and the Soviet Union indicated
it was not Interested in this effort to find
a peaceful solution to the conflict.
In addition to the 14 attempts mentioned
above, four additional one's were made dur-
ing the month of July and early August.
15. Tito-Shastri joint appeal of late July.
16. British Parlimentarian Harold Davies
appeal and visit to Hanoi In late July on
behalf of British Prime Minister Wilson.
17. President Johnson's appeal and letter
to the Secretary general of the United Nations
on July 28.
18. Ghanian Prime Minister Nkrumah's
appeal in early August.
Question 9: It is often said that we must
stay in South Vietnam to prevent the spread
of communism in southeast Asia. Is the
main purpose of our policy to forestall a
Communist government in South Vietnam?
Or is it to'enable the people of South Viet-
nam to establish whatever kind of govern-
ment they want, whether Communist or
otherwise?
Answer: First, the problem of Vietnam Is
Communist aggression. The United States
is certainly there In force now, but the
South Vietnamese asked for our assistance
only when the Communist assault reached
such proportions as to imperil the very ex-
istence of South Vietnam. Second, we have
no desire for a military presence or base in
Vietnam. Our goal is precisely to create a
situation in which we can withdraw from
a peaceful, secure, and free South Vietnam.
That will be possible whenever the Commu-
nists decide to leave their neighbor alone.
Third, until the Communists call off their as -
sault, our withdrawal would simply mean
turning over 14 million people to the Com-
munists. A political settlement is possible
only when the Communists are convinced
they cannot win by force. Finally, the situ-
ation in Vietnam cannot sensibly be isolated
from the general world situation. Vietnam
Is not the end of Communist ambition.
After Vietnam there Is Laos, and Cambodia,
and Thailand, etc. And if we permit Com-
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munist armed subversion to succeed in
southeast Asia we will surely see it again-
and soon-in Africa, in the Middle East, and
in our own hemisphere.
We do not find any significant body of
people or opinion in South Vietnam among
these 14 million people, other than the Viet-
cong themselves, who are looking to Hanoi
for guidance. The Vietcong use the old
instrument of terror to induce passivity.
As a result, in those areas which have been
secured and cleared, there is no problem
about the cooperation of the people in South
Vietnam when they can be given reasonable
assurance that their cooperation will not
lead to their throats being slit on the fol-
lowing night. in addition, when one speaks
about the attitudes of the villagers, one
must remember that these people want to
live their lives in decency and security, grow
their own crops, raise their families, and
improve their land if they can. And they
are not asking the north for the answer.
The attitude of the Government of the
Republic of Vietnam toward communism is
unmistakable: even though there has been
a series of governmental revisions since the
fall of the Diem Government in November
1963, every administration has operated
from a basic policy of anticommunism, and
a stanch determination to continue the
struggle against Communist aggression. The
South Vietnamese people themselves have
given undeniable evidence of their allegi-
ance by "voting with their feet"-since the
beginning of this year, approximately 600,000
have become refugees, choosing to abandon
their homes and leave the Vietcong-controlled
areas in the north central portion of South
Vietnam. The close to 1 million persons who
fled from North Vietnam to the South after
the Communists assumed control are more
impressive testimony still to the allegiance
of the Vietnamese people.
The President has made it perfectly clear
that we are ready for "unconditional dis-
cussions" at any time. However, he has
made it. equally clear that our objective is a
South Vietnam able to determine its own
future without external interference. The
United States has also stated, in its. reply to
the 17 nonalined nations, that it would be
prepared to withdraw its forces once the ex-
ternal interference-really, the aggression-
from the nortl} had stopped and the south
was free again.
Hanoi has not agreed to any sort of dis-
cussions. Its public speeches continue to
refer to the necessity that we stop our bomb-
ing attacks-in ` other words, a unilateral
cessation by our side-or that we withdraw
our forces from helping South Vietnam, or
both.
More basically, North Vietnam has defined
Its idea of a peaceful settlement very care-
fully. It calls for the withdrawal of U.S.
forces, and then for determination of the
future of South Vietnam "in accordance
with the program of the liberation front."
That program means that the Liberation
Front would be admitted to a dominant role
in a new government within South Vietnam
as the first step. The so-called Liberation
Front is of course nothing but the puppet of
Hanoi, led. by Communists and directed by
Hanoi. If It were put into a dominant role
in South Vietnam, the result would obvious-
ly be a Communist takeover, exactly along
the lines of the Communist takeover in Po-
land, to give one example. In Short, Hanoi's
terms amount to turning over South Vietnam
to communism. There is absolutely no sign
that they are how prepared to settle on any
other basis.
Question 10. Assuming that what we are
doing in Vietnam `is morally and legally
justified, is it wise and sound from the
viewpoint of effectiveness? Can we, within
reasonable and practicable cost considera-
tion, achieve a military victory, or are we,
in effect, repeating Napoleon's disastrous
march to Moscow? Would we be more likely
to achieve the ends we desire if we were to
let the people of South Vietnam struggle
with this problem by themselves and in the
process perhaps develop enough nationalism
to resist control by China?
Answer. In considering whether the U.S.
support to South Vietnam is effective, it is
necessary to consider the objectives of the
U.S. policy in South Vietnam and also the
objectives of North Vietnam. The purpose
of North Vietnam, backed by Communist
China, Is to expand control over the peo-
ples of the independent nations of southeast
Asia, and to use this as a test of their method
of expanding control over independent peo-
ples throughout the world in the under-
developed areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America.
The leaders of North Vietnam and Commu-
nist China on numerous occasions have
stated this as their purpose. For example,
General Giap, head of the North Vietnamese
military forces, said that South Vietnam is
the model of the national liberation front
movement of our time. Pham Van Dong,
Prime Minister of North Vietnam, said re-
cently.: "The experience of our compatriots
in South Vietnam attracts the attention of
the world, especially the peoples of Latin
America.
The national security of the United States
is at stake in South Vietnam. The objective
of the United States is to preserve South
Vietnam's independence In the face of some
50,000 personnel and quantities of supplies
that the north has sent into South Vietnam
to subvert and take control of the south.
The source of the commitment of the United
States derives out of the southeast Asia
Treaty, out of the bilateral arrangements
that President Eisenhower made with the
Government of South Vietnam, out of regu-
lar authorizations and appropriations of the
Congress in giving aid to South Vietnam, out
of the resolution of the Congress of last Au-
gust, out of the formal resolutions of the
Congress of last August, and out of the
formal declarations of three Presidents. If
our allies, and more particularly if our ad-
versaries, should discover the American com-
mitment is not worth anything, the world
would face dangers of which we have not yet
dreamed.
The effectiveness of our policy can be
dramatically seen in the fact that North
Vietnam, which has coveted South Vietnam
ever since the Indochina War, was unable to
absorb it by political means and finally, by
1959 and 1960, had to resort to terrorism and
guerrilla warfare to subvert it. North Viet-
nam's political efforts to absorb the South
were thwarted because the South Vietnamese,
with our assistance, had made considerable
progress in strengthening the basic economy
of the country and improving the economic
position of the villagers. Since the North
Vietnamese have attempted to take over
South Vietnam by military means the South
Vietnamese have incurred tremendous losses
of both civilian and military personnel and
in the destruction of property; yet they con-
tinue to resist and fight. This, too, attests
to the effectiveness of our policy and aid pro-
grams.
The choices are not all up to the U.S.
Government. We have made the decision
because of our longstanding commitment to
help the Vietnamese. Hanoi has decided,
In the face of this, to increase its help to
the Vietcong. This is a measure of the tenac-
ity of the enemy-not our ineffectiveness.
To withdraw our assistance because the con-
flict cannot be resolved quickly would mean
nothing other than the abandonment of the
South Vietnamese, who have counted on our
backing, to certain takeover by the North
20839
Vietnamese Communist regime, whose rec-
ord of repressions and denial of basic free-
doms is public.
Question 11: President Kennedy stated on
numerous occasions that the war in Viet-
nam was a Vietnamese war; that it must be
won or lost by the people of South Vietnam
themselves. Does our increasing commit-
ment of troops, planes and supporting ma-
terial mean that we have embarked on a
new policy?
Answer: No. Our policy still remains the
same. Our goal is an independent Vietnam,
free to choose its own path, free from out-
side interference-a military base for no
other country. A nation and people free
to decide their own future for themselves.
The only thing that has changed is that
which we think is necessary to reach this
goal. Our outlook has changed over the
past 2 years because the action of the North
Vietnamese has changed during that period
of time. They (North Vietnam) have vastly
increased the number of men that they have
Infiltrated into South Vietnam. They
have vastly increased the amount of
equipment and material which they have
infiltrated into that country. As a result
of this increase in the strength of the North
Vietnamese, occurring especially in the last
12 months, the United States has been forced
to supplement the forces of South Vietnam
with increased amounts of men and mate-
rial. The South Vietnamese are still bear-
ing the brunt of the fighting and suffering,
and they will continue to bear the brunt of
the fighting. The defense of South Vietnam
is being directed by the Government of
South Vietnam and it will continue to be
that way.
Question 12: What is our policy in Viet-
name? What are the alternatives realistic-
ally available to us at this time? What
values and risks does each Involve?
Answer: President Johnson once sum-
marized our policy toward southeast Asia in
four simple propositions.
1. America keeps her word.
2. The issue is the future of southeast
Asia as a whole.
3. Our purpose is peace.
4. This is not just a jungle war, but a
struggle for freedom on every front of hu-
man activity.
When President Johnson talks about our
national honor, he is not using some empty
phrase of 18th century diplomacy. He is
talking about the life and death of the Na-
tion. The essential fact from which we start
is that North Vietnam has sent tens of thou-
sands of men and large quantities of arms
into South Vietnam to take over that coun-
try by force. We have a very simple com-
mitment to South Vietnam. It derives out
of the Southeast Asia Treaty, out of the bi-
lateral arrangements that President Eisen-
hower made with the Government of South
Vietnam, out of regular authorizations and
appropriations of the Congress in giving aid
to South Vietnam, out of the resolution of
the Congress of last August, out of the most
formal declarations of three Presidents of
both political parties.
There is no need to parse these commit-
ments in great detail. The fact is that we
know we have a commitment. The South
Vietnamese know we have a commitment.
The Communist world knows we have a com-
mitment. The rest of the world knows it.
This means that the integrity of the
American commitment is at the heart of this
problem. We believe that the integrity of
the American commitment is the principal
structure of peace throughout the world.
We have 42 allies. Those alliances were ap-
proved by overwhelming votes of our Senate.
We didn't go into those alliances through
some sense of amiability or through some
philanthropic attitude toward other nations.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 24, 1965
We went into them because we consider these
alliances utterly essential for the security `of
our own Nation,
If our allies, or more particularly if our
adversaries, should discover that the Anieri-
can:commitment is not worth anything, then
the world would face dangers of which we
have not yet dreamed. And so it is important
for us to make good on that American com-
mitment to South Vietnam,
As to the basic alternatives, so long an
South Vietnam is ready to earry`on the fight,
Withdrawal. is unthinkable. A? negotiation
that produced a return to the essentials of
the 1954 accords and thus an independent
and secure South Vietnam would of course
be an answer, indeed the answer.. But ne-
gotiations would hardly be promising that
admitted communism to South 'Vietnam,
that did not get Hanoi out, or "that exposed
South Vietnam and perhaps other countries
of the area to renewed Communist aggres-
sion at will, with only nebulous or remote
guarantees.
As for enlarging our own actions, we can-
not speak surely about the future, for the
aggressors themselves share the responsi-
bility for such eventualities. We have shown,
in our reaction to North Vietnam's attacks
against us in the Gulf oi' Tonkin and else-
where, that we can act, ant'i North Vietnam
knows it and knows its own weaknesses. but
We seek no wider war, and we must not sup-
pose that there are quick or easy answers in
this direction.
