CUBA AND THE COLD WAR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200240012-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 18, 2004
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: July 29, 1963
• Content Type: OPEN

1963 Approved For %W&R"5B(&Q00200240012-3 12819
Medal; and the National Defense Service
Medal.
Major Rushworth now resides at
Edwards Air Force Base with his wife,
the former Joyce Butler of Norridgewock,
Maine, and 6-year-old daughter, Cheri.
Mr. Speaker, I can appreciate the
great measure of pride that Major Rush-
worth's attainments have brought to his
wife, his daughter, and his mother.
I want to take this opportunity of join-
ing with a legion of others in saluting
Major Rushworth and extending to this
distinguished son of Maine my very warm
congratulations on his latest achieve-
ment at the threshold of space.
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND
CURRENCY
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, on behalf
of the gentleman from Texas [Mr. PAT-
MAN], I ask unanimous consent that the
Committee on Banking and Currency
may be permitted to sit today while the
House is in session during general deb e.
The SPEAKER. Without objc, do ,`: it
is so ordered.
There was no objection.
CUBA AND THE COLD WA
The SPEAKER. Under previous drder
of the House, the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. WEAVER] is recognized for
2 hours.
(Mr. WEAVER asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. WEAVER, Mr. Speaker, it has
been 10 years since the Moncado episode
in Cuba. Castro has taken over the
island and has failed to carry out a single
one of the pledges he made at that par-
ticular time. Today we are on the brink
of signing a test-ban treaty.
Lest we forget what has happened in
the Western Hemisphere, Members of
both sides of the aisle are joined together
today to present a discussion of the cold
war and Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Vir-
ginia " [Mr. MARSH] and I are acting as
coordinators for other Members on both
sides of the aisle to present to the Mem-
bers of the House a series of talks on a
concerted plan to help fight the cold war
and to win back Cuba for democracy..
Our purpose is, first, to alert the Ameri-
can public to this problem and, second,
to let Latin America know that we in
Congress truly care about the fate of our
sister nation, Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, we shall review many ac-
tions taken in the past in relation to Cuba
and make recommendations for a coordi-
nated future program for our allies in the
Western Hemisphere. We shall present
a varied program which is bipartisan in
nature and is not meant to be one of lam-
basting and whipping over the history
and the personalities of the past involved
in the present posture of Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, we shall recognize speak-
ers who have previously requested time.
It is then our intention to recognize all
of those who wish to be heard during the
coming hours.
At the conclusion of the speeches the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MARSH]
and I shall review for you some of the
significant features of this program.
Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentle-
man from Virginia [Mr. MARSH].
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I am very
grateful to the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. WEAVER] for this oppor-
tunity to present a few comments on a
serious subject that affects not only the
security of the Americas but indeed the
security of the world.
Mr. Speaker, only a hasty glance at
the headlines of the current newspapers
is necessary to find testimony of the
relentless drive of the Sino-Soviet em-
pire for world conquest. This steady
march for world domination has con-
tinued for nearly a half-century. Hav-
ing crushed Tibet the Red dragon of
China sits astride countless miles of the
territory of India. Along the banks of
the Mekong River in South Vietnam can
be heard the ugly chatter of machine-
guns where there is being waged a war
,that is both brutal and vicious and not
determined the future of all southeast
Asia. Never for a single moment have
the Soviets ceased in. their relentless
determination to ring down on freedom's
lonely stage the iron curtain of Red
slavery in Berlin. The Red standard
that flies from over a dozen capitals of
Eurasia has now been firmly planted in
the Caribbean where it is intended to
be a beachhead for a revolutionary as-
sault upon all of Latin America, a rev-
olutionary assault that will be waged
not only militarily but, rather, will be
waged psychologically, economically, and
politically, where in the arsenal of their
weaponry will be espionage, subversion,
sabotage, guerrilla warfare, terrorism,
and violence.
Mr. Speaker, on the Cuban island
there are being trained revolutionaries
who study the guerrilla doctrines of Mao
Tse-tung, He Chi Minh, and Che Gue-
varra. Here are being trained the
guerrillas to infiltrate Latin America and
wage there a form of warfare that was
waged by the Castro movement in the
late fifties so successfully.
Mr. Speaker, the Soviets placed their
missiles on the Cuban island and this
Nation, scarcely 10 months ago, was con-
fronted with a situation of deadly peril.
Militarily, there was sought to be
changed the balance of power in nuclear
weaponery. Last fall we discovered
that there were on the Cuban island
missiles undoubtedly intended for Amer-
ican targets.
Mr. Speaker, the world was apprehen-
sive during our quarantine and the re-
sulting confrontation; America ' was
proud of the bold and decisive and coura-
geous action that was taken so success-
fully at that time, with the full support
of the American people, and in coopera-
tion with our allies including the Organi-
zation of American States.
However, the strategy directed at Cuba
by the Soviets was not just in the
military arena using missiles but, rather,
it is twofold. The second phase of that
strategy is continuing now in the same
relentless methods of conquest so char-
acteristic of the international Communist
conspiracy.
It is this second form of strategy-the
subversion of Latin America from a Cu-
ban base-that we need to be concerned
about, which poses now a real threat to
the security of all the Americas.
Yet the Cuban situation is not a parti-
san issue; it is not an issue of any party,
but, rather, it is an issue that should be
discussed bipartisanally to form a con-
certed action for those who seek to pre-
serve and extend the boundaries of free-
dom.
The issue is really freedom versus slav-
ery, for now we see the colonial power
of the Soviet Union intervening and
denying to the Cuban people the right of
self-determination, the Soviet Union
seeking to enforce their rule through the
police state by stationing Russian troops
on the island who might employ in Ha-
vana the tactics learned in Budapest.
This is our challenge, it is a challenge
to all Americans. It is not a party chal-
lenge, because it is one that each of us
must meet, indeed we must meet it not
only for the freedom of this Nation, but
indeed for a free world.
I thank the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania again for permitting me to make
these remarks.
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the distin-
guished gentleman from Virginia for the
fine background for our discussion today'
on the cold war and Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, I yield now to the gen-
tleman from Florida [Mr. ROGERS].
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr.
Speaker, I thank the gentleman. I am
pleased to join with the other Members
of Congress on both sides of the aisle in
a very bipartisan approach to this prob-
lem, one that does concern the American
people. As we consider this problem of
Cuba and what has been done and what
should be done, the American people will
be impressed with the fact that it is not
just Members of Congress from Florida
who are concerned about this problem
but there are Members from Pennsyl-
vania, Virginia, Washington, on the
other side of this country, California,
Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, Minne-
sota, and Kansas who are concerned.
As a matter of fact, all States in this
union are concerned:
It is incumbent upon the Congress to
generate the concern and to start the
leadership in many lines necessary to
get rid of Castro and communism in this
hemisphere. . Of course, there are two
approaches: unilateral action by the
United States alone as well as multi-
lateral action through the Organization
of American States.
May I say, as I have tried to say many
times before on the floor of this House,
multilateral action comes only after
unilateral leadership by the United
States. The greatest example of multi-
lateral action following strong leader-
ship or unilateral action by our country
was what took place in October 1962,
when the President set up embargoes on
Cuba and immediately and for the first
time we had 100 percent cooperation, a
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joinder by the Organization of American
States.
One of the things I have been con-
cerned with particularly is the economic
action that can be taken against Castro.
This is a field that I think can bring
immediate hurt to Castro and commu-
nism, can make Russia's task so much
more expensive and so much more dif-
ficult that it helps to destroy the reason
for Russia even being concerned with
Cuba. Furthermore I think by sealing
off Cuba in this hemisphere, as can be
done, that this would destroy the very
reason for Russia being there. If we
can prevent the travel to and from Cuba,
if we can prevent the transfer of funds
throughout the hemisphere to Cuba, If
we can cut off telecommunications be-
tween Cuba and the rest of the hemi-
sphere, then the very reason for Russia
having their people there, which is to
subvert the rest of the hemisphere,
would be destroyed, and I think that is
the very first step to be taken by this
Nation and the nations of this hemi-
sphere.
I am concerned about Allied shipping
into Cuba. In January of this year the
shipping from our well-known allies was
down to about 12 ships, but since that
time we have seen an increase in this
shipping until last May it was up to about
44, and in June it was up to about 38 or
39 from the latest reports, and it is
possible that even those reports can in-
crease because many of the intelligence
sources that come in and are checked
out require some time. At any rate we
are seeing a steady increase in Allied
shipping again back into Cuba which
simply takes the burden off of Russia
in using its own ships to come in and
supply the goods that are very necessary
for this Cuban island to exist. So the
lifeblood and the method of feeding
communism into Cuba right now is
being carried on by such of our sup-
posedly good friends as Britain and
many other nations, people who have
professed great friendship with us and
yet are letting their own ships be used to
carry on this policy of undermining the
very purposes of freedom in this hemi-
sphere and undermining the policies of
our own Government.
Mr. DEVINE. Will the gentleman
from Pennsylvania yield in order that
I may ask a question of the gentleman
from Florida?
Mr. WEAVER, Would the gentleman
from Florida care to yield?
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. I yield for
a question.
Mr. WEAVER. I will yield to the
gentleman for a question.
Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker. first I
would like to compliment the gentleman
from Florida. I have seen him In the
well and time and time again in this ses-
sion of Congress on this very subject. I
know he is vitally interested due to the
proximity of his district to the island of
Cuba, that here as he said is a bipartisan
problem that should be faced directly.
The gentleman from Florida has been a
consistent fighter in this regard. I
might say just last weekend a group. a
task force from this side of the aisle, di-
rected a letter to the administration on
the very subject on which the gentleman
is talking, and I wish again to compli-
ment him on his continued flghtfor what
is a solid American principle.
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. I thank the
gentleman for his remarks, and appre-
ciate, too, his continued interest in try-
ing to do something about this problem
of Cuba. I was delighted to see the let-
ter that was sent to try to encourage
stronger action in cutting off this ship-
ping. I would like to ask all Members
who are concerned to join me in spon-
sorship of this bill that I Introduced a
number of days back, H.R. 7687, which
has as its purpose, in effect, the closing
of American ports to the ships of any na-
tion which allows any of its ships to go
into Cuba. This is the only way we are
going to be able to cut it off. Halfway
measures are not going to work. We
have seen our Government make repre-
sentations to some of these so-called
allies and other friends of ours, asking
them, "Won't you please cut off your
shipping to stop Russia from building up
Cuba? Won't you please stop your ship-
ping to Cuba?"
They say, "Oh, well, we would like to
help you, but somehow we just can't go
this far."
The administration took a halfway
step in saying that any ship that goes
into Cuba cannot come into an American
port after that for 120 days. Well, it is
very easy to get around that. They sim-
ply let one ship do that while all the
other ships come into American ports
and carry on all the trade they want to.
I think we ought to let them make a
quick decision as to whether they want
to trade with the United States of Amer-
ica or whether they want to trade with
Russia and Cuba. The best way to do
it is for the Congress itself to take action;
to say that this is the congressional In-
tent, this is going to be the law, this
is what we want done. We want our
American ports closed to any ship from
any nation if it permits any one of its
ships to go into Cuba carrying these
Russian goods.
The Congress can do this. And I soli-
cit the support, as I am sure we have it
here in the Congress, of other Members
to unite in joint sponsorship of this ap-
proach. Let us pass a law to cut off this
shipping. Let them quickly make their
decision, and I am sure it will be quickly
done, because any country which has
large trade with the United States will
make that decision very quickly; because
all of the trade to Cuba represents only
about 1 percent of their trade. And yet
look what it is doing in taking the burden
away from Russia.
Mr. Speaker, these are some of the
things I think we can do in the Congress
quickly to show our intent, just as we
did when we passed that bill some time
back, when we said that we wanted to
prevent Cuban goods from coming into
this country. When this House unani-
mously passed that bill, immediately
after, even though it did not have a
chance to pass the Senate because it was
in the closing days of the last Congress,
the Executive immediately recognized
the intent of the congressional bill and
cut off that trade. So we can direct
policy here by taking some positive ac-
tion. The American people want it.
I certainly want to compliment all of
my colleagues from all over this coun-
try who are sufficiently concerned about
this problem to speak up and to demand
some action and some leadership to get
rid of Castro and communism in this
hemisphere.
I thank the gentleman.
Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman from Florida who has
been a champion from the very begin-
ning of action on Cuba. I now yield
to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. FoRE-
MAN 1.
Mr. FOREMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman for yielding. Mr.
Speaker, I take this opportunity to ex-
press my appreciation to the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVER]
and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr.
MARSH] for spearheading this discussion
today to offer some constructive pro-
posals and ideas to do something about
the deplorable situation in Cuba.
I am particularly pleased to see my
colleagues from both sides of the aisle
erltea;ing into this discussion, opening it
up for review in the way they have. I
think the American people are more
concerned, more deeply concerned, with
this situation that faces us in Cuba and
in fact around the world, than they are
with any other problem with which this
country is faced today. The American
people want some positive action here.
I think the people around the world are
watching the United States to see what
we are going to do,
This is not just a Communist buildup
in Cuba. It is not just a threat to the
United States that we are talking about,
but this is a threat to the entire free
world. I think that the prestige of
America started into a sharp decline at
the time we allowed the Russians to
build up their Communist foothold in
this hemisphere. I think this is well
demonstrated by the fact that Mr. de
Gaulle now wants to build up his nuclear
force in France. If America does not
have the guts and the willingness to
stand up for freedom when communism
is established 90 miles off our shores, are
we going to have guts enough to stand
up and help the countries of Europe
when the Russians push communism
into their countries? I do not blame Mr.
de Gaulle. If I were in France or in
any other free country I think I would
take a second look at it, too, when we
say we are for freedom and yet allow
the Communists to establish the foot-
hold that they now have in Cuba.
I think the American people are cor-
rect in saying that they are tired of this
business of being concerned with how
popular we are instead of how right we
are, and they, as do I, believe that the
Kennedy brothers ought to get as tough
with Castro and communism as they did
with the American steel industry.
I, along with many of my colleagues,
have, for over a year, recommended pos-
itive action In Cuba by establishing an
economic blockade of Cuba, initiation of
hard-hitting negotiations with our Al-
lies to stop trade and aid to Cuba, and
the recognition of a free-Cuban Gov-
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 1963 "Approved For CFF gg t3R R Pfi5 000200240012-3 . 12821
ernment in exile, including the granting implicit in this statement is the as- Pedro G. Beltran, former Prime Min-
of technological and military assistance sumption that there is no action that ister of Peru, recently gave a vivid picture
if necessary to help the Cuban people re- can be taken, no alternative, no improve- of the results of this increase in sub-
gain freedom. ments made between our "wait and see" version coming from, Cuba. Speaking
We could squeeze out the Castro-Com- policy and war. I submit that a posi- before the Catholic Press Association of
munist government now, and without tive, affirmative program in this area the United States and Canada, he said:
war, if we would initiate action immedi- would lessen the chances of war, not in- Cuba has thus become a model campus
ately, but if we allow Castro to continue crease them. I further submit that this of the modern college for subversion of the
to build up his military strength and the "all or nothing" approach of Mr. Bundy's Americas. The Communists are mounting
Russians to solidify their position in this does a disservice to the cause of building an attack on our countries from within.
How can you expect to control this sort of
hemisphere, we could be forced into war a sound, effective Cuban policy, free from ,indoctrination and infiltration? The boys
to rid ourselves of this Communist threat unbridled partisanship. who are taken to Cuba, whether from Peru,
on our southern shores. Last April, Freedom House, in col- Bolivia, Colombia, and Ecuador or any of
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate this oppor- laboration with the Citizens Committee these countries, need no passport in order to
tunity of taking part in this discussion for a Free Cuba, brought together a travel. Once they are over the border, Cas-
and I commend my colleagues for bring- group of nonpartisan experts who studied tro agents furnish them with money and
ing it to the attention of the American the Cuban problem. One conclusion of transportation. They are welcomed to Ha-
public in the very constructive manner that group bears directly on this subject: vana without documents and when they
leave they are provided with forged passports
they have today. The net effect of examining such factors which do not mention their stay in Cuba.
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentle- is to suggest that a simple policy of risk Certainly they will not return home through
man from Texas for his remarks. avoidance can lead only to the certainty of regular channels. The fact is that as long
Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentle- a worsening position for the United States, as the Russians are in Cuba, it will. continue
man from Colorado [Mr. BROTZMAN] . Indeed, it is more likely that an improvement to be a model campus of the modern college
only from n. process for subversion of the Americas.
r
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isk
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e "6
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permission to revise and extend his re- of
strated in the October confrontation. The
marks.) administration took manageable risks rather
Mr. BROTZMAN. Mr. Speaker, I join than accept the certainty that the nuclear
this discussion with a sense of great re- balance would swing in Russia's direction
sponsibility-also urgency. Responsibil- and that Khrushchev's capability for black-
ity, because I believe to be born free is mail and attack would be increased by the
an accident, to live free is a responsibil- pof while Soviet mwas issiles In willing U for-
ity, to die free is an obligation; urgency, to obtain a Soviet pledge of
an in in tunately,
because our Nation is involved in a cold risks
spected order to obtain of the missiles,
war that can be just as deadly to the there was not willingness to take the risk
noble purposes of our Government as of a follow through. Is there any practical
that type of conflict proclaimed by flam- value in running risks to gain a pledge, and
ing muzzles and screaming bombs. running no risks to enforce it?
We as a nation spend billions of dol-
lars on defense, following our policy of A clearly brief shows look the at any mimportanacep of or the globe
be
is-
deterrence through strength, a policy land of Cuba in relation to the challenge
which I support. But each of us must that faces the United States, the West-
ae na of ombat this open. deterrence is keeps ern Hemisphere, and the free world.
ar
and The important cities and military iristal-
where ena the e fight is for an a n arena
battle a is nbeing lations of the United States mainland
minds of men, , and this the hearts
mined around the clock a ares are now open to Soviet attack by con-
wee. This is a fight ventional weapons, eliminating the
whhere e the weapons of our opponents are r necessity for building large stores of long
subversion, propaganda, lies, and brutal-
ity-anything to obtain their objectives. range Russian weapons.
As a Congressman I receive much mail The island's proximity to the United
from my constituents decrying our lack States makes it an ideal base from which
of foreign policy, or, in the alternative, our radio and television frequencies can
frustration over our schizophrenic poi- be jammed. Evidence indicates the
icy. We are supporting a coalition with strong possibility that Cuba is already
Communists in Laos, yet we fight against being used as a base for Russian sub-
Communists in Vietnam. The adminis- marines. But of equal importance, or
tration vows determinedly to rid the perhaps of more importance at this junc-
Western Hemisphere of Communist ture of American history, is the obvious
domination, yet we erect insurmountable fact that this island is a launching pad
obstacles against anti-Castro forces who for subversion for the entire Western
want to rid themselves of this savage, Hemisphere, and particularly for Cen-
godless ideology. tral and South America.
In making these remarks and joining The evidence is also overwhelming
with my colleagues on both sides of the that Cuba is being used as a training
aisle, my intention is to make construe- school for subversion. An 8-nation com-
tive and affirmative suggestions concern- mitten of the Organization of American
ing ways in which I believe our policy States recently wrote a 60-page report
can be made realistic, can be made effec- proving the existence of this threat and
tive and demonstrative of the leadership describing the extent of its progress.
we must assume. In this context I ob- The report states:
ject strongly to a statement recently Undoubtedly Cuba now constitutes the
made by Mr. McGeorge Bundy, the Presi- regional center for subversive action by in-
dential adviser on foreign policy. ternational communism in America,
Speaking on a panel conducted by the The report adds:
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and refer- It is no exaggeration to say that Cuba has
ring to Cuba, Mr. Bundy said: now been converted into a Soviet military
Honest critics should say whether they camp. It is also clear that Cuba is being
prefer these acts of war to the Kennedy used as a base for training in communism
policy, and for the spread of communism.
No. 114-15
written about any Latin America coun-
try. The OAS report I referred to be-
fore estimates that there are now more
than 250,000 Communist Party members
in Latin America. Of these, only about
60,000 are reported to be in Cuba.
There are many changes in policy that
would, in my opinion, strengthen our
world position, reestablish our leadership
in the Western Hemisphere, and which
would remove "Subversion University"
from our back doorstep.
First, it is imperative that we as a peo-
ple, and as a government, put ourselves
unequivocally and unflinchingly on the
side of the Cuban people who are willing
to fight for their freedom. I recently
talked to a large number of political
exiles at Guantanamo Naval Base. Their
message was clear and convincing:
Help us get Khrushchev out of Cuba and
we will take care of Castro ourselves.
It is unfortunate that it is necessary
for this Nation to make a declaration
such as this, measured against the prin-
ciples of liberty that presided at our
birth and that have been our heritage.
There should be no question that we sup-
port those who fight for freedom and
oppose those who live and rule by
tyranny. This has always been our na-
tional purpose.
I suggest that this evening you go down
to Haines Point and read the firm, un-
equivocating pledge of Thomas Jefferson,
inscribed in that magnificent memorial,
for all to see and savor:
I have sworn upon the altar of God
Eternal, hostility against every form of
tyranny over the mind of man.
Unfortunately, our past actions re-
garding Cuba bear bitter fruit. The
abandonment of our demands for on-site
inspections, the apparent willingness to
accommodate ourselves to Communist
control of Cuba, the chastisement of
Cuban exile groups, the forsaking of the
clear-cut intent and meaning of the
Monroe Doctrine-all these individual
actions form a composite picture that
leaves serious doubt as to how far we will
actually go to defend freedom in this
hemisphere.
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 Approved Fq~r2IP6?f3R00020024001`2-3 ,July 29
Such a declaration of support for those
Cuban patriots would serve notice to the
world that we are ready to reassume the
robes of leadership. It would do much
more-it would serve notice to those
brave Cuban people that they do not fight
alone and that their cause does not go
unnoticed at our counsel tables.
One of the great shortcomings of our
foreign policy has been our apparent
ignorance or disregard of the undeniable
fact that there is in progress today, at
this very moment, an impressive revolt
in Cuba. The Castro movement has
failed utterly and miserably to capture
the support of the Cuban people. Cuba
was not a case of "stomach communism"
initially as many people mistakenly be-
lieve. Rather, Castro's rise to power and
with him communism, was caused by the
middle and upper classes being willing to
accept the benefits of freedom without
assuming the attendant responsibilities.
It seems inconceivable that our foreign
policy architects, do not appreciate fully
the valiant struggle being waged every
hour around the clock by Cuban peasants
and patriots, yet no evidence of that
awareness is manifest. These Cuban
liberty fighters desperately need physical
help-food, arms, ammunition-the tools
of guerrilla warfare. In the absence of
that help, they are equally desperate for
our moral support. They need to know
that in spirit we are fighting by their
side, yet they have not received that
assurance.
The story of those fighting for free-
dom in Cuba, a David and Goliath battle,
is an inspiring one. In order to put this
story into proper perspective, I think we
must look at the earlier Castro-led re-
volution. It is not correct to assume
that the pre-Castro Cuba was a nation
of impoverished peasants, on the brink
of mass revolt. This is a beguiling no-
tion, but it simply is not right. Pre-
Castro Cuba was no paradise, no home of
economic and social democracy, but
neither was it a sink of poverty and
misery. Its per capita income was much
higher than that of post-war Japan and
about on a par with post-war Italy.
Many of these peasants no doubt were
misled by the demogogic Castro who
represented that they were at that time
fighting for their individual liberty, when
in fact the Communist conspiracy was
lurking in the wings.
Cuban resistance started almost the
day the true facts were known. As early
as December 14, 1960, Castroproudly an-
nounced that all counter revolutionaries
had been wiped out. He has made the
same claim several times in the past 2
years. Yet the current revolt persists
and grows in size.
Castro himself is authority for the
proof of its growth. On June 18 and
again on June 27 of this year, he an-
nounced that half the counterrevolu-
tionary bands in one province had been
eliminated-14 in number. Accepting
Castro's statement at face value, simple
mathematics indicate 14 bands of pa-
triots remain in this single province-and
there are 6 other provinces in Cuba.
The story of this sabotage is revealed in
cold facts. Listed below are the sugar
production figures for the last 6 years:
[In tons]
Communist Party Secretary Felipe
1958----------------------------
5.610,600
Torres said:
1959----------------------------
5,788,100
1960----------------------------
5,688
900
Volunteers are deserting their labor and
1961----------------------------
,
6,567,200
even those staying in the canefields are re-
fusing to work
1962----------------------------
4,693,100
.
1983 (esttmated) ----- -----------
3,000,000
On April 30, 1963, Minister of Industry
Castro first came to power in January
1959. Only seven sugar mills were seized
by him in this year, so most of the sugar
was produced under private industry.
In 1960, following the harvest, Castro
confiscated all the mills, and in 1961 he
declared free operation-no quotas-and
every stalk of cane was cut. Conse-
quently, the 1962 crop, harvested in 1963,
was the first Communist sugar harvest.
That crop was less than half the peak
production of 1961.
The means by which this reduction in
production occurred is a story of courage
and ingenuity. Much of the sabotage
has been accomplished through the ele-
mentary process of setting the caneflelds
on fire. One successful technique is a
vignette of persistence. The peasants
catch rats, tie a rag to the tall, soak it in
gasoline, set It afire and send the rat
scurrying through the fields. The im-
mediate result? As if by magic a series
of fires will spring up in various parts of
the fields, destroying sugar. The long-
range result? Another blow to Commu-
nist control.
The government of Las Villas Province
recently admitted that 5 million arro-
bas of cane had been burned. Since
one arroba equals 25 pounds of sugar,
the sabotage efforts of Cuban peasants
in a single province translate into 125
million pounds of sugar.
Another means of sabotage used by
counterrevolutionaries Is the simple
technique of refusing to work. The
effect of this "stay away" strike is most
apparent in the operation of the sugar
grinding machinery. Once the grind-
ing machine starts during the sugar sea-
son it is necessary that it stay In constant
operation day and night until the grind-
ing is completed. It becomes econom-
ically prohibitive to start and stop the
machines. Yet the reports of delays
that are heard over the Communist radio
network tell the story of Communist fail-
ure. For a single example, this report
was heard from Dos Amigas In Oriente
Province:
Closed. Time lost, 24 hours. Reason: no
cane cutters.
Total time lost for February and March.
500 hours.
Each of these delays, and there are
hundreds of them, demonstrate the fail-
ure of the Communist Party to terrorize
the Cuban peasant Into submission.
Conversely, it is notice to all who will
look, that these people are fighting and
will continue fighting tyranny.
Testimony to the success of the revolt
comes from the top Cuban officials them-
selves. Rigoberto Fernandes, the head
of the regime's so-called "labor service"
said that even the "volunteers " were
sabotaging the caneflelds. "It is neces-
sary to rotate volunteer sugarcane cut-
ters and laborers, then put others who do
not resist to cutting the cane. We will
not continue the dangers that cause the
loss of grinding of sugar and put our
revolution in danger," he stated.
Ernesto Guevara described the frustra-
tion that besets the Communist leaders
when he stated almost plaintively:
We must look carefully to find out where
the canecutters have deserted to.
No less than Raul Castro has said :
We have an economic problem of the great-
est nature. The regime mobilized 50,000
workers from other jobs and sent them to
the fields as permanent volunteer canecut-
ters but despite their help and despite every-
thing we have not been able to maintain
normal sugar grinding.
Finally I cite the bearded leader,
Fidel Castro made the following state-
ment on return from his recent visit to
Russia. It takes no great insight to im-
agine the conversation between Castro
and Khrushchev that prompted this re-
mark:
We have not complied with our sugar
commitments for various reasons, known to
all of us. We have an unfavorable trade
balance of $200 million a year.
The same story of sabotage can be
written concerning the other Cuban
crops. In 1958 the tobacco production
was 628 million units for export and
domestic consumption. In 1959, Castro's
first year of power, production fell to
322 million units and exports fell from
79.8 million to 69.8 million units. In
1960, exports dropped to 54.6 million
units, and in 1961 they fell to 32.7 million
units. An article in Cuba Socialista, an
official government magazine, said:
The export of cheap tobacco has fallen
during 1961 and 1962 to a level of about 33
million cigars with a value of only 86 mil-
lion.
The production of coffee is not a major
crop for Cuba, but an interesting story
lies in this area. Coffee is produced in
the mountainous region of Cuba, best
suited to counterrevolutionary activities.
At first, the peasants broke the limbs off
the coffee trees and production dropped
to almost nothing. Consequently, the
Castro government has moved these peo-
ple to the collective farms on the plains
and sent city workers to the mountains.
They still are not trusting of them, how-
ever, so they work in groups of not larger
than 10. Of the 10 workers, the No. 1
worker is a government man, the No. 2
is a Cuban G-2 employee, and the third
is a Young Communist. The production
of coffee has not increased despite these
measures.
Even in this sea of heartbreak, there
are Islands of humor, caused by the
Communist frustration. Recently this
story appeared In the Communist Cuban
paper "Hay." The column called "A
Thousand Eyes" reports that a comrade
on duty in a warehouse was cleaning his
boots. He was using gasoline. Then he
lit a cigarette and inadvertently threw
the lighted match directly into the gas
can, causing a fire of $100,000 magnitude.
The article tersely cautioned against
such negligence.
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 Approved For Release S?0/ 113 RF MBP65PMJR000200240012-3 12823
1963
If there is a doubt about the effective- Latin America has been a target for Mr. WEAVER. I yield to the gentle-
ness of this sabotage activity by the Communist conquest since- the early man from California.
