HSU CHUNG-CHIH AND THIRD FORCE ELEMENTS

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7
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RIPPUB
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S
Document Page Count: 
7
Document Creation Date: 
November 9, 2016
Document Release Date: 
March 31, 1999
Sequence Number: 
11
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
May 7, 1951
Content Type: 
REPORT
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N ...11.:,.?17.tiirtylln ritr t.L. Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-S ie' -00 uu74003200114"1"' '"' HIA FOR PiiiiTOON REPORT co NO, ?L...e,Y China S!JUJECT HSU Chung-ohlh and Third Force Elements ACE 25X1A a;QUI-?ED DATE OF I f,IFO DISTR. NO. OF PAGES NO. OF ENCLS. (LISTED BELOW) 7 orEtt0FAX SUPPLEMENT TO 25X1X 6 ea In early October 1950*. ESU Chung-ehih 15 ) announced that he would assume leadership of a third force aimed at' overthrowing the Commaniet regtns. The charter of HSU3s organization, as formulated in late November., is the fele /owing: rFor the purnose of opposing and reisisting Communism and saving the country from ruin, the citizens of the Republic of China have formed a democratic group to rehabilitate the Derublic in accordance with the Three Peonies Principles laid down by the late Dr. SUN Yat-sen* The name of thin organization is the Chinese National Anti-Communist and Rational Salvation Confederation. "The Confederation is organized for the specific purpose of early eradication of the Chinese Communist Party, which is out to sell the country short and upset the peace of the world. The Confederation will coneentrate all its efforts on the aims and objectives of fostering national independence and equality, democratic forms of government, reconstruction based on a policy of livelihood for the people, international economic cooperation, freedom of faith and religion, and support of the UN charter for the achievement of a true world of common weal. ?The highest executive function of the Confederation is in the Central Basic Personnel Fetecutive Committee. A chairman shall be elected by the committee members and shall be charged with the duty of general direction of all af- fairs and of leadership among all members. The chairman shall namlnate mem- bers of a standing committee, who are to assist him in the discharge of all functions. Thn Central Basic Personnel Executive Committee shall establish sub-committees and bureaus. A sub-committee shall be headed by a director and shall consist of several members., one of whom shall be the directing executive. 'The following are sub-divisions of the committee3 i_p,7347 CLASSIFICATION COWDENTIA NAVY DO ['ISAR DISTRIBUTION AIR j FBI - ?171 D000ment No, No Clump k CIass. c3 Ilestassiled CMS. ChRnzed is: IS S Antk.1 HR 78-2 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-R.DPL2D-0a0t441 3 57?RnniLUG nnW8 nni -7 r77 24 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 SEC= CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY - e - 25X1A a. Secretariat f. Administrative Committee b. Organization end Training Committee g. Publicity Committee c. Finance Committee h. Planning and Reeonstruction d. Military Committee Overseas Affairs Committee e. Foreign Relations Committee J. Editing end Compilation Committee 'Basic Personnel Committees shall be established in all cities, provinces, and foreign countries. Each organization shall be set un according to the needs and circumstances of its particular conditions, and regulations to this effect shall be drawn up accordingly." For immediate action, HSU has stated that his program is to cooperate with anyone dedicated to combating the Peiping regime. This includes the National- ist government, although the Confederation will be kept free of Nationalist control. When the Communists have been ousted, HSU plans to retire again, leaving the government of China to be decided by a free election. His only suggestion for future administration is that considerable power should be granted to the provinces, since local differences are so great in China ,that a concentrated central government each as that of Nanking is impractical. . 4. RSU, now 64 years old, was graduated from the Tokyo Military Academy; he has many Japanese friends and speaks the language fluently. In 1920. he was com- missioned by SUN Yet-sen as commander in chief of Kuomintang forces in Kwange twig (the equivalent position in Kwangsi was held by LI Teungejen) and served until 1923, with CHIANG Kai-shek as his Chief of staff. When SUN called on the USSR for aid in 1923, HSU took the firm anti-Communist stand he has main- tained, ever since. This attitude led to an order from the USSR through Mikhail Borodin for CHIANG to dispose of HSU. In 1924, when a shipment of arms arrived in Canton on a Soviet gunboat, CHIANG forced HSU to go aboard and be trans.