As a great power, we are now and will
continue to find ourselves in situations where
we simply do not have easy choices, where
there simply are not immediate or ideal
solutions available. We cannot then allow
ourselves to yield to frustration but must
stick to the fob, doing all we can and doing
it better.
Sh sum, the President stated on July, 28:
"We did not choose to be the guardians at
the gate, but there is no one else. We will
stand in Vietnam."
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave of
absence was granted to:
Mr. FLYNT (at the request of Mr.
STEPHENS), for today, on account of
business:
Mr. KEE, from August 23 to September
13, 1965, on account of surgery.
Mr. THOMPSON of New Jersey (at the
request of Mr. KREBS), for an indefinite
period, on account of illness.
Mr. HAGAN of Georgia (at the request
of Mr. BOGGS), for today, on account of
official business.
Mr. HANNA (at the request of Mr.
Boars), for today, on account of official
business.
Mr. KORNEGAY (at the request of Mr.
HENDERSON), for the ' remainder of the
week, on account of illness.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
l unanimous consent, permisison to
address the House, following the legisla-
tive program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. PELLY, for 20 minutes, on Monday
1%ext, September 30.
Mr. O'HARA of Michigan, for 30 min-
utes, on Wednesday, August 25, 1965; to
revise and extend his remarks and to
include extraneous matter.
2. WYDLER (at the request of Mr.
BKVBiTZ), for 30 minutes, on August 26.
Mr. BRocx (at the request of Mr.
SKVBITZ), for 30 minutes, on August 25.
Mr. COHELAN (at the request of Mr.
Roosrvv ) , for 5 minutes, today; to
revise and extend his remarks and to
include extraneous matter.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. CLEVENGER and to include extrane-
ous matter.
Mr. DENTON and to include extraneous
matter.
Mr. RIVERS of Alaska in five instances
and to include extraneous matter.
Mr. KRENs in two instances and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
Mr. MADDEN and to include an
editorial.
Mr. Fixo.
Mr. HosXER in three instances and to
include extraneous matter.
Mr. MICHEL in three instances.
Mr. MCCORMACK (at the request of Mr.
UDALL) and to Include extraneous mat-
ter.
Mr. MACGREGOR and to include ex-
traneous matter during his remarks on
the rule on House Resolution 533.
Mr. MATSUNAGA and to include extrane-
ous matter.
Mr. ROOSEVELT in six instances and to
include extraneous material.
Mr. MAHON (at the request of Mr.
ROOSEVELT) during debate on H.R. 10586
and to include extraneous matter.
(The- following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. SxuBITZ) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr. yIPSCOMB in three instances.
Mr. DERWINSKI.
Mr. HANSEN of Idaho in five instances.
Mr. CUNNINGHAM In three instances.
Mr. DAGUE.
Mr. SCHNEEBELI in two instances.
Mr. BOB WILSON in three instances.
Mr. MORSE in three instances.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama.
Mr. BROCK in two instances.
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana in two
instances.
Mr. BERRY.
Mr. ELLSWORTH.
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama in three
instances.
Mr. CORNETT.
Mr. MCCLORY.
Mr. KEITH.
Mr. FINDLEY.
Mr. ADAIR in two instances.
Mr. ERLENBORN.
Mr. SKUBITZ in three instances.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. ROOSEVELT) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr. MURPHY of Illinois.
Mr. PEPPER in six instances.
Mr. Rivsas of South Carolina.
Mr. TOLL.
Mr. MOORHEAD,
Mr. LOVE.
Mr. WELTNER.
Mr. MULTER in three instances.
Mr. LONG of Maryland.
Mr. COHELAN in two instances.
Mr. Q'NEAL of Georgia.
Mr. ROSENTHAL in two instances.
Mr. PATTEN.
Mr. DINGELL in two instances,
Mr. HOWARD.
Mr. MORRIS in two instances.
Mr. BRADEMAS in eight instances.
Mr. EDWARDS of California.
Mr. MONAGAN in two instances.
Mr. GRIDER.
Mr. JACOBS in two instances.
Mr. MARSH In two instances.
Mr. FASCELL in five instances.
Mr. VANIK in two instances.
Mr. Evnvs of Tennessee in six instances.
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa.
Mr. JENNINGS.
Mr. Nix in three instances.
Mr. GoNZALEZ in two instances.
Mr. McGRATH.
Mr. DULSKI.
Mr. ANNUNZIO.
Mr. HUNGATE.
ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED
Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee
on House Administration, reported that
that committee had examined and found
truly enrolled bills of the House of the
following titles, which were thereupon
signed by the Speaker:
H.R, 485. An act to authorize the Secretary
of the Interior to construct, operate, and
maintain the Auburn-Folsom unit, American
River division, Central Valley project, Cal-
ifornia, under Federal reclamation laws;
H.R. 1481. An act for the relief of the es-
tate of Donovan C. Moffett;
H.R. 1'783. An act to amend section 1825
of title 28 of the United States Code to au-
thorize the payment of witness fees in habeas
corpus cases and in proceedings to vacate
sentence under section 2255 of title 28 for
persons who are authorized to proceed in
forma pauperis;
H.R. 3750. An act for the relief of certain
individuals;
H.R. 31390. An act to amend section 1871 of
of title 28, United States Code, to increase
the per diem and subsistence and limit mile-
age allowances of grand and petit jurors;
H.R.3992. An act to amend section 763(f)
of title 28, United States Code relating to
transcripts furnished by court reporters for
the district courts;
H.R. 3997. An act to amend section 753 (b)
of title 28, United States Code, to provide for
the recording of proceedings in the U.S. dis-
trict courts by means of electronic sound re-
cording as well as by shorthand or mechan-
ical means;
H,R.4719. An act for the relief of Jose-
phine C. Rumley, administratrix of the
estate of George S. Rumley;
H.R. 5401. An act to amend the Interstate
Commerce Act so as to strengthen and im
prove the national transportation system,
and for other purposes;
H.R.5497. An act to amend paragraphs
(b) and (c) of section 14 of the Bank-
ruptcy Act; and
H.R 9544. An act to authorize the disposal,
without regard to the prescribed 6-month
waiting period, of approximately 620,000 long
tons of natural rubber from the national
stockpile.
BILLS PRESEN'T'ED TO THE
PRESIDENT
Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee
on House Administration, reported that
that committee did on this day present
to the President, for his approval, bills
of the House of the following titles:
H.R. 89. An act to authorize establishment
of the Delaware Water Clap National Recrea-
tion Area, and for other purposes;
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August 24, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4727
Letter From`Slain Vietnam Hero "If we don't stop them now, Georgie and realizes the principal objective of the
Mike will be fighting 10 or 15 years from 15th and 14th amendments to the Con-
now." - stitution.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS Master Sergeant DeLuca supplied helicop- Third. It is essentially great because it
of tars with food, water, and ammunition in
their attacks on neighboring villages in the is morally, politically, and constitution-
HON. THOMAS C. McGRATH tangled network of infiltrating probes that ally right.
OF NEW JERSEY make up the Viet battlefront. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 is par-
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Expressing his pride in being an American tial recognition that the lives of great
and a marine, Master Sergeant DeLuca, 37, Americans such as Medgar Evers, Harry
Tuesday, August 24, 1965 said:
SORRY FOR THEM Moore, James Chaney, Michael Schwer-
Mr. McGRATH. Mr. Speaker, on Sat- "When I read or hear about those demon- ner, Andrew Goodman, Jimmie Lee
urday, August 21, the following article strations and people saying this is not their Jackson, Mrs. Luizzo, James Reeb, and
appeared in the leading newspaper of war, I feel sorry for them." Johnathan Daniels were shortened, how-
New Jersey's Second District, the At- Included in his final letters to his wife Eva ever mercilessly and inhumanely, in a
lantic City Press: of 606 Middle Road, Hammonton, and the great and noble cause.
AREA MARINE DIES IN BATTLE IN VIETNAM Ehrkes, was a mimeographed 58-line poem The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin de-
A Hammonton marine, who was to have dramatically illustrating the spirit of the serves commendation, along with most of
been discharged next June after 20 years marines in Vietnam, and written by the men
in his outfit. the Nation's press for its wholehearted
service, died on Friday the 13th in Vietnam In part the poem read: and stanch support of the civil rights
during the battle of Chu Lai. revolution. I take great pleasure in ex-
He was M. Sgt. George DeLuca, one of 15 "The news comes on (TV) and then you pressing the gratitude of many Ameri-
marines killed in the engagement, one of the hear.
biggest so far for U.S. forces in Vietnam, The all-star game is drawing near. cans for the excellent coverage and edi-
the Defense Department said. More than 500 Then you see a far-off land torial commentary to which these re-
Vietcong were kill in the battle. Where men are dying in the sand. marks are addressed.
DeLuca, 37, was the husband of Eve Pinto A frown appears across your face Mr. Speaker, the President of the
DeLuca of 606 Middle Road, Hammonton. You're tired of hearing about that place." United States, in his recognition of the
He also leaves two sons; George 7, and Mi- The poem closes on a prophetically brave basic significance of the suffrage privi-
chael, 2. note:
The family was last together at their home lege to a developing democracy, in sign-
The
California on May 21, the day he shipped "No wonder he's proud, ing this bill into law, has made clear his
out for Vietnam. He's a United States marine." commitment and that of the 1:atlon to-
DeLuca was a career man in the Marines. ward realizing full Negro equality in
He 'entered the service after he was The body of Master Sergeant DeLuca ar-
grad-
uated rived in Hammonton on Saturday. every sphere of American life. In this
from Lower Camden County Regional Requiem high Mass will be at 9 a.m. Tues- respect, the major thrust of American
High School in 1946. day at St. Martin's dePorres Church in Ham- opinion rides the same tide. With your
DeLuca also is survived by a brother, Vin- monton. Burial will be in Holy Sepulchre cent of Hammonton; four stepbrothers, Y permission, the editorial follows:
Aaron Parker of Princeton; Nelson, of Audu- Cemetery. [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Evening
bon, Ireland and Ellis, both of Trenton; three I was, gratified to read in today's At- Bulletin, Aug. 9, 19651
sisters, Mrs. Gussie Walker of Norfolk, Va., lantic City Press that Sergeant DeLuca's SHACKLE REMOVED
Mrs. Concetta Schmidt of Haddon Heights, last letter had been brought to the atten- The Voting Rights Act of 1965 is now law,
and c. Jean Robertson of Dallas, DeLuca was assigned of President Johnson. The Press appropriately signed by the President in the
Division. Company, 2d C story noted that the President "believes
Battalion, 7th Maxine e Dir august shadow of Abraham Lincoln's statue,
very strongly that those who are fighting and Department of Justice agents are al-
Sergeant DeLuca was the first Atlan- in Vietnam should be supported by unity ready moving into certain states to enforce
tic County man killed in the Vietnamese and accord at home." its provisions.
fighting. _ This husband and father, who Mr. Speaker, I commend Sergeant The Great Emancipator would surely have
said, "Well done," for the act goes a long
volunteered for Vietnam duty despite the DeLuca's last letter to his family as must way toward establishing the equal political
fact that he had served valiantly in the reading to those of us in the United rights of which American Negroes long have
Korean action and would have been eli- States who wonder why U.S. military been deprived, first as slaves, and for a hun-
gi~le for his discharge next June after forces are fighting in Vietnam. dred years after slavery, as citizens under
20 years of service provides inspiration This brave marine, who gave the ulti- limitations.