Cuban people, consider Castro's repres- 1920's with the coming into power of Mr. YOUNGER. The other day when
sive order 988: Fidel Castro in Cuba in 1959 the existence Castro announced he was going to con-
Anyone caught burning cane, giving one of an operational base in the heartland fiscate our Embassy I checked with the
mouthful of food to Cuban revolutionary of the Americas brought a grave new State Department to find out whether
bands or giving assistance to guerrilla bands dimension to the Communist threat to any such attack had ever been made on
is to be shot within 48 hours. the inter-American system. any of our Embassies. They came up
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I have to- From its inception the Castro regime with the report that only in one instance other
-
when
Vietnam
done
was
Jap day written a letter to Secretary of State cohas untries sought of the export revolution toD rect anese mo ed in, they d d take overt m-
Rusk r as follows: military efforts, in the form of small rebel porarily our Embassy in Saigon. How-
DEsR MR. Sba : Evidence early ever, in no other case did it happen. The
shows that t Cuban n patriots are in an im- force landings in the hemisphere, failed Germmans did not bother our Embassy
pressive stage of revolt against Castro's in 1959. Cuba then rapidly became a during Germans
war. The Italians did not
Communist government. Will you send to base for subversion and guerrilla train-
me the nonclassified mass of evidence your ing, as well as propaganda campaigns bother it and neither did the Japanese
Department has compiled, detailing the ex- aimed at the overthrow of existent Latin in Tokyo. Even the Chinese have not
tent of this revolt? I also ask that you make American governments. made a move at all toward our Embassy.
this informations State a and to the e the people make By 1960, Soviet and outside Commu- It seems to me this is a direct attack on
the united States efo o i reaso. I make nist influence and control over the Cas- the United States just the same as if they
1. this request Freedom's for fitheght, , wheeththger r it t be heralded be htro revolutionary apparatus had become attacked Miami, or Washington, or any
w opart of the United d States, because
by the boom of cannons on the battlefield, or obvious. In December 1961, when the other che Embassy is the United States, because States the lonely stillness of sabotage and guerrilla Cuban dictator proclaimed his allegiance that I certainly regret nice oSr President that
warfare, should be told. The world should to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, his ap- have not
know when there is concerted, conspiracy. op- peal to indigenous non-Communist ele- and made ear S Seecretrerary ary and Of f Stott determined not
p 2. Those the
s who Communist fighting nee ments in Latin America diminished, but a 2. Those Cubans who afihn need to the campaign to export revolution by fort to see that if this confiscation is go-
a that you and the American S are ing to proceed, then I think we have to
aware aof their valiant efforts. Since ncelast subversive aggression was intensified.
take some direct action.
October we have not indicated by our actions This stepped-up campaign continues to the gentle-
that their fight is our fight. be carried out by three basic means: Mrman. from WEAVEVERif. I for thank his gent e-
3. The people of the Latin American coun- First, exploitation of nationalist and ul- tions.
tries who are subjected to Communist sub- tra leftist groups; second, the dissemina- Mr. Speakbr, I aunanimous consent
versions know with what ever their Cuban Cuibaan neighbors, tion of propaganda; and, third, the in- Mrthat the gentleman ask s from Florida consent
should dg ty tensive ideological indoctrination and that he yielded 40 mFlorid so [Mee
already under the soviet fist, are doing development of antigovernment forces
wil themselves of its pda danger before They may in turn yield to other Members of
wo be awakened to the danger before it is through guerrilla oher observations are con- Congress on the subject of the cold war
too l late. These and
too d other o in Cuba.
4. The American people should knew the tamed in the subcommittee's report,. . Is there
request prro tempore.
fight is being waged. We need desperately which I mentioned a few moments ago, The SPEAKER
to affirm our determined opposition to Soviet as well as recommendations which sub- Objection frome aPESPEAK Pen toyh ?
intrusion in our hemisphere. Our "wait and committee members felt would be help-
tic p issueuessy, ev have driven the with prominent domes- ful in combating subversive activities There was no objection,
fr
Cuban from the front pages. Yet who ho proble m can deny throughout the hemisphere. I commend Mr. GIBBONS. Mr. Speaker, I wish
the stake the American people have in a to the Members of the House both the to thank the gentleman from Penn-
correct solution? You and I am working printed hearings on Castro-Communist sylvania [Mr. WEAVER] for yielding me
for them-they have a right to know. subversion in the Western Hemisphere, this time. I want to compliment my
5. This disclosure, accompanied by the and the report that followed those hear- colleagues for the very forceful and cer-
firm declaration that we are on the side of ings. tainly the very nonpartisan attitude that
tht Cuban people fighting Castro will serve I thank the gentleman from Pennsyl- has been displayed here this afternoon ice assume to the world that the arere of b ry, vania [Mr. WEAVER] for yielding me this in discussing this problem which is not
leadership for r cause of liberty, time. just a problem of this administration
freedom, and dignity o of man. man. Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentleman or. of Florida, or of the United States,
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentle- from Alabama [Mr. SELDEN]. but is a problem of the whole free world.
man from Colorado. Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, it is not just a problem of our State De-
Mr. SELDEN. Mr. Speaker, will the will the gentleman yield for one com- partment, nor of the Senate of the
gentleman yield? ment? United States, but it is also a problem
Mr. WEAVER. I yield to the gentle- Mr. WEAVER. Yes, I yield to the of this body. It behooves all of us to use
man from Alabama. gentleman from Florida. our most constructive thoughts and to
Mr. SELDEN. Mr. Speaker, I would Mr. ROGERS of Florida. I just want manage our time so that we will bring to
like to commend the gentleman from to say I know of no Member who has bear on this most sensitive subject and
Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVER] and those been more diligent in trying to do some- on this most important subject the best
who have joined in continuing the call the thing about this Cuban problem than thoughts of this body. It is with this
attention of the Congress and the Amer- the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. i' mind that I make a few remarks be-
ican people to the dangers of a Commu- SELDEN]. His work, as chairman of the fore I yield, about the possibilities and
nist base existing here in the Western Subcommittee on Latin America of the the probabilities and the desirabilities
Hemisphere. The gentleman from Colo- Committee on Foreign Affairs is a posi- of recognizing a provisional government,
rado [Mr. BROTZMAN] who just concluded, tion where he has been able to become or a government in exile to represent the
called to the attention of the House a knowledgeable on what is being done and Cuban people during this very strenuous is tim
t
I know
at many report issued recently by the Organize- lewhat is adershipthabeing done, and certainly s been helpful in tryinghto s de that this ishan unw se deci ionato
tion of American States.
I would like to remind the gentleman bring some positive policy into so many make; that we should not get involved
and the Congress of the hearings con- things that need to be done. I certainly with any group of refugees, or with any
ducted in February and early March by want to join with other Members of the other people in trying to set up some
the Subcommittee on Inter-American House in commending his strong interest government to represent them while
and leadership. Castro is in power.
Affairs e the House Foreign Affair- Mr. WEAVER. I too commend the But after having read all of their argu-
Cmmitte the Western Castro Hemisphere rsub- and gentleman from Alabama for his leader- ments and after having read the argu-
the rep in the that was issued d following the report that those ship and wise comment on this subject, mints on the other side, and based upon
hearings. In that report, the subcom- Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, will the some personal experience that I have
mittee members pointed out that while gentleman yield for one comment? had in working in this type of situation
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 12824 Approved For&f, 2A&A%J3 % F65PP0I 8000200240012-3 -July 29
I believe, Mr. Speaker, that it would I believe that the whole area of Cen- I am ashamed to say that in a nation
be most wise and most desirable for tral and South America, as was ably where we can sell soap, cigarettes, whis-
this country to recognize some provi- pointed out in the hearings of the Sub- ky, and other things better than any
clonal government to represent these committee on Inter-American Affairs of other nation in the world yet we have ne-
exiles and to represent the people inside the House Committee on Foreign Affairs glected the opportunity to sell the mes-
of Cuba who are seeking freedom. I this last February and March, is ripe for sage of the wonderful American revolu-
believe, Mr. Speaker, that this would revolution. It is no longer a question of tion, this freedom revolution, throughout
be a step toward unity. supplying South Americans with the the world, and particularly throughout
I know that in the city of Miami there guns, arms, and ammunition to carry on Central and South America. It chagrins
are as many as 25 different exile groups, a revolution, because about 65 very vio- me to recognize that while we are mili-
freedom-loving groups that need direc- lent and semiviolent revolutions have oc- tarily strong and yet we are not ideolog-
tion and maintenance and stability. I curred in Central and South America ically strong and have not used our
know in my own city there are freedom- since the end of World War I and they ingenuity and our wealth to spread this
loving groups of Cuban refugees and already have all of the arms and ammu- message of freedom.
first generation Cubans who would like nition that they need. We, the Congress, have failed to give
to work together in throwing off Castro- From reading the hearings and listen- to the USIA, for instance, sufficient
ism in our hemisphere. But all of these Ing to the testimony of Mr. John Mc- money for its needs. Yet we spend more
people seem to be milling around and Cone, Mr. Martin, and others, it is obvi- money for one nuclear submarine than
looking to someone else for leadership. ous that the Central and South Ameri- we spend on the whole information and
I say that that leadership must be found can people already have the guns to carry education program throughout the world
within them; It is within the people who on any kind of revolution they want to. of spreading this idea of what American-
are now temporary visitors in our coun- But we have arms enough here in our ism and what freedom really is. I
try as exiles and the people who are country to prevent the spread of com- think we need to change this approach.
fighting inside of Cuba, as Mr. Baorz- munism into Central and South America, We must step up our program of infor-
MAN so ably pointed out, who will have but the real question is. Do we have the motion, education, and cultural echange
to bring some direction and some stabil- ideological strength, do we have the de- With the Americas. We can do this by
ity to this movement. termination to keep communism out of bringing in more Latin American stu-
Of course, it would be much better Central and South America? I think dents and teachers and sending them
if we could recognize a provisional gov- we do, but I think we need to take con- more of our students and teachers. We
ernment inside of Cuba. Maybe a few structive steps to keep it out. must also step up our program in the
months or a few years ago this would One of the constructive steps I should Americas for the ideological attack for
have been possible, but it will not help like to suggest would be a vast speedy freedom through the USIA and other
us at all today to think about the past. and expansion of our cultural and edu- agencies.
We must think about the future. If cational exchange program in Central
it is impossible, and it is probably im- and South America. I know that The responsibility of supporting these
possible, to recognize this provisional through the Alliance for Progress, the programs and for creating new ones rest
government in Peace Corps, and the State Department with this Congress. We must not fail.
exile on the island
Cuba, certainly we should assist these e we are now carrying on these programs, Now, Mr. Speaker, I yield such time
but the programs unfortuately are not as he may need to the gentleman from
people to try to set up under some dem- Washington [Mr. STINSON].
ocratic process here in this country or enough. They are not adequately fi-
in one of the other Latin-American nanced, and that is the responsibility of Mr. STINSON. I thank the gentle-
countries, a unified front to oppose Cas- this Congress. man from Florida for yielding at this
tro. This provisional government would It seems to me we can also introduce point.
Include within its people who are now a new program, a program designed to Mr. Speaker, Cuba's economic life is
on the island of Cuba and those who get very quickly to the minds and the vitally dependent on certain major ex-
are now outside the island of Cuba. A hearts of the future leaders of Central ports and a vast number of imports.
provisional government would help in and South America by establishing a The current difficulties in the realization
establishing a sound situation in Cuba program that would go to the educators, of its ambitious industrialization pro-
after Castro leaves or after we have the teachers, the instructors particularly gram show that the country is extremely
run Castro out of tha area. It could in the secondary schools of Central and vulnerable to any interruption of the
set
set out clearly of aims and the old South America, to bring them to this flow of foreign trade. Whenever it has
the principles for which ob- country in an exchange program. We been possible to collect facts on Cuban
new and free Cuba would stand. It have brought college professors here trade, it has become abundantly clear
could set forth what would be done with some success, but let us bring the that the Communist world is unable to
count bringing about a firmer economy secondary teachers here to demonstrate supply all of the basic essentials so des-
an ut bringing o Cuba; what would by to them how freedom works in our coun- perately needed by Cuba. In pre-Castro
on the about free elections in what would d be try, to help them take the message of days, the United States functioned as
would be done aelet elections in Cu cause of freedom and a free economy back to major supplier and purchaser of Cuban
would b in Cuba. A Provisional wh le cause those very fine minds that are in the needs and exports. Now that the United
co n- secondary schools in the Americas. States embargo on Cuban exports and
meet cal could
k upon establish a canpositive cer that resides We have seen through the American imports is in operation and the Sino-
cal the acand. Field Services Program demonstrated in Soviet world cannot supply Cuba's needs,
This government in exile or this pro- this country the fine exchange program many free world countries have stepped
visional overnrtent In x set up this where students come here from all over in to take a percentage of Cuban trade.
the world as
establish through democratic processes well as the Americas to live
in the homes of America. I have seen The United States has asked its free
its own leaders. It could, by the use of this is a very wonderful program in world partners to assist in enforcing the
means of communication, radio and action. I urge the continuation, the re- embargo, but significant cooperation on
printed material, take the message of inforcement, and the expansion of this the part of the free world countries has
freedom and coordinate the message of type of program. We can invite those been disappointing.
freedom and fight for freedom on the students of high school age, high school Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
island. It would be such an agency to seniors particularly, before they go to at this point to include a list of these
which this country could legitimately college, to live here, to see freedom as it 68 countries that are currently trading
under international law and under the actually works, to live in American with Cuba.
laws of this country render substantial homes. I know there are many Ameri-
economic and military aid. can homes that will welcome the students The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LI-
But all this would not be enough. In and have welcomed them. In this way soNATI). Without objection, it is so
addition to this, it is my though that we will have an opportunity of planting ordered.
we in the Congress and we in America in the minds of these future leaders the There was no objection.
must think about what is going to hap- spirit or our wonderful American revolu- The countries referred to are as fol-
pen once we get rid of Castro. tion of freedom and equality. lows:
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 1963 Approved For Raft ~ %W:J: fZJkEW135.B@Q 00200240012-3 12825 Con _
United States, Aden, Austria, Belgian- FLAG OF REGISTRY, NAME OF SHIP-. FLAG OF REGISTRY, NAME OF Gross tonnage
Luxembourg, Denmark, Finland, France, British-Continued Gross tonnage b8, 35e
----- 16, 267 Norwegian (6 ships) ---------------
--
lorer (tanker)
Ireland
,
p
d
,
Ex
s
l
an
versea
ce
I
O
Greece
rmany
G
,
e
West
, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Overseas Pioneer (tanker) ------- 16, 267
Sweden, Switzerland, Australia, Cambodia, pampas------------------------- 7,589
Ceylon, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Malaya, Shienfoon_______________________ 7,127
New Zealand, Pakistan, Thailand, Vietnam. Silverforcel---------------------- 8,058
Argentina, Panama, Surinam, Uruguay, Silverlake 1______________________ 8,058
Tulsa Hill_______________________ 7,120
United Kingdom, Canada, Israel, Sudan, ------ 7,265
Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Malta, Syria, Al- Vercharmian______________
geria, Chad, Guinea, Morocco, Rhodesia- Vergmont x______________________ 7, 381
Nyasaland, Senegal, South Africa, Tunisia, West Breeze_____________________ 8,718
Brazil, British Guiana, Chile, Colombia, yungfutary---------------------- 5, 388
Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Y 0 unglutaton 1 ___________________ 5,414
Jamaica, Mexico, Netherland Antilles, Nica- Zela M__________________________ 7,237
ragua, Peru, Trinidad, Venezuela.
Greek (30 ships) ------------------ 244,484
Mr. N. Many of the nations
of the world orld have also been providing Aegaion'-------- _--------------- 7,239
the. necessary ships and aircraft to carry Aldebaran (tanker)______________ 12,897
on the trade and passenger transport so
essential to the survival of communism
in Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, at this point I ask unan-
imous consent to include a list of ship-
ping that has been' going into Cuba, as
provided by the Department of Com-
merce.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
LIBONATI). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
There was no objection.
The list referred to is as -follows:
LIST OF FREE WORLD AND POLISH FLAG VES-
SELS ARRIVING IN CUBA SINCE JANUARY 1.,
1963
SECTION 1. "Pursuant to the National Se-
curity Action Memorandum No. 220, dated
February 5, 1963, addressed to the Secretary
of State; the Secretary of Defense; the Secre-
tary of Agriculture; the Secretary of Com-
merce; the Administrator, Agency for Inter-
national Development; and the Administra-
tor, General Services Administration, con-
cerning U.S. Government shipments by
foreign-flag vessels in the Cuban trade, the
Maritime Administration is making available
to the appropriate Departments the follow-
ing list of vessels which have arrived in Cuba
since January 1, 1963, based on information
received through June 14, 1963, exclusive
of those vessels that called at Cuba on U.S.
Government-approved noncommercial voy-
ages and those listed in section 2:
FLAG OF REGISTRY, NAME OF SHIP
Gross tonnage
Total, all flags (118 ships)-- 961,368
Ardgem------------------------- 6,981
Ardmore------------------------- 4,664
Ardrowan----------------------- 7,300
Arlington Court ------------------ 9,662
Athelcrown (tanker) ------------ 11, 149
Athelduke (tanker) -------------- 9,089
Athelmere (tanker) -------------- 7,524
Athelmonarch (tanker) ---------- 11, 182
Athelsultan (tanker) ------------ 9,149
Avisfaith------------------------ 7,868
Chipbee------------------------ 7,271
Fir Hill------------------------- 7,119
Hazelmoor---------------------- 7,907
HO Fung ------------------------ 7,121
Ivy Fair-----=------------------- 7,201
Linkmoor----------------------- 8,236
London Confidence (tanker)_ - - - 21, 699
London Independence (tanker) __ 22,643
London Majesty (tanker) -------- 12,132
London Pride (tanker) ---------- 10,776
London Splendour (tanker)-----_ 16,195
London Victory (tanker) --------- -12,132
Lord Gladstone__________________ 11,299
Maratha Enterprise______________ 7,166
Americana--------------- ------ ,
Apollon------------------------- 9,744
Capetan Petros__________________ 7,291
Despoina------------------------ 5,006
Efcharis------------------------- 7,249
Eftychial------------------------ 7,223
Embassy------------------------- 8,418
Galini------------------- 7,266
Gloria--------------------------- 7,128
HydraiosIII--------------------- 5,239
King Theseus ------------------- 5,153
Kyra Hariklia____________________ 6, 888
Maria Santa_____________________ 7,217
(now Benny) -
Vikin
----
3, 867
-
g
Benny
d (Tanker)
19, 857
Kongsgaar
12 999
-
Lovdal (Tanker)
Ole Bratt-----------------------
5,252
Polyclipper (tanker)- ----------
11,737
________________________
Tine
4,750
____
_
Yugoslav (5 ships)___________
36, 841
233
7
233
7
Bar___ --------------------------
,
,
Cavtat_________________---------
7,266
Cetinje 1_____
7,200
Dugi Otok----------------------
6,997
Trebisnjica______________________
7,145
Spanish (2 ships)_________________
4,565
Castillo Ampudia----------------
3,566
Sierra Madre --------------------
999
Swedish (2 ships)
14,295
Dagmar-------------------------
6,490
Atlantic Friend'________________
7, 805
German (West) (1 ship: Adolf
Leonhardt-----------------------
7,066
Japanese (1 ship) : Meishun Maru__
8,647
Moroccan (1 ship): Toubkal_______
8,748
Mastro-Stelios II_______________ 7,282 'Added to Rept. No. 9 appearing in Fed-
North Empress 10, 904 eral Register issue of June 6, 1963.
North Queen Queen ''-------------------- 9, 341
Pamit___________________________ 3,929 SEC. 2. In accordance with the provisions
Pantanassa______________________ 7, 131 of National Security Action Memorandum
Penelope________________________ 6,712 No. 220 of February 5, 1963, the following
Perseus (tanker) ----------------- 15, 852 vessels which called at Cuba after January 1,
Pollux 1-------------------------- 9, 956 1963, have reacquired eligibility to carry
Polyxenil------------------------ 7,143 U.S. Government-financed cargoes from the
Redestos________________________ 5,911 United States by virtue of the persons who
Seirios-------------------------- 7,239 control the vessels having given satisfactory
Sirius (tanker) ------------------ 16, 241 certification and assurance that no ships un-
Stylianos N. Vlassopulos_________ 7,244 der their control will, thenceforth, be m-
Timtos Stavrosl------------------ 5,269 ployed in the Cuba trade so long as it re-
Western Trader ---------- _____.___ 9,268 mains the policy of the U.S. Government to
discourage such trade:
Lebanese (19 ships) ----- ---------- 125, 860 (a) Since last report: None.
Akamas--------------------------
7,285
Atolos II________________________
7,256
Antonis' ------------------------
6,259
Astir'---------------------------
5,324
Carnation_______________________
4,884
Giorgos Tsakiroglou_____________
71240
Ilena___________________________
61925
Kalliopi D. Lemos 1______________
5, 103
_
7, 145
Mantric-------------------------
7,255
Mousse--------------------------
6,984
Noelle---------------------------
7,251
Noemi--------------------------
7,070
Olga----------------------------
7,199
Parmarina----------------------
6,721
Razani--------------------------
7, 253
St. Anthony 1_______-_.__________
5, 349
St. Nicolas______________________
7,165
Vassiliki -----------------------
7,192
Italian (7 ships) ------------------
53,415
Achille---------------------------
6,950
Annalisa------------------------
2,479
Arenella-------------------------
7,183
Cannaregio----------- ,----------
7,184
Linda Giovanna (Tanker)--..---__
9,985
Nazareno------------------------
7,173
San Nicola (Tanker) -------------
12, 461
Polish (7 ships)___________________
44,734
Baltyk--------------------------
6, 963
Bialystok------------------------
7; 173
Bytom---------------------------
5,967
Chopin--------------- ----------
6, 987
Chorzow 1 -----------------------
7, 237
Kopalnia Miechowice 1_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ -
7,223
Piast----------------------------
3, 184
(b) Previous reports:
Number
Flag of registry of ships
British------------------------------
Danish------------------------------ I
SEC. 3. The ships listed in sections 1 and
2 have made the following number of trips
to Cuba in 1963, based on information re-
Flag of
registry
British ---------
5
8
13
Greek__________
4
8
11
Lebanese_______
1
2
6
_
Norwegian_
2
4
1
___
Italian---------
1
1
2
3
Yugoslav-- _ _ _ _ _
2
1
1
Spanish--------
2
Danish___-
German----____
(West.)
Japanese______-
1
T
Moroccan_____-
Swedish--------
i
Total-----
12
37
Polish ----------
2
2
NOTE.-Trip totals in this section exceed ship totals in
sees. 1 and 2 because some of the ships made more than
1 trip to Cuba.
Mr. STINSON. Mr. Speaker, both
Spain and Mexico currently are flying
their transport aircraft into Cuba. In
addition, Communist Czechoslovakia also
has its airlines scheduled into Cuba.
One of the most effective ways to stifle
the Communist dictatorship in Cuba
would be to eliminate trade by the na-
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tions of the free world to which we are Mr. Speaker, I know the gentleman is in understanding why the administra-
currently giving our foreign aid. If we familiar with the fact, and It has dis- tion has not taken a more positive stand
were to ask nations in the free world to turbed me, that a number of amend- in this respect. I believe we should put
stop trade and shipping to Cuba, some of ments were passed to the 1963 Foreign this-amendment into the foreign aid au-
their reactions would be that as long as Aid Appropriation Act which have not thorization bill but without an escape
the United States is shipping material to been followed, which have been openly clause and underscore the law, you might
Cuba that they will continue themselves. and notoriously violated. , that However, if the United States were to I think it would be well at this point saI fu therathink we should nb ing this
cease shipping all material to Cuba and in the RECORD to place them in the REC- to the attention of the American people
demand that other nations do the same, ORD. Public Law 87-872 provided very so that public opinion will be aroused
I believe that very rapidly we would see specifically that no foreign aid should to the point where they will demand
a complete cessation of trade by the free go to any country that did business with that this foreign aid be stopped to these
world with Cuba. Now that the ransom Castro and Cuba. The act flatly banned countries currently trading with Cuba.
deal has been completed with Cuba and U.S. aid to a country which permits any I thank the gentleman very much for
they have some $53 million of American ships under Its registry to carry to Cuba bringing this information at this time.
medical supplies and foodstuffs. I can see petroleum and certain other goods of a Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, will the Ben-
no reason why we should continue to military or strategic character. That tleman yield?
trade with them in any way. Is an absolute ban.
There is a possibility that if we ask Mr. Speaker, I am sure, and the gen- man from Missouri. yield to the gentle-
some of the free nations of the world to ilcman knows, that tankers from a num- Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I, too, am
stop trading with Cuba that they might ber of free nations have been carrying very conscious of the facts that the gen-
not do so. Therefore, I am going to pro- and are now carrying-and have been tlemen have brought out on the floor of
pose an amendment to the foreign aid for the past 6 months-fuel to Cuba, in- the House concerning limitations to for-
authorization act that would suspend cludin; the United Kingdom, Greece, eign aid appropriations. They have
all foreign aid for 1 year to any nation Italy, and Norway. However, the lan- done considerable work in reference to
that continues to trade or ship with Cuba guage of the law presents an absolute the United Nations technical programs
after 60 days after the passage of this ban on this. It is incomprehensible that and special fund aid that has gone in a
bill. This suspension would be renew- aid should continue to go to countries round about way to Cuba. They have
able if the nation continues trade or that send strategic materials to Cuba. introduced a bill in this House to limit
shipping to Cuba. It seems inconsistent The second provision in the act pro- such appropriations to the 33Y3 percent
to the welfare of the United States that hibits economic aid to any country which that prevails so far as the rest of the
we should help finance and support those sells, furnishes, or permits any ships un- United Nations are concerned.
nations who are trading and shipping to der its registry to carry items of eco- I would like to compliment the gentle-
Cuba for profit, This Is a peaceful, non- nomic assistance to Cuba unless the men on what they have brought forth
military, positive action that will be President determines that the withhold- today, then, to go back, in addition to
effective in curtailing communism in ing of such assistance would be contrary the remarks about the situation of for-
Cuba. I believe that this kind of positive to the national Interest and reports such cign aid the gentleman from Washing-
leadership will be applauded by both na- determination to the Foreign Relations ton has so beautifully brought out, to
tions of the Western Hemisphere and and Appropriations Committees of the the gentleman from Florida [Mr. GIB-
those nations throughout the world that Senate and the Foreign Affairs and Ap- SONsl, and his remarks about the cha-
believe that communism should be propriations Committees of the House of grin he feels about our lank of will and
stopped. Today, almost all of the free Representatives. the deterioration of our backbone and
world countries which are currently trad- Mr. Speaker, I have been informed the lack of our ideology in preventing
ing and shipping to Cuba are receiving authoritatively that no such notifica- these things, including the sanctity of
some form of American foreign aid. The tion of such request has been made to the Monroe Doctrine and many others.
Iron Curtain countries would have an ex- any of the committees mentioned. My The review that this group has brought
tremely difficult time in providing all of question is this: The administration Is to the floor today under the special order
the various materials that are necessary in direct violation of the mandate of concerning everything from the over-
to keep communism alive In Cuba. They the Congress of the United States as flights to the McCone report of the Sub-
would also be hard pressed to provide the passed in Public Law 87-872. Myself Committee on Preparedness of the Sen-
necessary shipping to preserve the trade and others have joined-I have just ate Armed Forces Committee, to the
of Cuba. If the aircraft of those nations Joined today in asking the General Ac- United Nations funds and the seizure of
who are receiving American aid did not counting Office to inquire Into what our Embassy by Cuba's Castro and the
fly into Cuba, the flow of Communist right the President has, If any, or the conspiracy in spite of all that the Swis<
agents to the free world would be greatly administration, to violate the mandate can do about it has been enlightening.
curtailed. of the Congress which prohibits foreign We pay tribute in spite of the old Amer-
In addition, all nations currently per- aid funds from going to any country lean adage we would rise in our defense
mitting their ships and aircraft to travel that does business with Cuba and to but not one cent for tribute. We are the
to Cuba should be denied access to our determine what actions can be taken Nation that sent the Marines to Tripoli
harbors and airports. regarding these illegal expenditures of under a far less excuse than the seizure
These proposals are designed to pre- funds. of our Embassy in Havana, -which is
vent the American taxpayer's money Does not the gentleman feel that any American property.
from going to those nations who would administration, be it this or any other, What has happened to the will, what
knowingly help to preserve a Communist which has a mandate from Congress has happened to our determination?
dictatorship just 90 miles from our with unequivocal language that the Wherein lies the fault of the people that
shores. Chief Executive has the duty in spending we as Representatives In Congress and
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, will the funds to follow the mandate set out others do not seem to realize. We should
gentleman yield? by Congress which, of course, Is an ex- cut off, as someone very clearly suggest-
Mr. GIBBONS. I would be glad to pression of the will of the people of ed, not only the food of Cuba but the
yield to the gentleman from Florida. the United States of America? Is not black gold that Is flowing to Cuba in the
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, I con- the gentleman disturbed, as I am, that form of oil.
gratulate the gentleman from Washing- this or any other administration would We made a good start on this and we
ton [Mr. STINSONI on his fine statement continue to permit trade by free nations should see, by all means, as the gentle-
with regard to trade with Cuba and ef- to whom we are giving foreign aid with man has beautifully said, that the Red
forts to curtail it. I also congratulate Castro's Communist government in di- Star in Cuba Is in its descendancy and
the gentleman on his announcement of rect violation of the laws of the land? let us be careful to see that It loses
his Intention to introduce an amend- Mr. STINSON. I thank the gentle- brightness In going over the horizon.
ment to the foreign-aid bill which would man for bringing up this point. I have Mr. STINSON. I thank the gentle-
help accomplish this. to admit that I have a very difficult time man. Many people think that the moral
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 12827
fiber of the American people has de-
teriorated to the point where they will
not fight anymore. I happen to disagree
with this philosophy. I believe the
American people are willing to fight to
remain free and have their children live
in freedom. I think if the decision were
to be made by the American people, we
would very rapidly see a very tough
policy advocated toward the Com-
munists in Cuba.
Mrs. FRANCES P. BOLTON. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GIBBONS. I yield to the gentle-
woman from Ohio.
Mrs. FRANCES P. BOLTON. I want
to thank all of you gentlemen who are
making possible this special order today.