-, ported to Shanghai. There he lived in exile in the International Settlement until 1939. 5. From 1939, when HSU went to Hong Kong to live, until 19430 his Japanese fttends tried to give him a position in the puppet government of china (he was offered the presidency), but he steadfastly refused. He remained in Hong Kong, where the favor of the governor, General ISOGAI, who had been his schoolmate in Tokyo, permitted him to engage in profitable smuggling ankoplumgpeals with CHIEN Wei-chou (14 t...0 ), brother of CHIEN Chi-tang ( 4 cce), lest Nationalist goveitior of Hainan. Since the war, HSU has diarided'his way of living, given up many of his former dissipations, and returned to politics in order to oppose the Communists. HSU was condemned even by his supporters for his dissipation and indolence; it was partly these factors which led to his ousting by SHIANG. He is now in good physical condition, however, plays tennis regularly, and is working actively on his third force plans. HSU is generally conceded to be a good :eighter and a good leader, in smite of being poor at both organization and administration. He is personally well-liked by nearly everyone and is re- peated by his fellow officers. His sincerity, honesty, and reputation for clear-cut and unambiguous statements, and his generosity and courtesy appeal to the Chinese. Moreover, the fact that he was once CHIANG /s military supe- rior and is one of the most senior Nationalist commanders gives him enormous nrestige. There is even a story that in 1948 CHIANG wrote to HSU that if he wore unable to cone with the situation, he would resign in HSUIs favor. HSU counts on Obtaining support from a ntMber of different directions: some aaerrillas already fighting Communism on the mainland, former Nationalist troops now in the Communist armies, members of the Nationalist government seoRET Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 SECRET CeNTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY 25X1A who are dissatisfied with its policies, groups which formerly collaborated with the Japanese, and Japanese military circles interested in anti-Communist weak. Support, in varying degrees, has already been promised or hinted from these elements. HSU also hopes to obtain assistance, particularly funds, from the United States. ea Among thoee who have offered active support, his immedlata circle of aides and advisers in Hong Kong includes the following: a, HUANG Chao-tung tg). the adviser who is drawing up HSU ss politi- cal platform, is manager of the Wah Mei Bank in Hong Kong. He is a grad-. uate of the University of Washington. He is also conducting negotiations .with guerrilla and Nationalist leaders for HSU. b. Dr. C. T,; WANG,* former Foreign Minister, has agreed to assist HSU on foreign affairs. WANG cleans to be in contact with Indian diplomatic sources who have informed him that the Chinese Communists and the Indians agree in principle not to let the yellow races fight one another but to keep them fighting the white race. WANG was educated at Yale and sereed as Foreige Minister until his indecisive policies forced him out of office in 1931. Although he was a fellow provincial of CHIANG Kai-shek from Chekiang, he never received another official position, and this neglect made WANG glad to support some non-Nationalist leader. le et. A- 0. CHANG Fh-kuei (9p, n agreed to be responsible for military opera- tions in KwangtUng and Kwangsi. In early October, he was in consultation with political analysts and university professors,' including WU Tsaezdhip (jIL .,1,),* LI Wei-chsen ( L 34 ).* and HSIEH'Chsong-psing (7.tf.'/;5 -'-)* to discuss political aspectebf the situation. Although CHANG had ei originally planned to support LI Twung-jen, he had becouie so dissatisfied with lass failure to act that he went over to HSU. Later, when he was publicly asked about his relations with HSU, CHANG denied the connection, on the advice of his ride LI Wei-chsen. CHANG Chan-mai (at ft 40(0arson CHANG)*, former head of the Democratic Socialist Party, gave 115U assurance of support in late December. e. WENG Haiechao 4.46),* influential rightist labor leader in Hong Kong, offered HSU enereort, es, ree LIU Pao-chin (l A ), executive member of the Democratic Party, con- templates haakkig Rau, althoegh the powerful branches of the party in Canada and. the United States ordered the Hong Kong membership to establish connections with CHLANG Kai-shek and open a liaison office in Taipei. CHAO Ping ( le ), Hong Kong barrister and head of the Nat/0ne1 Liberal Party, has been a friend of HSU for a long time and will give some support. Persons designated as HSUls aides (exact capacities not stated) in Hong Kong include: MORT Chung-fu ( ) KUAN Sue,jen ( IC )0 secretary TISO Ling-y6 ( )? cousin . TSAI lime/Jong " .41) HU Chang-won ( 0 ) WANG Jo-chou ( )* HUNG chsien-i 4+, )(James HUANG) SECRET Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 SECRE'T 