-enough. mate measure of devotion to his country It will of course not end racism. America
However, Sergeant DeLuca, in his last and the ideal of liberty that a tiny nation has lived with the color line since the begin-
letter home, provided even more inspira- may remain free, has written a message ning, and full equality must come through
tion to his fellow Americans as reported the quickening individual consciences.
to all of us, and I believe we can all gain Legislation can help roll oll back gross s injustice.
cein the Atlantic City Press of Monday, Au- . by reading it. And it can do more, by provoking the soul-
gust 23. Here is the article describing searching which is already well-advanced
his last letter: among Americans of every color and back-
VIETNAM WAR NECESSARY, MARINE HERO ground.
WROTE HOME Shackle Removed This particular law strikes at the very
"I feel sorry for those Americans who are heart of political equality by requiring that
saying the Viet war is not their war." So every county in every State permit all its
wrote a battle-weary marine from Hammon- EXTENSION OF REMARKS citizens to be heard.
ton 3 days before he was killed in action OF Had this voting equality been established
this month on Friday the 13th. HON. NIX long ago, many of today's racial problems
In his last letter were the poignant reflec- ROBERT N. C. NIA would not have developed. What did hap-
tions on an American soldier still shining of PENNSYLVANIA pen was that the States in which the ruling
with the zeal and ideals of his forefathers. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES groups were outnumbered devised techniques
If you ask the fighting men who are there, to keep the suppressed majority from the
the tragedy of Vietnam is indeed necessary, Tuesday, August 24, 1965 polls. The new law virtually eliminates this,
M. Sgt. George A. DeLuca told his sister-in- Mr. NIX. Mr. Speaker, for several especially by the automatic provision that
law and her husband, Mr. and Mrs. Williard the Government may take over voting regis-
reasons, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 is tration in an
Ehrke, of Mays Landing Road, Folsom. any county which, on the record,
Master Sergeant DeLuca, the father of two one of the most significant pieces of leg- has not opened its books to all.
sons about whom lie obviously worried con- islation emanating from the Congress of Literacy tests, which can readily be de-
stantly, George 7 and Michael 2, explained in the United States in the entire history fended as right in principle, have long been
the final words heard from him: of the Nation.
MUST 'STOP THEM -First. It is so because It promises to abused In parts of the South. They no
contribute greatly to the fruition. of One democracy can be. A major shackle complete
"If China takes South Vietnam, she has democraacy y really has been cut away with
control of the Ixldan Ocean and from there of world history's most important and the cold chisel of lase. If not the last one,
she can put her tactics into Africa, Austra- 'most necessary revolutions, still an important one worth hailing in the
lia, Japan and just keep moving. Second. It is monumental becaause it name of freedom.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 24, 1965
Rural or Urban
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. RALPH HARVEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr. Speak-
er, while I rarely agree with the editorial
policy of the Washington Post, this edi-
torial of August 22 is a very timely and
accurate one.
I include the editorial in the Appendix
of the RECORD:
RURAL OR URBAN
Estimates that there has been a continu-
ing migration of a thousand rural people a
month into Los Angeles emphasize the ex-
tent to which the urban problems with
which we now must deal are in part the
consequence of rural problems with which
we have not dealt in the past.
From 1929 to 1954 some 18 million farm
people migrated to cities and towns. The
rate of movement stepped u at the end of
that period to reach 570,00 a year from
1935 to 1939 and in the 1950's the rate
soared to 900,000 a year. There seems to be
a worldwide, lemming-like exodus from rural
areas of which the American movement Is a
part. Some of it may be due to the inher-
ent attractions of city life. But some of it
is due to the indifference of society toward a
whole host of discriminations against rural
areas. The urban masses and their political
leaders have resisted paying adequate prices
for the produce of rural society. Discrimi-
natory wage laws have fixed minimum wages
'for city workers and left rural workers un-
protected. Rural communities have found it
difficult to avail themselves of national pro-
grams like the housing programs. On a
broad front, we have neglected to give rural
people a comparable standard of living. In-
comes are about half those oturban dwellers.
Beyond the economic disparity lie a hundred
cultural discriminations running from edu-
cation to entertainment.
Many of the millions who have left rural
areas have not been educated, trained or
equipped for urban life. They simply have
been harried out of the countryside and
dumped into an urban environment while
still Ignorant of its opportunities and unable
to take advantage of them. These disinherit-
ed, disadvantaged, disfranchised and discon-
tented people have jammed into already over-
crowded urban slump and ghettoes to multi-
ply all the old problems of the cities and to
add a dozen new ones. The cities have not
dealt as skillfully with these migrants as
they dealt with the emigrants from overseas.
But it is doubtful if urban societies strug-
gling with their preexisting problems of ab-
sorbing new peoples could have smoothly in-
tegrated such an influx even if the city gov-
ernments and police forces were run by
geniuses.
The cities have been confronted with one
of the great migrations of human history
and they have made little preparation for it.
Many of the migrants, of course, were the
people who stimulated the growth and ex-
pansion of the cities and furnished them
with new leadership, talents and human re-
sources. But many were just people who had
no place else to go.
There are voices in this country demand-
ing an even higher rate of annual emigra-
tion from the countryside than the incredi-
ble 4 percent of recent years.. But they over-
look social problems of both rural and urban
America. The plain fact is that the cities
have been getting more untrained rural labor
than they can absorb. And the larger fact
is that millions of these people could be
provided jobs and homes in rural areas with
less economic and social strain than they
can be furnished a decent life in the crowd-
ed cities. Our urban society now is finding
that the rural labor surplus is the most
formidable of all farm surpluses. It might
have been cheaper if we had dealt with rural
poverty in the countryside instead of moving
it into the cities and transforming it into
urban poverty. It might be easier to attack
rural misery where it is rather than just to
move it to town. We need now, tardily, to
undertake a vast program of rural better-
ment for the economic and the social health
of the whole country.
The Late Honorable Clarence Brown
SPEECH
or
HON. BARRATT O'HARA
OP ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 23, 1965
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
on my 83d birthday, CLARENCE BROWN
spoke of our long and close friendship,
remarked that he and I belonged to the
rather exclusive club of former Lieu-
tenant Governors serving in this body,
and closed with these words: "I think
you will, finish the course all right."
Now the voice of my friend is stilled.
Finished is the course of CLARENCE
BROWN and in this Chamber is the heavi-
ness of a grief that all Members feel in a
deep personal manner. The nobility of
his character, the cheer of his optimism,
the strength of his faith in the simple
virtues of hometown folks, all this runs
through our minds and pencils into our
saddened hearts as we come to realize
that CLARENCE BROWN has finished the
course of life.
How gallantly he ran that course. At
23, the boy Lieutenant Governor of Ohio,
for 27 years a Member of the House of
Representatives of the Congress of the
United States, an outstanding statesman,
a publisher, and editor in the finest tradi-
tions of American journalism, a mighty
power in the Republican Party, the close
friend and manager of the presidential
campaign of Senator Taft, all this and
more, and in all these long years of
achievement, of glory and applause, he
never lost his head or bowed to vanity.
His wasthe simple honesty of the coun-
try town, of which he was a product and
an apostle. In CLARENCE BROWN there
was complete absence of pretense.
Mr. Speaker, the months of the last
year or so were weighed with sadness for
CLARENCE BROWN. The deaths of an
adored granddaughter, his mother, and
his wife all came in a short period of
time, and we who were so close to him
could not fail to note the heavy toll they
had taken. His beloved wife, to whom
he was married in 1916, died in January
of this year. Their life together for close
to half a century was a classic of marital
bliss.
My deepest sympathy goes to the chil-
dren, grandchildren, and other loved
ones of the great and noble man with
whom it was our privilege to serve.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MASTON O'NEAL
OF GEORGIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. O'NEAL of Georgia. Mr. Speaker,
it is interesting to study the divergent
viewpoints of our liberal politicians and
sociologists as they attempt to explain
the recent racial explosion in Los An-
geles. They have advanced theories
ranging from heat prostration to the ab-
sence of trees in the Negro community.
However, the most candid discussion
of the situation, in my opinion, appeared
in the August 18 edition of the Albany,
Ga., Herald. The highly respected edi-
tor of that publication, James H. Gray,
minced no words in placing the blame
where it rightfully belongs. I commend
the following editorial to my colleagues:
THE Los ANGELES EXPLOSION
One of the oddities of the aftermath of
the Los Angeles riots is the studied effort of
the liberal political salvationists to explain
the blowup. Some say that the hot weather
brought about a natural combustion; others
contend that dormant evils in American so-
ciety suddenly surfaced with unusual veloc-
ity. Still others assert that a day of reck-
oning was due to come for the majority in
this country and that general atonement
must be made for the oppressed. But noth-
Ing at all is being said about a conflict be-
tween races, between divergent cultures, as
though race, one of the most disputatious
areas of human existence, no longer had to
be reckoned with as a social, economic, and
political force.
We find this not only to be a silly exercise,
but a highly precarious one, In dealing with
a national problem, which is worsening as
the proposed solutions to it remain political
in the extreme. In the name of compassion,
the Negro mass has been cultivated by polit-
icos and professional bleeding hearts to its
own detriment; the soul of the Negro has
been praised to the heavens--and his vote,
whether educated or not, has been recklessly
schemed for, even at the expense of tradi-
tional restraints in the U.S. Constitution. A
political power grab is in the making, and
the Negro, unfortunately, is the pawn, shifted
here and there by his own leaders as much
as by certain militant white groups. Not
even President Johnson's fatherly masquer-
ade as a latter-day Abraham Lincoln can
disguise thatugly practice.
Indeed, our national political leadership is
dealing in some dangerous fallacies with re-
spect to the racial issue. The South is usu-
ally the whipping boy in this complex mat-
ter, but the fact remains that the most
serious disturbances have occurred in the
North where desegregation has been in effect
for many, many years. Yet segregation has
persisted. In several respects it resembles
a phenomenon American cities have long
known-immigrants from abroad forming
their own racial or national enclaves, main-
taining their own customs and languages,
even their own newspapers. And the desires
making for such clannishness have come as
much from within as from without.
So it is with the American Negro-in the
North and the South. The salvationists
spread the fiction that segregation is a wholly
artificial pattern enforced by unworthy prej-
udice. Some of it is like that. But much
segregation comes about naturally through
the same processes of selection which cause
individuals to choose like-minded associates
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--APPENDIX August 24, 1965
been employees, railroad employees, ' allied
workers, and communities of the country."
The legislative director cited the deteriora-
tion of the mail service with the start of
RPO elimination 15 years ago. He said, "The
conception of providing the best possible
service.to the postal patron seems no longer
to be the aim of the Department. It appears
that a policy of reduction or curtailment of
postal services was introduced regardless of
patrons needs and without thorough and
proper advice to the Congress and certainly
without congressional approval. All this ap-
parently done on the false premise of budg-
etary limitations, and our opinion, false
economy."
Nilan noted, "That if the new programs
would be the economic plans they are claimed
to be the postal deficit would have been
wiped out years ago, but the Department still
operates in the red."
"The Post Office Department has a new
program of giving the best warranted service
and the UFPC urges that the Department
give the best service possible."
Information was also introduced quoting
regional bulletins ordering certain perishable
goods to be dispatched to RPO's as sending
them to sctional centers would tend to delay
them. It was pointed out this kind of in-
formation is published quite frequently by
different regions. This was giving the patron
the best service possible and not the best
service warranted according to Nilan.
Additional information was given which
listed RPO cars withdrawn in the past 2 years
and in also facts showing the subsequent
removal of the passenger trains.
Four more UFPC officers testified following
Nilan's testimony. Hank Anglim, adminis-
trative vice president; Clint Gross, vice presi-
dent, St. Louis region; Carroll Rohr, vice
president, Denver region; and Phil Dooley,
Atlanta region. Each of these men listed
delays to mail now and cited the possibility
of future 24 hour delays under the sectional
center concept.