It is high time that the two sides of the
aisle of this House join together in forc-
ing the administration into legitimate
action and seeing to it that they do not
go forward in illegitimate acts, Does
any of you have information relative to
the imprisonment of Cuban women? I
was waited upon the other day by a
woman who was a Cuban-she is now an
American, of course-and a Cuban.
They had a good deal to say about the
women who are imprisorred in Cuba and
who are being treated just awful. The
only other country that could.compare
with the treatment was Turkey. I had
a friend in a Turkish prison for 3 years,
and the situation there was one that
could not be imagined. The only one
I have ever heard since then that could
be compared with the Turkish situation
is what is being done to these women.
I hope this group will look into the mat-
ter and see what can be done to acceler-
ate some -sort of freedom and for some
kind of decent treatment for those
women down there.
I thank the gentleman very much for
yielding.
Mr. GIBBONS. - I thank the gentle-
man from Washington [Mr. STINSON] for
his fine remarks.
Now I yield to my colleague from Flor-
ida, that very able and distinguished
gentleman [Mr. FuQuA] who has been
most active in this fight.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The
gentleman from Florida has 13 minutes
remaining.
(Mr. FUQUA asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FUQUA. Mr. Speaker, I want to
thank my colleague from Florida and
my other colleagues who joined with us
today in this bipartisan effort to bring
to light some of the ways in which we
might rid ourselves of Communism not
only in Cuba but in the rest of this
hemisphere.
Mr. Speaker, we come here today not
as Democrats or Republicans, but we
come here as Americans. It is in this
light I think that we should attack this
problem which threatens the very foun-
dation on which this country was
founded. President Kennedy said dur-
ing the October crisis in Cuba that the
greatest risk lies in not acting with deci-
siveness. Action is required. This I
think is the time for this country to
take decisive action in trying to rid Cuba
and this hemisphere of godless Com-
munism.
It has been said here earlier today
that Cuba's normal economic life de-
pends on certain major exports and im-
ports coming into that country from
other parts of the world. We have seen,
since the Communist takeover in Cuba,
the Soviet Union and other of their
Communist bloc countries that have
tried to overcome this disruption by at-
tempting to supply the. essential foods
and other essential goods that once came
from the United States,which was one of
the greatest importers into Cuba. Cur-
rently we have about 13 Communist
countries who are participating in about
75 to 80 percent of the total Cuban ex-
port and import trade. Wherever we
find the facts of the Cuban trade it is
very clear that the Communist world is
unable to supply them and the cost is
too high to supply the basic essentials
which are so desperately needed by the
people of Cuba. Since the United States
placed an embargo on Cuban exports
and imports; the operations of the Sino-
Soviet world cannot supply many of the
vital needs to the people of Cuba.
The United States has time and time
again through our State Department
and other means asked our allies and
our partners of the free world to stop
trading with this Communist country.
We tried to enforce through all types of
moral persuasion, ways in which we can
stop this trading with our known enemy,
one that has had missiles pointed at us
in the October crisis and which has
caused the greatest amount of subver-
sion in this hemisphere emanating from
that island. However, it has been said
this met with very disappointing success
and that they continued to trade with
them.
I would like to cite you some figures
of countries who are our allies in the
free world and cite the amount of trade
they are doing with Cuba and the for-
eign aid that these countries are get-
ting from this very country, the United
States.
We are feeding the hand that is feed-
ing our enemies.
Great Britain in the year 1962 re-
ceived $27.5 million in foreign aid. In
the time between January 1, 1963, and
June 14, 1963, Great Britain had 37 ships
carrying 355,354 gross tons into Cuba.
Greece, one of our other allies, re-
ceived $82.8 million in foreign aid. In
this same period of time, less than 6
months, they had 30 ships carrying 244,-
484 gross tons.
Lebanon, receiving $.1 million in aid
had 19 ships going into Cuba with 125,-
860 tons.
Italy, receiving $105.3 million in for-
eign aid had seven ships carrying 53,415
tons into Cuba.
Poland-there is a question whether
they are an ally or not, but they are
receiving $8.1 million in foreign aid. In
this same period they had 7 ships going
into Cuba carrying 44,734 tons.
Norway received $24.9 million in aid.
They had 6 ships going in carrying 58,-
359 gross tons.
Yugoslavia had $116.7 million in aid.
They had 5 ships carrying 35,841 tons.
Spain: $?7.5 million in aid. They had
2 ships carrying 4,565 gross tons.
West Germany received $2.2 million
in aid, They had one ship carrying 7,-
066 tons.
Japan received $141.8 million in aid
and they had one ship carrying 8,657
tons.
Morocco received $49.8 million in aid.
They had one ship carrying 8,748 tons.
These are our friends. Hence the ob-
vious question has arisen as to why the
United States continues to give aid to
those countries who find themselves un-
able to acquiesce in the U.S. request for
cooperation in the economic embargo
against Cuba.
The large foreign aid this country has
been giving other countries, many of
them still trading with Cuba, has re-
sulted in our current problem with bal-
ance of payments. It was necessary for
this country to borrow $500 million from
the International Monetary Fund to as-
sist us through this crisis.
With all this in mind, how can we
justify this aid to these countries who
in turn aid our enemy?
The time has now come that the Con-
gress should take positive action by
amending the Foreign Aid Authorization
Act to prohibit aid to these countries who
continue to trade with Communist Cuba,
with our avowed enemy. I hope that the
Congress will act, and I will support the
amendment to the authorization act
when it comes to the floor affecting these
countries that are receiving this aid.
Mrs. FRANCES P. BOLTON. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FUQUA. I yield to the gentle-
woman from Ohio.
Mrs. FRANCES P. BOLTON. Mr.
Speaker, that bill passed and what the
gentleman is suggesting was supposed to
be done. The administration has been
told that they must stop giving aid to
those countries who are going against us
in that particular manner. What can
we do further to insist that the adminis-
tration obey the law?
Mr. FUQUA. - I think we should pass
another amendment this time and make
it very clear that they may not trade
with these other countries. Perhaps we
should make it clearer than the amend-
ment that we had to the Foreign Aid Au-
thorization Act of last year.
Mrs. FRANCES P. BOLTON. I thank
the gentleman.
Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I yield
the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Gra-
Boxs] an additional 10 minutes.
Mr. GIBBONS. Mr..Speaker, I wish
to congratulate my able colleague from
Florida [Mr. FuQuA] for those very fine
and constructive remarks. He so ably
pointed out that this is not a question of
whether America must fight to do some-
thing about Cuba. As he so ably pointed
out, there are many things short of fight-
ing that we could do to turn this cold war
in our favor. I would urge my colleagues
not to be trapped by the old argument
that in order to do something construc-
tive we must fight or we must invade
Cuba. That is not the question.
The question is what other peaceful
and ideological means we can use to gain
freedom for the Cubans and for the rest
of the people in Central and South
America.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he
may require to the very able and distin-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 29
guished gentleman from Illinois [Mr.
RUMSFELD 1.
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker. I
thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to congratu-
late the Members here today for their
continued interest and concern in the
problem of Cuba. Let me take a moment
or two to attempt to place the question
of Cuba In the context of the world
situation. I think there is a danger that
the discussion today could leave the Im-
-pression that some had a fixation on
Cuba, as has been charged against those
of us who have studied and concerned
ourselves with this problem. I believe
that the question of Cuba is much more
important than simply Cuba. It repre-
sents, I believe, one specific instance of
the serious problem which this Nation
has as a leader of the free world. I
would suggest that how we conduct our-
selves with respect to Cuba could do
much to determine the fate of the re-
mainder of this hemisphere and indeed
much of the world.
More than a century and a quarter
ago the French scholar, Alexis DeToc-
queville, visited our country and made
the following prophetic observation. He
said:
There are at the present time two great
nations in the world, which started from
different points. but seem to tend toward the
same end. I allude to the Russians and the
Americans. Both of them have grown up
unnoticed; and whilst the attention of man-
kind was directed elsewhere, they have sud-
denly placed themselves in the front rank
among the nations, and the world learned
of their existence and their greatness at
almost the same time. ? ? ? The American
struggles against the obstacles which nature
opposes to him; the adversaries of the Rus-
sians are men. The farmer combats the
wilderness and savage life, the latter civiliza-
tion with all its arms. The conquests of the
Americans are therefore gained by the plow-
share. Those of the Russians by the sword.
The Anglo-American relies upon personal
interest to accomplish his ends, and gives
free scope to the unguided strength and
commonsense of the people: the Russian
centers all the authority of society in a single
arm. The principal instrument of the
former is freedom; and of the latter, servi-
tude. Their starting point is different and
their courses are not the same. Each of
them seems marked out by the will of Heaven
to sway the destinies of half the globe.
These were DeTocqueville's observa-
tions in 1832.
Just 20 years ago the Communist world
included 8 million square miles of terri-
tory and 70 million people. Today it
includes 16 million square miles of terri-
tory and the number of human beings
behind the Iron Curtain is 970 million.
Within four decades communism has
grown from a gleam in Lenin's eye to
absolute domination of almost 1 billion
people. Historians will certainly ask the
questions why and how. I believe the
principal reason for these enormous
gains has been the Communists' ability
to conceive of this struggle for power
going on in the world today in larger
dimensions than the free' world.
Through infiltration and control of
student groups, teachers unions, labor
organizations, schools, and political par-
ties, the Communists are able today to
achieve their goals by playing this multi-
headed network like an orchestra, vary-
ing the mode of approach-military,
paramilitary, political, psychological,
technological, and economic-to suit the
problem, the time, and the place. Their
weapons are of unlimited variety. In
short, they score victories In the cold
war because they know they are in it
and they have polished the weapons nec-
essary for victory.
Inexorably, bit by bit, more pieces of
the free world have been lost. When-
ever the West has won a round, as in
Korea or Lebanon, it was in the defense
of the status quo. When the Commu-
nists have won a round, as In Czechoslo-
vakia, China, Laos, or Cuba, they have
gained access to ground previously closed
to them.
The greatest need and the greatest
hope for the United States and the free
world today lies in the establishment
and maintenance of some stability in
the world, particularly in Latin America.
Today, however, words will no longer
achieve this stability. Much of the world
unfortunately believes, and with much
justification, that the Communists very
possibly could ultimately win. Until the
United States changes this attitude, this
atmosphere, the pendulum will not swing
our way.
Today many smaller nations watch
and wait. Some are swinging to commu-
nism. To change this attitude, the Unit-
ed States must demonstrate a clear
desire and willingness to preserve free-
dom. I believe sincerely that our posture
with respect to Cuba will determine the
fate of all Latin America. We need
deeds to convince the walvering nations
of our resolution and that ultimately
freedom will prevail.
In a report from Freedom House, it
was stated that:
Americans are agreed that a Soviet Cuba
is intolerable to the Western Hemisphere.
The reasons bear upon our security
and freedom as well as the Independence
and integrity of the other nations in this
hemisphere.
The facts about Castro and Communist
Cuba are beyond debate. Six million people
who won their freedom from Batista's dic-
tatorship found themselves betrayed into the
hands of a new dictatorship. They are
denied the right to vote, to speak, to publish,
to think. More than 100,000 Cubans have
been jailed for refusing to accept commu-
nism. Another 250,000 have fled, preferring
exile to tyranny at home; 180,000 more are
awaiting transportation and countless-others
dream of escaping terror.
Curia has become an overt Soviet Satel-
lite-the only one in the Americas, The
Castro regime deliberately banded over the
Island to the Russian dictator and allowed it
to be transferred into a launching pad for
potential aggression against the United
Stab's and the other countries of this
hem sphere.
Present conditions do not suggest that the
evil has been abated much less eliminated.
Even If we could be certain that every of-
fensive military weapon has been removed
from Cuba we would still live in the presence
of the 20th century's most efficient offensive
weapon-communism itself. This time bomb
is still to be defused.
American policy must rest on three objec-
tives:
1. The elimination of the Soviet political
and military bases in Cuba;
2. The halting of Castro-Communist sub-
version. sabotage, and guerrilla warfare
against Latin-American peoples; and
3. The liberation of the Cuban nation
from Castro's brutal police state. Americans
will unite behind any program that gives
hope of achieving these goals.
There are many steps which can be
taken and should be taken and have not
been taken to achieve our common goals
in the cold war. Many have been men-
tioned today, and I will not belabor
them. They are sound and constructive,
but I would suggest that the first step
that must be taken, the step without
which all the others will be meaningless,
Is for this Nation, the people of this
country, and the administration, to ad-
mit that we are in the cold war and to
demand policies that will meet the threat
that we face. Unless we as a nation, the
Congress, the administration and the
people, take this step, all of these other
suggestions, as constructive, positive and
sound and worthwhile as they might be,
can amount to nothing.
I would congratulate the gentleman
from Florida [Mr. FUQUA], on his point
that the suggestion,as some claim, that
any step to stop the tide of Communist
aggression on this globe and to rid this
hemisphere of communism will result in
a nuclear holocaust or war, is not sur-
ported by the facts. Each time this Na-
tion has stiffened its backbone, as in
October 1962, we have avoided war and
received the overwhelming support of the
free world.
As the President has said, and as his-
tory shows, the greatest risk of all may
very well be the failure to act, when
action is necessary.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join with
my colleagues today to discuss this ques-
tion and to voice my concern, Indeed,
alarm, with the drift of American foreign
policy. I congratulate them on their
thoughtful and responsible approach to
this difficult and complex problem. I
know that each of the Members here to-
day have been working for months, in-
deed years, on the problems of the cold
war.
I would like to call particular attention
by way of example to the gentleman
from Virginia [Mr. MARSH] who has la-
bored long, hard, and effectively to im-
prove national knowledge of the cold war
and is certainly recognized nationally as
an expert in this field. I consider it a
high privilege to serve in the Congress
with him.
Let us hope and indeed pray, in closing,
that when this body convenes next
month or next year, that Brazil or Haiti
or one or more of the other nations of
Latin America will not have fallen to the
Communists, whether by bluff or by war.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance
of my time.
Mr. GIBBONS. I thank the gentle-
man from Illinois for his very fine and
constructive remarks.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the
balance of my time to the gentleman
from Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVER].
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentle-
man from Florida and the Members who
have spoken up to now. I now yield to
the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Pucmr-
SKr].
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Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I rise The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. committee like this. The establishment
to join in this discussion and to com- RUMSFELD] has suggested that we close of such a committee, in my judgment,
mend the gentlemen who have arranged off the Panama Canal to ships that are would meet the test that has been men-
today's discussion, the gentleman from going to Cuba. I certainly think that tioned here-of strengthening our will to
Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVER], the gentle- this is a worthwhile suggestion which win. It would certainly serve notice on
man from Florida [Mr. FUQUA], the gen- should be considered very seriously by the rest of the world that we are deter-
tleman from Florida [Mr. GIBBONS], the the responsible authorities. mined that the Communist menace must
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MARSH], The gentleman from Washington [Mr. be removed from the Western Hemi-
the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. RUMS- STINSON] has suggested that we might sphere, certainly from Cuba.
FELD], and the gentleman from Wash- amend the Foreign Aid Act to bar any It is my hope at the time when this
ington [Mr. STINSON]. foreign aid to countries which continue resolution is introduced it will receive
Mr. Speaker, I think that the discus- to deal with Cuba. This is an excellent consideration by the Congress.
sion we have witnessed today, and are idea, and I am sure one that is going to There is no lack of will, either by this
witnessing now, can indeed make a tre- get great consideration from the Con- administration or the previous adminis-
mendous contribution toward a better gress, although I think that a close ex- tration or by the Congress of the United
understanding of the vast problem that amination will show that there are rela- States, to get the Communists out of
lies ahead in the ultimate liberation of tively few countries now receiving for- Cuba. All Americans, whether they
Cuba from Communist rule. eign aid, if any, that are actually ship- are in office or out of office, whether they
Mr. Speaker, I would like to congrat- ping into Cuba. But, nevertheless, this belong to the Republican Party or Demo-
ulate these gentlemen for the bipartisan is a subject which I think should be con- cratic Party, whether they serve in the
effort that they have demonstrated here sidered favorably by the Congress. State Department or in the CIA or in
today. I do not think they have tried to Mr. Speaker, I, myself, 3 years ago, the executive branch of the Government
dig into past closets looking for skele- helped organize a Cuban Freedom Corn- or legislative branch of the Govern-
tons, because indeed the road is full of mittee which today is broadcasting, and ment, are agreed there must be a re-
these skeletons. But, rather, they have has been for several years, standard wave turn of freedom to Cuba. We are all
tried to discuss a positive program of band broadcasts to Cuba. I see on the agreed that communism must be driven
action, I think this is the way that floor of the House this afternoon the gen- out of Cuba. Where there is disagree-
Cuba is ultimately going to be liberated. tleman from Indiana [Mr. BRUCE], who ment is in the method of getting this
Mr. Speaker, I for instance do not is a director of this committee. I think accomplished, and as we listen to the de-
agree with statements made here earlier our committee has been doing a great job bates of the Organization of American
that we are having an aimless drift of in bringing the truth about communism States and as we listen to the ramifica-
American foreign policy. On the con- and particularly the failure of commu- tions of the United Nations, we realize
trary, I think this administration and nism to the people in Cuba, day in and no unilateral action is going to do this
the previous administrations have tried day out. We receive reports out of Cuba job. In order to rid Cuba and the West-
to meet this problem. They realized that these standard wave band broad- ern Hemisphere of Communists, we must
that this is a problem of international casts are being listened to with great in- have a bilateral unified action of all the
significance and certainly what we do terest. We have purchased time from American
can, the es in this
nations of mispher e and, free in Cuba-if we could isolate our problem commercial stations in Florida at Key if we can
in Cuba just to Cuba, there would be no west. These broadcasts are being We ave a tremendous problem. In
question that two good battalions of beamed in the Spanish language to the W the tremendous establishment of In
Marines could flush out Castro and his people in Cuba and, certainly, in my my e judgment, a a
communist hordes and the ball game judgment they are having a profound ef- Presidential joint commission that would
would be over-has worldwide reper- feet. The fact that Mr. Castro is.finding reflect the many views expressed here to-
cussions. tremendous difficulties all over the island day, the suggestions that have been made
Mr. Speaker, nobody can certainly attests to that. There is widespread here today, would give meaning to our
question the fact that we could if we sabotage throughout Cuba. There is tre- ultimate purpose. That purpose is the
wanted to follow that path we could get mendous resentment among the Cuban liberation of Cuba in a peaceful way.
rid of Castro very quickly. However people against Castro and this resent- I recently asked the people of my dis-
as has been stated repeatedly by learned ment is growing. So in my opinion we trict for their views on the various alter-
scholars on the international scene, what can look forward to the day when Cuba natives to the solution of this problem of
happens in Cuba has ramifications all will be liberated from within. ridding Cuba of Communism. There
over the world. For this reason I think However, Mr. Speaker, I think all of were three sets of questions submitted
the suggestions made here today are these things that have been discussed for the consideration of my constituents.
certainly ones worthy of serious consi- here today, in a bipartisan vein, will The first question was: Do you favor
deration by the Congress. serve a definite purpose. It is my Opinion our continued surveillance over Cuba to
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from that this is the road to liberating Cuba make sure there are no offensive weap-
Florida [Mr. ROGERS], has introduced from communism. ons down there? The answer was, of H.R. 7687, which provides, as follows: Mr. Speaker, it is my opinion that course, "Yes."
That no article shall be transported in when we have discussions such as we are The second question was: Do you favor
interstate or foreign commerce to or from having here today and we can dispas- continuing economic pressures to bring
tind about the economic collapse of Cuba?
the United states aboard vessels of any sionately discuss the problem which we
er country which allows vessels s used, have at hand and the various solutions Here the answer was overwhelmingly
tinder the he flag g of that country to be used,
)n or after the date of enactment of this that are available to us, we will indeed "Yes."
Finally I asked: Do you favor our con-
Set, in trade or commerce with Cuba [ex- peopleeanto find a way d again bring Cuba back unto tinuing efforts to inspire a revolt in Cuba?
;ept U.S. installations in Cuba]. The answer was "Yes."
Certainly this is a very sweeping pro- the family of free nations.
rosal, but one which I think would put Mr. Speaker, at the appropriate time The next question: Do you favor a total
teeth into the concern shown here to- ? it is my intention to introduce a resolu- naval blockade of Cuba at this time?
lay by the speakers in the well of the tion in Congress for the establishment The answer was "No."
Elouse who have tried to understand of a Presidential Joint Commission for The second part of the question was:
vhy, despite the great pleas by the the Liberation of Cuba. Do you believe such a total naval block-
United States, many of our finest friends This commission would have as its ade is an act of aggression? The an-
ted allies continue to deal with Com- membership representatives of the State swer was "Yes."
nunist Cuba. Certainly the bill which Department, representatives of the CIA, The next question was: Do you think
ias been introduced by the gentleman representatives of the Defense Depart- such an act of aggression would lead to
'rom Florida [Mr. ROGERS] is one that ment, and representatives of the appro- war? The answer was indecisive. Some
should be considered by the Congress priate committees of Congress. I think thought yes and some thought no.
mnd I shall be happy to cosponsor this that all the things we have been discuss- Finally, the last question I asked was:
'esolution. ing here today should be considered by a Do you favor an immediate invasion of
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Cuba? Here the answer was over- Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, will the The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without
whelmingly "No." gentleman yield? objection it is so ordered.
The second part of that question was: Mr. WEAVER. I yield to the gentle- There was no objection.
Do you believe an Invasion of Cuba at man from Florida. Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I now
this time would lead to nuclear war?
Here the Mr. HALEY. Personally I thank the yield to the gentleman from New York
"Yes." nswer was overwhelmingly gentleman and also the Members of Con- [Mr. HORTON1.
YThese answers from gress who have participated in this dis- Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank
a representative cussion here today. I think it is a the gentleman for yielding.
United group of States indicate one district the healthy thing and something we should Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman
People Sa agree on most of the solutions ind dicat the American do. However, I want to call the atten- from Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVER], the
have e been discussed , erns that lion of the Members to the fact that gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MARSH],
Pressures, amendment here today, economic Cuba of course is not just a new situation the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
closing of the Panama a Canal, aid, but it has been with us for a long time. FUQUAI, the gentleman from Florida
clo, and adopt-
a resolution such the one offered It has been a rather remarkable thing to [Mr. GIBBONS], and others who have ac-
by the gentleman
response e an fro from Florida me that the Cuban situation has been ranged this special order today in order
ROGERRS s7. The h ques- allowed to continue when in a way the to focus the spotlight of attention on
lions R shows that the American these
pe answer is simple. There is at least one this problem that we face in Cuba.
people
have a profound and sound judgment on measure this Nation could have taken International communism's foothold
these matters and agree with most Mem- and still can take I think to get rid of in the Caribbean, Castro's Cuba, con-
bers of this Congress who reject the con- Castro Cuba. As the gentleman well tinues to be a sore spot in our foreign
cept that the solution to the Cuban prob- knows It has been suggested that the Policy. The menace promises to per-
lem Is invasion, a unilateral invasion of American Government sponsor a govern- sist, too, unless and until the United
Cuba at this time. ment In exile. I think that is the first States assumes a more decisive role in
I agree with the sponsors of this dis- step we should take in this Nation to its removal.
cession today. I think the discussions cure this situation. I call the attention go far, the major effort of the admin-
such as we have had today, with the ex. Of the Congress to the fact that just off iituation seems to be counting the move-
change of ideas that have been presented, of Cuba Is the Isle of Pines where I un- ment of Soviet men and equipment
will result in an effective, workable derstand, and I have very reliable infor- going to and coming from the island.
formula for liberating Cuba of its Com- mation In this, that there are over 100,000 There is little evidence of last October's
munist rulers and bring Cuba back Into Political prisoners, that is, on the Isle of determination In dealing with this
the family of other nations again. Pines. Many of these prisoners over threat to our security.
For this reason, Mr. Speaker, I again there are trained military men. They Any advance communism makes
congratulate the sponsors, and I am have nothing to lose because they are should trouble us. This is why we are
privileged to have been invited to par- now incarcerated there and are doing participating in the defense of South
ticipate In this discussion. slave work, with no hope until Castro is Vietnam and why our troops are sta-
Thank you very much. destroyed. Why this country does not go tioned around the world in potentially
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentle- in there and supply this 100,000, or what- explosive areas. Yet, we are reluctant
man from Illinois very much for his fine ever number of military or ex-military to exercise a similar concern over an
statement. men are on that island, and supply them area in our own backyard.
Mr. STINSON. Mr. Speaker, will the with enough military material really to Every American knows that Cuba is
gentleman yield? start a revolution and take over this a Russian-dominated country; that the
Mr. WEAVER. I will be glad to yield island and allow this Government to ree_ Red Army Is within 90 miles of our
to the gentleman from Washington. ognize a government in exile there and coast; and that our own administration
Mr. STINSON. Mr. Speaker, I want have a foot in the door, is something I is failing to take any action. We cannot
to thank the gentleman from Illinois for cannot understand. That is so plain to feel secure in our own homes, our own
his fine statement on all the subjects me that the stupidity of our own people localities, or our own country until
he covered. He did mention, however, who have a responsibility here to protect something is done to correct the situa-
that he had some doubts that there were the security of our United States, in the tion.
very many of the free world countries administration, is something I do not If we are to remove communism from
who were actually trading with Cuba and understand and the governments of Cuba there must be a positive restate-
receiving foreign aid. I have to agree South and Latin America must be con- meet of the Monroe Doctrine. Based
with the gentleman that it is hard for fused because of our lack of action, on the principle that a foreign govern-
any Member of Congress to believe the Why they have not done It I do not ment shall not colonize in the Western
list of countries of the free world trading know. It seems to me that would be a Hemisphere, this doctrine is fully ap-
with Cuba is as long as it is. I would firm step and would be a step which plicable today.
like to ask you to refer to the record In would bring about the downfall of the Every day's delay in enunciating a
which I have included a list of the free Castro regime In Cuba and we could get firm U.S. Policy toward elimination of
world countries who are trading with rid of that cancerous growth. the Communist grip on Cuba and taking
Communist Cuba. It includes 66 coon- All of this talk will never get us any- the steps necessary for its implementa-
tries. where until somebody in the administra- tied only serves to convince the Com-
Mr. PUCINSKI. Are they presently tied, somebody important in the military munists that we are capable of waging
only receiving foreign aid? affairs of this country, takes the neces- and d a Castro must wordtold s." mphatic fly
ally
Mr. STINSON. Fifty-four of the 66 sary steps to get the necessary force to go and clearly mu that s mean business.
countries trading with Cuba are receiv- in there and remove this cancer. cllearly we mean business.
ing some form of foreign aid from the Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I thank There is no alternative to action.
United States. It Is an incredible thing, the gentleman from Florida and I shall Whatever must be done to rid Cuba of
I quite agree, and it is very difficult for us decline to yield any further. communism must be done.
to comprehend here in Congress. The risks of an allout conflict rise in
Mr. PUCINSKI. I should be very The SPEAKER pro tempore. The proportion to our hesitancy. Instead of
happy to join the gentleman in support- gentleman has 15 minutes remaining. quarantining the Cuban exiles we should
ing his amendment. If it is indeed a Mr. WEAVER. I shall decline to yield quarantine Cuba; rather than protecting
fact that we are giving foreign aid to any further until this next speaker has the shores of Cuba we should be giving
countries that in turn deal with Com- concluded. There will be another special support to the exiles who are trying to
munist Cuba, I should be very happy to order on the same subject which will increase the pressure on Castro. In-
join the gentleman in offering an amend- follow and there will be plenty of time stead of slapping the exile in the face we
ment to bar supporting them with for- In that period. ought to be patting him on the back and
eign aid. I would like to ask unanimous consent giving him our encouragement to free
Mr. STINSON. I wish to thank the at this time, Mr. Speaker, that all Mem- Cuba.
gentleman for his support and congrat- bers speaking here today may be allowed America always has worn proudly the
ulate him once again. to revise and extend their remarks. mantle of leadership. It is expected
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from our allies. Still, recent events have
shown the administration's lack of will-
ingness to act forthrightly in this area.
How can we in the United States pro-
claim that we will risk our cities in de-
fense of these in Europe when less than a
hundred miles from our own shores there
is a Communist regime maintained and
supported by the whole Communist bloc?
Many proposals have been advanced
by responsible leaders of the free world
which would embark us on the kind of
course needed to free Cuba. I petition
the administration to listen to these
views.
The focus of this Nation should
be on complete and total isolation of
Cuba. Its very insular nature makes it
almost totally dependent on outside com-
merce. This fact can be exploited.
Through established legal means the
United States can limit Cuban commerce
and bring Castro to his knees.
Psychological warfare is another
means which the United States can em-
ploy to counter Castro. Reports con-
tinue to come from Cuba of popular dis-
content with the Communist rulers, We
need to step up our efforts to nurture
that feeling through Voice of America
broadcasts and through pledging sup-
port of the Cuban people's desire for
freedom.
Positive results demand positive ac-
tion. The time for assessing the situa-
tion is long since over. Before it is too
late, before those who look to the United
States as the defender of right and jus-
tice turn away disappointed and disen-
chanted, and before communism so mer-
cilessly stifles the voice of liberation In-
side Cuba, let us put Khrushchev on
notice that unless there is a summary
withdrawal of the Soviet warmaking
machine from Cuba, this Nation will see
to its accomplishment.
Once devoid of his Soviet support,
Castro will fall of his own weight.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. WEAVER. I yield to the gentle-
man from Illinois.
Mr. PUCINSKI. The gentleman from
New York has been speaking of the eco-
nomic pressures which might be applied
against Cuba and has emphasized that
these economic pressures could be very
effective in bringing about the downfall
of Castro's government. There are those
who say it cannot be done. But in a
similar situation, Nasser has been deny-
ing the use of the Suez Canal to the
Israelis for many, many years. We, as
a matter of fact, tried to put greater
pressure on Nasser to bar him from
doing this. Certainly if he can do it
I think we can certainly apply some eco-
nomic pressures to relieve the Cuban
situation. Will the gentleman agree?