25X1A CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY I HSU's relations with the Nationalists, although he says he will work with CHIANG and expects support from some elements, are stillanecertain. Many an veter Kuomintang leaders in Taiwan, such as TSOU Lu t CHO Chang ), and LI Shihachen (4- -r), support HSU and ilth CH' M1 Hanatzu ( a:4r ), abanker and HSUIs friena, took an oath in Peining in 1928 to fig t rnmunism to the end. HSU plans to inform CHIANG Kai-shek of his activi- tiee and to cooperate with him. CHIANG's attitude toward HSU, however, appears slightly less frank. Three Nationalist representatives were sent to Hong Kong in late 1950 to observe HSU and report on his plans: HO ChIengadhan (4] ), former governor of Rune:, was in Hong Kong in November and December 1950 with the specific task of studying third force activities. He told HSU that the Gimo was interested in his third force movement and Would be willing to cooperate but that CHIANG Chingakuo would certainly oppose HSU. CHIN ChIeng had sent his regards. HSU"s aides denied that HO had offered any money or persuasions to HSU for any purpese and stated that no definite alignment with the Gimo was made. In private HO confided that in spite of outward improvements in Taiwan, CHIANG was as dictatorial as ever, a statement HSU regarded as a probable bid for his confidence. Relations in Hong Kong were cordial, and HSU gave a dinner in HO's honor. HO left Hong Kong to return to Taiwan by ship on 8 January 1951, promising to return as CHIANG's liaison officer to HSU. b. TUAN Muachieh )** also visited Hong Kong during December as an emissary from Taiwan. He told the public that Taiwan was in good condi- tion but told HStipmivately that actually it was still in bad shape. TUAN also tried to sound out HSU's position and intentions.' c. LEI Chen ( ) spent some time in October trying to convince all the third force elaFents in Hong Kong that they should give up their individual efforts and support CHIANG. Rt interviewed HSU, among others, and told him that CHIANG intended to start his offensive against the Communists in Kwangtung, rather than as had been nreviouely intimated, in Chekiang. LEI was in Hong Kong from the first to 23 October. In early January, HSU intimated that he had learned that several democratic (non-Communist) leaders in Peining had offered him their support unsolicited but he did not name them. Et Jid state, however, that he expected to be aided by defections of former Nationalist leaders and troops now under the Communist banner, including especially the following: a. At. least 450,000 Connanist troops in north and central China would defect as- soon as he had established abase on the mainland in South China. He did not define these troops or leaders but stated that they had remained intact units not subject to direct Communist control or influence. This estimate was reined by KUAN Suajen to two million troops, still unspecified. b. General LIU Wen-hui( 4 Le ).*** governor of Sikang, who had accumua lated, four million (U dol ars worth of gold bars and lost them to the Communists when they came in. He has about 700000 troops between Szedhaan and Sikang which he would turn against the Communists at the first eppor- tunity. c. FU Tsoai*** will join HSU rthen a South .China base is neallable, and other generals in the Northwest have also expressed their willingness to defect. d. Numerous (unnamed) former Nationalists Who defeated to the Communists be- cause of opposition to MANG Kai-shek but would sannort any anti-Communa ist leader except CHIANG if the occasion looked favorable. ann Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 0 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 aFicm-T CENTRAL 'MUTT:ME AGENCY 25X1A Through HUANG Chao-tung, HSU in ,November approached LW Te-chung hk,1 )0 an Annemese leader in Hong Kong, with the object of securing the re Pala o the 40,000 Nationalist soldiers interned in Indochina. LIU, however, believes that these troops, under HUANG Chieh ( ), have already sworn allegiance to CHIANG. One of HUANG's subordinates 'in.Hong Kong had. been told by the come wander that the troops would return to China early in 1951. H3U2s approach to support from the United States has been indirect. One of the third force aides, Lt. Genera/ WEN Yingehsinn who was a fellow student of General Bradley at West Point, is in 65r esnondence with the general and has informed him or HSUIs -plans. HSU hopes to send WEN to the United States to present the third force operational plans in person as soon as he has the funds necessary for the journey n WEN, however, is a blunt eole nier and has no gift for missions or diplomaeye his earlier attempts to secure aid for LI Tsung-jen in Washington were completely unsuccessful. HSU has in- timated that he has other means of establishing contact wIth American author- itieebnt has not atated them definitely. He