Results of an Opinion P.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JOHN N. ERLENBORN
QF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. ERLENBORN. Mr. Speaker, it is
my firm belief that a U.S. Congressman
should, within the limits of his con-
science, make every attempt to repre-
sent the interests and opinions of the
citizens who elected him. In keeping
with this philosophy one of my first ac-
tions as a newly elected Congressman
was to conduct an opinion poll of my
constituents, the first poll of its kind in
the history of Illinois' 14th District. My
office received over 12,000 replies out of
a distribution of 50,000. Many of the
returned questionnaires contained ex-
tensive comments and additional views.
While I have never made any attempt to
conceal my opinion on any issue and
accordingly felt that my election to Con-
gress indicated strong support in my dis-
trict for my philosophy of government,
nevertheless, I was most pleased to learn
from a study of the results of my poll
that my record since election has been
consistently in accord with the views of
education, 83 percent of those respond-
ing to the poll favored the 'tax credit
proposal which I cosponsored.
Fifty-eight percent favored the Dirk-
sen constitutional amendment, while
only 23 percent opposed it. The other
19 percent had no opinion. I strongly
support Senator DIRRSEN in his effort to
allow individual States the right to ap-
portion one house of their bicameral leg-
islatures on factors other than popula-
tion, if approved in a State referendum.
Sixty-four percent opposed repeal of
section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act.
Concurring in their opinion that States
should be permitted to adopt right-to-
work laws if they so desired, I voted
against repeal.
In fiscal policy matters, 83 percent did
not favor increasing the national debt
limit beyond the present $324 billion.
I voted against the $4 billion increase
when it came before the House.
Eighty-two percent of those replying
to my questionnaire disliked unbalanced
Federal budgets and deficit financing.
In my brief time in Congress, I have
consistently opposed ill-conceived or ex-
travagant programs which might further
unbalance Federal expenditures. Eighty-
five percent agreed with my vote in favor
of repealing certain excise taxes.
On two issues, defense spending and
the approach to the farm problem, my
responding constitutents were pretty
slain," the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, a lead-
ing daily in the State of Hawaii, de-
scribes as "disturbing" the fact that
hardly anyone in public life has raised
the question of whether morality has
any bearing on the U.S. position and its
attitudes with respect to the war in
Vietnam.
I commend for the serious considera-
tion of my colleagues and other readers
of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Hono-
lulu Star-Bulletin editorial, which fol-
lows:
MORALITY AND VIETNAM
As disturbing as any aspect of the war in
Vietnam is the fact that hardly anybody in
public life has raised the question of whether
morality has any bearing on the U.S. posi-
tion and its attitudes there.
The fact that nobody, or hardly anybody,
has done so is a testament to an even greater
conceit: that it is assumed that, since our
country has taken a position, the position
therefore must be right.
This is not quite the same as "My country,
right or wrong." "My country, right or
wrong" means support for one's country even
when it is wrong. To assume that our coun-
try is right merely because it is our country
is something else again.
It is, in fact, the sort of blind and un-
questioning obedience that the Communist
countries demand. It is Communist Party
dogma that the party is right even when it
is wrong. We have not come to that in
America, and so long as our constitutional
system survives, or rather so long as we
believe in our constitutional system, we shall
evenly divided. Forty-four percent not come to this.
favored reducing last year's expenditure Msgr. Charles A. Kekumano touched
on defense of more than $50 billion while on this theme in preaching at his St. Pius
43 percent did not. I voted in favor of X Church Sunday. "We bomb and kill in
the defense appropriations bill which cut Vietnam," he said, "as if the problems of
Asia can
a number of nonessential expenditures managed without God. pay
millions of f dollars s to to the United Nations in
without weakening our defense structure a vague effort to bring peace into God's
though I, like the Republicans who sub- world without God's help."
mitted a minority report, dislike certain The monsignor was, of course, making
aspects of the bill. God's will the yardstick for what we do.
Fifty-one percent of the responders But this is not too different from the con-
did not want Federal price support and cept of morality which most of us possess,
Crop Control programs continued. Of or what a British foreign minister recently
reminded us was in our own Declaration of
the 42 percent who did feel they should 'Independence, "a decent respect for the
be continued, 54 percent thought they opinions of mankind." We should not, nor
should be gradually reduced. can we, proceed with the war in Vietnam as
The President should be pleased to though victory through the use of sufficient
learn that the people of the 14th district force were the only end we seek.
overwhelmingly support a firm U.S. posi- All our history is against it. We did not
tion in Vietnam. While 61 percent favor destroy Japan or Germany once they were
negotiation, 79 percent are against any defeated and had surrendered; we helped
U.S. pullout at the time. Of them. Nor did we help them simply because
present helping them helped us to make a more
those favoring negotiation, many in- secure world; American moral standards
dicated that the United States should would not have permitted our leaders to do
negotiate only from a strong position. otherwise. We must, in the end, do what
Concerning Red China, 73 percent op- is right in Vietnam; and if it is less than
posed its admission to the United Na- some of our harsher leaders would have us
tions and felt that the United States do, it is nonetheless a requisite if America
should not trade with her. Sixty-flue is to retain its position, earned through
nearly two centuries, of a country with a
percent were against increased U.S. trade conscience.
with Communist-bloc nations while 90
percent were against expanded economic
aid to Communist-bloc nations.
Morality and Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
The Right To Choose
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, brev-
Tuesday, August 24, 1965 ity in editorial comment is often a virtue.
A very brief but pertinent editorial in the
in Will and DuPage- Counties Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, in Southwest Messenger Press on Thurs-
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.August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
Soviet claims being what they are, it is interties are now underway in that region
far too early to make a judgment on the which could supply huge excesses of power
claims, The boasts, however, do merit care- without either of the dams in Bridge Canyon
i ul attention of the free world.
If the Soviet economy has indeed acceler-
ated, it also means that the Communists
can devote more money to world subvgrsicn
and the arms race.
It also means that the Soviets will have to
turn increasingly to the free world to obtain
the necessary heavy equipment and plants to
met new demands. We would be ill-advised
to assist this program for whatever short
term gains could accrue from Increased trade.
The important factor to remember is that
the atheistic Communist plans for world
domination have not changed, nor are they
likely to do so.
Grand Canyon Being Threatened
or
HON. E. ROSS ADAIR
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, .1965
Mr. ADAIR,.__, Mr. Speaker, at a time
when conservation of our natural re-
sources is in the minds of many of us,
the following editorial from the Fort
Wayne News-Sentinel is particularly
timely:
GRAND CANYON BEING THREATENED
Dedicated conservationists across the coun-
try---an easily stirred group-are really In a
lather over what they charge is a threat
to the Grand Canyon, greatest natural
wonder in the Nation.
And what has justifiably stirred them this
tgme out is legislation pending in both
Houses of the National Congress aimed at
building two vast dams above and below the
canyon on the Colorado River which, they
Insist, will flood major parts of the canyon.
Dream children of the Bureau of Reclama-
tion the dams would include one at Bridge
Canyon, below the Grand Canyon National
Monument, and the other would bracket
arand Canyon National Park to the north,
The conservationists fighting the projects
contend that, if constructed, the lower dam
would back the waters of the Colorado up the
entire length of the monument and part way
into the park, resulting in the inundation of
What is described as some of the most apse-
tacular canyon land In the world. It would
also, they point out, drown out some of the
oldest exposed geological formations in the
national park system, whose age is esti-
mated not in the millions, but In the billions
of years.
These, then, are the dimensions of the
catastrophe which could overtake a natural
wonder which has been the vacation goal,
at one time or another, of most Americans.
And for what?
The grand design, it seems, would not make
any additional water available. The con-
se:rvationists say the :river already is being
bled of all the water it can give. Actually,
water will be, lost through evaporation from
the large lake surface which would be built
up by the dam.
Rather, the purpose is to build huge hydro-
electric plants, resulting in yet another gov-
ernmental excursion into the public power
field. - The theory is that the dam project
would supply Government electricity for sale
to pay for other phases of the Bureau's Pacific
Southwest water plan.
The Indiana division of the Izaak Walton
League is taking a lead in fighting this po-
tential despoilatlon of the Grand Canyon.
The Hoosier division passed a resolution at-
tacking the plan and urging all interested
citizens to write their Senators and Repre-
sentatives ira, opposition to it. The Indiana
division resolution will be presented at the
league's national convention in Cody, Wyo.,
this June.
Certainly, we see no reason why there is
a need for further hydroelectric projects in
the Colorado, even if it might make some
sort of economic sense. We would agree with
an editorialist for the Indiana division of the
league:
"Why should conservationists, or any liv-
ing American, have to argue for the life of
the Grand Canyon (and the last, unsubdued
stretch of the Colorado River) on the basis
of a benefit-to-cost ratio?"
Lest We Forget
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. PAUL J. KREBS
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
less rioting . that recently took place in
Los Angeles, Calif., cannot be described
as anything other than shocking. To
those who have painfully followed these
heartbreaking events, I recommend
the following editorial from the New
Jersey Herald News. The News is a
statewide Negro publication and has a
reputation for fairness and objectivity.
While the editorial terms the rioting as
"another example of hoodlumism and
lawlessness at its worst," it also wisely
counsels that "every effort must be made
to build a future for the Negro, and help
him forget his wretched past."
The editorial follows:
LEST WE FORGET
The Los Angeles riot is another example
of hoodlumism and lawlessness at its worst.
When men lose respect for law and order,
then tyranny reigns and no man's life, limb,
or property is safe. We saw this happen in
New York, Philadelphia, Rochester, and now
Lo,:, Angeles.
It is very strange that these riots spring
from almost identical patterns. The Phila-
delphia riot grew out of a traffic Incident as
did the Los Angeles riot. In both incidents,
it seems that there were forces waiting for
the signal to begin their destruction and
looting of property and places of business.
It is to be noted that these riots lose their
racial aspects When the looting begins; Negro
stores are plundered just as badly as those
owned by whites.
It is also a mistake to connect this or-
ganized lawlessness with the civil rights
revolution. There is no connection and the
sooner these people are prevented from op-
erating under the guise of civil rights, and
exposed for what they really are, the sooner
the culprits will be brought to justice and
law and order restored.
While these riots focus attention upon the
injustices N
h
egroes
ave suffered in th pat
es,
Opponents to the plan say this is akin it also reminds us that every effort must be
to sending coal to Newcastle. The facts made to build a future for the Negro, and
are, they say, that enormous electric power help him forget his wretched past.
A4745
This takes time, patient, and understand-
ing and we have been so short on these in
dealing with this problem. It is time for a
change.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GLENN CUNNINGHAM
OF NEBRASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mir. Speaker, in
recent years the Post Office Department
has begun a series of major innovations
in the postal service of this country.
These programs have been and are being
put into effect without any consulta-
tion with the Congress of the United
'States. I believe this is in violation of
the implied powers that were granted
the Congress in the Constitution and I
am not alone in this belief.
I would like to call attention to the
testimony of Mr. Patrick Nilan, the
United Federation of Postal. Clerks leg-
islative director before a special Sen-
ate subcommittee headed by the Honor-
able GALE MCGEE, of Wyoming. His
testimony appeared in the Omaha Postal
Clerk.
DEPARTMENT FAILS To CONsuL'r CONGRESS ON
CHANGES
Pat Nilan, UFPC legislative director,
charged that the implementation of new
program by the Post Office Department is In
direct violation of the Constitution of the
United States. Nilan testified before a spe-
cial Senate subcommittee, headed by Sena-
tor GALE MCGEE, Democrat, of Wyoming, on
June 18.