Mr. HORTON. I believe the gentle-
man has made a good point. Certainly
this has not brought about a nuclear
war in the Middle East, but all sorts of
pressures have been brought by the free
world to free up the Suez Canal. I think
this is a good point the gentleman has
made, especially when he talks about
blocking commerce to Cuba. I am sure
the gentleman will agree with me as my
other colleagues have agreed that it is
very important for this country to do all
it can to isolate Cuba and prevent com-
merce from going into the island.
I thank the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania for his yielding, and congratulate
all those who have helped put the spot-
light on this very important problem
which is taking place just a few miles
from our shores.
Mr. WEAVER. I thank the gentleman
from New York.
Mr. Speaker, I should like now to talk
about the Punta del Este Resolution 2
and other agreements and treaties.
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PUNTA DEL ESTE
RESOLUTION 2
The problem of what to do about com-
munism in the Western Hemisphere is
ever present with Castro in Cuba. The
Monroe Doctrine has been discussed as a
legal weapon wherewith we should
proceed to act in aid of the restoration
of Cuba to democracy. However, it is
well for us to note that certain multi-
lateral treaties have established a firm
foundation for the collective action of
the nations of this hemisphere.
A. RIO TREATY OF 1947
At Rio de Janiero, September 2, 1947,
the nations of the Western Hemisphere
gathered together and signed an inter-
American -treaty for reciprocal assist-
ance between the United States of Amer-
ica and the other American Republics.
Article VIII of this treaty states:
For the purposes of this treaty the
measures on which the Organ of Consulta-
tion may agree will comprise one or more
of the following: recall of chiefs of diplo-
matic missions; breaking of diplomatic re-
lations; breaking of consular relations; par-
tial or complete interruption of economic
relations or of rail, sea, air, postal, tele-
graphic, telephonic, and radiotelephonic or
radiotelegraphic communications; and use
of armed forces.
ARTICLE 6
If the inviolability or the integrity of the
territory of the sovereignty or political in-
dependence of any American State should
be affected by an aggression which is not
an armed attack or by an extracontinental
or Intracontinental conflict, or by any other
fact or situation that might endanger the
peace of America, the Organ of Consultation
shall meet immediately in order to agree
on the measures which must be taken in case
of aggression to assist the victim of the ag-
gression of, in any case, the measures which
should be taken for the common defense and
for the maintenance of the peace and se-
curity of the continent.
You might summarize the Rio Treaty
as providing for collective self-defense
for all nations of the Western Hemi-
sphere.
B. CARACAS DECLARATION OF 1964
The 10th Inter-American Conference
of March 28, 1954, at Caracas, Venezuela,
put forth a declaration of solidarity
against international Communist inter-
vention:
The Fourth Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs recognized that,
in addition to adequate Internal measures
in each state, a high degree of International
cooperation is required to eradicate the dan-
ger which the subversive activities of inter-
national communism pose for the American
States.
The aggressive character of the interna-
tional Communist movement continues to
constitute, In.the context of world affairs,
a special and immediate threat to the na-
tional institutions and the peace and security
of the American States, and to the right of
each state to develop its cultural, political,
and economic life freely and naturally with-
out intervention in its Internal or external
affairs by other states.
According to the declaration:
The domination or control of the political
institutions of any American State by the
international Communist movement, extend-
ing to this hemisphere the political system
of an extracontinental power, would consti-
tute a threat to the sovereignty and political
Independence of the American States, endan-
gering the peace of America, and would call
for a meeting of consultation to consider
the adoption of appropriate action in accord-
ance with existing treaties.
The declaration says further:
That, without prejudice to such other
measures as they. may consider desirable,
special attention be given by each of the
American governments to the following steps
for the purpose of counteracting the sub-
versive activities of the International Com-
munist movement within their respective
jurisdictions:
1. Measures to require disclosure of the
identity, activities, and sources of funds of
those who are spreading propaganda of the
international Communist movement or who
travel in the interests of that movement, and
of those who act as its agents or in its be-
half; and
2. The exchange of information among
governments to assist in fulfilling the pur-
pose of the resolutions adopted by the Inter-
American Conferences and Meetings of Min-
asters of Foreign Affairs regarding interna-
tional communism.
Thus to supplement the Rio Treaty
for collective self-defense, the Caracas
Declaration recognized the aggressive
character of international communism
and Is a pledge of solidarity against
Communist intervention.
C. ACT OF BOGOTA, 1960
Since President Eisenhower's state-
ment of July 11, 1960, foreshadowing the
Act of Bogota of the Alliance for Prog-
ress, the United States has moved to dis-
associate itself from the extreme con-
servatives at the top of the Latin Amer-
ican oligarchy. With this the confidence
of the other democracies of the Western
Hemisphere was gained.
D. RESOLUTION 2 OF PUNTA DEL ESTE CONFER-
ENCE, JANUARY 1962
The Eighth Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs was held
at Punta del Este, Uruguay, January 22-
31, 1962. Here a final act was adopted
which provided specifically another step
toward the idea of collective self-defense
which was originally set forth in the
Rio Treaty. Punta del Este recognized
fully the meaning and the threat to the
Americas of international communism.
Resolution 2 spelled out what actions
could be taken by member states. I
quote this resolution agreed to at the
Conference and endorsed by the
administration.
The Council of the Organization of Ameri-
can States, meeting as the provisional organ
of consultation, resolves:
To urge the member states to take those
steps that they may consider appropriate for
their individual or collective self-defense,
and to cooperate, as may be necessary or de-
sirable, to strengthen their capacity to coun-
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teract threats or acts of aggression, subver-
sion, or other dangers to peace and security
resulting from the continued Intervention in
this hemisphere of Sino-Soviet powers, in
accordance with the obligations established
in treaties and agreements such as the Char-
ter of the Organization of American States
and the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal
Assistance.
To recommend that the member states in
accordance with articles 8 and 8 of the Inter-
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance.
take all measures, individually and collec-
tively including the use of Armed Force,
which they may deem necessary to Insure
that the Government of Cuba cannot con-
tinue to receive from the Sino-Soviet powers
military material and related supplies which
may threaten the peace and security of the
continent and to prevent the missiles In
Cuba with offensive capability from ever
becoming an active threat to the peace and
security of the Continent.
Latin Americans who first tended to
view the Castro Cuban situation as pri-
marily a bilateral problem of the United
States and Cuba now consider this a
multilateral problem for the whole hemi-
sphere. Thus the implementation of
multilateral action through the Punta
del Este Resolution 2 and the Monroe
Doctrine could add to the strength and
forcefulness of a new United States posi-
tion in the eyes of Latin America.
By cooperative leadership we can work
with other hemispheric countries along
the two parallel lines of peaceful demo-
cratic and political resolution. These
measures of economic development and
social reform are envisioned by the
Alliance for Progress. Political and, If
need be, paramilitary, antiguerrilla
measures also can be taken to protect
this revolution from the scavengers of
Havana.
For too long the United States has
not been able to carry the message to the
Latin American nations that this coun-
try believes in the principles of non-
intervention and self-determination.
This means Americans recognize the
right of peoples to organize their way
of life freely in political, economic, and
cultural spheres and to express their
will through free elections without for-
eign interference.
By uniting together we can then mu-
tually urge, as member states, to take
those steps that are considered appro-
priate for individual or collective self-
defense and to cooperate to strengthen
the capacity to counteract threats or
acts of aggression, subversion or other
dangers to the peace and security.
These factors arise from the continued
intervention in this hemisphere of Sino-
Soviet powers. This cooperation must
be in accordance with the obligations
established in treaties, agreements such
as the Charter of the OAS-Organiza-
tion of American States-and the Inter-
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assist-
ance. The organization of a Latin
American Treaty Organization could
function similarly to NATO. Thus a
LATO could be the mutual task force
of action when it is deemed necessary.
There are those who would say that
the Cubans asked for the Sino-Soviets
to come to their Island to protect them
from invasion. But at this point in our
history Cuba stands not only as a Com-
munist satellite, but completely depend-
ent upon the graces of the Sino-Soviet
alliance, shaky as it may be. Continued
occupation of this island implies nothing
more than Russian imperialism imposed
upon the Western Hemisphere. Tice col-
lective action of the United States with
Its allied Western Hemisphere nations,
putting Into effect the Punte del Este
Resolution 2, can then work together
to overthrow the Castro regime through
peaceful efforts.
There is no question about the inter-
vention of the Soviets in Cuba. There is
no question that the United States wishes
to give the Cubans an opportunity to ex-
press their self-determination and na-
tional sovereignty free of this foreign
yoke.
We who stand here today on the floor
of Congress speak out in many individual
ways, but with a collective tone. We
Members of Congress want Cuba free
from Soviet Interference, We want the
Cubans to have the basic inherent rights
of choosing their own future through
democratic processes.
CUBA AND THE COLD WAR
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
Lla0NATI). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Virginia [Mr.
MARSH] Is recognized for 2 hours.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, at this
time I would like to recognize the gentle-
man from Illinois [Mr. MCCI,ORY).
Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Speaker, today I
am privileged to join my other colleagues
in the House to discuss the problem
created by Castro's Communist Cuba. I
think what all of us are searching for In
calling attention of the administration
to the need for action, is that we find
there is no discernible program of action.
providing hope for a solution of the
Communist problem in Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, we have witnessed the
catastrophe at the Bay of Pigs. Up to
that time we were led to believe that we
would provide support for Cubans In exile
who undertook the military Invasion of
their homeland. Yet, at the crucial mo-
ment, we found that such a program did
not exist or was changed and the sup-
port was withdrawn.
Again, when the official announcement
was made of the presence of nuclear mis-
siles on the Island of Cuba, we were
convinced that a positive program ex-
isted, first, to rid the island of Cuba of
these nuclear missiles: and, second, to
assure the people of this country and of
the free world that physical Inspection of
the Island would assure us that the mis-
siles were removed. But, the physical in-
spection of the missile bases on the is-
land of Cuba never took place. In-
stead-and I do not suggest that this was
part of any agreement or understand-
Ing-we discontinued our missile bases
that we had maintained up to that time
In Turkey and in Italy.
Mr. Speaker, we know that certain
steps have been taken with regard to
Cuban shipping. But we know too that
shipping Is taking place through the
ships of free nations who are entering
Cuban ports and supplying Castro and
the Communists with much-needed ci-
vilian goods-as well as other goods for
all we know.
Mr. Speaker, we thought that if the
exiles organized and launched attacks
on or against Cuban shipping that these
would be supported. But instead this
was frowned upon and action taken to
prevent it.
Mr. Speaker, we were distressed when
we found that the U.N. through the fi-
nancial facilities at its disposal, was
providing economic aid for an agricul-
tural experiment project in Cuba, with
very little done on our part to prevent it.
During all these episodes and these
events we have been dismayed that there
appears no positive and aggressive pro-
gram to rid the Island of Cuba of
Castro's communism.
So we are searching here today for
something beyond passive attitudes, and
we are seeking more satisfactory an-
swers as far as our American constitu-
ency is concerned.
Mr. Speaker, we must adhere to the
proven efficacy of the Monroe Doctrine.
We know without its enforcement, with-
out limiting the Western Hemisphere to
free countries and preventing the en-
croachment of hostile foreign nations
that our entire national safety and se-
curity are jeopardized.
So in the interest of our national se-
curity and our national safety, and to
encourage the development of a program
behind which we can all lend our support
and which will have the wholehearted
support of the American people, we speak
out and speak forth. United, from both
sides of the aisle, we urge and implore
that such a program be developed and
that appropriate and necessary action
to carry it out shall take place.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. MARSH. I yield to the gentleman
from Illinois.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, my dis-
tinguished colleague from Illinois has,
of course, reviewed the past. I have
previously congratulated the sponsors of
this program for arranging today's dis-
cussion to see whether or not we may
look forward to discussing concerte plans
that might throw some light and hope
on the day when Cuba will be liberated
from Its Communist rulers. So long as
my distinguished and pleasant colleague
from Illinois, just north of me, wants to
go back into the closets, I suggest that
we do not stop with the Bay of Pigs in-
vasion, serious as It may have been.
Perhaps you should go back a little fur-
ther. The gentleman very conveniently
ignores the fact that Mr. Castro came to
power on New Year's Day, 1959, when
the previous administration was in
power, the previous administration that
had brought Mr. Castro to the city of
Washington. We all remember the very
fine reception given that young man in
this city. He was wined and dined and
we heard speeches In the Statler Hotel.
Certainly Mr. Castro was brought here
by an administration other than this
one.
The present administration, when the
time came, when it became apparent
that Mr. Castro constituted a clear and
overt threat to the security of the United
States and the Western Hemisphere,
when we uncovered the missile launching
platforms In Cuba, this administration,
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as President Kennedy so magnificently
stated last Friday, did not hesitate to
serve notice on the Soviet Union and Mr.
Castro that if those offensive weapons
were not removed forthwith we would
shower the island of Cuba with full re-
taliation. Nobody can find any wishy-
washy attitude of the President, Mr.
Kennedy, when he was in command of
the situation in October of 1962.
We have heard a great deal about the
Bay of Pigs invasion, clearly ignoring
the fact the Bay of Pigs was organized
by the previous administration under the
then-Director of the CIA appointed by a
previous administration. Our young
President came into office in January
1961 and 2 months later he was faced
with the decision of starting war over
Cuba. His caution is understandable.
But after he had established himself,
when he had full control of the situa-
tion, Mr. Kennedy did not hesitate in
October 1962, to say we are ready to
stand up in the defense of freedom, even
at the cost of a nuclear holocaust. He
certainly spoke candidly to Mr. Castro
and, Mr. Khrushchev and the Commu-
nists and they had to retreat.
So, as long as we are going to have a
record, let us have a complete record. It
is my hope there will be more of these
special orders on a bipartisan basis and
with a bipartisan approach, where we
are going to be able to discuss, as we
have discussed today, concrete forward-
moving proposals that are not going to
lament the past but, rather, give us all
hope that the future can bring an as-
surance that communism will be eradi-
cated from the Western Hemisphere.
Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. MARSH. I yield to the gentle-
man from Illinois.
Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Speaker, I want
to commend the bipartisan approach to
this subject. I assume that the reason
we have Members from both sides of the
aisle speaking up today is because we
want to give support to a bipartisan pro-
gram., I do not want to suggest that
there were no errors committed before
the Bay of Pigs. Nevertheless, I think
there is a general dissatisfaction with
respect to that and the other events af-
fecting our Cuban policy which I enu-
merated. There is a desire today for
something more positive; a program di-
rected toward Castro's Cuba to which
Republicans and Democrats alike can
turn to find an answer and can support.
I know that is what the American people
want. In reviewing some of these blun-
ders and these incidents it is quite clear
that the administration's action did not
reflect such a policy. Recognizing the
need for a forward looking program and
a positive program, I think it is neces-
sary to review to some extent events that
have occurred during the time this ad-
ministration has been in office. I sup-
port the Members on both sides of the
aisle who are today looking for an an-
swer and who, I assume, are commend-
ing to the executive and administration,
which has charge of our foreign affairs,
a positive and identifiable program be-
hind which we can rally. Quite ob-
viously that program does not exist or
else we would not be speaking up as we
are here today. It is the lack of that
program and the need for it which we
feel. It is such a program which we
want to encourage, and which we are
confident can benefit the entire free
world.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I now
yield to the gentleman from Florida
[Mr. CRAMER].
Mr. CRAMER. I thank the gentle-
man from Virginia for yielding. I too
am delighted to see this discussion with
regard to the problem which Cuba pre-
sents, particularly as it relates to sub-
version in the hemisphere. The findings
of all the committees that have looked
into it, the Selden subcommittee, the
Stennis subcommittee, and others, are
unequivocally of the opinion that the
island of Cuba is being used intention-
ally and purposely in a planned manner
by the international Communist con-
spiracy for the purpose of subverting
not only Cuba, which has already been
accomplished, but other nations in this
hemisphere. That program too is well
on its way to accomplishment in a num-
ber of areas and if time permitted we
could discuss the extent of the growth of
the Communist Party in Puerto Rico,
the extent of the growth of the Com-
munist Party in the Dominican Repub-
lic, the happenings in Haiti with regard
to Communists having a foothold there;
we could discuss the Grand Cayman sit-
uation which arose just the other day
where Great Britain is permitting Cuban
planes to land and take off, and I under-
stand now they have shifted their ac-
tivity from Grand Cayman to Little
Cayman, just a little bit to the north,
because protests were received about
that.. We could talk about British
Guiaa and what Cheddi Jagan is doing
there with regard to the encouragement
of Communism and Communist activity;
we could talk about Venezuela and the
extent to which uprisings are occurring
there, and the fact that humiliations
never before known to any nation, par-
ticularly not known to the United
States, have been caused by raids of
Communists on the United States mili-
tary installations there with instances
of U.S. officers even being required to
remove some of their clothing. All of
this is being done at the instigation of
the Communist movement which has as
its base and foundation the activities
running from Moscow through Cuba. I
repeat, from Moscow, where the inter-
national Communist conspiracy has its
fountainhead, through Cuba.
We could talk about Brazil and the
fact that in the cabinet presently of
the Brazilian Government are a number
of known Communists; we could dis-
cuss the Communist subversion and. the
extent of it in Latin America without
any fear of contradiction, and go on
ad infinitum.
Now what is being done about it? We
have heard a lot today about general
recommendations made by a number of
Members and many of them are ex-
tremely sound and most of them have
been made before, but the important
thing is practically all of them are being
ignored.
The concern of many of us has been
the fact that there is no policy relating
to getting rid of Castro and communism
in Cuba at the present time. Certainly
there is none that could accomplish the
objective. Why, we saw just the other
day the situation where seven or eight
of the organization of American States
nations refused to follow our leadership
in trying to find ways to cut off economic
assistance and to cut off travel of sub-
versive trainees to Cuba from Latin
American nations because seven or eight
of those Organization of American States
nations refused to join us in that effort.
Why are we not making any real
headway? Where are all these gains
that are being claimed for freedom in
this hemisphere by this administration?
Why are not the Alliance for Progress
funds being used for the purpose of ac-
complishing freedom in this hemisphere
through other nations in this hemi-
sphere? Why are not Alliance for Prog-
ress funds being withheld from the five
Latin American nations that still rec-
ognize Cuba? Some of these nations
still do business with Castro, and I am
talking principally now about Mexico, al-
though there are others that still do busi-
ness with Castro, and I am talking prin-
cipally now about Mexico, although there
are others that still do business with
Cuba and still get our Alliance for
Progress funds. If you want something
concrete, why does not the administra-
tion withhold Alliance for Progress funds
or use it as. a lever at least to require
these nations to withdraw recognition
and support of Cuba or stop doing busi-
r - -s with Castro in Cuba?
No, this is not being programed. And
as a matter of fact the administration
has announced that it does not have the
intention of doing so, as they said in a
letter to me, in discussing that matter.
Mr. Speaker, let me ask you this ques-
tion: What is happening now with
regard to 'the military buildup in Cuba?
Yes, we had the blockade. And I say this
to my friend from Illinois. What hap-
pened after the blockade?. Why did we
let our guard down? Why did we not in-
sist on doing those things that would
have given us unequivocal assurance
that missiles were out of Cuba, off en-
sive missiles and other offensive weap-
ons? And one of which is on-site inspec-
tion. Anyone can refer to the report of
the Selden subcommittee, as well as the
hearings of that subcommittee, as well
as the Stennis committee, and he will
come to the unequivocal conclusion that
the only way we can be assured missiles
have been withdrawn is by an on-site
inspection. Even today-evidence is
very substantial that a number of mis-
siles were hidden in the caves or at least
the caves are there and substantial ac-
tivity is going on. But we have no ab-
solute proof that all missiles were
actually removed from Cuba. That is
what those reports and hearings in-
dicate. And the only way it could be
proved would be by on-site inspection,
according to the Stennis report.
Now, what happened? Why did we
drop our guard? We had the Com-
munists on the run. We could have had
on-site inspections. Why did we not
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insist upon on-site inspections so that
the security of this hemisphere would
have been assured? Today it is a ques-
tion mark. What is going on in this
island?
My distinguished friend from Florida
I Mr. HALEY] mentioned the Isle of Pines
today. Reports are coming out of Cuba
from some of the refugees who came
across in these- ships, some of those who
were prisoners on the Isle of Pines, that
there is a tremendous Communist activ-
ity and buildup there. They say that
the Isle of Pines is the transshipment
point for arms drops to Latin America,
and that the Russians are now asking
that the Isle of Pines be turned over for
use exclusively by the Russians for such
arms buildups and as an available depot
for arms drops to other Latin American
countries.
Reports are persistent from the islands
on the north shores of Cuba that there
is constant military buildup in a secre-
tive manner. with not even the Cubans
being permitted to be on the islands to
see what is going on. How, then, can
we be assured of what is going on in
Cuba?
Air surveillance? What is happening
with regard to air surveillance? In re-
cent months low-level flights have been
discontinued. I repeat, In recent months
low-level flights have been complete-
ly discontinued. Higher surveillance
flights have been curtailed substantially.
So how do we know what is going on in
Cuba? But more important, what steps
are we taking to make certain of what
is going on in Cuba, looking to the secu-
rity of this hemisphere, that it be ade-
quately protected? I say not enough.
I say we should reinstate low-level sur-
veillance flights so that we will know
what is going on with regard to our
security as it relates to Cuba. We should
also insist on on-site inspections and let
Castro defend his refusal to permit this
proof of nonaggression Intent to the
world.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield
Mr. CRAMER. If the gentleman from
Virginia will permit me to yield to the
gentleman from Illinois, I should be glad
to yield.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, there are
several people who are scheduled to take
time, but because of the questions that
have been raised by the gentleman from
Florida, I yield to the gentleman from
Illinois [Mr. PucINsxIl for 2 minutes.
Mr. PUCINSKI. The gentleman from
Florida asked me if I might venture a
guess as to what happened to on-site
inspections. The gentleman recalls
that negotiations were held and Mr.
Castro just flatly refused. Is the gen-
tleman suggesting that we ought to send
in the marines and establish an on-site
inspection beachhead? Is that the
answer?
If the gentleman wants to send troops
In there, let him say so. Why does he
not say so?
Mr. CRAMER. The answer is that we
should have kept up the Cuban block-
ade until we got on-site inspection. But
Instead of that, we withdrew it. We
cannot let Castro dictate our policies un-
less we want failure. And Castro at
that very time, on October 28, had the
intestinal fortitude to make five de-
mands on the free world, the United
States in particular, even while the
quarantine was In effect; and we have
given In on two of them already, his de-
mands that the United States stop all
commando raids and arms drops from
our shores and secondly from Puerto
Rico.
Mr. PUCINSKI. All of them were
rejected.
There is one point the gentleman
makes. The gentleman has made this
statement before, and I have listened to
it with great interest, about this on-site
inspection. I am for on-site inspection
and I am sure everyone else is. But the
gentleman has never come right out and
said, "If we cannot get on-site inspec-
tion, let us invade Cuba." Why does he
not make that statement if that is what
he wants?
Mr. CRAMER. I have listened to this
for a long time. The gentleman Is
preaching a war-scare, do-nothing ap-
proach. If we are to do nothing because
of a war scare than we woul do noth-
ing-period. You have eontsantly pro-
tested against anybody making con-
crete recomendations about what should
be done about Cuba, on the basis that
if anybody really wants to do anything
about Cuba now, they are calling for an
invasion. That is about as asinine a
position as could be taken, and the pur-
pose Is to poison the well. Too many in
high places today are preaching this
war-scare psychosis as an excuse for in-
action. Anything being said by anybody
but the administration is interpreted by
the administration, and the President,
as a call for war. Do the critics of this
administration's Cuban policy want to
go to war? Of course not. But they do
want action now which is the best deter-
rent against a full-scale war later.
Nobody wants to go to war. You are
rendering a disservice to this great
Nation when you suggest, In downgrad-
ing proposals made, that anybody on
this floor, myself Included, wants war.
It is not necessary that we go to war
with regard to Cuba. There are many
steps that can be and should be taken
that are far short of war. Until we
take those steps, nobody knows what the
ultimate steps must be to get rid of
communism. But if military action is
the only way to get rid of Castro after
all other steps are taken, and the evi-
dence convinces most people who have
looked into this matter that this mili-
tary buildup and subversive activity Is
continuing at a very substantial rate,
if itIs essential in invoking the Monroe
Doctrine and that means kicking the
Communists out of Cuba to preserve our
security, that Is the step we are going
to have to take. But I say there are
many other steps, some of which have
been proposed, that we could and should
take. all short of war and I will develop
the rest of them in a moment.
We could invoke a complete trade ban,
not one with loopholes as the present
one has, but one that would cut off all
trade between this country and other
free nations with Cuba. Our foreign-
aid bill was amended and passed to ac-
complish this. The mandate was writ-
ten into the law passed last year by
the Congress of the United States, Public
Law 87-872. The mandate was written
In there, and I am sure the House is
familiar with It. It is a mandate re-
lating to strategic materials and spe-
cifically refers to petroleum, denying
foreign aid to any nation shipping such
materials to Cuba. I listed earlier in
the discussion nations that are shipping
petroleum to Cuba in direct violation of
that mandate. If the administration
really wants to do something, the least it
could do would be to uphold and carry
out the laws of the United States as en-
acted by the Congress of the United
States, and not spend money in contra-
vention of this mandate which was in the
appropriation bill on foreign aid.
The second provision in Public Law
87-872 requires no aid to any country
that is carrying on any trade with Cuba
unless the President advises the com-
mittees of Congress his reason for per-
mitting such aid despite such trade.
No such advice has come to Congress-
and aid is still going to countries doing
business with Castro-again in direct
violation of the law.
Now we should recognize, as has been
said before, and by myself for many
months, a government in exile. As a
matter of fact. during the campaign I
remember well the President's reference
a number of times to the need for a gov-
ernment in exile and suggested that was
one of the solutions to the- problem.
We should have adequate patrols to
prevent arms drops in the Caribbean.
We do not presently have adequate pa-
trols. Arms drops are presently taking
place and have been taking place for
some time.
What are we going to do about it? We
have not beefed up our military sufti-
clently to provide adequate surveillance.
Everybody knows that. .
What are we doing to prevent travel
to Cuba for subversive training-even
from the United States? You see these
are the things that are bothering the
American people. Why are U.S. citizens
even being permitted to still go to Cuba?
Ninety-seven of them last year, in 6
months. Why are they permitted to go?
And only one so far has been prosecuted,
Mary Levi Travis?
Why are 58 American students pres-
ently inCuba extolling the virtues of the
Cuban revolution erroneously? Why
were they permitted to go? Why? And
as Lstated on the floor, so far the State
Department has announced that their
only intention is to withdraw their pass-
ports and not prosecute the leaders who
perpetrated this thing?
What Is being done with regard to the
other Latin American countries in cut-
ting off this travel and subversive train-
ing from these other Latin American na-
tions?
When are we going to announce with-
out equivocation our intention to take
the steps necessary to rid this hem!
sphere of communism? Some of them I
have mentioned. Some of them have
been mentioned on the floor. One was
a restatement and full implementation
of the Monroe Doctrine.
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1963 , CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 12835
I would like to ask unanimous consent
to place in the RECORD at this point my
resolution on this subject, House Joint
Resolution 227, which was introduced
on February 4 of this year, and which
does what the Congress refused to do last
year on the floor of this House when the
gentleman from Michigan [Mr. BROOM-
FIELD] by amendment brought this up.
My resolution clearly restates the Mon-
roe Doctrine and calls for its full
implementation.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
LIBONATI). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
There was no objection.
The resolution referred to is as follows:
H.J. RES. 227
Joint resolution expressing the determina-
tion of the United States with respect to
the situation in Cuba, to restate and im-
plement the Monroe Doctrine, and to
encourage adherence to the principles of
self-determination and human freedom
Whereas President James Monroe, an-
nouncing the Monroe Doctrine in 1823,
declared that the United abates would con-
sider any attempt on the part of European
powers "to extend their system to any portion
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety"; and
Whereas in the Rio Treaty of 1947 the
parties agreed that "an armed attack by any
State against an American State shall be
considered as an attack against all the Amer-
ican States, and, consequently, each one of
the said contracting parties undertakes to
assist in meeting the attack in the exercise
of the inherent right of individual or col-
lective self-defense recognized by article 51
of the Charter of the United Nations"; and
Whereas the Foreign Ministers of the Orga-
nization of American States at Punte del Este
in January 1962 declared: "The present Gov-
ernment of Cuba has identified itself with
the principles of Marxist-Leninist ideology,
has established a political, economic, and
social system based on that doctrine, and
accepts military assistance from extracon-
tinental Communist powers, including even
the threat of military intervention in Amer-
ica on the part of the Soviet Union"; and
Whereas the international Communist
movement has increasingly extended into
Cuba its political, economic, and military
sphere of influence, despite the fact that
such action is clearly in violation of the
Monroe Doctrine and the principles of self-
determination and human freedom; and
Whereas due to the continuing inaction
and indecision of the United States Govern-
ment and the following offensive weapon
"quarantine" of Cuba in October 1962, and
commenting on the negotiations entered into
between Khrushchev and the United States,
mostly secret In nature, including the aban-
donment of on-site inspection of offensive
weapons in Cuba, Khrushchev has enunci-
ated and is implementing the "Khrushchev
doctrine" as a replacement for the Monroe
Doctrine as he restated the Communist aims
in the Western Hemisphere at the recent
Supreme Soviet when he stated: "Socialist
Cuba exists. Cuba remains a beacon of
Marxist-Leninist ideas in the Western Hemi-
sphere. The impact of her revolutionary
example will grow. The Government of the
United States has given a pledge not to in-
vade Cuba."; and
Whereas Castro, on January 16, 1963, an-
nounced his intention to use his externally
supported massive military power to con-
tinue the enslavement of the Cuban people
and to "bring the masses to battle" through
revolution in Latin America; and
Whereas if the Monroe Doctrine is to be
preserved it must be restated and fully en-
forced at this critical period when commu-
nism is openly and notoriously arming
Cuba with massive modern weapons, tens of
thousands of Russian troops, technicians
and advisers, electronic missile jamming and
tracking devices and "fishing" ports capable
of accommodating Russian missiles, all of
which constitutes a military capability of
such proportions that it is offensive in nature
and design: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
United States is determined-
(a) to prevent by whatever means may be
necessary, including the use of arms, the
international Communist movement oper-
ating through the Marxist-Leninist regime in
Cuba from enslaving the people of Cuba
and threatening the security of the Western
Hemisphere, and from extending, by force
or the threat of force, its aggressive or sub-
versive activities to any part of this hemi-
sphere;
(b) to prevent in Cuba the creation or use
of an externally supported military capability
enslaving the freedom-loving people of Cuba
and endangering the security of the United
States; and
(c) to work with the Organization of
American States and with freedom-loving
Cubans to support the aspirations of the
Cuban people for self-determination.