believes, with all the other nhinese, that whichever third force leader the United States supporte will be successftl. For his principal support, however, HSU counts on the backing of his Japanese friends. He has maintained the contacts made during his student dews in Tokyo and has always had very cordial relations with the Japanese, particular/7 with the older military leaders, who favor a consereative program, rather than the younger, jingoist, ultra-military grows,. Through his early friends, HSU hem been informed that the any of approximately 100,000 Chinese trained and equipped by the Japanese between 1941 and 1944 can be counted in the third force strength. These units, although they were turned over to LIN Piaa after the war, the Japanese believe can be re-defected by their former commanders. Among HSUls Japanese backers are former Finance Minister IKEDA, General OKAMURA Yeauji,**** veteran liberal leader UGAKI, and some Japanese financiers. Their interest is said to be commercial rather than exclusively military. A Japanese Lt. General YAM )***** visited Hong Kong in late August 1950 to present the Jananese case to HSU. He was chief of intelligence and special service work in Canton from 1939 to 1941 and later did similar work in Hong Kong. TAKI, a Chinese scholar and well acquainted in south China, was one of the Japanese annvls Chinese experts. During,the fall, HSU indicated that he would have another Japanese visitor by the end of 1950. He stated et the end of November that the Japanese was Lt. General ETC Toshihiko fr ), a former division commander who had aerved in apolitical off icduHrie; the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. He owns some buildings, including the former Tokyo Hotel (later the Cosmos Club) in Pottinger Street and Connaught Road Central, Hong Kong. NTO planned to open an office in Macao as a merchant and to enter HongKong as a commercial dealer. At the end of December. ETC wrote HSU that he would arrive from Japan shortly with a cargo of woolen materials and other goods valued at approximately US $3500000, which would be sold to furnish operating expenses for HSUls campaign. It developed at this point (HSU did not Clear up the discrepancy between this and his earlier statement) that ETC was not a military man but a merchant who had operated nre-war businesses in both Hong Kong and Honolulu and had. also eublinhed the HonenneweeppilLenTere in Japanese, Chinese, and English editions. During the war he continued the English edition in the 50?11th China nornineennest building. ETO is connected with UGAKI and many of the elder generals and lead- ing Japanese financiers. The cargo he was bringing was contributed by Japanese SNCRET Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : Rig9P82-00457R007400320011-7 CENTRAL noirrZLIGPITCF, AGENCY 25X1A interested in clearing China of Communism and re-establiehing trade with Jaean. At one time in November, however, HSU had stated that he would have to raise HK $50,000 in connection with this goods shipment. HSU hoped that the funds from the sale of this cargo would enable him to pur- chase weapons and other necessary supplies and to commence guerrilla activi- ties immediately. He planned to use part of the money to pay an organized working staff. He etated, however, that although this financial aid from Japan was enough to begin on, he would have to have military support from the United etates in order to accomplish any permanent results. In addition he expected to draw some financial aid from his war-time business partner CHEF Wei-chou. ee, HSU is admitted even by his supporters to be less competent and less pueposee fui than, CHIAMG, but he commands reset and liking from many leader; who feel that CHIANG has betrayed them for his own benefit. One of his supporters summed up the position as follows: ALM in faIrly-well informed on current problems y but his present advisory staff is not particularly strong. He needs al:eft:et 4eeet0 Fe is mentally alert and physically well, and he has the esteem and rospect of his former subordinates, a useful quality in leadership of the Chinese. His seniority to other military commanders is a great advantage, be- cause one Chinese general would be just an good as another in leading an anti- Communist movement eni any arbitrary selection would lead to much jealousy from the others, whereas HSUls senior position is undisputed. He would be preferred to SUN Li-jen, the only Chinese general really well trained in modern warfare, because the latter is very junior in service and has little prestige. HSU hail the temperament to take suggestions from American military evisere and he could command the support af many Chinese groups. 