Nilan testified, "The Constitution of the
United States, article I, section 8(7) states
the Congress shall have the power to estab-
lish post offices and post roads. It is our
belief this grant of authority also gives Con-
gress the specific authority and responsibil-
ity to determine major policy matters related
to the post office and its operations, specifi-
cally in the elimination of post offices, In-
cluding railway post offices."
Nilan continued, "Certainly if the Post
Office Department refuses to recognize this
direct Constitutional grant of authority to
the Congress it cannot ignore the 'implied
powers' granted to Congress to have the con-
trol of the elimination of established rail-
way post offices. In our contacts with mem-
bers of Congress it is our opinion that the
Post Office Department has largely ignored
this grant of authority to Congress, in mak-
ing major policy decisions concerned with the
elimination of railway post offices."
"In May 1958 when Congress enacted
Public Law 85-426, the 85th Congress re-
iterated its constitutional right determining
postal policy. In this instance, the Con-
gress was expressing itself on the general
questions of postal rate adjustments and
compensation of postal employees. In Sec-
tion 103(a) of Public Law 85-426 the Con-
gress proclaimed a "declaration of policy" as
follows: The Congress hereby emphasizes,
reaffirms, and restates its function under the
Constitution of the United States of form-
ing policy."
Mr. Nilan attacked the controversial pro-
grams which will, in his opinion, result in
economic chaos to communities and citizens.
He also attacked the Department for failing
to consult with Congress as required by the
Constitution. He said, "also ignored have
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
considered as complete until some machinery
is established for a continuing analysis of
the effect of the tax cut. While certain tax
reduction benefits may flow to the consumer
for the short. term, it is my belief that these
prospects will not extend into the next
year. There are strong indications that the
new models coming into the 1966 model year
will consider,the advisability of continuing
the excise tax reduction and minimize its
effect.
It is my 'sincere hope that your Council
will consider the advisability of continuing
its inquiry into the next year and also make
public the records which supported your
report.
Sincerely yours,
CHARLES A. VANIK,
Member of Congress.
In addition, I wish to reprint in the
RECORD a copy of an editorial, which ap-
peared in the Washington Post of August
23, 1965, entitled, "Passing on the Tax
Cuts." The. last paragraph indicates a
thesis which cannot be emphasized too
greatly.
The editorial follows:
PASSING ON THE TAX CUTS
According to the second report of the
Council of Economic Advisers about three-
fourths of the $1.75-billion reduction in Fed-
eral excise taxes Is being passed on to con-
sumers through lower retail prices. In ac-
cordance with expectations, Goverment sur-
veys indicate that virtually all dealers low-
ered their prices on new cars. But elsewhere,
compliance with the wishes of the White
House was somewhat spotty. In the markets
for refrigerators and freezers, 35 percent of
the dealers failed to make any price cuts,
and the figure for noncomplying dealers in
cooking ranges was 45 percent.
It may be that many dealers in household
appliances are awaiting manufacturers' new
list prices before taking action, but there
are good reasons for supposing that price
cuts will be small in markets where dis-
counting is widespread. Auto dealers, by vir-
tue of market power,,exert a greater control
over prices and net profit margins than the
more numerous dealers in household ap-
pliances. With attractive profit margins and
the white heat of publicity, the price of new
autos, although not for optional equipment,
were uniformly reduced. Resistance is
greater in markets where retail Margins are
slim, but it might well be broken down by
the intensification of competition.
Retail dealers cannot, of course, be forced
to pass on the excise tax cuts to consumers.
But their voluntary compliance may assume
greater importance over the next 4 years in
which additional excise tax reductions are
scheduled. For if an intensification ,of hos-
tilities in South Vietnam leads to sharp in-
crease in defense spending, compliance in
passing on the excise tax cuts will be essen-
tial in the effort to check inflation.
Using Economic Power To Halt War
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr, LIPSCOW, Mr. Speaker, on
August 19, 1965, columnist David Law-
rence in the Washington Evening Star
presented a number of cogent arguments
on the use of economic power to halt the
war in Vietnam.
. We must constantly seek ways to pre-
vent increased casualties and shorten the
war, One obviously important consid-
eration must be the economic factors for
North Vietnam's war effort depends ex-
tensively on exports. There seems no
doubt that reducing the flow of goods
to North Vietnam would help signifi-
cantly in reducing the Communist war
capability.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
submit for inclusion in the RECORD a copy
of Mr. Lawrence's article:
USING ECONOMIC POWER To HALT WAR
(By David Lawrence)
The veterans who have served in three
major wars in the last half century are well
aware of the hardships of war, yet they are
not pacifists. They do not favor the surren-
der of principle, because they know that wars
too often come as the result of appeasement.
Mingling with the Veterans of Foreign Wars
last Monday at their 66th national conven-
tion in Chicago, one was impressed by the
support that they give to the American posi-
tion in the Vietnam war-a fight for a great
principle.
This correspondent does not make public
speeches, but in accepting an award from
the Veterans of Foreign Wars, he addressed
the members on the subject of "international
cooperation" and particularly cited economic
power as'a means of helping to end the war
in Vietnam. Here is an excerpt explaining
this very point:
"Perhaps the leastused power to prevent
war is economic power. Prior to World War
II, attempts were made to put an economic
embargo on trade with certain countries,
but the Western allies did not cooperate
with each other. Today every nation goes
its own way seeking trade in pursuit of the
dollar or the pound or the peso or the franc,
as the case may be. This is not interna-
tional cooperation. It is international an-
archy.
"If the United States. has a just cause, then
why should not the other nations of the
world support it? And if the only way to
bring another nation to terms is to impose
an economic embargo so that its trade will be
disrupted and it will not receive economic
aid from outside, then why should not those
who say they are sympathetic with our cause
maintain their alliance with us and actually
cooperate on economic embargoes?
"We need to convince other nations-the
free peoples who think as we do-that the
cause for which we are fighting is just as
important to them as it is to us. But cer-
tainly it is disheartening for the United
States to be sacrificing the lives of its own
boys while the allied countries, whose inter-
ests are so often aided by us, adopt a course
which amounts to helping our enemies.
"We approve the idea of international
discussion in any forum, including that pro-
vided by the United Nations. But it is
more important that the major nations of
the world shall take collective action as pro-
vided in the U.N. Charter itself. It does not
always have to be military action, but it
certainly requires economic cooperation.
"But while more than 150,000 Americans
are fighting or are about to fight in Vietnam,
we have not declared formally 'a state of
war.' If we did, then, under the inter-
national law, other nations would be re-
quired to respect our request that no
economic aid be given to North Viet-
nam-our enemy in the battle-and its co-
belligerent, Red China. International law
is firm on that point. It is not con-
sidered legal to trade with any belligerent
power without subjecting such trade to
seizure through the interposition of mili-
tary and naval force. International law
does not uphold the right of any country to
A4759
ship contraband goods to a belligerent
power.
"The people of the allied countries do not
seem much concerned. Yet, we have sacri-
ficed the lives of our own young men to
preserve freedom in these same nations, too,
Today we are risking the lives of tens of
thousands of Americans in Vietnam, and it
is essential that our friends in the allied
governments take a firm stand along with us
and refrain from trading with the enemy."
One objection being raised to the declara-
tion of "a state of war" is that hostilities
would be expected against Red China. But
this is not necessarily so, as an embargo on
arms shipments can be imposed around a
country which is the scene of a war without
involving any use of force outside the area
except to seize or turn back shipments of
arms and military supplies.
Speaking of the human sacrifices involved
in war, Vice President HUMPNREY, at the
openii'g session of the VFW convention.on
Monday, made the following statement,
which had had little, if any, public attention
t!,roughout the country:
"The South Vietnamese Army since 1961
has suffered 25,000 dead and 51,000 wound-
ed-greater losses, in proportion to popula-
tion, than we suffered in all of World War
11; 10 times our losses in the Korean war.
"The South Vietnamese people, last year
alone, lost 436 local officials to assassination,
lost another 1,100 officials to kidnaping and
an unknown fate, lost 11,000 civilians to
murder, kidnaping, and forced labor-but, in
face of intimidation, turned out to vote in
recent elections in far higher percentages
than we usually reach in our own American
elections."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 19,65
Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, with
final action expected soon in the Con-
gress on legislation establishing a Cabi-
net-level Department of Housing and
Urban Development, I call the attention
of House Members to an editorial pub-
lished August 13 in the Pittsburgh Post-
Gazette :
[From the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette,
Aug. 13, 1965]
VOICE FOR CITIES
City dwellers are about to attain in the
Federal Government the kind of special rep-
resentation that rural residents have enjoyed
for 103 years. It was in 1862 that Congress
created the Department of Agriculture; in
1889 the departmental head became the
Secretary of Agriculture and a member of
the President's Cabinet.
This week the Senate, following the lead
of the House, approved a bill to set up a new
Department of Housing and Urban Develop-
ment. Though the bill would create no new
Federal programs, it would bring the new
governmental emphasis to bear on urban
problems by consolidating within one de-
partment various programs, such as housing
and mass transit aid, now scattered through
the Federal establishment. The new Depart-
ment would propose policies dealing with the
development of metropolitan areas and offer
technical assistance to States, cities and
counties.
Because of a Senate amendment designed
to preserve the status and functions of the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX August 24, 1965
Federal Housing Administration as an agency ple, who ranged in age from carriage-borne
within the new Department, a conference infants to gray-haired matrons, staged a stir-
committee will probably have to resolve Sen- ring demonstration in New York to pro-
ate-Hquse differences before the legislation test against the criminal decision of the U.S.
can finally be approved. Within a short time, Government.
however, President Johnson is expected to Many American youths burned their draft
have an 11th Cebinet member whose Depart- cards in front of recruiting booths.
ment would, in his words, provide "a focal On July 31, numerous American youths in
point for thought and innovation and_ imag- the same city again demonstrated before the
ination about the problems of our cities." recruiting booth to protest against Johnson's
This change in the Government will rep- decision of an additional troop dispatch to
resent a welcome recognition of the changing South Vietnam.
character of Americanaloeiety. On August 5, hundreds of youths in
Hanoi's Versi6n of-U.S. Protests
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, the
right to dissent and protest is a funda-
mental guarantee of our democracy. It
is a right which must be cherished and
safeguarded, but it is also a right which
must be exercised responsibly.
One of the consequences of irresponsi-
ble protest, and certainly some of the
Vietnam demonstrations, though cer-
tainly not all, fall in this category, is
well illustrated in the interpretation
given by the North Vietnamese radio and
press. The Washington Post on August
19 reprinted one example of how some of
the recent demonstrations have been
construed by North Vietnam and I in-
clude this article for our colleagues' in-
formation and attention:
HANOI'S VERSION OF U.S. PROTESTS
(NoTE.-Reprinted below is an account of
events in the United States printed in Nhan
Da of Hanoi and broadcast over Hanoi VNA.
Much importance must be attached to such
reports because the North Vietnam govern-
ment and the National Liberation Front are
confident that American opinion will force
a reversal of policy and compel withdrawal
from South Vietnam.)
Hundreds of American youths have pre-
vented a ship from carrying weapons to
South, Vietnam. Hundreds of American ,
women demonstrated with mourning arms.
Scores of American youths have fasted to
protest against the U.S. ruling circles.
Many broke into Johnson's residence de-
manding that the U.S. President end the ag-
gressive war In Vietnam.
Such acts, as well as the participation of
hundreds of thousands of American students
and youths in the teach-in held in U.S. uni-
versities to protest the U.S. Governments'
policy in Vietnam, prove that many Ameri-
can youths and people have realized the seri-
ous situation imposed on them by the ag-
gressive war in Vietnam.
They have also realized that such a situa-
tion requires them to struggle for self-de-
fense and to safeguard justice, freedom, and
defend the honor of the United States.