SEC. 2. That the Congress of the United
States urges the President, in accordance
with existing law, to take, and supports him
in taking, jointly with other free nations or
unilaterally, such political, diplomatic, eco-
nomic, or military action as may be necessary
to implement and enforce the Monroe Doc-
trine throughout this hemisphere and to
continue to encourage adherence to the
principles of self-determination and human
freedom.
Mr. CRAMER. I also would like to
place in the RECORD a resolution by the
gentleman from Montana and a similar
resolution submitted with regard to a
restatement of the Monroe Doctrine,
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
There was no objection.
The resolution and restatement re-
ferred to are as follows:
H.J. RES. 498
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled-
(a) That the United States regards the
Monroe Doctrine as continuing to be funda-
mental to its foreign policies;
(b) That the United States regards the
existence of a military base in Cuba sup-
ported by Soviet equipment and Soviet per-
sonnel as a clear violation of the Monroe
Doctrine;
(c) That the objective of the policy of the
United States with relation to Cuba must
be-
1. Termination of Soviet intervention;
2. Establishment of conditions under
which the Cuban people may freely exercise
their right to self-determination;
3. An end to Communist subversion, sabo-
tage, and guerrilla warfare against the people
of the Western Hemisphere.
RESTATEMENT AND FULL IMPLEMENTATION OF
MONROE DOCTRINE RELATING TO CUBA AND
COMMUNIST SUBVERSION CALLED FOR
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to
join with the gentleman from Montana [Mr.
BATTIN], chairman of the Republican Task
Force on Cuba and Communist Subversion in
the Western Hemisphere, having the privilege
myself of being vice chairman of this task
force, in calling for the restatement and full
implementation of the Monroe Doctrine.
The Republican policy committee and the
Republican National Committee have re-
cently endorsed this position.
I am particularly encouraged that this
position, as reaffirmed by the resolution in-
troduced by the gentleman from Montana,
is firmly announced by the Republican
Party, having introduced a similar resolu-
tion, House Joint Resolution 227 on Feb-
ruary 4, 1963. It is becoming more and
more obvious that the New Frontier is seek-
ing "accommodations" with the Communists
throughout the world as well as in this
hemisphere.
The aim of today's resolution and House
Joint Resolution 227 Is the implementing
of such political, diplomatic, economic or
military action as may be necessary to en-
force the Monroe Doctrine throughout this
hemisphere.
The failure of the President to take any
firm and meaningful action with regard
to the Communist threat in Cuba and
throughout this hemisphere makes, it incum-
bent upon the Congress to express its posi-
tion in a resolution of this nature.
I do not believe the American people or
the Congress can long condone the New
Frontier apathy that exists toward this very
real threat to the peace and security of all
the Americas-which is leading the United
States toward a coexistence accommodation
with Communists.
The President has recently called for a
"reexamination of our attitude toward the
Soviet Union." Our reexamination should
be one looking toward a tougher policy.
In light of the recent reports by the Orga-
nization of American States, the Stennis
committee and Selden subcommittee reports?
pointing to Communist infiltration and sub-
version in this hemisphere, a reaffirmation
and implementation of the Monroe Doctrine
would be an obvious necessary start toward
a tougher, more realistic policy toward So-
viet influence in this hemisphere.
I am gravely and deeply concerned about
the signs that point toward seeking an "ac-
commodation," an expression used by the
President at his American University com-
mencement address this year in redefining
the New Frontier foreign policies in calling
also for a reexamination of our attitude to-
ward the Soviet Union-in Cuba and else-
where.
I am concerned when we open up com-
mercial air corridors to nonscheduled air-
lines owned and operated by Castro's Com-
munist government over the United States
as was done a few weeks ago by a regulation
of the FAA-so long as these planes going
to and from Canada, trading with Canada
which is a country for transshipment from
many of the Iron Curtain countries, stop in
one of our major cities for inspection-one
of which is Dulles Airport outside Washing-
ton, D.C. Thus, Castro's planes can be flying
over and landing within a few miles of the
National's Capital. Apparently the quid pro
quo for this "accommodation" is that Cuba
will now guarantee safety of U.S. commercial
airplanes over Cuba and the FAA has issued
an order permitting such flights.
Perhaps this is why the New Frontier is so
unconcerned about Russian trawlers violat-
ing our territorial waters.
Perhaps this is why little is being done to
discourage other free nations from trading
with Cuba-a practice that is ever increasing
in recent weeks. I cite as justification for
this Monroe Doctrine resolution introduced
today and House Joint Resolution 227 the
second interim report of the Subcommittee
on Special Projects on Cuba and Subversion
in the Western Hemisphere.
SECOND INTERIM REPORT OF THE SUBCOMMIT-
TEE ON CUBA AND SUBVERSION IN THE WEST-
ERN HEMISPHERE-A TASK FORCE OF THE
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE, SUBCOM-
MITTEE ON SPECIAL PROJECTS
PREAMBLE
Within the past week the President of the
United States has made a foreign policy ad-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 29
dress calling for a reexamination of the atti-
tude of Americans toward the Soviet Union,
The theme of this address was that the Soviet
Union could be led to adopt a more enlight-
ened attitude If the United States changed
its attitude toward peace and put aside its
belief that the Russian people are lacking
in virtue.
It must be presumed that the purpose of
the President In making his remarks of June
10 was to indicate the direction of American
foreign policy. We believe that the President
is Completely wrong in believing that the
attitude of the American public toward the
Soviet Union is a major cause of the Nation's
conflict with communism and that Khru-
shchev's heart can be melted if this Nation
adopts a more cordial attitude toward him.
It seems to us tragically irrelevant for the
President to urge upon the Nation a deeper
admiration of the Soviet Union for such at-
tributes as courage and industry at a time
when the ink Is hardly dry on an OAS report
declaring "intervention by Sino-Soviet pow-
ers in this hemisphere, by way of Cuba, has
increased considerably during the past year."
The report which follows is offered In the
hope that it will direct attention back to the
type of basic decision that must be made by
the leaders of this Nation in order to win the
cold war.
SECOND INTERIM REPORT
The Nation needs a Cuban policy. It has
no Cuban policy primarily because the Pres-
ident and the Democratic Congress have
failed to make up their minds about the
Nation's goal.
To a President who Is fond of nautical
metaphors, we say that a course cannot be
charted until the port which we want to
reach has been determined. Until the des-
tination has been firmly fixed, the Nation
will continue to drift.
The statements so far Issued by adminis-
tration leaders to define the goal of Cuban
policy have been ambiguous, inconsistent,
and incomplete. The joint congressional
resolution signed by the President on Octo-
ber 3, 1982-perhaps the most authoritative
statement of the national policy goal-is
deficient in clarity, in comprehensiveness.
and In courage.
Consequently, the Congress should adopt,
and the President should sign, a new joint
resolution stating the goal of the policy of
the United States toward Communist Cuba.
THE AMBIGUITY Or THC GOAL Or CUBAN POLICY
The joint congressional resolution, like
the President's statements of September 4
and 13, 1962, expresses opposition to the es-
tablishment In Cuba of an offensive military
capability which threatens the security of
the United States or of other nations In the
hemisphere. it expresses opposition to the
export of communism to other Latin Ameri-
can nations by force or the threat of force.
It is silent, however, on the attitude of the
United States toward a Soviet military pres-
ence in Cuba which is defensive In character
or which does not immediately threaten the
security of the United States or of other
American nations. It is silent on the atti-
tude of the United States toward Commu-
nist subversion carried on by means other
than the use or threat of force.
Many of the statements that relate to our
Nation's goals are open to the interpretation
that this Nation is ready to coexist with a
Communist Cuba If It or Cuba does not seek
to impose communism on other nations.'
They suggest that a Soviet presence In Cuba
The uncertainty about the Nation's objec-
tives is evidenced in a recent report from
Freedam House entitled "What Can We Do
About Cuba?" The report, stating the con-
sensus of the deliberations of 25 experts on
Cuba In late April 1983, declares that the
following are troubling questions: "Is Amer-
ican Cuban policy geared to a negotiated
accord with Khrushchev on the kind of Cuba
which does not involve offensive weapons,
though abnormal, is something which our
Nation can live with.
Confusion about the objective of our na-
tional policy Is reflected In the utterance of
the President as well as in those of lesser
leaders of the administration. The President
has refrained from reaffirming or repudiating
the Monroe Doctrine but has offered a trun-
cated version of the doctrine, which one ad-
ministration lieutenant called the Kennedy
doctrine.' The President spoke boldly be-
fore the released Cuban prisoners about the
return of their flag to a free Havana In Miami
In December 1962. But, less than 3 months
later, at ran Jose he omitted from his re-
marks the statements in his prepared text
calling for a restoration of freedom to Cuba.
The Vice President said. "We want to get rid
of Castro," only to have this declaration re-
vised by McGeorge Bundy to read "we can-
not sympathize" with Castro's "course of
policy" and "we must range ourselves"
against it'
From time to time the administration has
given the Impression that the presence of
Soviet troops and military equipment in
Cuba produces Important advantages for the
United States. Sometimes it is said that the
Soviet presence makes Cuba "a showcase of
Communist failure" and turns the people of
other Latin American states away from Com-
monists. Sometimes it is said that the
mtcintenance of Soviet forces in Cuba im-
poses an economic strain on the Communist
world. Sometimes It Is said that the Soviets
exercise a restraining influence on the vola-
tile Cuban Government.
The inadequacies of statements of policy
would be less Important it the actions of the
administration revealed a consistent and pur-
poseful movement toward a clearly recog-
nized objective. But the actions of the ad-
ministration have been an Inconsistent as its
words.
The Attorney General, who said in April
1981, "The neutrality laws were never de-
signed to prevent Individuals from leaving
the United States to fight for a cause In
which they believe" has confined a score of
Cuban exile leaders to the Miami areas. He
has shown great vigor In providing immunity
from exile attack to Cuba and to Cuban ship-
ping. The President, who declared that the
quarantine of last October would be main-
tined until United Nations inspection of the
withdrawal of Soviet missiles was obtained,
ended the quarantine without securing on-
site inspection to verify the removal of the
missiles.
There can be no doubt that the adminis-
tration would prefer that the Soviet Union
pull out of Cuba and that It hopes that Castro
will disappear. This wishful thinking, how-
ever, does not constitute a policy goal. There
Is a world of difference between a wish that
the existing situation change and a deter-
mination to do all within our power to bring
about a change.
A PROPOSAL TOR A NEW CUBAN RESOLUTION
This Nation has a historic policy opposing
intervention to this hemisphere by despotism
with which the United States could coexist?"
Is the administration "looking toward some
kind of reconciliation, perhaps on the basis
of a Tito-type arrangement for Cuba?"
"The President has been careful not to
declare openly that the Monroe Doctrine
either does not apply in the Cuban case at
this particular time or that It is an obsolete
political concept in terms of present-day
realities. But the administration spokesmen
have made It fairly clear that the President
does not believe that the Monroe Doctrine
is really applicable under the present cir-
cumstances," Ted Szule, New York Times,
Sept. 23, 1962.
2 "Issues and Answers" ABC-TV Oct. 14,
1962,
based in other parts of the world-a policy
laid down on December 2, 1823, by James
Monroe. -
President Monroe asserted that "we could
not view any Interposition for the purpose
of oppressing" Latin American states "or con-
trolling in any other manner their destiny,
by any European power, In any light, than as
the manifastatlon of an unfriendly disposi-
tion toward the United States." He warned
that "we should consider any attempt" on
the part of European powers "to extend their
system to any portion of this hemisphere, as
dangerous to our peace and safety."
The Monroe Doctrine barred any further
"Interposition" by European powers to extend
their system or exercise control In this hemi-
sphere. It said simply, "Hands off." It made
no distinction between offensive and defen-
sive weapons or between forcible and pacific
means of intervention.
The purpose of the Monroe Doctrine, as
Elihu Root once explained, was to prevent
the development of a situation that could
endanger hemispheric security. The Ken-
nedy doctrine, by contrast, appears to per-
mit intervention by non-American states in
this hemisphere up to the point at which a
danger to security has reached an acute
stage. The difference between the Mon-
roe Doctrine and the Kennedy doctrine is the
difference between preventative medical care
and treatment which begins after the de-
velopment of a high fever.
In earlier periods of our history the Gov-
ernment of the United States asserted that
the Monroe Doctrine barred the presence
of Spanish troops in Santo Domingo and the -
establishment of a French puppet emperor
in Mexico. In 1940 Secretary of State Cordell
Hull served notice that the Monroe Doctrine
prohibited the exercise on any authority by
Axis Powers over any part of the hemisphere'
In 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt extended the
Monroe Doctrine to Greenland and sent
American troops to that island to forestall
Nazi occupation.
In 1912, when Mexico proposed leasing to
a Japanese fishing company, a port area in
Lower California. the U.S. Senate, re-
lying on the Monroe Doctrine, asserted
"? * * when any harbor or other place in
the American Continents is so situated that
the occupation thereof for naval or military
purposes might threaten the communica-
tions or the safety of the United States, the
Government of the United States could not
see without grave concern the possession of
such harbor or other place by any corpora-
tion or association which has such a rela-
tion to another government, not American,
as to give that government practical power
of control for national purposes."
In 1954 Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles declared that "the intrusion of Soviet
despotism (in Guatemala) was a direct chal-
lenge to our Monroe Doctrine, the first and
most fundamental of our foreign policies."
With the assistance of the United States,
-It Is interesting to note that the argu-
ment used by Hitler's government and re-
jected by Hull in 1940, contending that U.S.
participation in the affairs of Europe made
the Monroe Doctrine obsolete, was adopted
by Senator JOHN SPARKMAN.
"The nonintervention in the affairs
of the American Continent by European na-
tions which is demanded by the Monroe
Doctrine can in principle be legally valid only
on condition that the American nations for
their part do not interfere In the affairs of
the European Continent," Von Ribbentrop,
July 1, 1940.
"This change has greatly altered the con-
ditions governing our implementation of the
Monroe Doctrine, which was based in part
on the assumption that the nations of the
Western Hemisphere would reman unin-
volved in the conflicts of Europe," Senator
JOHN SPARKMAN, Sept. 20, 1962.
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loyal Guatemalans removed their Communist
rulers forthwith.
Along with the United States, the other
nations of the hemisphere have used the
language of Monroe to serve notice that tres-
passing is forbidden to communism. The
Ninth Inter-American Conference at Bogota
in 1948 condemned "interference by any
foreign power, or by any political organiza-
tion serving the interest of a foreign power,
in the public life of the nations of the Amer-
ican Continent." The 10th Inter-Ameri-
can Conference at Caracas in 1954 declared
that "the domination of control of the politi-
cal institutions of any American State by
the international Communist movement, ex-
tending to this hemisphere the political sys-
tem of any extracontinental power, would
constitute a threat to the sovereignty and
political ? independence of the American
States, endangering the peace of America."
Three years ago Khrushchev told the
world that the Monroe Doctrine was dead,
saying "the remains of this doctrine should
be buried as every dead body is, so that it
does not poison the air by Its decay." The
Eisenhower administration replied, "* * *
the principles of the Monroe Doctrine are as
valid today as they were in 1823 when the
doctrine was proclaimed." The Kennedy
administration has so far failed to contra-
dict Khrushchev either by word or by deed.
What is needed is the positive policy of
the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine
is being violated by the presence of Soviet
troops in Cuba-whatever their strength,
whatever the nature of their equipment.
The doctrine is being violated as long as
there is any type of Soviet intervention in
Cuba.
The removal of Soviet troops and the
elimination of other types of Soviet interven-
tion in Cuba is an urgent policy objective.
The ultimate objective of U.S. policy must
be the elimination of the Communist re-
gime in Cuba and its replacement by a gov-
ernment freely chosen by the Cuban people.
Let the President and the Congress act.
APPENDIX I-ATTITUDES ON THE SCOPE AND
STATUS OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE BY RE-
SPONSIBLE SPOKESMEN OF THE LAST FOUR
ADMINISTRATIONS
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-45), Cordell
Hull, July 5, 1940:
"The Monroe .Doctrine is solely a policy of
self-defense, which is intended to preserve
the independence and integrity of the
Americas. It was, and is, designed to prevent
aggression in this hemisphere on the part of
any non-American power, and likewise to
make impossible any further extension to
this hemisphere of any non-American system
of government imposed from without. * * *
It made clear that the future transfer of
existing possessions to another non-American
state would be regarded as inimical to the
interests of this hemisphere. This has be-
come a basic policy of the Government of
the United States."
Cordell Hull, April 12, 1940:
"There is an express application of the
Monroe Doctrine by the United States re-
garding Greenland. There appears to be no
serious question about Greenland forming
part of this hemisphere as contradistin-
guished from the European side of the At-
lantic. * * * The German forces occupying
Denmark could easily cause the Govern-
ment of Denmark to issue order about
Greenland, as they could about Danish ship-
ping throughout the world. For this reason
it's important that Greenland should receive
our attention under the Monroe Doctrine."
Public Law 32, 77th Congress, approved
April 19, 1941:
"Resolved by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
American in Congress assembled, (1) That
the United States would not recognize any
transfer, and would not acquiesce in any
attempt to transfer, any geographic region
of this hemisphere from one non-American
power to another non-American power."
Harry S. Truman (1945-53), President
Truman, December 27, 1945:
"We believe that the sovereign states of
the Western Hemisphere, without interfer-
ence from outside the Western Hemisphere,
must work together as good neighbors in the
solution of their common problems."
President Truman, April 5, 1947:
"When we hear the cry of freedom aris-
ing from the shores beyond our own, we can
take heart from the words of Thomas Jeffer-
son. In his letter to President Monroe, urg-
ing the adoption of what we now know as the
Monroe Doctrine, he wrote: `Nor is the oc-
casion to be slighted which this proposition
offers of declaring our protest against the
atrocious violations of the rights of nations
by the interference of any one in the internal
affairs of another.'
"We, like Jefferson, have witnessed atro-
cious violations of the rights of nations.
"We, too, have regarded them as occasions
not to be slighted.
"We, too, have declared our protest.
"We must make that protect effective by
aiding those peoples whose freedoms are
endangered by foreign pressures.
"We must take a positive stand. It is no
longer enough merely to say 'We don't want
war.' We must act in time-ahead of time-
to stamp out the smoldering beginnings of
any conflict that may threaten to spread
over the world."
Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-61), John
Foster Dulles, June 30, 1954:
"This Intrusion of Soviet despotism [in
Guatemala] was, of course, a direct chal-
lenge to our Monroe Doctrine, the first and
most fundamental of our foreign policies."
John Foster Dulles, June 30, 1954;
"If world communism captures any Ameri-
can state, however small, a new and perilous
front is established which will increase the
danger to the entire free world and require
even greater sacrifices from the American
people."
John Foster Dulles, March 4, 1954:
"It is time to make it clear with finality
that we see that alien (i.e., Communist)
despotism is hostile to our ideals, that we
unitedly deny it the right of prey upon our
hemisphere and that if it does not heed our
warning and keep away we shall deal with
it as a situation that might endanger the
peace of America * * *. There is no place
here for political institutions which served
alien masters."
Henry Cabot Lodge, June 20, 1954:
"I say to you, representative of the Soviet
Union, stay out of this hemisphere and don't
try to start your plans and your conspiracies
over here."
Department of State, July 14, 1960:
"The principles of the Monroe Doc-
trine are as valid today as they were in 1823
when the Doctrine was proclaimed."
John F. Kennedy (1961 to date), John F.
Kennedy, September 13, 1962:
"Question. Will it require force to con-
travene the Monroe Doctrine or does the
presence of a foreign power in any force, but
not using that force In this hemisphere,
amount to contravention of the doctrine?"
"The PRESIDENT. Well, I have indicated
that if Cuba should possess a capacity to
carry out offensive action against the United
States, that the United States would act. I
have also indicated that the United States
would not permit Cuba to export its power by
force in the hemisphere."
Congressman WAYNE HAYS, Democrat, of
Ohio, September 26, 1962:
"I think if a determination is made that
the buildup in Cuba reaches a point where it
Is a threat to the United States, then it is
a violation of the Monroe Doctrine.
Senator JOHN SPARKMAN, Democrat, of
Alabama, September 20, 1962:
"This change has greatly altered the con-
ditions governing our implementation of
the Monroe Doctrine, which was based, in
.part on the assumption that the nations of
the Western Hemisphere would remain un-
involved in the conflicts of Europe. But in
discharging our obligations under the Mon-
roe Doctrine, we must act with full regard
for the fact that the problem of Cuba and of
Communist designs in the Western Hemi-
sphere is not an isolated one but part of
our worldwide struggle against Communist
imperialism."
Senator Dennis Chavez, Democrat, of New
Mexico, September 20, 1962:
"How can we justify saying we object to
the Russians being in Cuba when we have
a base within 60 miles of the Russian border
in Turkey? I have been at our airbase in
Turkey, 60 miles from Russia. How can we
justify that and at the same time object to
the Russians being in Cuba?"
Senator STEPHEN YOUNG, Democrat, of
Ohio, September 20, 1962:
"The Monroe Doctrine has been altered
because we have foreign commitments and
responsibilities.
"I submit, therefore, that we can neither
morally nor realistically take action which
would jeopardize the security and independ-
ence of our allies.
"It is not the same Monroe Doctrine as
that of 1823; and our historians have been
reporting that fact to us for some decades.
They are correct."
Congressman CORNELIUS GALLAGHER, Dem-
ocrat, of New Jersey, September 26, 1962:
"The Monroe Doctrine of 150 years ago has
been amended by the necessity of a Kennedy
doctrine which recognizes that a few sailing
ships and men armed with muskets differs
critically from a thoughtless armed action
which can escalate into a nuclear holocaust
and incinerate the Western Hemisphere."
Congressman ELMER J. HOLLAND, Democrat,
of Pennsylvania, September 28, 1962:
Mr. HOLLAND inserted in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD an editorial which was entitled;
"Monroe: Obsolete Doctrine." The editorial
said, "The Monroe Doctrine is dead." Con-
gressman HOLLAND called it (p. A178) "An
excellent editorial on the present 'hot' cold-
war situation. * * * It is good to know that
we have responsible and levelheaded publish-
ers and editors throughout the Nation who
are dedicated to reporting the facts."
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, is there
any doubt what the intention of com-
munism is in this hemisphere? Castro
has stated it as clearly and unequivo-
cally as he could. Khrushchev has stat-
ed it as clearly and unequivocally as he
could as I cited in my resolution.
What is bothering many of us further
are the accommodations that are being
sought and being accomplished between
this Government and that of Cuba and
Castro.
We are concerned about flights being
permitted to fly over the United States
with the acquiescence and the approval
of the Federal Aviation Agency-that is
nonscheduled Cuban flights.
We are all concerned about Canadian
flights over the United States trading
with Cuba.
We are concerned about these trade
loopholes I mentioned.
We are concerned about this travel to
Cuba.
We are concerned about the fact that
the United States demanded no further
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refugee raids not only from the United
States but from Puerto Rico as well. I
repeat-that was the first of Castro's de-
mands on October 28 of last year when
the blockade was in effect-that we must
stop all refugee raids on Cuba. This
has been accomplished as an accommo-
dation.
We ought to require adequate surveil-
lance of these Communist arms drops to
these other countries in this hemisphere.
We are also concerned about this latest
deal or accommodation that is being
discussed.
I am reading from the Washington
News of Friday, the 26th:
The spokesman for a commercial refugee
transportation project from Havana to Mi-
ami says about 800 Cuban refugees will ar-
rive here by boat within the next 10 to 14
days.
The refugees will be the vanguard of an
attempt to remove about 325.000 Cubans
from the Communist island who hold U.S.
visa waivers, attorney Jack Nageley said yes-
terday.
Mr. Nageley represents Harold Derber.
president of Empress Lines, Ltd., promoters
of the project.
I called this to the attention of the
House last week. Apparently a deal has
been made with Castro so far as this
company is concerned, to open up the
shipping lines between Key West and
Havana.
I made a protest about this, and I
hope it is not accomplished. But in in-
vestigating this matter I found out this
interesting fact. That following the
quarantine there were 19 air repatria-
tion flights in which some 87 to 160 per-
sons claiming U.S. citizenship and their
immediate dependents were permitted to
come back to the United States. Then
Castro cut it off. This following infor-
mation is what I am talking about when
I talk about deals and accommodations.
On February 27 a negotiation took
place between the Castro government
and someone on behalf of the United
States. Through the Swiss Embassy,
the State Department advises. Through
James Donovan other sources advise.
Five ships have come through as a re-
sult of the deal that was worked out.
Some 4.100 passengers from Cuba have
been brought to this country. Of those,
do you know who named 50 percent of
them under this deal? Do you know
who decided who 50 percent of these
people coming into the United States on
these 5 ships should be? Fidel Castro is
who. The ships were the Survey, two
trips, the Morning Light, and the Maxi-
mus. The United States decided only
who 50 percent of the people on these
ships would be. Fidel Castro decided on
the other 50 percent. This has nothing
to do with the ransom deal. These are
additional refugees permitted to be
brought into this country. We named
50 percent of them. because of our in-
terest, and justifiably so, in getting 900
additional Americans out of Cuba. But
the price we had to pay was that Castro
had the right to name the other 50 per-
cent or 2,050 persons coming Into this
country on those ships in recent months.
Mr. Speaker. that Is what we are con-
corned about. Why should such deals
as these be made with Fidel Castro?
Why should such accommodations as
these be made? What does the rest of
the world and what does Latin America
think of such accommodations? They
obivously think we are weak, that we
do not have any real determination to
meet this threat of Communism in this
hemisphere. That is the concern of
many of us-this sign of weakness, par-
ticularly to the Latin American nations.
They understand and admire signs of
strength-they justifiably abhor signs of
softness and weakness.
Mr. Speaker, to conclude, permit me
to say this: The Organization of Amer-
ican States is a fine instrument to ac-
complish the objective of getting rid of
communism and subversion in this hem-
isphere. But only under one condition-
strong U.S. leadership. Many Latin
American governments acknowledge this
privately. Only with strong unequivocal
leadership, only, with a definite plan of
action by the United States of America,
can the growing Communist cancer in
this hemisphere be stopped.
U.S. leadership is what has made the
Organization of American States effec-
tive in the past. That is what has given
us the results at the conferences that
were mentioned by the distinguished
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
WEAVER], in combating communism. It
is because of the U.S.leadership. That
is what hasdone it.
Mr. Speaker, if the United States per-
mits a vacuum in this leadership to exist,
which exists today, or to persist In per-
mitting such vacuum as exists today,
then the Organization of American
States is not going to be the instrument
through which this can be accomplished.
So, Mr. Speaker, I think it is time that
the United States anounced a firm, posi-
tive, step-by-step plan of action intended
to be taken and ask for support of the
OAS. In my opinion you are not going
to have these recalcitrant Latin nations
that we have today with that firm lead-
ership-and the first step is to restore
and announce our intention to fully im-
plement the Monroe Doctrine.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. MARSH. I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Illinois, but I would
point out to the gentleman that several
other Members hope to speak on this
subject.
I yield to the gentleman for the pur-
pose of his responding to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. CRAMER],
Mr. PUCINSKI. I thank the gentle-
man from Virginia. I do not think I
shall consume that much time.
I am sure. Mr. Speaker, that no one
v: ill find violent disagreement with what
the gentleman from Florida suggested.
The program he suggests is one that
has been discussed here on the floor of
the House throughout the afternoon and
I would support it. However, the point
we made in the earlier colloquy is that
it does not serve any purpose here to
try to define or elaborate upon the meth-
ods and the steps which led to earlier
failures, because if one wants to do that
one would have to go all the way
back to the Rio treaty which was signed
by Mr. Dulles and which stated that no
American state shall interfere, overtly or
otherwise, in the internal affairs of an-
other American state.
Mr. Speaker, I protested against that
treaty at that time, and I still protest
against it today. Therefore, I think it is
those who try to confuse the unity of
America in trying to rid Cuba of com-
munism by digging into these past ac-
tions who are really doing the great dis-
service to this country. I think those
who really want to do something about
Cuba and who are interested in getting
rid of the Communists in Cuba will
engage in the kind of discussions that
we have had here today, where sound
suggestions are made and where they
are subject to full discussion by the
Members of Congress.
I think that this kind of action on the
part of the Congress will demonstrate
not only to the administration and the
people in the State Department but to
all of our neighbors in South America,
yes, throughout the world, and most
important to Mr. Khrushchev and the
Kremlin, that the Congress of the United
States, speaking for the people of the
United States, wants to do everything
humanly possible to get the Communists
out of Cuba and the Western Hemi-
sphere just as quickly as possible.
I can only repeat to my friend from
Florida this is the road to victory in the
Western Hemisphere, not confusing the
issue about whether or not we got on-
sight inspection or did not get it. We
did not get on-sight inspection because
Mr. Castro did not want to agree to
that. I said before and I will say again,
those who say we ought to go in there
and do it ought to go the full length and
say "Let us Invade Cuba." I say, as
other gentlemen have said, there are
other ways of bringing the Communists
to their knees. Many of these ways were
discussed today. There are other peace-
ful ways of ridding Cuba of communism.