19. Others, not so enthusiastic, point out that in some ways HMIs Close associae tion with the Japanese will be a handicap to him. Horeover, he and 1.1.Teung- Jen are actually of equal seniority in -military command. la's relations with HSU and his group have not been stated by either side, although several pert- sons usually considered to be aligned with LI, such as CHANG Feekuel, have expressed interest in HSU's cause. ee, One of the factors which urged HSU out of his retirement was information given him in July 1950 by a former mobordinate (unidentified), now important in the ehinese Communist government, that the Chinese Communiste would'participato in earge-scele activities in the ensuing winter but would suffer reverses through them He. tntimated that HSU might take advantage of this situation. On HSU' s own estimate, the Communists .will remain in power for three more years. World War III will begin, he thinks, In summer 1951, and after three years both the USSR and Communist China will be defeated and. the Kuomintang will return. He maintains that it is the leaders of the KMT rathr than tts principlee. which teed changing. HSU Claims to have predicted the German attack on the USSR six months in ad- vance and to have given the information to Sir Archibald Clark-Kerr (now Lord Inveedhapel), at that time British ambassador in China, who forwarded it to London. He also forecast the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and communicated the information to an American contul. in Hong Kong in mid-1941, but ha cannot :semi]. the American's name. On the basis of those earlier events, HSU feele that his present analysis of the situation may be of value. SECRET Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7 25X1A 25X1A 25X1A 25X1A (4)10901% 25X1A Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP8 - 457R007400320011-7 IVIIILLIGENCE AMTICY *4. 25X1A 11111104mpnt. According to several other sourcae. some of tease per.. eons nave nromieed their support to other leaders li.k e/nstead of to HSU: eex CHANG Chits,mai; Sunnonter of LI Twungejen; see &HAAG Fa-4cne5: Ham denied supporting LI Tswi-jen the Natioealint third party- and other leaders. The general imnression as or July 1950 censored to be that he was actually supporting LI. The Comeune lets. according to one source, were trying to bring him back to the mainland; according to a November Communist news relent:so an the other hand, he had been appointed guerrilla commander in South Chiia be General MacArthur. CHANG denied both these statements. eh,BN Chunearue Manager of (SNC during the war, an official of the eng3 China-ye1 government; now living in Hong Kong and interested, with oMior eepee ariciels, in contact with antie-Nationalist forces. He is a gradeete fel Tokyo leeeriel Ureiversity. ]NG Hoi-ebao;- :.e :, ee the-era-Nationalist Hong Kong and Kowloon Trade Union et:lune:xi, FUER Chvengepaing: Member of the Young China Party. Li Weiech3eng Fighly regarded by both anti-Communist and anti-National- let groups in Hong Kong in early 1950 and affiliated with the Young Ghtna movement wANGg In Jule 1950 aligned with the Nationalist-sponsored thied nerty lovement. WAN' Jos.ohou: Reported in Arpil 1950 woeking with HSUKH rush and II Pu- lin on Nationalist guerrilla activities. WU Tsao-chvih: Nominal head of the Social Democratic Party. reeorteel eupporting HSU Chungechih. milGement, The strength of BSU9 s position is probably tk o, alibi's report. Inu.n,,.. The elaims of Nationalist unprort for HSU appear rather ifian/r^ TSOU 1.p, however, Ilan been reportzll as opaosed to the increasing ,o.-for of CHIANG Ching-kuo in the Nationalist government. TUAN Mue.chieh renained in Hong Kong after many other Nationalist officials had joined the government in Taiwan bee:awl? he feared retribution for the defection of the air amishieping companies to the Communists while he was Minister of Communications. 1111111/2emmte LIU defected to the Commnniets in December 1949. His troops were reported in March 1950 to be disaffected and. Showing anti.* Communist tendencies. The status of VII Teo-i has been doubtful ever since his defection to the Communists although he received the .qppoint., ment of Minister of Water Conservancy in the Communist government. His return to the arti-Communist camp has been persistently rumored beet never effected. 11111116mt. OKAMURA's name has been constantly asseciated with Chinese-Jananese military combinations in 1949 and 1950. 25X1A MCcEnmt. A. Japanese Colonel IWASHITAwas reported in the Hong Kong aggrglInA20? of 12 September 1950 fts visiting a retired National- ist general in Hong Kong to discuss Sino-Japanese cooperetion. Although not named, the general with whom he was conferring was assumed in Hong Kong to ho HSU. A Japanese General YAZAR:Ior MAKI was mentioned in the same article an having been expected in Hong Kong earlier but never hat"- tn4 arrieede source, who gives the name as YAKI. states definitely that he did come and that it was HSU he came to see. CONFIDENTIAL Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R007400320011-7