That the U.S. authorities have been inten-
sifying and expanding the war in defiance
of the American people's genuine aspirations
for peace has aroused a strong wave of pro-
test among the latter. Demonstrations
broke out one after another against the re-
actionary and warlike policy of the U.S. au-
thorities.
On July 29, immediately after U.S. Presi-
dent Johnson, made public the U.S. Govern-
?ment's decision to dispatch additional U.S.
troops to South Vietnam, 400 American peo
Berkeley, Calif., demonstrated at the Santa
Fe railway station, holding placards urging
an end to the piratical war. When a train
carrying U.S. troops to South Vietnam
moved by, the demonstrators .put a placard
across the rail reading "Stop the war
machine." _
On August 6, more than 3,000 Americans in
Berkeley again held a stirring demonstra-
tion in strong protest against Johnson. The
demonstrators carried with them streamers
bearing slogans in protest against the aggres-
sive war in Vietnam and sat down on the
rails to prevent a train from carrying U.S.
troops to South Vietnam. On the night of
the same day, more than 100 American
people staged another demonstration at a B-
52 base in Ohio in protest against the John-
son government. Also on August 6 many
other demonstrations broke out in Washing-
ton and other places involving American
students, youth, and other people to protest
against the Johnson administration's acts
of war intensification in Vietnam.
The repeated demonstrations which broke
out in the past few days in the United States
just after f(.S. President Johnson announced
the decision to send another 50,000 U.S.
troops to South Vietnam pointed to the high
indignation and the spirit of resolute strug-
gle of the American people in face of the
U.S. imperialist's criminal acts. The U.S.
ruling circles are seeking ways to repress the
American people's struggle. They sent U.S.
police to savagely suppress the demonstra-
tors. They have also enacted a draft law
imposing imprisonment and fines on those
youths who refuse to join the Army. Re-
sorting to such fascist measures, the U.S.
ruling circles have shown their fright in the
face of the protest movement which is rising
in the United States against the aggressive
war. But certainly they cannot prevent that
movement from developing In the present
world situation, any aggressive war will lead
to a protest movement in the imperialist
country which launches the war.
To defend their sons, brothers, and hus-
bands and the peaceful life of their families,
the American people cannot but resolutely
struggle against the U.S. imperialist aggres-
sors and warmongers, who are driving the
American youth to die for their dirty purpose
and sowing mournings among the American
people.
Situation of Hungarians in Rumania
SPEECH
or
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 18, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker,
President Johnson many times has ex-
pressed this country's determination to
continue the battle for freedom of the
South Vietnamese. And his words have
been carried around the world. But we
hear little about this administration's
intentions regarding the captive peoples
of Eastern Europe who equally are vic-
tims of Communist oppression. I have
in mind, particularly, the oppression of
the human rights of the Hungarian and
-Saxon minorities in Rumania.
Mr. Speaker, I have introduced a res-
olution (H. Res. 459) condemning as
the sense of the House of Representa-
tives this discrimination. So far, no
hearings have been scheduled and the
session now is drawing to a close.
I submit this is no partisan issue. We
have shown our hand in Vietnam. The
whole world knows where we stand, or
should know. Yet we give every appear-
ance of having acquiesced in the enslave-
ment of the captive peoples of Commu-
nist Europe.
The fact there is no actual combat
there does not absolve us from clearly
and forthrightly reminding the world
tl at Communist imperialism has its ten-
tacles in many parts of the globe. Let
us make certain that this Congress does
not adjourn. without favorable action on
this resolution to condemn the Commu-
nist oppression of minorities in Rumania
and to urge the President to make ap-
propriate overtures to the Rumanian
Government to help bring relief to these
minorities.
National Drum Corps Week
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLARENCE D. LONG
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. LONG of Maryland. Mr. Speaker,
the past week has been a time designated
for special emphasis on the efforts and
accomplishments of the thousands par-
ticipating in the activities of America's
vigorous drum corps. This year's Na-
tional Drum Corps Week has been a
well-deserved tribute to the many out-
standing young people and adults who
have put so much time, dedication, an
energy into these colorful, well-trained
units.
It would be difficult to imagine a pa-
rade or public event without the spirited
pageantry and stirring music which
these groups contribute. Yet, few of us
have stopped to consider the many hours
of practice, private initiative, and or-
ganization that have made our enjoy-
ment possible.
Private organizations, such as the
American Legion and Veterans of For-
eign Wars, as well as civic minded citi-
zens and interested parents across the
country are donating their time,
finances, and enthusiasm to this whole-
some activity. Hundreds of thousands
of young people are giving many extra-
curricular hours to the practice and drill
which make precision units possible. It
has been estimated that about 3 million
people, both young and old, now com-
pete annually in the United States and
Canada is the growing number of drum
and bugle corps competitions.
As a youth activity, drum corps offer
an excellent opportunity for our young
people to engage in an exciting and
challenging project of action, music, and
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A_l nI -l nee cJc.f'FCCinNAT. RF.COR
The Legislature of the State of Michigan
Joins Other State Legislatures in Re-
questing the Congress To Repudiate S.
1592 and Other Similar Outrageous
Legislation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JOHN D. DINGELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, pursuant
to permission granted, I insert into the
Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
House Concurrent Resolution 115 me-
morializing the congress of the United
States regarding the antifirearms bill, S.
now before the Congress-a figure that ap-
plies substantially to most of the other
States of the Union: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring) , That the Michigan
Legislature respectfully memorialize the Con-
gress of the United States to defeat the cur-
rently proposed anti-firearms legislation of
S. 1592; and be it further
Resolved, That copies of this memorial be
transmitted to the President of the United
States, to the President of the Senate, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives and
to each member of the Michigan delegation
to the Congress of the United States.
Adopted by the house June 21, 1965.
Adopted by the senate June 23, 1965.
BERYL I. KENYON,
Secretary of the Senate.
NORMAN E. PHILLEO,
House')of Representatives.
1592, by the Legislature of the State of .
Michigan, urging the Congress of the
United States not to pass S. 1592 or sim-
llar legislation.
Thus, another legislature, that of the
great State of Michigan, joins legislatures
of other States, the Michigan Bar Asso-
ciation, and many other responsible citi-
zens and organizations in opposition to
this outrageous legislation, which would
deny law-abiding citizens the privilege
of purchasing and possessing firearms for
legitimate sporting purposes.
The resolution follows:
HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 115
Concurrent resolution memorializing the
Congress of the United States regarding
the antifirearms bill
Whereas the antifirearms bill currently be-
fore the Congress of the United States pro-
poses Federal control of firearms in the hands
of civilians, and as currently written, con-
stitutes violation of the second amendment
to the United States Constitution that the
right of the people to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed"; and
Whereas, admittedly, controls are neces-
sary due to irresponsible or criminal ele-
ments in society illegally using firearms.
That such controls should be the preroga-
tive of State and local agencies of govern-
ment, that such controls properly should
not be a matter for Federal control are ac-
knowledged and forthrightly stated by the
Nation's foremost experts in government, in-
cluding opinions publicly stated by men of
the caliber of Mr. J. Edgar Hoover; and
Whereas the consensus of expertise in this
field is that State and local laws imposing
harsh and certain punishment for crimes
committed while armed, combined with ef-
festive law enforcement, and firmly sup-
ported by no-nonsense courts and juries,
provide the most certain combination for
adequate control; and
Whereas as to statutes: laws should pro-
hibit sale of firearms to felons, drug addicts,
habitual 'drunkards, juveniles, and mental
incompetents; laws should invoke strict
penalties against the possession of firearms
by criminals and irresponsible persons. Laws
should permit responsible, law-abiding
adults to own and use firearms for legal
,purposes; laws should not require law-abid-
ing adult citizens to register shotguns and
rifles; and laws should not grant authority
to any jurisdiction, -police or otherwise, at
any government level, to prohibit the pur-
chase or ownership of firearms by law-abid-
ing and responsible citizens; and
Whereas in Michigan, alone, more than
one and a half million sportsmen would be
adversely aff ected.by legislation proposed and
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
- OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
much more it will take. But these develop-
ments are beginning to disprove the plain-
tive pessimists who sought to fortify their
opposition to the defense of Vietnam with
the argument that it couldn't be done, that
we were bound to fail, that all would soon
be lost.
Not so. The bleakest news from South
Vietnam is fully reported-as it should be.
The bleakest news from North Vietnam is
censored-as is normal under a Communist
regime. South Vieanam's predicaments
are well known. Hanoi's predicaments are
just beginning to be exposed.
Ironically, they are being exposed in the
news reports by Communist correspondents
who are in North Vietnam covering for Soviet
and East European newspapers. They are
beginning to write cautiously about the
"difficulties" which Hanoi is experiencing In
carrying on the war. The Communists .do
not admit their "difficulties" until they have
become so acute and so visible that they
can't be ignored.
These dispatches cite "shortage of food,"
"disrupted production" caused by workers
leaving their jobs, "rationing" of rice, sugar,
meat, and cotton, a hasty scramble to build
"air raid shelters," the employment of "70
percent women" in factories because of the
need for male recruits, "sour rice" being fed
to the Vietcong troops in South Vietnam,
and the lack of medical supplies for the
wounded.
Such disclosures are not coming only from
word-of-mouth rumors and spotty intelli-
gence. They are coming from Communist
correspondents writing for Communist news-
papers. They are confirmed by interviews
with captured Vietcong.
Food shortages are a perennial problem in
North Vietnam, as they are in mainland
China and the Soviet Union. They are ag-
gravated by the collectivization of farming,
which has brought steadily reduced crops
and by the mounting birth rate. In a re-
port based on talks with escaped refugees
from North Vietnam, Prof. P. J. Honey of
the University of London School of Oriental
and African Studies, writes:
"One consequence of North Vietnam's
rapid economic decline is to be found in the
attitude of her people at the present time.
Underfed, underpaid, and overworked, they
have grown apathetic, and have to devote
more and more of their time to remaining
alive."
The aggression also remains alive. it may
get worse. But it is significant that Hanoi is
now having to draft 16- and even 15-year-old
youths to keep the war going.
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following? article by Roscoe Drum-
mond from the August 23, 1965, edition
of the New York Herald Tribune.
There are growing signs that things
are not going well for the Vietcong. Re-
ports have been gathered recently, even
from Communist correspondents as-
signed to North Vietnam, that conditions
are worsening. Food shortages are be-
coming acute, the morale of Vietcong
soldiers is declining, and the schedule
for the achievement of Communist mili-
tary objectives has not been met.
These reports serve to disprove those
pessimists who bolster their opposition
to our action in Vietnam with the claim
that we are fighting a losing battle. The
Vietcong are beginning to feel the effects
of our firm action, and this should be an
encouragement to us in our struggle.
The article follows:
PESSIMISTS DISPROVED: VIETCONG BEGIN To
HURT AND EVEN REDS ADMIT IT
(By Roscoe Drummond)
WASHINGTON.-The Communist Vietcong
are beginning to hurt.
Obviously they are not hurting enough yet
to give up. But there are gathering signs
all is not going well for the aggressor. Spe-
cifically:
1. The Vietcong's timetable of conquest
has been arrested in the very period-during
the monsoon season-when it was to succeed
the most.
2. The Communist troops have been suf-
fering mounting casualties and have been
caught off balance in several recent en-
counters. The latest is their disastrous at-
tempt to crush the U.S. Marines on the Van
Tuong Peninsula. The opposite occurred.
3. Morale among the Vietcong soldiers
supplied by North Vietnam is showing some
raveling.
4. Hanoi's industry, always in a precarious
plight, is suffering from shortage of labor
and the workers are suffering from shortage
of food.