I feel certain that the day when commu-
nism will be driven out of Cuba is not
too far away.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that all Members
who spoke during this special order to-
day, including myself, may have per-
mission to revise and extend their re-
marks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LIB-
ONATI). Is there objection to the re-
quest of the gentleman from Virginia?
There was no objection.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, at this
time I yield to the gentleman from South
Carolina [Mr. WATSON].
Mr. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I want
to thank the distinguished gentleman
from Virginia for giving me this oppor-
tunity to participate in the discussion
today. It is passingly strange, and cer-
tainly it is more than coincidental, that
the two gentlemen who serve as coordi-
nators for this particular emphasis on
Cuba-should come from the various States
that they do. I refer to my distinguished
colleague from Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAV-
ERI, who is one of the representatives
from the great State of Pennsylvania
where the first bells of freedom tolled
many years ago for this country, and,
then, also to the distinguished gentleman
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from Virginia [Mr. MARSH], who repre-
sents a State which probably has given
this Nation more of our leaders in the past
than any other State in the Union-the
man who represents the State from which
Thomas Jefferson came, who said we
should always oppose the forces of tyran-
ny. It is passing strange that you who
represent these particular States should
be taking the lead in this discussion as
we are trying to find a bipartisan ap-
proach to bringing liberty and freedom
to the oppressed people of Cuba.
I was very interested in the discussion
a moment ago as to whose fault is it that
we are presently confronted with this
great problem. As I heard the discus-
sion I was reminded of the story that
was told of the man who introduced a
new deodorant and he merely called it
"Stereo." It did not kill the odor, but it
fixed it so you could not tell where it
came from.
If we are going to try to place posi-
tively and affirmatively the fault for our
present situation, then we can debate
here ad infinitum, and we are going to
defeat the very purpose of this discus-
sion here today.
Our sole objective is to try to focus the
attention of Congress, the administra-
tion, and the American people on this
particular problem, with the hope of en-
couraging positive steps toward a solu-
tion to it. I do not care whether you
would try to attribute it to past admin-
istrations or not. The fact is that the
past administration is past, and any at-
tempt to place blame there, although
justified, serves to make a solution more
difficult. We can only deal with the
present administration, and we can only
solve the problem as we have it today.
So, as a consequence, I hope all of you
will construe these remarks as being di-
rected toward trying to find a solution
to the problem, rather than trying to
be especially critical of any particular
administration or any particular action
which has occurred in the past.
We do have a serious problem. I be-
lieve that this discussion here will sil-
ence, once and for all, those who have
said that many of us have been only criti-
cal and never constructive concerning
our foreign policy, or the absence of a
foreign policy, in reference to Cuba. Be-
cause we, during the past two and a half
hours, and probably for another half an
hour or so, have repeatedly advanced
concrete, positive programs with regard
to something which should be done in
order to rid the Western Hemisphere of
this Communist cancer in Cuba. So I
believe without question that the Amer-
ican people are no longer going to listen
to the cry that there are many in Con-
gress and throughout the Nation who will
be critical of our foreign policy about
Cuba but who are not offering construc-
tive proposals for doing something posi-
tive about it.
We have had numerous proposals here,
time and again, in which the speakers
have said, "We support your proposals
and we believe they deserve the serious
consideration of Congress, of the Execu-
tive, and of the American people." So
this discussion should silence once and
for all those who would say that we
would be obstructionists, that we would
be critical without offering positive al-
ternatives for improvements in the rela-
tionships that exist between this country
and Cuba.
Another thing that is very logical-
and I believe a very helpful proposition
as far as this discussion is concerned-
is that this discussion should allay the
fears of those who would say that any
positive step would be an act of war and
would precipitate a nuclear holocaust, or
would bring about an escalation into a
nuclear war. Franklin, I believe, said
"I have no way to shed light upon the
future except from the lamp of the past."
Let us look at our experience on this
score, because every one of you and the
others in this body and the American
people do not want war. The American
people have been the champions of peace
and freedom from time immemorial. I
have known war personally-and I am
not being a demagog here-as I am
sure others of you have seen it in past
wars. It causes me a great deal of con-
cern to realize that we have weapons of
destruction which are unimaginable,
comparatively speaking, to the power
and destruction which we had in World
War II. Why, I understand even one
nuclear submarine has sufficient de-
structive fire power on it to equal all of
the combined bombs that were dropped
during World War II. We do not want
war, and I believe veritably, that experi-
ence will show that the positive steps
suggested here will not lead to war. In-
deed, just the opposite may very well be
true; they are necessary to preserve
peace.
From time immemorial the Commu-
nists have proven they only recognize
force. We can enter into treaties, we can
try to bargain with them, but their basic
principle is, "I will keep what I.have, and
we will bargain with what you have."
We have to be firm and strong. Expe-
rience has shown that when we stood
firm the Communists backed down.
Look at what happened in October, and
bear in mind that in October there were
missiles on Cuba pointed toward this
great land of freedom. There were ap-
proximately 20,000 Soviet soldiers in
Cuba at that time. However, we took a
firm stand in October, and, notwith-
standing the facts that they had their
missiles pointed toward us and that they
had approximately twice as many Rus-
sian soldiers as they allegedly have
now-and we do not have any truly ac-
curate way of determining the correct
number-there was no nuclear war. Is
it not reasonable to conclude-and we all
are logical and reasonable men-that if
the Russians did not precipitate a war
and did not move into war at that time
when Cuba had the missiles which they
presumably do not have now, and where
they had twice as many men in Cuba,
which they presumably do not have now,
then how can we justifiably say, follow-
ing logical reasoning, that if we were to
take positive, definite steps at this time
it would precipitate a nuclear war? His-
tory does not bear that out. We need to
be firm and positive.
There is certainly one thing which will
allow a continued buildup in Cuba and
which will allow a continued extension of
subversion throughout the Western
Hemisphere, and that is to continue do-
ing nothing, to have half-hearted ap-
proaches. To be sure, we have imposed
an embargo on the particular vessels
which go into Cuba.
As someone pointed out earlier, this is
about as ineffective as anything anyone
possibly could propose. Some shipping
lines will use only one vessel in trading
with Cuba and then use all of their other
vessels to come to the United States.
I would like to see us extend this em-
bargo, making it not only apply to the
individual vessel but, rather, applying it
to the shipping line. We will say to him,
Mr. Shipper, if you deal with Cuba, not
only will that one vessel be prohibited
from corning into our ports, but all of
your vessels will be prohibited from com-
ing here. And if that is not effective, let
us go one step further and say to the
foreign countries involved that if these
shipping lines continue to trade with
Cuba, then we will consider withholding
foreign aid.
We need to take positive, definite steps.
Unfortunately, with regard to any step
that is proposed, the argument could be
raised against it that it is a step of ag-
gression and will precipitate a nuclear
war. Let; me say again, as I have under-
scored before, that if the Russians did
not-and they did not-precipitate a
war back in October when they were
much stronger militarily in Cuba, then
if we take positive steps in the way of
extending and tightening our embargo
and in the matter of recognizing some
provisional, free Cuban government
somewhere in the Western Hemisphere,
those steps will not precipitate a war.
Over the last few months, we have had
a lot of discussion on the subject of
Cuba. I dare say that we have had no
less than 75 individual resolutions which
have been introduced, during my limited
service here in the Congress of the
United States. We can continue to dis-
cuss this matter, but I think it is high
time that we do something to implement
our discussions. Personally I am quite
concerned, as I am sure most of you are,
with the fact that so many of these reso-
lutions that have been applauded by
the American people and have been ap-
proved by many of you individually, have
not been acted upon by the various com-
mittees of this Congress. I realize that
we have serious domestic problems con-
fronting us.. But I will tell you truly
that no problem is more important than
this matter of Cuba.
We can talk to the uncommitted na-
tions of the world until we are blue in
the face and say that "if you side with
us, we will fight for you." But they will
take a -look and say, "Well, what have
you done to the Communist menace dust
90 miles off your shoreline?" We can
try to impress upon them that we are
lovers of freedom and believe in going
to any extent to keep the Western Hemi-
sphere free from the Communists, but as
long as we let Cuba remain in its pres-
ent condition we are tilting at wind-
mills. We may as well face up to it that
all of these other actions, all of these
other theoretical proposals, nice sounding
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as they might be, are going to amount
to absolutley nothing in convincing the
uncommitted nations that we will stand
up for freedom as long as we allow Castro
to remain and to keep the people of
Cuba under bondage. It is a choice that
we have got-to make, and if the Execu-
tive is not willing to face up to it, we as
Members of Congress must face up to it.
The reason I say that is because. ulti-
mately, it will be our responsibility if, as
has been suggested, actual invasion
might be necessary.
In that connection, America has never
been a coward. America has never
hacked off in the matter of preserving
freedom and giving freedom to the peo-
ples of the world simply because it might
mean war.
I repeat, as we stand firm in support-
ing these measures which have been pro-
posed here, that I believe these will be
the steps not toward the war which all
of us wish to avoid, but these wi:! be
steps toward peace and toward the down-
fall of Castro and of all those who would
follow his Communist line in the West-
ern Hemisphere.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 10
minutes to the gentleman from New
Hampshire [Mr. WYMANI.
Mr. WYMAN. Mr. Speaker. I join in
this discussion with great interest for as
many of you know I have long been
deeply concerned by these problems. I
have some questions some observations
and some recommendations.
When are we going to take affirmative
action to get the Communists out of
Cuba? When will we face up to the fact
that no amount of help to other Latin
or South American countries can be ef-
fective as long as the dike is breached
in Cuba? When will we admit that as
long the Castro government receives
massive aid from the Soviet Union, both
military and economic, it is not going to
fall from within?
It is little short of criminal that this
Nation has not long ago acted firmly and
decisively to run the Communists out of
Cuba. The great majority of the Amer-
ican people would solidly support such
a policy, even one in which the use of
force might become necessary.
We look foolish urging Britain not to
let the Communists take over British
Guiana when Communists stole Cuba
and are holding it right under our noses,
British Guiana is nowhere near the con-
cern to Britain that Cuba is to the United
States. We are fine ones to urge leader-
ship and decisiveness on others when we
do not exercise it ourselves.
Under the separation of powers, the
responsibility for Executive control of
the Government is in the Executive. not
the Congress.
We have passed resolutions asking the
Executive to act in Cuba. Members of
this body have spoken repeatedly indi-
cating support for firm Executive action,
yet none has been forthcoming.
Mr. Speaker, the dismal truth is that
we have no policy on Cuba to amount to
a hill of beans. With all due respect
to the various high offices involved in the
executive department whose responsi-
bility it is to deal with such situations,
we have witnessed for far too long. addle-
headed, chicken-hearted, and Ignorant
timidity on the part of the American
Government faced by Communist mili-
tary action in Cuba. We once had a
Monroe Doctrine, but you would scarcely
know it In the State Department or the
White House. We started on the right
road in October only to abandon it in
short order and then sit back while the
situation has deteriorated to our disad-
vantage ever since.
It Is astonishing but true that instead
of building up and supporting Cubans
who want to liberate their homeland
and replace Castro with a government
friendly to the United States, we have
dispersed the Cubans all over this coun-
try. Hit-and-run attacks with their
stimulus to morale and their obvious an-
noyance to the Communists we officially
prevented. There has been no call or
even demand by this country backed up
by anything other than the usual diplo-
matic hogwash, to inspect the island of
Cuba, although every person in the exec-
utive branch must admit that we do not
know whether offensive missiles once
there have all been removed or what has
been brought back by submarine or in the
dark of night.
To listen to the Department of State,
one would get the impression that it is
believed that there can be negotiations
with Communists that will result in
agreements that can both be relied upon
for Communist performance and will
operate in the Interests of the United
States if performed. This is a dismal
ignorance of the true nature of the Com-
munist beast. Communists and com-
munist simply will not enter Into any
agreement that does not serve Commu-
nist purposes, nuclear test ban treaty or
what have you. Neither will Commu-
nists perform any commitments under-
taken by treaty or otherwise when it is
in their interest not to perform. Com-
munists are not ordinary, reasonable
men and women, with conscience and
honor and principle. Communists are
20th-century nihilists, international
gangsters, ruthless murderers, saboteurs,
espionage agents and atheists. Their
single goal, their fanatic determination,
their obsessed and obsessing objective is
the destruction of this country by force
or any way they can do it. Khrushchev
was the butcher of the Ukraine. Does
any one really believe he has changed?
Du leopards change their spots?
Mr. Speaker, I fail to see how any
government of this country regardless
of party can make claim to the right to
continue as a government when it fails
the American people in this hour of need,
in this crucial contest. No government
worthy of the name can tolerate con-
tinued Communist military potential in
Cuba or any other place in Central or
Latin America. The political party of
the Chief Executive makes no difference
when it comes to such an issue. As
Chairman of the Internal Security Com-
mittee of the National Association of
Attorneys General in San Francisco in
July of 1960. I was extremely critical of
then President Eisenhower's lack of
firmness in dealing with Castro'sexpro-
priations of U.S. interests in Cuba. At
that time, more than 3 years ago, I spoke
of the construction in Cuba of Soviet
missile launching bases. Let no man,
whether he is President of the United
States or the Secretary of Defense or the
Chief of the Central Intelligence Agency,
claim that it was not and has not been
known day in and day out, month in
and month out, year in and year out,
that the Communists in Cuba have been
steadily building a military potential di-
rected against the United States of
America.
Consider carefully the full implication
of these facts. It is a damning indict-
ment of individuals and governments
who call themselves American who want
the cheesecake, the black limousines, the
titles and the rank but who when the
chips are down have not got the guts nor
the will to lead to win against the Com-
munists.
This situation has not changed to
date. We have no policy. We have no
courage, We have no will to win at the
top. And this is deeply distressing to
men and women all over America-to
Members of this House on both sides
of the aisle who know that this is not
properly a partisan problem.
And while I'm on the subject of the
military buildup in Cuba, let me say this.
We have not been told all about the bad
things that have been built there. We
the people have not had pictures of sub-
marine installations nor reports of the
locations and contents of the many hun-
dreds of caves, nor the concrete works
and the disappearing turrets, nor many
such installations, none of which can
fairly or justly be said to relate to the
defense of Cuba. They are offensive,
against the United States. They have no
business being there, Mr. Speaker. They
should be razed. They should be de-
stroyed. Affirmative action to do this is
not imperialism. Before God and in the
name of justice and freedom no Com-
munist government has a right to exist
in this hemisphere except as its peoples
may voluntary elect it-which never
happens.
Now what should be our policy? Three
things are fundamental.
First. There must be 1, continuing in-
spection of all of the island of Cuba at
will and on a daily basis by inspecting
teams, preferably of the United Nations
with United States membership, but if
not, by United States inspecting teams.
If this inspection discloses offensive
weaponry of war-which it will-this
weaponry should be dumped into the sea.
Again, preferably by the United Nations
with United States participation, but if
not, by the United States alone.
Second. The United States should de-
clare that Castro must go, and that he
must not be succeeded by a Communist
leadership, and that-and here is the im-
portant part, the teeth-this Govern-
ment is prepared to blockade by sea, land,
and air until Castro and communism
withers on the vine. It may be that in
the course of the withering there will be
much suffering and perhaps some loss of
life, but this is a small price to pay meas-
ured against the horrible destructions
certain to be inflicted upon the United
States and its allies from a Communist
controlled and monitored Cuba, armed
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 1963 Approved For&ft?3 _yp8ffOO0200240012-3 12841
to the teeth as an outpost as well as a and justice that was unwilling to take
staging and resupply area. - risks.
Third. This Government should an- I have used the phrase "tough turkey"
nounce that it is opposed to Communist several times. I have done this delib-
governments in this hemisphere and is erately, because the Communists that we
willing to use force if -need be to prevent are up against are, indeed, tough turkeys.
their establishment. - Given the opportunity, presented by the
What about the inspections? Let us be astonishing spectacle of a rich, fat, ma-
frank. We know the United Nations will terially comfortable American Govern-
not order the inspections, so the United ment unwilling to fight for freedom,
States must be prepared on the basis of these tough turkeys will take advantage
the Monroe Doctrine and our national of every means to build up their military
security to act outside the United Na- and propaganda potential. This is not
tions if necessary and to act soon. If propaganda for a peaceable change to
this means Mr. Stevenson's resignation, a different system. This is not the case of
that is tough turkey. If this means that an ideological conflict. This is not a cold
some people are going to say that this war in the true sense. It is hot. It is
Nation is a big bully and picking on poor real. It is to the death. And Mr. Speak-
little Cuba, that is tough turkey too. Be- er, along with a good many millions of
cause, believe me, this must be done. Americans, I have children and I want
But then again, do not take my word for them to be able to start adulthood in a
it. Ask the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Ask hemisphere that is free from commu-
any military, naval or Strategic Air nism. It is said that World War I was
Command officer who has thought this fought to make the world safe for democ-
thing through. They are to a man in racy; World War II to preserve the world
favor of inspection of Cuba backed up by from the insane brutalities of Hitler's
force. fascism. Today, under the umbrella of
Assuming then that the United States atomic stalemate, Communist military
decides to proceed on its own initiative operations are proceeding to destroy our
and independent of the United Nations, favorable balance of power because we
what course should we take? Inspec- have been unwilling to even risk limited
tion teams of perhaps 12 competent warfare in the defense of freedom.
U.S. specialists composed of a major- Are we decadent bourgeois? I won-
ity of military personnel, but including der.
civilian and scientific personnel, and No foreign aid programs, no Alliance
photographic equipment, should be pre- for Progress, no economic projects of any
sented to the Cuban Government with a kind to invest strength and stability in
demand for the grant of continuing Latin America can possibly be, effective
right to inspect the island of Cuba any with a continuing Communist Cuba. If
place, any time. And, Mr. Speaker, we fail to risk a showdown now to
again the teeth, because as we all know, achieve a free Cuba, we will have to risk,
requests in diplomatic language and let- it when the next Latin American nation
ters of protest against Soviet shooting falls to communism, only to find us in
down our aircraft in times past and the a much more vulnerable position.
like, do not get anywhere unless there is With the passage of time, this Cuban
some teeth-this request should specify situation is not going to get any better.
a time for the first inspection unit to Khrushchev boasts of some some kind of
arrive in Cuba and indicate explicitly commitment that the President made
that if denied permission to inspect we him in return for having backed off at
will commit military, naval, and air the time of the quarantine in October
forces of the United States in support 1962. I understand there are some 40
of such an inspection. letters between the American President
Now does this mean war? I do not and the Soviet dictator at this time. Yet,
believe it does. It may mean for a while in spite of demands by the Congress, the
some limited warfare. But it will not representatives of the people, this corre-
escalate to atomic destruction for one spondence has never been made public.
reason. This is because we have enough Incidentally, neither was F.D.R.'s with
atomic deterrent staring the Commu- Stalin-not even to this day.
nists in the face to incinerate the Soviet The President, in a special address to
Union and every Communist country, the Nation and to the world after ade-
even if they made an initial attack. And quate consultation with the Secretary of
as long as this is the case, there will be State, with the Cabinet, with the Na-
no atomic warfare. - tional Security Council, and the Joint
However, Mi.. Speaker, if we wait, if Chiefs of Staff, should announce an
we delay for more months and more American policy of firm insistence upon
years in eliminating this cancer in Cuba, inspection of Cuba and that we will
the situation will only further worsen. achieve such inspection by the use of
There will be more Cubans indoctrinated military- force if need be. Later on, in
in Moscow to hate - us. There will be page 2, there must be the further policy
more subversives planted in Latin and position that the same principle will be
South America. There will be more mil- of continuing application against any
itary equipment on the island of Cuba further or new attempt at Communist
and a greater and greater export of it penetration of this hemisphere.
along with the Communist propaganda The vast majority of the people of this
leaflets and unrest throughout this Nation would welcome such positive, pro-
hemisphere. - , American, pro-national-security deci-
We must act and act now. The risk siveness. Such a program is militarily
of limited war is great, but no nation ever defensible. It is of urgent necessity if
stayed on top nor lived up to its respon- the national security is to be preserved
sibilities as the champion of freedom against exposure to atomic attack, sub-
version, infiltration, guerrilla warfare,
sabotage and espionage throughout the
entire hemisphere. Nothing less is com-
patible with honor, with principle, with
American tradition, with the Monroe
Doctrine, with commonsense in aware-
ness of the true nature of communism
and the full meaning of its military of-
fensive operations 90 miles from Florida.
Every hour that passes finds the situa-
tion materially worsening. The Ameri-
can Executive must act, and act now for
God, for country, for our survival, and
for our children's future.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I now yield
10 minutes to the gentleman from Flori-
da [Mr. GURNEY].
Mr. GURNEY. Mr. Speaker, in March
of this year, 1963, at Costa Rica, Presi-
dent Kennedy made this ringing state-
ment:
We will- build a wall around Cuba not
a wall of mortar or brick or barbed wire but]
a wall of dedicated men determined to pro-
tect their own freedom and sovereignty.
He vowed fierce and unyielding resist-
ance to the spread of foreign tyranny
in the Western Hemisphere.
The Soviet Union through its Cuban pup-
pets absorbed the Cuban nation into its
despotic empire-and it now seeks to extend
its rule to the shores of Continental
America-
Said the President.
At the Organization of American States,
at this meeting and wherever Americans
gather to consult about the future of their
continent, we will continue to strengthen
the structure of resistance to subversion.
These words received by the listening
Latin American Presidents at Costa Rica
with hope and enthusiasm. However,
the hard facts of the cold war and Cuba
tell - a different tale about the wall
around Cuba and the ,spread of tyranny
to Latin America.
Almost exactly a month before about
the same time of the President's speech
to our Latin American neighbors, the Na-
tion's Intelligence Chief, M. R. McCone,
Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency, reported to a subcommittee of
the Foreign Affairs Committee of this
House, that a dangerous, wide-spread,
and highly organized Communist subver-
sive apparatus was being built around
Latin Americans trained in Cuba. He
said that 1,000 to 1,500 trainees from
every Latin American country save one,
went to Cuba in 1962 to receive training
in guerrilla warfare, sabotage and
terrorism.
What can be done to transform the
President's words into action? What
can be done to stop the traffic of suber-
sives between Cuba and Latin America
revealed by our CIA? -
There is a way and there is an organi=
zation to implement the way.
The Organization of American States
is the oldest large organization of na-
tions in the world, long preceding the
League of Nations or the United Nations.
All nations in the Western Hemisphere
are members, save Canada.
One of- its principal aims has been
mutual security for the member nations.
In 1940, at Havana, a resolution of the
OAS declared:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -I July 29
Any attempt on the part of a non-Ameri- putting an end to this pipeline of sub-
can State against the integrity of inviolabil- versives.
itv of the territory, the sovereignty or the This Nation has embarked in a massive
political independence of an American State foreign aid program in Latin America-
,h.11 be considered an act of aggression
;.oainst the states which sign this declara- the Alliance for Progress. The whole
tion. foundation for foreign aid program is to
In 1947. the American nations signed throughout the world. It occurs to me
the Rio Treaty. This historic document that a prerequisite of this aid should be
is actually a collective defense treaty, cessation of trade with Cuba. What
Its purpose was to anticipate what has better way to fight communism?
happened in Cuba and provide macbin- If all of the members of the Organiza-
ery to do something about it.
Now then, what does it provide. In
article 6. if a situation endangers the
peace of the Americas it states that the
OAS should meet immediately to agree
on measures for the common defense
and for maintenance of peace and se-
curity of the continents.
Article 8 lists the measures which
may be authorized and among them are:
'partial or complete interruption of eco-
nomic relations on rail, sea, air com
rnunications, and use of armed forces.
Most of the member nations are vio-
lently opposed to communism in gen-
eral and the Castro regime in particular.
For example, at the meeting of the
American foreign ministers on October
2 and 3. 1962, recognized in forceful Ian-
uage the threat of the Communist Cuba
-
regime to all of Latin America.
During the Cuban crisis the OAS
Council met on October 23, and adopted
unanimously a resolution which: First.
called for withdrawal from Cuba of all
missile and other offensive weapons; and
second. that member states, to be all
measures. individuals, and collectively
in dealing with the armed forces to in-
ure that Cuba would not continue to
receive military supplies from the Soviet
bloc.
The OAS backed up the United States
to the hilt.
Eight countries offered the United
States military aid.
What does all this show? That what
is urgently needed, what the nations of
the hemisphere are crying for is forth-
right. aggressive leadership on the part
of the United States. As the most pow-
erful nation, as the leader of the free
world. they must rely upon us to back
them up in decisive action against Castro
and communism. When we provided ag-
:'ressive leadership, as in the beginning
of the Cuban crisis, the Latin American
States were solidly with us.
What can be done? One solution is
mple. Overnight, much of the sub-
versive pressures against Latin America
from Cuba would be largely eliminated
if this simple action was taken by the
Organization of American States: First,
forbid all travel between Cuba and the
Latin American States; and, second, stop
all trade between Cuba and the Latin
American States: Castro's bad economic
plight would be worsened.
Lot us look at an example. 'Elie
principal route of subversive trainees
into and out of Cuba is through Mexico
City and via Cubana Airways. Mexico
is our closest Latin American neighbor.
Vast quantities of American dollars in
aid and in trade bolster the Mexican
economy each year. It is time to talk
turkey with Mexico and insist on her
tion of American States will not go along
with this simple two-point program, then
I suggest it is time to separate the wheat
from the chaff-let us extend the hand of
friendship and of aid to our friends and
withdraw it from those who prefer to
flirt with Castro and communism.
I say further that when we assume a
role of clear-cut leadership in this hemi-
sphere against Castro and communism,
we Will find the Organization of Ameri-
can States and its individual members
rallying to our cause.
The Latins respect strength. We had
no trouble getting their unanimous sup-
port during World War II against the
Nazi-Axis aggression. Nor will we now
in 19G3 against the Communist goal of
World conquest, if we will but assume
the role of leadership in tfus hemisphere.
Most of the Latin American nations
are openly and solidly with us, despite
the Cuban fiasco. The rest will be with
its when we start acting more like the
great world power that we are.
I have not sought here to probe the
many other measures that could be
taken.
I have sought to point out that the
Organization of American States can be
an effective weapon in this cold war with
communism in Cuba.
The Organization of American States
is like a fertile field waiting eagerly the
planting of the seeds of leadership. Let
the United States plant these seeds of
leadership, and reap the harvest of a
strong hemisphere, free from foreign,
Communist domination.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker. I yield 10
minutes to the gentleman from Cali-
fornia [Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN I.
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN. Mr. Speaker.
it is with great sorrow that I join with
m} colleagues in bringing attention to
the most serious international problem
facing this Nation. It also is with great
hope that I associate myself with this bi-
partisan group of eminent statesmen-
hope that a solution presented here today
Will be accepted and vigorously imple-
nttntt d.
May I say, Ma'. Speaker, that I feel the
word "hope" is the key to our dangerous
predicament. By our spectacular failure
to oppose the admission of Hungary's
totalitarian Communist regime into the
United Nations, we snatched hope away
from the oppressed peoples of Eastern
Europe as though the torch of freedom
had suddenly disappeared from the up-
raised hand of Our Lady of New York
Harbor, the Statue of Liberty.
Likewise, this country's obvious accept-
ance of a totalitarian Communist regime
in Cuba, crowned by the extreme meas-
ure of even hampering the operations of
Cuban freedom fighters, has tarnished
the hope held by western European
countries in NATO to say nothing of the
hopes of the Cuban people. To me there
is little wonder that the much maligned
President of France, Charles DeGaulle,
has seen fit to involve his country in uni-
lateral defense preparations. Whether
this attitude is warranted by the facts is
debatable. But the image of the United
States as the great hope for the defense
of freedom-loving peoples has been tar-
nished, and President DeGaulle is under-
standably alarmed.
This great Nation has led the tide for
freedom and self-determination from the
days of our colonial patriots. But now
there are grave doubts in the minds of
free peoples as to whether we are still
leading this cause, whether we still are
waving the banner of hope to those who
are captives behind the Iron Curtain,
whether we have traded total peaceful
victory of freedom in exchange for ap-
peasement of communism as it steadily
takes over the world.
Mr. Speaker, there have been many
proposed solutions to the problem of
Cuba. Some of them tread on dangerous
ground. Others are reasonable economic
and political sanctions that could lead
to gradual, peaceful rejection of com-
munism in this hemisphere. I need not
go into their provisions in detail here,
but I will wholeheartedly pledge myself
here and now to support and work for
the enactment of any reasonable legis-
lation that will restore the United States,
in the eyes of the world, as the leader of
freedom.
May I call the attention of this hon-
orable body to the list of at least 22
measures aimed at the Cuban situation.
I think that it is pertinent to note at this
point that although this legislation is
authored by our colleagues on both sides
of the aisle, the administration has seen
fit to give them the cold shoulder. For
the sake of brevity, I will summarize their
subject matter very briefly now, but will
place their numbers and description in
the RECORD for the convenience of the
Members.
Monroe Doctrine: House Joint Reso-
lutions 227, 237, and 278 would express
the determination of the United States to
implement the Monroe Doctrine.
Liberation of Cuba: House Joint Reso-
lutions 229, 250, and 310 call for the lib-
eration of Cuba by whatever action nec-
essary and House Concurrent Resolution
22 also calls for release of U.S. citizens
imprisoned in Cuba.
Bay of Pigs: Senate Resolution 54 and
House Concurrent Resolutions 51 and 82
would authorize studies of the Bay of
Pigs invasion.
Economic sanctions: Senate Resolu-
tion 83 asks support for a free world
embargo on Soviet shipments to Cuba;
House Joint Resolution 244 urges the
President to notify recipients of U.S. aid
that general trade with Cuba will result
in termination of such aid; H.R.