None of this means that the aggression is
about to collapse. There is no telling how
What Is Behind the Campaign To
Discredit the Police?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JAMES D. MARTIN
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama. Mr. Speak-
er, every law-abiding, decent American
citizens should be deeply concerned with
the bitter campaign that is now being
waged across the country to discredit the
police departments of our cities and to
assail all law enforcement officials. The
drive is so widespread and the attack is
coming from so many strange sources, it
seems to me that Congress and the people
should ask, what is behind it?
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114766 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Consider the events of just this past stand this attitude. But our suggestion for
weekend. The leading-story in the Coin- a review board is for the purpose of actually
munist ofncial organ of the Soviet Union, aiding them, by making their problems
Pravda, was an artie a attacking the known and alerting the citizenry."
United States for,-the riots in Los. 'eles Most Police departments review citizens'
with special emphasis on police brutality coment mplaints against their this is The t aogne
as the principal cause This line was superior svaarre incline liin d too defend the police
echoed throughout the Communist world of the department by leaning backward to
from Moscow to Peiping. favor the accused policeman. Exponents of
At the same time our own newspapers the civilian review board see it as a court
were carrying story after story on police of appeals outside the influence of the police
brutality. No actual cases were cited, de hiladelphia is one of the few cities with
but In article after article, civil rights a civilian review board, known as the police
leaders, some politicians and social work- advisory board. Set up in 1958, it has han-
ers Were quoted as blaming all our prob- died more than 500 complaints, making rec-
lems on police brutality. Many of the ommendations to the police department but
writers of news stories injected their own lacking disciplinary authority. In a major-
editorial opinions without quotas, but ity of cases, its nine members have cleared
carrying out the theme of "blame it on accused policemen and dismissed charges.
the police. There were no sharp rises in complaints
A news story in the Washington Sun- after last year's Negro rioting in North Phila-
delphia. Chief opposition to the board cen-
day Star of August 22 shows the extent ters within police ranks.
at the antipolice propaganda. I would Another city with a civilian review board
like to include the article, "Riots Bring Is Rochester, N.Y., and its establishment in
Pleas Across United States for Police 1963 failed to head off civil rights disturb-
is , Probes," at this point: - ances that swept the city a year later.
Hors BRINGS PLEAS ACROSS IINITED STATES Fv3R The Rochester board is made up of nine
POLICE BEuCar.ITv PROSES and rearied members. They hear complaints
and recommend action.
NEW YoRx.--The cry of police brutality "The board has been good for Rochester,
has resounded across the Nation once .gain because it has brought better understanding
in the wake of riots in the Negro section of for all people," says Mayor Frank T. Lamb.
Los Angeles. However, the executive committee of Roch-
Coupled with the accusation is a demand ester Citizens for Abolition of the Police Ad-
for a civilian review board to oversee the ac- visory Board contends:
tivitles of the individual, policeman, espe- "The continued existence of this board
daily in his relations with Negro and other constitutes an unhealthy restraint upon law
minority groups. enforcement in our community."
Leading the opposition to civilian review Since Its founding, the Rochester board
of police is FBI Director _ J. Edgar Hoover, has acted upon only a handful of the hun-
who has written: dreds of cases investigated by the police de-It Is
a ti E tam P prractiice~~that could damage effec- partment's own internal review agency.
tllg, suspicion and hatred, TIIe police-ex- Washington, D.C., has had a complaint
ectttive cannot become a mere pawn of bu- view board since 1948. It hasn't been very
ery
reaucratic committees, He. must have, full active. Recently, civil liberties groups com-
responsibility for the performance, discipline plained that its procedures were weighted
and control of his officers"' heavily in favor of policemen, and its mem-
CALf ED POLICE DEr#$RENT bership was enlarged from three members to
five.
Hoover obviously summarirks what many New York City's 25,000-man police force
law enforcementofficers contend, that police has vigorously resisted extreme pressure by
whose conduct is subject to civilian review civil rights groups for a civilian review board,
'Will be virtually paralyzed In carrying out especially since the 1964 riots in Harlem and
their duties. Brooklyn. They followed the slaying of a
Mississippi Attorney General Joe T. Pat- Negro youth by an off-duty patrolman, who
terson has called the pressure for civilian later was exonerated by police superiors and
review boards "a well-planned, deep-seated a grand jury of any wrongdoing. He said
conspiracy to undermine public confidence the youth attacked him with a knife during
in law enforcement officials," a disturbance.
The Negro point of view Is suggested by Springfield, Mass., currently is in the
Mrs. June Smith, president of the Seattle throes of a dispute over alleged policelbru-
Chapter of the National Association for the tality. It stems from arrests July 17 of 17
Advancement of Colored People, which has Negro men and a white woman outside a
unsuccessfully fought for a civil review night spot. Protest demonstrations led to
board. She says: wide-scale arrests last weekend. Police Chief
"There should be some agency outside the John Lyons has been ordered by the police
police department where the Negro can feel commission to investigate the charges of
he will get an even break, with the white brutality, but there has been no demand
for a civilian review board, as such.
And Prof. Ernest Barth of the University Despite weekend riots also In Chicago,
of Washington sociological department told there is no civilian review board there and
a city council hearing on the proposed Seat- the city's 21-year-old commission on human
tie board: relations says there has been no pressure
"Police brutality is _a widespread prob- for one.
lern." Detroit, scene of a 1943 race riot that
POLICEcmzrs POLLED claimed 34 lives, has a citizens complaint
Salt Lake City also dropped the matter bureau within the police department to re-
of a civilian review board after the city's view all cases where a citizen is shot by a
public safety commissional polled_ police police officer. Police Commissioner Ray Gira-
chiefs around the country and got a con- din and Mayor Jerome Cavanagh claim police
sensus unfavorable to review boards. Race relations with the Negro community are good
was not a factor In the discussion there, and have rejected pressure for a civilian re-
and Mrs. Harriet Brewster ofthe Utah Amer- view board. However, the Reverend James
scan Civil Liberties Union, says: Wadsworth, NAACP -branch president In De-
'The police don't want a bunch of civilians troit, disagrees, and declares:
telling them what to do, and I can under- "The Negroes in Detroit feel they are part
August 24, 1965
of an occupied country. The Negroes have
no rights which the police have to respect.
It appears that the average patrolman looks
upon the Negro as being a criminal type."
St. Louis police have rejected a civilian re-
view board, but carefully check each charge
of pollee brutality.
BOARD IN PITTSBURGH
Pittsburgh has a civilian commission on
human relations which investigates and
makes recommendations on charges of police
brutality, but has no formal power.
The Cincinnati City Council rejected a civil
rights demand for a civilian review board
about 18 months ago. However, a human
relations commission has been set up to
hear complaints of police brutality, although
it has no power of review.
During the Danville, Va., racial unrest In
1963, the city council turned dawn proposals
for a civilian review board. With the
stepped up pace of racial integration there,
the issue apparently has subsided.
Negro demands for a civilian review board
in Baltimore were met by the establishment
recently of a complaint evaluation board,
which, however, has only advisory powers in
police brutality cases. It is made up of
State, city, and police department officials,
and has drawn criticism from Negro, civic,
and ministers' groups.
Mr. Speaker, typical of the subtle
propaganda carried in news stories can
be seen in an article by Associated Press
writer, Jules Loh, also from the Wash-
ington Sunday Star of August 22. I will
quote the first three paragraphs of Mr.
Loh's article and then, so as not to be
accused of quoting out of context I shall
include the complete article at the end
of these remarks.
The article states:
Six days after the simmering cauldron
called Watts finally let go, a National Guard
jeep crunched through the broken and burnt
souvenirs of ghetto fury which littered the
silent streets.
"What's gonna happen when you cats
leave?" jeered a Negro from a fire-blackened
doorway at the jeep's sullen driver.
What Indeed? What does Los Angeles do
now to put together its convulsed community
after the worst racial eruption in the Na-
tion's recent memory? How does a city offi-
cial, or civil rights leader, or anybody, reach
a youth who raged through the night crying
"Burn, baby, burn," and now sits frowning
in "the white man's jail"? How does he
reach them? And how is his mother-who
was widowed by a white policeman's bullet--
reached? How can such deep-seated tension
and bitterness be put to rest and by whom'?
Would not it be sensible to ask this
writer, Jules Loh, how he is helping to
ease tensions and bitterness by inferring
that all Negro widows have lost their
husbands by a "white policeman's bul-
let?" And how is this Loh contributing
to better understanding by calling the
Los Angeles jail, "a white man's jail?"
Then on Sunday evening on WTOP
TV, channel 9 in Washington, Drew
Pearson attacked the chief of police of
Los Angeles and predicted that he would
be fired.
Mr. Speaker, whether or not this con-
centrated attack on the police and law
enforcement agencies of the United
States is coincidental, the fact remains
it is doing great harm to this country.
Breaking down respectfor law and order
and for those charged with law enforce-
ment is the first task of any who would
destroy a nation.
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August 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
Congress, and be resubmitted promptly for Another was sent by the family of a marine
legal ratifications by three-fourths of the who had just received word his regiment
State legislatures ov- State constitutional was being sent to Vietnam. The letter is as
"DEAR ETHEL, BILL, and GRANDMA: I Want
to thank you for the cookies and candy. It
was delicious. I am sorry you were not at
home last Sunday night when I called. If
I had had the money I would have called
again, but I did not.
"We are leaving tomorrow. I cannot tell
you how glad I am that the time has finally
come. I have looked forward to this as
much as a child waits for Christmas. I was
afraid that during my 4 years in the Marines
I would not have a chance really to do some-
thing for my country. It is a good feeling
when you know that you can. We will be
aboard ship for 14 days. No doubt will pull
a day or so of liberty In Japan and then on to
Da Nang. They will not tell us for sure,
but it is taken for granted.
"I packed one seabag full of my stuff and
sent it to Colorado Springs. Could you,
please, pick it up for me at the Sante Fe
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 24, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following article by Ralph McGill
from the August 15, 1965, edition of the
New York Herald Tribune.
It is inspiring to read a sample of the
letters that the President receives from
U.S. servicemen in Vietnam. President
Johnson stated recently that he draws
strength and comfort from these letters.
Although there is little sophistication
in the letters, they are the most simple
and direct statements of the reasons for
our action in Vietnam. It is heartening
to learn that the young men in the front-
line of our battle understand the ideals
for which we are fighting.
The article follows:
LETTERS FROM VIETNAM
(By Ralph McGill)
President Johnson said in a recent press
conference he drew strength and comfort
from letters he receives from men serving
in Vietnam and from parents who send let-
ters received from their sons.'-
A sample of letters received by the Presi-
dent adequately illustrates why he would
feel emotionally stirred. There is little intel-
lectual sophistication in the letters. They
are from young persons trained to be fighting
men. The letters are uncomplicated.
A. marine, with a rest period on Sunday,
May 23, wrote to his President:
"DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I know you have a
lot of problems on your mind. I am just
writing to say I am behind you all the way.
We are lonely for our loved ones back home
in the States. But we all know we are here
for a good cause. I can assure you of one
thing, this is one marine that is proud to
be an American. After what I have seen here
I know what it is to have freedom. These
people here in Vietnam need help and I
am proud that you are giving them the help
they need. I know some people think we
should not be here. I cannot see how they
(think we) should not be here. They don't
even know what's going on. The Vietnam
people are glad we are here and appreciate
our being here. I feel I am here for a good
cause. These people deserve freedom as
much as anyone else. We are doing our best
to give them a chance. May God give you
the strength to stand up and keep on fighting
for freedom. * * *"
Railway in about 3 weeks and keep it until
I return. The paper work is enclosed."