2657 and H.R. 3954 would prohibit the
shipment in commerce of articles im-
ported from Cuba; Senate Concurrent
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Resolution 31 urges closing the Panama gress with respect to citizens of the House Joint Resolution 31.8, Prxozn:
Canal to shipments of war material to United States now unlawfully, im- Cuban Refugee Commission Act. Estab-
Cuba; H.R. 2423 and H.R. 2494 would prisoned in Cuba and the liberation of lishes a commission known as the Com-
set the U.S. policy that foreign ves- Cuba from the curse of Castro and com- mission on Cuban Refugees, composed Of
sels used in trade with Cuba and certain munism. January 9, 1963. the Secretary of Health, Education, and
other Communist countries may not car- Senate Resolution 83, MAGNUSON and Welfare, the Secretary of Labor, and the
ry cargoes under U.S. programs; House MORSE: Expresses the sense. of the Sen- Secretary of Commerce, to conduct a
Concurrent Resolution 146 proposes that ate to support the American merchant program of relocation of the refugees
the United States urge the Organization marine's efforts to obtain a free-world from Cuba in Florida to other parts of
of American States to impose economic embargo on Soviet shipments to Cuba. the United States and to Conduct a study
sanctions against Cuba; House Joint February 6, 1963. of this problem. March 11, 1963.
Resolution 302 provides for reductions of House Joint Resolution 227, CRAMER: House Concurrent Resolution 146,
cial aid programs of the United Nations
if aid thereunder is given to Cuba.
Cuban refugees: House Concurrent
Resolution 150 would establish a Cuban
National Council as a rallying point for
Cuban refugees and as a legal organiza-
tion with which the United States and
other countries could deal; House Joint
Resolution 318 would create a Commis-
sion on Cuban Refugees to study the
refugee problem and to relocate them
throughout the United States.
Soviet military occupation:- House
Resolution 290 asks the Organization of
American States and the United Nations
to join the United States in demanding
Soviet military withdrawal from Cuba.
Mr. Speaker, some of these proposals
may constitute a solution, or an approach
to a solution, to this serious encroach-
ment into the Western Hemisphere. The
solution may be among other proposals
made to this body. Whatever it is, it
must restore this Nation's prestige among
our friends and the respect of our ad-
versaries. It must elevate us again as
the shining example of self-government
for all nations, old and new, to emulate.
And by our own individual example, we
can show the freedom-loving peoples of
the world how to pull themselves up by
their own bootstraps, like many of us
here on this floor have done.
I have anxiously joined with my col-
leagues in this call for action on Cuba,
Mr. Speaker. I am sure your mail shows,
as mine does, that the American public
is concerned with the administration's
lack of policy and lack of action in this
matter. How long can we afford a policy
of inaction and still remain secure?
The hope of freedom-loving people
throughout the world hinges on our pro-
viding the at&swer. It is time to move.
Let us show these friends that Uncle
Sam still possesses a little guts and de-
termination in carrying out our expected
role of leadership.
The following bills have been intro-
duced in the 88th Congress,. 1st session
concerning Cuba:
Senate Resolution 54, GOLDWATER'.
Authorizes a study of the facts sur-
rounding the Bay of Pigs invasion. Jan-
uary 23, 1963.
House Concurrent Resolution 51, MIN-
SHALL: Authorizes a study of the facts
surrounding the Bay of Pigs invasion.
January 24, 1963. -
House Concurrent Resolution 82, MIN-
SHALL: Establishes a special joint com-
mittee to conduct a full and complete
study to determine the facts concerning
the Bay of Pigs invasion. February 5,
1963.
House Concurrent Resolution' 22,
PEPPER: Expresses the sense of the Con-
United States with respect to the situa-
tion in Cuba, to restate and implement
the Monroe Doctrine, and to encourage
adherence to the principles of self-
determination and human freedom.
February 4, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 229, JOHAN-
sEN: Expresses the determination of the
United States with respect to the situa-
tion in Cuba. February 4, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 237, FULTON of
Pennsylvania: Expresses the determi-
nation of the Congress that the United
States maintain, implement and enforce
the Monroe Doctrine throughout the
Western Hemisphere. February 7, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 244, WATSON:
Urges the President of the United States
to advise all nations receiving aid under
the foreign assistance acts that further
commerce by such nations with Cuba
in commodities-humanitarian items
excepted-will result in termination of
such aid. February 7, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 250, WILLIAMS:
Expresses the determination of the
United States with respect to the situa-
tion in Cuba. February 11, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 278, HARSHA:
Expresses the determination of the
United States with respect to the situa-
tion in Cuba, to restate and implement
the Monroe Doctrine and to encourage
adherence to the principles of self-de-
termination and human freedom. Feb-
ruary 25, 1963.
House Joint Resolution 310, WYMAN:
Expresses the determination of the
United States with respect to the situa-
tion in Cuba. March 6, 1963.
House Resolution 290, PEPPER: Calls
upon the Organization of American
States and the United Nations to join
the United States in demanding the So-
viet Union to remove its armed forces
from Cuba. March 11, 1963.
House Concurrent Resolution 150,
WALLHAUSER: Expresses the sense of Con-
gress that the President should provide
for the establishment of a Cuban Na-
tional Council. The Council would first
provide a rallying point for the Cuban
refugees in the Western Hemisphere;
second, provide an effective legal instru-
ment through which the United States
and interested Latin American govern-
ments could offer material and financial
aid, in the fight to regain freedom for
Cuba; third, provide a focal point of
communication with the freedom-loving
fighters - still carrying on inside tuba;
fourth, assure the Cuban people and the
world that the United States is not ac-
cepting the Castro government as the
permanent Government of Cuba; and
fifth, lay the legal basis for domestic
support for the activities of the Cuban
refugees. May 8, 1963.
ROGERS of Florida: Expresses the sense
of the Congress that the United States
should propose to the OAS that certain
economic sanctions be taken against the
Communist Government of Cuba. May
2, 1963.
H.R. 2657, DEVINE: Prohibits the
shipment in commerce of articles im-
ported into the United States from Cuba.
January 24, 1963.
H.R. 3954,, HEMPHILL: Prohibits the
shipment in commerce of articles im-
ported from Cuba and prohibits in-
troduction into commerce any article in-
tended for export to Cuba. February 21,
1963.
House Joint Resolution 302, MONTOYA:
Provides for reductions of future United
States contributions to certain special
aid programs of the United Nations if aid
thereunder is furnished to Cuba. March
4, 1963.
Senate Concurrent Resolution 31,
SCOTT: Expresses the sense of Congress
on closing the Panama Canal to ships
carrying war materiel to Cuba. March
14, 1963.
H.R. 2423, PELLY: Declares as the
policy of the United States that foreign
vessels which trade with Cuba or certain
other Communist countries may not par-
ticipate in the carrying of cargoes under
programs of the United States.
21, 1963.
H.R. 2494, GARMATZ: Same
2423. January 24, 1963.
H.R. 7687, ROGERS of Florida: Purpose
to close U.S. ports to the ships of any
nation which allows any of its ships to be
used in sea trade with Cuba.
[Mr. BRUCE addressed the House.
His remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.]
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5
minutes to the gentleman from New
Hampshire [Mr. CLEVELAND].
(Mr. CLEVELAND asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. -CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, it is
a privilege and a pleasure to participate
in this special order. I would like to
commend the gentleman from Virginia
[Mr. MARSH], the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. WEAVER], and others who
have arranged this discussion as a bi-
partisan effort to crystallize thought and
inspire constructive action. My remarks
shall be addressed to but one phase of
this many faceted problem: "The Cuban
Caves," which, to me, present a good ex-
ample of the necessity of facts in facing
a complicated, matter. Facts coupled
with firmness and sound judgment can
go a long way toward solving complex
problems.
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12814
Last winter when the great debate Had the Ambassador's earlier warn- the closing of all American ports to ships
was raging as to whether or not the mis- ings been heeded many of the mistakes of any country that persist in trading
siles had been removed from Cuba, It made since, might well have been with Cuba. I think all of us would see
occurred to me it would be wise to find avoided. that immediately that would place upon
out if there was any place in Cuba where In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I should our friends such as Great Britain who
missiles could be hidden. On February like to cite a few additional facts which since the first of this year had 41 ships
28 I called to the attention of the House I think my colleagues should have: as visit Cuba, some 13 of which were large
a letter I had received from the Library a result of a recent questionnaire which tankers, the choice of whether they, the
of Congress in answer to my inquiry con- I sent to my constituents, I am con- British, wanted to trade with us or trade
cerning the presence of caves in Cuba. vinced that most of them are not satis- with the Castro Communists. Of course,
I was surprised to find out that this was fied with this administration's policy the answer to that would be easy. They
the first direct inquiry that had been toward Cuba. I am also convinced of would want to trade with us.
made. I was also surprised. to find that the fact that the American people dis- Thereby, we would throw the burden
in the Library of Congress there was re- miss as unwarranted the suggestion that of supporting Communists upon those
markably little Information about the those of us who are criticizing present who should support it, their advocates,
presence and size and location of caves policies toward Cuba are warmongers the Russians. I believe stretched as the
in Cuba- It seemed strange to me then calling for an open invasion of Cuba. Russian economy is that throwing this
and it seems strange to me now that in There are many effective measures (and additional burden upon them of sup-
a situation where we had complete ac- many of them have been well detailed porting ,Cuba would in time bring about
cess to the caves in Cuba for many, here this afternoon) that can and should the doazrfall of Cuba.
many years, our intelligence had not be adopted which in no way involve di- It would also serve to weaken the
thought to look into such an Important rect military action. cause of Russian communism. We can
strategic potential which could be used Working much more closely with the also cut down Cuban trade by inserting
contrary to the interestseof our country. OAS and bringing to bear the full eco- provisions in future legislation that no
Again, on March 7 of this year, I called nomic power at our disposal Is certainly country that continues to trade with the
to the attention of the House that al- one course of action that has not been Communists will receive any foreign aid.
together the Library dt Congress did not vigorously pursued, and certainly should We can close the gates of the Panama
have much information on caves in Cuba. be. Canal to those who persist in trading
this apparently had been a matter which The SPEAKER pro tempore. The with Cuba. We can insist that those
had concerned Army Intelligence. Maj. time of the gentleman from New Hamp- countries who continue to fly airplanes
Gen. Alva R. Fitch, testifying before the shire has expired. Into Cuba will no longer receive any for-
Senate Armed Services Committee, ac- Mr. MARSH. I yield 1 additional eign aid and that they no longer be per-
tually stated there were Indeed innum- minute to the gentleman from New mitted to trade with us. Also we can in
erable caves, in fact, countless thousands Hampshire. Central and South America expand
of caves in Cuba. He went on to point Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, I our educational and our cultural ex-
out that they were definitely large met with Ambassador Hill when he was change program. We need to do this.
enough and suitable for storing military here in Washington recently. He indi- We have been woefully neglectful in this
weapons, including missiles. He also cated that if we employ our full eco- area.
revealed that aerial reconnissance in- nomic power and engage in skillful and We can convert the technique and
dicated roads recently built to known concerted action through the OAS, the principles we have developed in selling
cave locations. Castro regime could be brought to terms our products throughout the world to
Mr. Speaker, at that time I called on and brought down without the use of selling this idea of freedom by expand-
the people of this country who might military force. Ing the operations of the USIA and other
have knowledge of Cuban caves to send Mr. Speaker, we hear so often the un- programs of this kind. In short, Mr.
their information to the Library of Con- founded criticism that those of us who Speaker, there are many avenues of ap-
cress. It is interesting to note that as challenge the wisdom of our present proach to the defeat of Cuban commu-
a result of this, many people Indeed did Cuban policy are warmongers calling nism that we can and must follow. It
send the Library of Congress informa- for open invasion. We are accused of is the responsibility of this Congress to
tion picked up over the years either as spoiling America's international Image. make a vigorous start.
sightseers or archeologists or encineers it is becoming increasingly clear that Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, I yield to
working or visiting in Cuba. a lack of firmness, vacillation, and lack the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Mr. Speaker, on March 11 the gentle- of well-defined and well-prepared policy WEAVER] for a period not to exceed 15
man from Michigan [Mr. CEDERBERG I in- is what is really damaging our "image." minutes.
serted in the RECORD stories which ap- Mr. MARSH. I now yield to the Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I thank
geared in the Chicago Tribune and gentleman from Florida [Mr. GIBBONS]. the gentleman from Virginia.
Manchester Union-Leader, concerning Mr. GIBBONS. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Speaker, today we have presented
this matter of Cuban caves and some of the gentleman from Virginia for yielding a coordinated bipartisan congressional
the response which had resulted from my to me. I join with those speakers today review and recommendations on the cold
previous insertions in the RECORD. who have taken a bipartisan approach to war as it applies to Cuba. The problem
Finally, Mr. Speaker, on April 1 of this this great American problem. This has been communism in Cuba in respect
year I inserted in the RECORD an editorial problem of how to win the minds and to the Western Hemisphere. We have
from the Saturday Evening Post on the hearts of the people of this world to the sought informally, with individualistic
secret caves of Cuba. This editorial idea of freedom that is best expressed approaches, solutions so that we might
wrapped up information then existing in our American Revolution. eliminate communism from Cuba and this
and pointed out the highly significant Mr. Speaker, we are not here in this hemisphere,
fact it was possible for some caves, front- Congress to write history or to criticize The review and recommendations
ing on the ocean, to contain submarine history. We are here to try to under- made have included the following basic
pens. There has been additional In- stand history and to make history. It is points:
formation since then which would lead in this spirit of making history that we
us to believe this Is so. should frame our remarks and continue First. U.S. action.
Mr. Speaker. when I inserted that edi- our discussions. That is our responsibil- Second. Role of the Organization of
torial from the Saturday Evening Post ity. Let us leave the history writing to American States.
I called to the attention of my colleagues the historians. U.S. ACTION
the fact that this information had been To sum up briefly some of the things I. Punta &l Este Resolution No. 2: It
sent to me by my friend, Ambassador we can do short of armed conflict to rid is apparent that we in the United States
Robert C. Hill. a constituent of mine who Cuba of Castroism and communism, let must develop a determined and immedi-
lives in Littleton, N.H. I think it is im- me say first of all as a broad title we can ate liberationist policy to eradicate com-
portant to remember that Ambassador cut off trade with Cuba. The gentle- rnunism from Cuba. This we must make
Hill, when Ambassador to Mexico, was man from Florida IMr. ROGERSI, and evident not only in the United States but
not fooled by the Castro regime or the myself and quite a few others have in- to the people of Latin America. The
bearded demagog who heads it. troduced legislation that would call for Monroe Doctrine has been discussed as
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to its reevaluation and application to the VI. Western Hemisphere economic aid tion to keep this continent free from
Cuban situation. and education programs for underde- communism. They could act as a polic-
One of the more important additional veloped countries: The U.S. cultural ing organization in conjunction with the
actions which it is felt could be made is leadership and exchange programs for U.S. forces. This would illustrate to
through reassertion of the Punta del Este Western Hemisphere nations should be these nations our willingness to cooper-
Resolution No. 2. The implementation maintained. Students, educators, scien- ate and be a part of the united effort.
of this resolution, developed by the OAS tific, and technical personnel should con- Today, we have also seen a compre-
nations, makes a firm commitment of tinue to be exchanged. The development hensive review of the bills before Con-
American policy in relation to the Sino- of democratic educational processes can gress relating to Cuba. As you will note,
Soviet bloc in Cuba. We feel under this be then carried out in these nations. I there are many bills. Few have come
resolution there is an opportunity for personally have been impressed by the before committees or the Congress as a
positive action which will show leader- Peace Corps teachers as well as privately body. It is time we coordinated the ac-
ship as well as cooperation to the Latin sponsored teachers and their potential in tions Qf these bills. It is time that the
American nations. the education systems of the Western legislative branch of Government show
II. Economic blockade: There is a Hemisphere countries. The great need leadership in finding solutions to the
growing feeling for an all-out economic for teachers due to the 50-percent illit- Cuban and cold war problems.
blockade of Cuba in which all U.S. ports eracy rate in many of the Western Hemi- CONCLUSION
of entry-air and sea-shall be closed to sphere countries must be filled by us or Today, a little over 10 years since the
any nation dealing with the island coun- the vacuum will be filled by Communists. Moncada operation in Cuba, we stand
try. The closing of the Panama Canal It is apparent that the Alliance for here as Members of Congress discussing
to Cuba and other countries dealing with Progress with its high motives and its the cold war in Cuba. We realize that
them has been reemphasized. We must, great beginning needs a modification of Communists have a bastion on this is-
likewise, persist in asking our western its role. It must be reoriented in order to land. We feel we can remove commu-
allies to desist from their dealing with carry out what is being discussed here. nism from there by means short of armed
Castro. A blockade of oil shipments of We must fully utilize communication intervention by the United States. The
all nations to Cuba has been proposed. medias for this program. alternatives are not peaceful coexistence
III. Foreign aid program: Restrictions VII. Freedom Academies: Freedom or nuclear war. We have seen the re-
have been proposed on U.S. foreign aid Academies have been proposed-one in sults of appeasement in the past in the
to countries dealing with Cuba. This the United States and the other in Latin era of Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo. We
means that congressional foreign aid America. These academies can serve the see the threat of such a philosophy now
amendment swill place restrictions on purpose of preparing leaders and the with. British Guiana, Venezuela, Brazil,
monetary, economic, and other forms of people for the psychological impact of all on the threshold of capitulation to
foreign aid to any country which deals the fourth dimensional warfare we now communism.
with Castro. face in the cold war. We recognize that there is risk taking
IV. Provisional Cuban Government: It VIII. Kennedy-Khrushchev corre- involved, but the risks will be greater if
is evident that we need some means of spondence: The correspondence between we continue to procrastinate in elemi-
coordinated information and action re- President Kennedy and Premier Khru- nating Castro.
lating to the restoration of Cuba to de- shchev during and following the October Action on Cuba would not split the
mocracy. Some feel that the recognition confrontation should be published to put OAS. We feel, rather, it would tend to
of a well-balanced and representative to rest the rumors and misunderstand- unite Latin America behind us as they
provisional government could be this ing in the Western Hemisphere and the have united on other occasions, particu-
focal point for the Cuban people. world over the contents of these com- larly in the missile crisis of October 1962.
Through this organization we can help munications. There have been allega- What divides these nations from us is
develop the principles of our traditional tions of a deal having been made over our own indecision and inaction. This,
policy of nonintervention and of self-de- Cuba. in turn, promotes similar indecision and
termination for Cubans and all other ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES inaction everywhere in the hemisphere,
subjugated countries in the Western Proposals have been made concerning leaving a vacuum. Our action on Cuba
Hemisphere. I label Russia an aggres- the OAS. A cooperative embargo could should reaffirm. to those who are behind
sor and a Castro ally. We feel that all be placed on shipping and travel to and the Communist wall in Latin America
forms of internal revolution could be from Cuba to prevent exportation of and elsewhere that it is the policy of
aided by such a provisional government Communist subversion to the Western nonintervention and self-determination
through the development of good will, Hemisphere. This would eliminate use that we advocate.
creation of military forces, establishment of Little Cayman, Grand Cayman, and The Soviets in Cuba are the interven-
of a program of sabotage, the setting up other Caribbean islands for bases in Cas- ers. They are the interlopers, the im-
of rebel bases on adjoining islands, and tro's scheme of exporting subversion to perialists. Our objective is to give the
the formation of a radio free Cuba. other Latin American countries. Cubans an opportunity to express their
if such a provisional government is set The Alliance for Progress must not be own self-determination in national sov-
up it -would include not only those in considered as a substitute to direct mili- ereignty, free of foreign domination.
exile from Cuba but also those in absen- tary opposition to communism. Under international agreements now in
tia who are leading the attack from with- We should support democratic Latin existence, the Rio Treaty of 1947 pro-
in the island. Thusly, we can help to American States. We should aid exiles vided for collective self-defense. The
prepare for the development of a proper of Communist or neo-Communist states. Caracas Declaration of 1954 specifically
democratic atmosphere for post-Castro We should give a definitive U.S. policy was directed at Communists and now
Cuba. and leadership to the OAS. We must Resolution No. 2 of Punta del Este 1962
V. Military surveillance: It is essential show that we have the virility and the is our latest and most specific of all. It
that our low-level, U-2, and high-level gumption to carry on a decent leader- carries another step forward to the idea
plane surveillance continue so that we ship in cooperation with other nations. of collective self-defense contained in
can be prepared to meet any threat to our We could urge the OAS to set up a quar- the Rio Treaty. It has been buried
Nation. We feel the CIA can be more antine of Cuba similar to that applied to away by officialdom. We urge the ad-
effectively used. We need constantly im- the Dominican Republic under Trujillo. ministration to implement this resolu-
proving security maintenance and intel- We could urge all Latin American na- tion.
ligence information. On-site missile in- tions to break off their relations with Finally, speaking from the floor of
spection policy in Cuba has been advo- Cuba and withdraw recognition of Cuba. Congress, we who are Congressmen from
cated. Of additional importance is We feel an OAS task force could be es- both sides of the aisle, say to the people
psychological. warfare aimed at Soviet tablished similar to NATO-perhaps a. of America that the legislative branch
and Cuban troops to counteract this type Latin American Treaty. Organization. of Government has not deserted Cuba,
of cold warfare which the Communists This would combine all democratic na- but is actively, deeply interested in the
have used relentlessly. tions who, like us, have the determina- restoration of Cuba to the democratic
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 12846 Approved Fob ~ f?23 P6 M 3R000200240012-3 July 29
nations. We from both sides of the aisle There are some of the things that we presume this writer that you are talking
speaking here today likewise say to must undertake, some of the things we about is on somebody's payroll, and they
those of you behind the Communist cur- must do in the days and months ahead. can solve all the problems concerning
tain of Cuba, you who have suffered, you Certainly it is our task and obligation Cuba and Russia and communism and
who are fighting for democracy and feel to be certain that we preserve for our what have you, just as long as somebody
neglected, that we are with you, that we posterity the blessings of liberty. It is is giving them a paycheck. It is a little
will do all that we can to see that you the obligation of the American citizens more difficult, I would point out to the
are restored to your rightful place of to be certain that the 20th century gentleman from Virginia, when you are
self-determination in your Government. does not go by default to the heirs of sitting in the driver's seat to make the
We have not forgotten you. We not Ghengis Khan. It shall be in this decade decisions.
only want a free Cuba but we are deter- that we shall have cast the die of the I am not going to object to the gen-
mined to help it become free. We also image of society. I submit to you that tleman's request in this instance, Mr.
say to all the nations of the Western no die should be cast other than the die Speaker, but I do point to the fact that
Hemisphere that Members of the Con- that Is in the image of the American there is a good deal of a possibility of
gress are anxious and eager to develop a Republic. putting things in the RECORD that do not
determined coordinated leadership by Ultimately the price that will be paid have much real value and which are not
the United States. Through such a plan as the price to purchase freedom for very authentic. I am a little worried
and policy the United States can join the people who walk the streets of about putting in things from such or-
with you to keep this hemisphere free Havana will be the price Americans are ganizations that must have an ax to
from communism. willing to pay, but I am convinced that grind-or they would not be in existence.
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, as we American citizens are willing to pay that The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
draw to a close the special order that has price, that they support the declaration the request of the gentleman from Vir-
been devoted to Cuba as well as the of October 1962, wherein it was stated ginia?
special order that preceded it of the gen- that we are determined to prevent by There was no objection.
tleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. WEAVERI whatever means are necessary, including The matter referred to is as follows:
I should like to thank those on both sides the use of arms, the Marxist-Leninist [From the Free Cuba News, June 1, 19631
of the aisle who participated in this dis- ideas being extended throughout this INSIDE LATIN AMERICA
cussion in order to present a bipartisan hemisphere and so endangering the CUBA OFFICIALLY PROMOTING SUBVERSION
approach to a very serious problem in liberties of the peoples of the Americas. Further evidence that the Cuban Govern-
the Caribbean that is really only a part We intend to join with freedom-loving ment is openly promoting subversion in
of a larger problem, a worldwide problem Cubans to support the aspirations of the Latin America is provided by its delegate to
that indicates the scope and thrust of Cuban people for self-determination. the Fifth Labor Congress in Prague, which
Soviet aggression and their desire for The Cuban people are not enjoying this began May 1, where he told Communist bloc
world domination through the interna- now because of the nature of the Com- representatives that the Castro regime was
tional Communist movement. munist regime which seeks to extend its dedicated to the task of overthrowing the
I might point out that America has a slave empire, and seeks to do It by existing governments of Latin America. The
brilliant history in the conduct of psy- guerrilla warfare, espionage and sub- delegate, Benito Sanchez, declared that Com-
ChOlOgiCal warfare. In the American version. munist Cuba was making an effort princi-ate Revolution certainly some of the finest At this point, Mr. Speaker, I would of f Venezuela, o " s l support for the people
Colombia and Nicaragua ? ? r
examples of effective psychological war- like to insert in the RECORD a statement with the aim of overthrowing the govern-
fare operations were waged under the from the Free Cuba News, a publication ments of those countries."
direction of such men as Thomas Jeffer- of the Citizens Committee for a Free CASTRO CONSPIRACY IN ANDES
son and Benjamin Franklin. In the Cuba dated June 1, 1963, wherein this Fidel Castro made the boast not long after
American Revolution the psychological very able publication, a very sound and taking power in Cuba: "We shall convert
warfare effort that was aimed at the documented publication, points out the the Cordillera of the Andes Into the Sierra
members of the Hessian forces that scope of the guerrilla effort extending Maestra of South America." Stories of in-
fought under George III in the colonies from Cuba Into the Latin Americas, creasing Communist violence in the Andes,
was highly effective In causing desertions The SPEAKER. Is there objection to in recent weeks, indicate that the Cuban
in the Hessian ranks. the request of the gentleman from Communist dictator is making progress to-
realizing
his boast.
It is very vital and necessary that we Virginia? These ward
Thesse e Andean republics are feeling increas-
undertake a similar psychological war- Mr. HAYS. Mr. Speaker, reserving ing Castro-Communist pressure:
fare effort directed at the members of the right to object, what is this that the Bolivia: This landlocked country at the
the Soviet military forces stationed on gentleman is going to insert In the REC- "roof of South America," one of the five
the Cuban island. Certainly this Na- ORD and who prints it? Latin republics that maintain diplomatic re-
tion that is expert in marketing 'and In Mr. MARSH. It is pages 7 and 8 of lations with Cuba, is a center of Communist
communication can package and tell the the Free Cuba News. arms running, espionage and subversion in
story of the American Revolution, can Mr. HAYS. Who is the Free Cuba the Andes. The Cuban Embassy in the capi-tal
sources create and foment unrest in the Soviet News? The CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in pliesfmoney zandcmaterial oaidrto native and
ranks and make it extremely difficult for supposed to be accurate. Have you any neighboring Communists. An elaborate
the warlords of the Kremlin to main- information that this is anything more chain of Communist way-stations, beginning
tain the esprit de corps and the morale than propaganda from a bunch of Cu- in Chile, has one of its important termi-
of their forces in the Cuban Island. It bans who have an ax to grind? nuses in La Paz.
is vitally necessary we undertake such an Mr. MARSH. Yes; I am convinced Chila: The capital of Santiago is reported-
effort aimed at subversion of the Russian that it is something more than that. ly the GHQ for Castro-Communist operations
In Andes. it is to headed u by
troops in Cuba themselves. But even Its editor is Daniel James, the wr'iter. t
wos veteran Bulgariansaid eds,bIvan Tenev and
more this effort must also be directed There are members of the advisory com- Konstantin Telalov, who are reportedly
at labeling the Soviet Union as being the mittec, such people as Adm. Arleigh members of the Central Committee of the
real interventionist in Latin American Burke and other distinguished American Bulgarian Communist Party.
affairs, in labeling the Soviet Union as citizens. It is simply a newsletter that Tenev and Telalov are said to have set up
being the first and foremost colonial is published on events occurring not only a series of Red way-stations stretching into
power of the twentieth century, and we in Cuba but throughout the Latin five neighboring countries: Argentina, Bo-
must remind the people of Latin Amer- American countries. money Brazil, Ecuador and Peru. Arms and
money are re funneled ed through the s sia tations.
ica that this colonial power that now Mr. HAYS. Further reserving the Through Africa on the Chilean-Peruvian
holds Cuba also holds in the Red grip right to object, Mr. Speaker, what border, for example, arms are dispatched
the satellite nations of Europe, that it Is bothers me a little bit Is how fast people into Peru. The Africa station also connects
the Soviet Union that is denying the can get to be experts on this subject up with La Paz, since it borders Bolivia, too.
right of -self-determination to not just when the military that has devoted a The Cuban Embassy in Santiago, accord-
of the citizens of Cuba but indeed from lot of study to it does not seem to know hag to the Cuban Student Directorate, has
the citizens of the satellite countries of all the answers. But some of these out- more start than its normal requirements call
Europe, that it is the Soviet Union that siders can in a few weeks get all the t
for ranic.d Itprecently engaes In arms
established ealtlChilean-
has made Cuba indeed a captive nation. answers once they get on the payroll, I Cuban Cultural Institute' in Santiago,
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 1963 Approved F(LnIAR;91M2STCMRDM3R000200240012-3 12847
The
which is considered a front for other cul- of the Cuban situation during the sum- announcement that a four-point pro-
tural activities. mer and fall of 1962. Consequently, this gram of restrictions would be imposed was
Peru: The existence of the Communist unanimous report of a subcommittee late. The restrictions proposed were in ade-
chain of stations in the Andes came to light quate. And down to the present day this
composed of four Democrats and three announcement has remained an idle threat.
Zapata through a Peruvian cared several eral C. mmu- Republicans is an important first step The only restriction on free world ships who -
attacked Puerto to Mal- toward better understanding of _ the so far imposed by the Government has been
nisi st youths sti, when en they captured
donado, in southeast Peru not far from Bra- background of American policy during the totally ineffective ban on the transpor-
s from
zil, on May 20. Col. Zapata Cesti learned that crucial period. Its appraisal of tation of Gone n tenon t-financ d cargo Cuban
that the attack was part of a Castro-Com- past errors and present dangers sounds United in e
munist plan to unleash guerrilla warfare, an emphatic warning to those respon- trade.