A father in Oklahoma sent the President
a letter from his son. The son, expressing
his pride in being in Vietnam and engaged
in a campaign in which he believed, was dis-
turbed (and angry) about reports of Amer-
icans abusing the widows and parents of
U.S. servicemen killed in Vietnam and of
Americans sending money to the Vietcong.
His lengthy letter concluded: "Those of us
who are here are proud to be part of this
struggle, and we know what we can do and
we will win. * * * What we hope for and
need is the total support of the American
people."
As aforesaid, there is little or no sophisti-
cation in these sample letters-or the great
number that come each week. But what
they do reflect is the instant communica-
tion of our time-something missing in all
our other wars. A young soldier, sailor or
marine, looking at the dead members of his
platoon, cannot think rationally about stu-
dents, parading and shouting against the
Government policy in the vocal street dem-
onstration manner of our time. The beatnik
type that demonstrated before the White
House has his contempt.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
REPRESENTATIVES WITH
RESIDENCES IN WASHINGTON
OFFICE ADDRESS: House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
[Streets northwest unless otherwise stated]
Cohelan, Jeffery, Calif__..__1028 New House
Office Building
Collier, Harold R., Ili______
Calmer, William M., Miss__
Conable, Barber B., Jr.,
N.Y.
Conte
Silvio O
M
s
1
Rd
,
.,
as
______Wa
0,
gmo
Speaker,:: John W. McCormack
Abbitt, Watkins M., Va____ D.C.
Abernethy, Thomas G., 6278 29th St. Conyers, John, Jr., Mich__
Miss. Cooley, Harold D., N.C----- 2601 Woodley Pl.
Adair, E. Ross, Ind-------- 4000 Mass. Ave. Corbett, Robert J., Pa_____
Adams, Brock, Wash______ Corman, James C., Calif....
_Addabbo, Joseph P., N.Y___ Craley, N. Neiman, Jr., Pa__
Albert, Carl, Okla ---------- 614 Reno Rd. Cramer, William C., Fla---- 6714 Joallen Dr.,
Anderson, John B., Ill ----- Falls Church, Va.
Anderson, William R., 3006 P St. Culver, John C., Iowa __-___
Tenn. Cunningham, Glenn, Nebr_4920 Yorktown
Andrews, George W., AZa___3108 Cathedral Blvd., Arlington,
Ave. Va.
Andrews, Glenn, Ala______ Curtin. Willard S., Pa__-__
Andrews, Mark, N. Dak____ Curtis, Thomas B., Mo-____
Annunzio, Frank, Daddario, Emilio Q., Conn_
Arends, Leslie C., Ill------- 481.5 Dexter St, Dague, Paul B.. Pa________
Ashbrook, John M., Ohio___ Daniels, Dominick V., NJ__
Ashley, Thomas L., Ohio___ Davis, Glenn R., Wis______
Ashmore, Robert T., S.C--- Davis, John W., Ga___-____
Aspinall, Wayne N., Colo---The Towers Apts., Dawson, William L., III____
s 4201 Cathedral de la Garza, Eligio, Tex___
Ave. Delaney, James J., N.Y____
Ayres, William H., Ohio____ Dent, John H., Pa______-__
Baldwin, John F., Calif--- Denton, Winfield K., Ind___
Bandstra, Bert, Iowa ------ Derwinski, Edward J., Ill___
Baring, Walter S., Nev_____ Devine, Samuel L., Ohio___
Barrett, William A., Pa ---- Dickinson, William L., Ala_
pates, William H., Mass____ Diggs, Charles C., Jr., Mich_
Battin, James F,, Mont____ Dingell, John D., Mich_____
Beckworth, Lindley, Tex___ Dole, Robert, Kans-------- 6136 Beachway
Belcher, Page, Okta_______ Dr., Falls Church,
Bell, Alphonzo. Calif______ Va.
Bennett, Charles E., Fla---- 1814 Rusticway Donohue, Harold D., Mass__
Lane, Dorn, W. J. Bryan, S.C--___2030 Laburnum
Falls Church, Va. St., McLean, Va.
Berry, E. Y., S. Dak-------- 118 Schotts Dow, John G., N.Y........
Betts, Jackson E., Ohio____
Bingham, Jonathan B.,
N.Y.
Blatnik, John A., Min.n____
Boggs, Hale, La -----------
Dowdy, John, Tea_________
Downing, Thomas N., Va__-
Dulski, Thaddeus J., N.Y__1705 Longworth
House Office
Building
Duncan, John J., Tenn___-
Bolling, Richard? Mo------ 307Warrenton Dr., Falls Church, Va.
Silver Spring, Md. Dwyer, Florence P. (Mrs.),
Bolton, Frances P. (Mrs.), 2301 Wyo. Ave.
Ohio,
Bonner, Herbert C., N.C---- Calvert-Woodley
Bow, Frank T., Ohio ------- 4301 Mass. Ave.
Brademas, John, Ind______
Bray, William G., Ind______
Brock, W. E. (Bill), Tenn__
Brooks, Jack, Tex_________
BroomfLeld, William S.,
Mich.
Brown, George E., Jr., Calif-
Broyhill, James T., N.C____
Broyhill, Joel T., Va_______
Buchanan, John? Ala_-____
Burke, James A., Mass_____
Burleson, Omar, Tex------ 2601 Woodley Pl.
Burton, Laurence J., Utah_
Burton, Phillip, Calif______
Byrne, James A., Pa_______
Byrnes, John W., Wis------ 1215 26th St. S.,
Arlington, Va.
Cabeii, Earle, Tex_________
Cahill, William T., N.J_____
Callan, Clair, Nebr-------- 1200 S. Court-
house Rd.,
Arlington, Va.
Callaway, Howard H., Ga__
Cameron, Ronald Brooks,
Calif.
Carey, Hugh L., N.Y.......
Carter, Tim Lee, Ky------
Casey, Bob, Tea_____-_____
Cederberg, Elford A., Mich_
Cellar, Emanuel, N.Y------ The Mayflower
Chamberlain, Charles E.,
. Mich.
Chelf, Frank, Ky__________
Clancy, Donald D., Ohio___
Clark, Frank M., Pa------- 220 C St. SE.
Clausen, Don H., Calif -----
Clawson, Del, Calif________
Cleveland, James C.,. N.H___
Clevenger, Raymond F.,
Mich.
Dyal, Ken W., Calif_______
Edmondson, Ed, Okla -_____
Edwards, Don, Calif_______
Edwards, Jack, Ala_____-__
Ellsworth, Robert F.. Kans_
Erlenborn, John N., Ill____
Evans, Frank E., Coto_____
Everett, Robert A., Tenn___
Evins, Joe L., Tenn -------- 5044 Klingle St.
Fallon, George H., Md_____
Farbstein, Leonard, N.Y___
Farnsley, Charles P., Ky__
Farnum, Billie S., Mich___
Fascell, Dante B., Fla___-__
Feighan, Michael A., Ohio-
Findley, Paul, Ill__________
Fino, Paul A., N.Y_________
Fisher, O. C., Tex---------- Calvert-Woodley
Flood, Daniel J., Pa ------- The Congressional
Flynt, John J., Jr., Ga--___
Fogarty, John E., R.I------ 1235 New House
Office Building
Foley, Thomas S., Wash___
Ford, Gerald R., Mich--.--514 Crown View
Dr., Alexandria,
Va.
Ford, William D., Mich __-_
Fountain, L. H., N.C------- The Westchester
Fraser, Donald M., Minn___
Frelinghuysen, Peter H. B., 3014 N St.
N.J.
Friedel, Samuel N., Md-__-
Fulton, James G., Pa______
Fulton, Richard, Tenn____
Fuqua, Don, Fla__-___-___
Gallagher, Cornelius E.,
N.J.
Garmatz, Edward A., Md__
Gathings, E. C., Ark_______
Gettys, Tom S., S.C_-____-
Giaimo, Robert N., Conn___
Gibbons, Sam, Fla.__
Gilbert, Jacob H., N.Y_____
Gilligan, John J., Ohio-__-
Gonzalez, Henry B., Tex-__200 C St. SE.
Goodell, Charles E., N.Y___3842 Macomb St.
Grabowski, Bernard F.,
Conn.
Gray, Kenneth J., Ill______
Green, Edith (Mrs.), Oreg_
Green, William J., Pa_____
Greigg, Stanley L., Iowa --- 3010 St. SW.
Grider, George W., Ten-n-119 7th St. BE.
Griffin, Robert P., Mich____
Griffiths, Martha W.
(Mrs.), Mich.
Gross, H. R., Iowa -----____
Grover, James R., Jr., N.Y__
Gubser, Charles S., Calif___
Gurney, Edward J., Fla____
Hagan, G. Elliott, Ga______
Hagen, Harlan, Calif______
Haley, James A., Fla_______
Hall, Durward G., Mo______
Halleck, Charles A., Ind-__4926 Upton St.
Halpern, Seymour, N.Y____
Hamilton, Lee H., Ind____
Hanley, James M., N.Y____
Hanna, Richard T., Calif___
Hansen, George, Idaho----
Hansen, John R., Iowa ---- 800 4th St. SW.,
Apt. S-701
Hansen, Julia Butler
(Mrs.), Wash.
Hardy, Porter, Jr., Va______
Harris, Oren, Ark--------- 1627 Myrtle St.
Harsha, William H., Ohio__
Harvey, James, Mich______
Harvey, Ralph, Ind________
Hathaway, William D.,
Maine.
Hawkins, Augustus F.,
Calif.
Hays, Wayne L., Ohio ------ 3424 Barger Dr.,
Falls Church, Va.
Hebert, F. Edward, La----- 26 Cockrell St.,
Alexandria, Va.
Heckler, Ken, W. Va_______
Helstoski, Henry, N.J____.__
Henderson, David N., N.C__
Herlong, A. S., Jr., Fla___.__
Hicks, Floyd V., Wash_____
Holifield, Chet, Calif_____
Holland, Elmer J., Pa____.__
Horton, Frank J., N.Y.....
Hosmer, Craig, Calif.......
Howard, James J., N.J____
Hull, W. R., Jr., Mo-_____-_
Hungate, William L., Mo_.-_
HuQt, J. Oliva, Nil_______
Hutchinson,.Edward, Mich_
Ichord, Richard (Dick),
Mo.
Irwin, Donald J., Conn__.__
Jacobs, Andrew, Jr., Ind_.-_
Jarman, John, Okla _____.__
Jennings, W. Pat, Va____.__
Joeison, Charles S., N.J__.__
Johnson, Albert W., Pa____
Johnson, Harold T., Calif.__
Johnson, Jed, Jr., Okla____
Jonas, Charles Raper, N.C__
Jones, Paul C., Mo-------- 1111 Army-Navy
Dr., Arlington,
Va.
Jones, Robert E., Ala____.__
Karsten, Frank M., Mo___.__
Karth, Joseph E., Minn-_.__
Kastenmeier, Robert W.,
Wis.
Kee, James, W. Va --------- 5441 16th Ave.,
Hyattsville, Md.
Keith, Hastings, Mass___.__5908 Barwick Rd.,
Kelly, Edna F. (Mrs.), N.Y..
Keogh, Eugene J., N.Y___.__The Mayflower
King, Carleton J., N.Y___.._
King, Cecil It., Calif..__......
.King, David S., Utah ____.-_
Kirwan, Michael J., Ohio__
Kluczynski, John C., Ill___-
Kornegay, Horace R., N.C__
Krebs, Paul J., N.J___--_-_
Kunkel, John C., Pa_____.._
Laird, Melvin R,,
Landrum, Phil M., Ga___.__
Langen, Odin, Minn.......
___Latta, Delbert L., Ohio_____
Leggett, Robert L., Calif_.._
Lennon, Alton, N.C______.._
Lindsay, John V., N.Y...........
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