Finally, the administration has spurned
terror and sabotage upon the area, and to sible for formulating policy toward Cuba. the weapon placed in its hands by Public
initiate similar operations against Lima, the Perhaps the most valuable part of the Law 87-872, the Foreign Aid Appropriations
national capital, and the ancient Inca cen- subcommittee's report is the enumera-. Act of 1963, which contains two restrictions
ter of Cuzco.
The Communist guerrillas- captured tion of 11 considerations that lead it to which are being ignored.
69 conclude that Cuba now represents a aid to aci?' cflatly banned any ountry which States
Col. Zapata Cesti were part of a group of 69
young Peruvians who had been to Cuba for grave threat to our national security. ai under its utry to carry to Cuba p ships
6 months of training in guerrilla war, ter- This is a needed antidote to the plethora under and registry other goods o a etro-cer of
rorism and sabotage under the direction of of statements from official and unofficial le m" and character.
Maj. Ernesto "Cho" Guevara, Castro's guer- Tankers of the following free nations or strategic rilla expert. The roundabout way they re- spokesmen of the administration de- signed to minimize, and divert attention which are receiving aid from the United
eu to Peru from Cuba exposed the op- from, the seriousness of the Cuban States have traveled to Cuba in the first
oraned ation of the Red way-stations. 6 months of 1963: United Kingdom, Greece,
The youngsters had gone to Havana via problem.
Arica, the Chilean border town, where they We hope that these words of the sub- Italy, and
Further, the act prohibited economic aid
were picked up b' Cubana Airlines. They committee's report-again the unani- "to any country the which sells, furnishes, comic aid
were sent back, however, not to Arica, Chile, mous judgment of its members-will be any s or
its r carry
but Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. From Rio the heard throughout the land: permits items of ey ships under assistance its sells,
Cuba, trry
group journeyedSao Paulo by truck, The matter of basic and fundamental im- less the President determines that the with-
thenc They then h d for Santa southern z, portance "' * * and the source of the real holding of such assistance would be contrary
an train. They headed for threat, is that international communism now to the national interest and reports such
and crossed into Peru through the he Beni has a firm foothold in this hemisphere and determination to the Foreign Relations and
jungle. Once in Peru they made their way that, if we permit it to do so, it is here to Appropriations Committees of the Senate
to a dh ri d a guide called to Aposento take them Farm, through where Stay, and the Foreign Affairs and Appropriations
they hired a l Mal- By (a) process of erosion our neighbors to Committees of the House of Representa--
more jungle and finally on to Puerto Ma- the south may fall nation by nation until tives.,
don. the entire hemisphere is lost and the Com- Economic aid is being furnished by the
Tadohe leaders of the youthful Communist munist goal of isolating the United States United States to countries apparently in
band appear to have come from good social has been attained. violation of this provision of the law. In-
of Alain Elias, is the tan quiry made of the staff of the Foreign Affairs
of backgrounds.
a Peruvian aviation hero, Capt. Ronan In a report dated June 16, I reviewed of the House
Elias, whose family is well-to-do. Another, the history and implications. of the and of Representatives Appropriations Commi Committtees that the Po si
Javier Heraud, hoi who was 'University of killed, Lima had studied Monroe Doctrine and urged a return to dent has not submitted to these committees
wan the h a prize ize as as Peru's best young poet. and nd had the positive policies of that doctrine: the required certification.
won years ago Khrushchev told the world A substantial volume of trade between
Mr. MARSH. I might point out, Mr. that the Monroe Doctrine was dead, saying Cuba and the free world continues. The
Speaker, that the insertion is along the "the remains of this doctrine should be most recent reliable figures, covering the
lines of the Seldon subcommittee report buried as every dead body is, so that it does calendar year 1962, place it at $250 million or
on Cuba, describing it as a base for sub- not poison the air by its decay." The Eisen- 20 percent of the entire foreign trade of Cuba.
version and espionage and as a training hower administration replied, "the principles If goods for military use from the Communist
ground for this real threat aimed and of the Monroe Doctrine are as valid today as bloc were eliminated from the totals, free
directed at our country and the Latin they were in 1823 when the doctrine was pro- world trade would constitute a significantly
claimed." The Kennedy administration has higher percentage of Cuban foreign trade.
American countries. so far failed to contradict Khrushchev either The Government of the United States
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my Col- by word or by deed. should pursue the following immediate ob-
leagues who have participated in this What is needed is the positive policy of jectives in its economic campaign against
discussion for the contributions they the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine Communist Cuba:
have made here today, is being violated by the presence of Soviet 1. Cessation of the use of free world ships
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance troops in Cuba-whatever their strength, to transport goods to and from Cuba.
whatever the nature of their equipment. 2. Reduction of free world trade with Cuba
Of my time. The doctrine is being violated as long as to a negligible amount.
CUBA AND THE COLD WAR
(Mr. BATTIN asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. BATTIN. Mr. Speaker, because
of the work I have done in the past
in collecting and evaluating informa-
tion on the Cuban situation, I am happy
to participate in this discussion.
I have previously made several re-
ports on the Cuban matter and would
like to include excerpts from these re-
ports.
On May 20, I spoke on the interim re-
port of the Preparedness Investigating
Subcommittee of the Senate Committee
on the Armed Services. The recently
issued interim report of the Prepared-
ness Investigating Subcommittee of the
Senate Committee on the Armed Services
dealing with the Cuban military buildup
throws light on hitherto obscure aspects
there is any type of Soviet intervention in 3. Curtailment of trade between Cuban
Cuba, and the Communist bloc and/or increase
The removal of Soviet troops and the of the economic cost to the Communist
elimination of other types of Soviet inter- world of supporting Castro.
vention in Cuba is an urgent policy objective. The Government of the United States
The ultimate objective of U.S. policy must should take the action necessary to bring to a
be the elimination of the Communist regime complete halt within the next 30 days the use
in Cuba and its replacement by a government of any free world ship to transport goods to
freely chosen by the Cuban people. or from, Cuba. Such action is long overdue.
Denial of free world shipping to Castro would
In another report of July 19, I listed deprive him of approximately 50 percent of
nations now receiving U.S. economic the vessels that now sustain his faltering
and/or military assistance and still economy.
carrying on trade with Cuba: And last week, I and several of my col-
In late September 1962, the administration leagues addressed the following letter to
n the President in a further effort to im-
restrictions announced on that o a free four-point world ships s program involved in
the the Cuban trade would shortly be put in press those concerned with the serious-
effect. The announcement was made after ness of the Cuban matter of free world
months of official indecision during which trade with Cuba.
the volume of free world shipping to Cuba JULY 24, 1963.
increased drastically and freed Communist The PRESIDENT,
ships for the transportation of military The White House,
equipment to Castro. The administration Washington, D.C.
noted on October 2, 1962, that two-thirds DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The undersigned
of the ships going to Cuba were free world Members of the House of Representatives re-
ships. spectfully urge that you take speedy action to
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 Approved For ReiD 2 9 6 i 6.5EN&> 000200240012-3-
bring to an end the use of free world ships
in trade with Cuba.
We are shocked to find that as much as 50
percent of the goods that sustain the econ-
omy of Communist Cuba are carried Is ves-
sels flying the flags of free nations. In the
first quarter of 1963 between one-third and
40 percent of the oil that was delivered to
Cuba was brought there on free world
tankers.
The announced objective of your admini-
stration is the isolation of the Communist
regime in Cuba. This objective is being
thwarted by the use of vessels under the con-
trol of nations which are our friends and
allies. The effect of such measures as have
been taken to put pressure on the Cuban
ononomy by the United States Is to a con-
siderable degree nullified by this shipping.
It should be possible to end this traffic
within the next 30 days. Since the prob-
lem is largely one of persuading two na-
tions, the United Kingdom and Greece, to
withdraw their vessels from Cuban trade, a
firm request by the United States should
suffice. If a request is not enough, we would
favor closing the ports of this country to
all vessels of any nation which permits any
of its ships to carry goods to or from Cuba,
directly or indirectly.
May we further Invite your attention to
section 107 of Public Law 87-872, the Foreign
Aid Appropriations Act of 1963. In con-
formity with this section, Mr. Joseph W.
Reap of the State Department Informed the
press on January 11 of this year that "aid
shall be cut off to countries whose ships carry
goods to Cuba." No action of the type
promised by Mr. Reap has been taken.
You can be sure you will have the support
of the overwhelming majority of the Mem-
bers of the Congress in effective steps to
terminate the use of free world ships In
Cuban trade.
Yours respectfully,
JAMES F. BATTIK, WILLIAM C. CRAMER, E.
Ross ADAIR, JOHN M. AsHBROOK, ED-
WARD J. DERWINSKI, SAMUEL L. DEVIN#.
DURWARD G. HALL, CLARK MACGREGOR,
GARNER E. SHRIVER, Members of Con-
press.
CUBA AND THE COLD WAR
(Mr. WEAVER (at the request of Mr.
STAFFORD) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point and to
include extraneous matter.)
Mr. WEAVER. Mr. Speaker, I include
the following material on Cuba:
[From the Washington Post, July 26, 19631
DARK DECADE
It is a suggestive coincidence that the
10th anniversary of Fidel Castro's rebellion
comes in the same week that the United Na-
tions is in pitched debate over colonialism.
On July 26. 1953, when Castro led the abor-
tive attack on a military barracks that gave
his movement its name, the assault was In
part prompted by nationalist ideals. Cubans
resented their island's semicolonial status
based on sheer proximity to the United
States, a one-crop economy and a tradition
of Yankee paternalism.
That form of indirect colonialism has end-
ed, but what has taken Its place? Ernesto
Betancourt, once Castro's July 28 repre-
sentative in Washington, points out else-
where on this page that the very terms used
by the Afro-Asians to arraign Portugal can
be applied to Cuba today. No longer the
insolent rebel, Castro has become an apolo-
gist for a foreign capital, and his people
the exposed hostage of a distant country.
This new relationship was made humiliat-
ingly clear In Castro's June 8 report in Ha-
vana on his trip to Moscow- quite possibly
the saddest and most fumbling oration of
his career.
The phrases of honeyed adulation he used
to describe Premier Khrushchev were worthy
of an Ulbricht-after all, the Soviet leader
was the man who first Installed and then
removed missiles In Cuba, In both Instances
treating the Island as a satrap. On eco-
nomic matters, Castro rebuffed with annoy-
ance all specific questions from his servile
press panel. World sugar prices have risen
over the levels paid by the Soviet Union,
yet incredibly, Castro said "it was not cor-
rect" to bring the matter up with the Rus-
sians. What would he have said to any
Cuban who held out a hat rather than
bargain with the United States on sugar
prices,
In one passage, he remarked: "At this
time, It can be said that the general situa-
tion of our country Is one of security-a
situation of security. Security against the
danger which has been besetting us since
the very outset of the revolution-of a direct
Invasion by the United States."
With this admission, Castro knocked the
Ideological prop from his totalitarian state.
The prisons have been filled, neighborhood
spy systems set up, newspaper freedom
smothered, elections denied and Cubans
mercilessly shot-all on the pretext that an
Invasion was imminent. If Cuba Is secure,
why must a Soviet garrison remain on the
island? Why does Castro shift his military
commands so nervously and keep weapons
and ammunition locked up from his militia?
Why did he appoint, last week, an Eastern
European Communist. Fablo Grobart, as
chief of operations of the rebel army?
In the decade since July 28, 1953, much
has happened which can never be undone.
It would be a cruel caricature of history to
suggest that Castro was always a villain and
this country always the spotless lamb.
Castro now talks about reconciliation. But
the first requisite Is a demonstration that
he really speaks for his people and that
his -regime is not pinned together with
Soviet bayonets, As a beginning, why doesn't
he grant his own people some of the freedom
he so solemnly promised In years gone by?
(Fn,m the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
July 25, 19631
BLEAK ANNIVERSARY
T:ie betrayal began just 10 years ago to-
morrow, and it began as a failure. A young
main-a crypto-Communist named Fidel Cas-
tro-headed a group of equaly young "revolu-
tionaries" in an attack on the Moncada Bar-
racks in Santiago de Cuba. The attack,
aimed at overthrowing the regime of Fulgen-
rio Batista. was as unbelievably mismanaged
as the so-called military operation that oc-
curred a long time later at a placed called
the Bay of Pigs.
Yet, despite its having been a fiasco costing
scores of lives, the Moncada operation-cnr-
ried out on July 26, 1953-was seized upon by
Fidelistas as as inspirational event. Out of It
came the "July 26 Movement," under which
the Cuban people were led in due course to
where they are today-in the Iron grip of a
Communist dictatorship, This is a desootism
far worse than Batista's, which, whatever its
vices, had the undeniable virtue of being
anti-Red, pro-West, and highly sympatlco
with the United States.
It Is Interesting that Batista spared Fidel's
life after the Moncada adventure. Certainly
the situation in Cuba and the Western Hemi-
sphere would be better today, less tense, hap-
pier, had Batista's regime dealt as harshly
with Castro and his revolutionaries as those
revolutionaries have dealt with Cubans who
have sought to maintain their freedom. The
Fidelistas, In any case, with their drumhead
courts and their countless executions, have
July 29
shown a degree of cruelty--of brutishness, of
contempt for the most basic norms of justice
and humanity-that has never before been
experienced by the Cuban people.
Above all, these people have this to lament:
The July 26 Movement, In the 10 years since
its bloody setback at the Moncada Barracks,
has managed-not without the "help of
stupidities in our own country-to betray
Cuba into becoming It captive of the Kremlin,
which maintains, about 20,000 troops and
technicians on the island. The place thus is
a Soviet satellite and a dangerous one. As
such, it constitutes not only a thorn in the
American side (or a bone In the throat, as
Mr. Khrushchev would say), but also a de-
pressing symbol of how inadequate our coun-
try can be in anticipating, evaluating and
heading off just such threats as Castroism.
Thus, is a bleak anniversary that we mark.
After a decade of existence, the Castro tyran-
ny is worse than ever, and apparently more
entrenched. If any bells are to be rung to
mark the birthday, they should give out the
sound of a tocsin for all the Americas.
TEN YEARS AFTER MONCADA
(Statement by Citizens Committee for a Free
Cuba, Inc., Washington, D.C.)
Ten years ago today, Fidel Castro led ap-
proximately 100 young Cubans In an attack
on Moncada barracks, In eastern Orient
Province, In what turned out to be a futile
attempt to overthrow the dictatorship of Gen.
Fulgencio Batista. From that day on, July
26 became a symbol of freedom for the Cuban
people, and the July 26 revolutionary move-
ment which was founded 2 years later be-
came the vehicle through which they hoped
to win their freedom.
Now, a decade later, July 26 has gone down
in Cuban annals as a day of infamy, and the
movement named after it has been cruelly
destroyed by its very founder and inspirer,
Fidel Castro. Today, the Cuban people, in-
stead of being free are enslaved by a despot-
ism worse than Batista's, and the chief au-
thor of their enslavement is the same Castro
who launched the Moncada attack avowedly
to free them.
In the speech he made at his trial follow-
ing Moncada, which was later published un-
der the title of "History Will Absolve Me,"
Castro laid down eight major requirements
for a free Cuban society. They included the
necessity for holding free elections, a free
press, individual freedom (the right of habeas
corpus), the restoration of the democratic
1940 constitution (which Batista had set
aside), an end to-rule by force and violence,
an end to despotism, the exercise of self-de-
termination, and the practice of true national
sovereignty.
Castro in power has failed to fulfill it single
one of his own requirements as a revolu-
tionary. On the contrary, he has utterly
negated them and has imposed upon his un-
happy country the most cruel and sanguinary
dictatorship the Americas have ever seen.
Only a few days ago, the date of Cuba's in-
dependence, May 20, 1902-equivalent to our
Fourth of July-was eradicated from Cuban
history by Government decree.
At his trial, Castro said: "Cuba should be
the bulwark of liberty and not the shameful
abode of despotism."
He added this ringing statement: "We were
born in a free country willed to us by our
fathers. The island will first sink into the
sea before we will consent to be the slaves
of anyone."
But Cuba is today a bulwark of despotism
and Cubans the slaves of a foreign power.
If Castro meant what he said in 1953, let him
free Cuba from the domination of Soviet
imperialism and its colonial arm, the Cuban
Communist Party. If he is a true patriot,
he will address himself at once to the over-
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riding task of expelling from his country
the foreign armed forces that now occupy it.
Let him also fulfill the pledges he made at
his trial to fight for the holding of free elec-
tions, for establishment of a free press, and
for defending all the rights of free individ-
uals including the right to own property and
the right to habeas corpus and trial by jury.
Let him restore the democratic Constitution
of 1940 which sanctified those and other
rights, and upheld, in particular, the right
of the Cuban worker to be free and to orga-
nize into trade unions of this own choosing
headed by democratically elected leaders.
Let Castro end the rule of terror which he
once asked Batista to end, and which has
claimed many thousands of lives and warped
the minds and souls of a whole generation of
Cubans. Let him end the despotism of the
Communist police state he has imposed upon
his people. Above all, let him permit the
Cuban people to exercise their self-determi-
nation and national sovereignty, by expelling
all Soviet and other foreign Communist
armed forces and technicians from Cuba, and
then prepare the way for truly free elections
under the conditions he himself proposed
during the Moncada trial.
If Castro lacks the courage and conviction
to carry out his revolutionary ideals, let
those of his followers who still believe in
them join in a concerted struggle to do so.
Let the old fighters of the July 26 move-
ment now wage war against the worst tyr-
anny Cuba has ever known.
The Citizens Committee for a Free Cuba
calls attention to the fact that Cuba, under
Castro, is a bristling fortress that menaces
her Caribbean neighbors as well as the
Cuban people themselves. Nearly 300,000
Cubans are today under arms, led by an
estimated 30-40,000 Russians and other for-
eign Communists in Cuba as soldiers or
military "technicians," notwithstanding
Castro's many exhortations against "mili-
tarism" In the years before he took power.
In those years, he called for the "reor-
ganization of the armed forces and the sepa-
ration of same from political and partisan
activities, so that the armed forces may
never again be instruments of any caudillo
(fuehrer) or political parties" (Aug. 20,
1958). But the Cuban armed forces today
are the servant of the Communist caudillo,
Castro, and of a foreign political party.
Today, these forces are employed inter-
nally to suppress the rebellious people of
Cuba. But tomorrow, they may be exported
to overwhelm weaker Latin countries in
revolutionary warfare.
Castro justifies the militarization of Cuba
on the grounds that he must defend him-
self against Cuban exile plots. But one
must ask, why are there exiles in the first
place? Let the Castro of the Moncada pe-
riod answer:
"Those tens of thousands of families away
from Cuba constitute a grave accusation
against the bad governments that the re-
public has had to tolerate. We say that
the problem of Cuba will be solved when
the exiles can return."
How much graver is the accusation against
Castro himself when one considers that, at
the latest estimate, some 350,000 Cubans
have had to flee their country because of
his tyranny. Another 230,000 Cubans have
passports and visa waivers, but lack trans-
portation. Still another 385,000 are trying
to get their immigration papers into shape.
The flight of Cubans since Castro took power
has no parallel in the history of the Western
Hemisphere.
To add to the misery of the Cuban people
under Castro, an estimated 7,000 of them
have been executed by firing squads alone
since he came to power, and at least 3,000
more have been killed in battle against his
forces. Probably many thousands more have
died in silent engagements with the secret
police, the armed forces, and perhaps also
the Russian occupation army. Another
80,000 to 100,000 languish in prisons and
concentration camps and have doubtless
given up their quota of dead to the all-con-
suming dictatorship.
On this 10th anniversary of the Moncada
attempt, it is well to know that the full
story of it has yet to be told and that au-
thorities are still trying to piece it together
and unravel the tangled skein that continues-
to obscure much of Fidel Castro's past.
Castro has always said publicly that he
launched the Moncada attack to overthrow
Batista. But there are those who contend
that, rather, Castro knew in advance it
would fail and deliberately intended to sac-
rifice lives-those of others; not his own or
his brother's-in an effort to lift himself
from obscurity to the national spotlight.
The famous Cuban historian and onetime
University of Havana professor, Dr. Herminio
Portell Vila, relates that Castro told him just
before the Moncada attempt that if it in-
volved producing a few muertecitos-"little
corpses"-to obtain recognition of his lead-
ership in the anti-Batista struggle, so be it.
Neither Castro nor his younger brother Raul
intended to be among the muertecitos, con-
tinues Dr. Portell Vila, because they had
planned not to be in the line of fire during
the attack. They took precautions, he points
out, not out of cowardice but for coldly cal-
culated political reasons.
In August 1955, Fidel Castro founded the
July 26 revolutionary movement, and used
it as the means to attain power. Although
its public image was that of an amorphous,
democratic movement composed chiefly of
young students, professionals, and members
of the middle class, inside it there func-
tioned a tiny, secret group of Communists
and Communist sympathizers who exercised
iron control. That group was headed by the
Castro brothers and Ernesto "Che" Guevara,
the Argentine Communist who is now Cuba's
Minister of Industry. Not long after taking
power, the Castro-Guevara group began sys-
tematically destroying the July 26 movement,
and today it is no more; it has been sup-
planted by the official United Party Of the
Socialist Revolution, the formal name of
Cuba's Communist Party.
Today is a day of mourning in Cuba, when
it should have been a day of happiness. But
the Cuban people have known before, during
times of struggle against other tyrannies,
how to conquer adversity, and the day is
not distant when that traditionally freedom-
loving people will cast out their new oppres-
sors and install a truly free government on
their island once and for all.
The Citizens Committee for a Free Cuba
calls upon all Americans to do everything
possible to enable the Cuban people to win
their freedom. For the cause of a free Cuba
is, in the last analysis, the cause of a free
America.
DR. POSSONY DEMOLISHES THE
OVERKILL ARGUMENT
(Mr. HOSMER (at the request of Mr.
STAFFORD) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point and to in-
clude extraneous matter.)
Mr. HOSMER. Mr. Speaker, on June
17 the American Security Council's
Washington Report carried a remark-
ably perceptive article by Dr. Stefan T.
Possony which breaks directly on our
military security, particularly in light of
the proposed partial test ban treaty.
The article is as follows:
12849
OVERKILL SOPHISTRY
(By Dr. Stefan T. Possony)
Among the gibberish which nowadays
passes for strategic nomenclature, the word
"overkill" had made a remarkable career.
Originally, this term meant that too much
nuclear yield was assigned to a specific tar=
get. The problam was never considered to
be too significant: If the target were a city,
the whole city was aimed at anyway, and
the surplus yield would have been absorbed
by the town's uninhabited environs. Simi-
larly, if the target were an isolated mili-
tary installation, the surplus yield would do
no harm. Hence, "overkill" can result in
unintended casualties only if there were an
attempt to destroy specific targets within
cities. If the yield placed upon an urban
oil refinery, for example, were too large, the
surrounding population would be killed.
With present types of nuclear weapons, a
strategy of selective bombing does not seem
feasible. In the . future, discriminating
weapons might change the situation, and
clean weapons, of all yields, would consider-
ably reduce casualties resulting from fall-
out. Yet nuclear progress is being ham-
pered by the very people who are worrying
about "overkill."
Recently, Seymour Melman, of Columbia
University, presented a strategic overkill
argument. On the basis of remarkable
arithmetic, Mr. Melman thinks that almost
$23 billion can be cut from the present de-
fense budget without impairing present
capabilities: Procurement would be reduced
from 16 to 10 billion; research, development
and tests would be cut by 97 percent; atomic
energy by 69 percent; and military construc-
tion, civil defense, and military assistance
would be eliminated entirely. With about
3,400 delivery. vehicles carrying about 22,000
megatons, the United States allegedly can
"overkill" the Sine-Soviet bloc by 500 times,
and the Soviet Union by 1,250 times. Our
global overkill capability is 125 times, sup-
posedly. How come? There are 2,000 cities
with a population of over 100,000 each and
a total population of 600 million including
370 cities in the bloc and 140 cities in the
Soviet Union. At Hiroshima 100,000 persons
were killed by a 20-kiloton weapon. If 30
percent of the U.S. delivery means fail to
reach their targets, we would drop 2.5 mega-
ton on each slice of 100,000 urban people.
Thus, since only 20 kilotons are required to
wipe them out, we would "overkill" these
target populations by 125 times; similar
arithmetic "discloses" our overkill capabili-,
ties against the Communists.
It is not explained whether the "over-
kill" makes any difference to the casualties.
Whether a soldier is killed by a bullet or a
16 inch "overkill" shell, hardly is a cause of
worry. Reducing the average yield from 2.5
megatons to 20 kilotons, far from saving
anything, would be quite expensive. To
preserve adequate assurance of hit, as yield
is being reduced, the number of shots would
have to be increased. For example, against
a 5 PSI target and ? with an accuracy of
3,000 feet CEP, 4 missiles with 20-kiloton
warheads would have to be launched to
achieve full assurance of destruction, or 2
missiles to achieve a probability of 92 per-
cent. With a 2-megaton warhead, just one
missile is needed. But let us disregard such
vexing "details."
This much is certainly true. If 3,400 weap-
ons with a yield of several megatons each
were dropped on the surprised and unpro-
tected populations of every city, millions of
people would be killed. But what strategy
would be directed toward ticking off one
town after the other around the globe or even
in enemy countries? It is ridiculous to cal-
culate military requirements in this fashion.
If we had applied this sort of calculation to
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 'A~ly 29
estimate how much ammunition we needed
to win World War It, someone could have
deduced that not more than 200,000 tons of
steel were required.
According to Mr. Melman's sources, the
United States has 1,300 strategic bombers,
1.150 Navy bombers, and 940 strategic mis-
siles. The Soviet Union has 200 long range
and 1.400 medium range bombers. 85 ICBM's
700 MRBM's, and 100-200 submarine-
launched missiles. Weapons of a more tac-
tical nature were Ignored. Naturally, the
Soviet Union hardly win risk a war with the
United States, so long as they can threaten
its merely with 85 initial ICBM's and 200
bombers. Since Europe according to this
battle order, rates 700 MRBM's, it would
sceem self-evident that the United States
must rate about 1,004 ICBM's; but let us
assume that the Soviets prepare for us only
300 ICBM's. For the United States to be able
to use strategic bombers which carry the
main punch. defense suppression is manda-
tory. Suppose there are In the Soviet Union
about 750 ground-to-air and antimissile
rocket sites; add to those 300 ICBM's, 700
MRBM's and perhaps 100 airbases; this totals
1.850 targets. If those targets were moder-
ately hardened (30 p.s.i. on the average), and
if they are to be destroyed by alrbursts, then
two shots with 2 megaton warheads would
have to be used against each target to de-
stroy it with a probability of 90 percent; 3
shpts would give a probability of 97 percent.
If we decide to attack the ICBM and MRBM
sites with two weapons each and the other
targets with one weapon, the requirement
would be 2,850 weapons on target or 3,700
weapons on the pad.
However, according to Mr. Melman. we
possess but 940 missiles. This would allow
us to place only about 050 missiles on target,
just enough to take care of the Soviet
ICBM's and of about 50 defense suppression
targets. Certainly, some aircraft might
break through without benefit of previous
defense suppression. But so long as the
Soviet ground-to-air missiles are not knocked
out, these bombers would find It difficult to
demolish Soviet cities systematically. Even
if they were successful. In the interim Europe
would have been struck by 700 MRBM's.
If the Soviets strike the first blow, their
stipulated 300 ICBM's might knock out 150
American ICBM's. Disregarding the damage
done in the United States by the Soviet
strike, we could then send about 400 ICBM's
against a mixture of defense suppression
targets and airbases. Paradoxically, In this
situation our aircraft would have somewhat
greater freedom of operations than in the
first strike case. But we still would possess
precious little power to do anything about
the 700-odd MRBM's which could hold vir-
tually all European cities as hostages; and
we would not have too much punch to pre-
vent the Soviet army from seizing Western
Europe. Certainly, our tactical nuclear
forces might enter into the breach, but the
overall situation would bemuch worse if the
Soviets were to acquire effective antimissile
defenses, as they undoubtedly will. In brief,
our forces do not have, in any shape, form,
or n}anner. an overkill capability. On the
contrary, the best that can be said about our
present posture is that it leaves Europe (and
Japan) unprotected.
Continuous research and development and
procurement are hardly needed to add to our
'overkill" capability. Granted that 22,000
megatons is a great deal of firepower ( actu-
ally, Professor Melman overlooked that air-
planes if they can "live" In the hostile en-
vironment, are capable of more than a single
mission). But such a figure standing by it-
self, is meaningless. How hard are the tar-
gets? How effective are the means of deliv-
ery and defense? What is the accuracy of
delivery and how good is the target intelli-
gence? How many of the targets are fixed or
mobile? And so on. With 22,000 megatons,
no less than 100.000 towns could be "Hiro-
shimlzed," If we had the requisite delivery
system; but the same firepower. If it can be
delivered according to target specifications.
Is just about enough to take care of 1,000
missile sites.
Continuous procurement Is needed to
equip our forces with new weapons, not to
increase our firepower. The B-47's which, In
Mr. Melman's calculations, account for 0.000
megatons are being phased out. There Is
no replacement for the B-52 which Is credited
with a 12,000 megaton punch. Simple arith-
metic shows that if we want to maintain our
firepower, while replacing bombers by Min-
uteman, we must substitute about 18,000
Minuteman missiles for the B-47's and
B-52's. Since we are not planning to do
this. our kill capability Is being reduced.
Continuing research and development and
procurement also are mandatory, to achieve
antimissile defense capabilities, and to en-
able our forces in Europe, as well as our allies,
to acquire offensive and defensive weapons in
order to balance the Soviet MRBM and me-
dium bomber threat. Unless our weapons
are modernized constantly, we will lose our
military power and the "overkill" capability
will be owned by the enemy exclusively.
Our difficulty Is not that we possess an Imagi-
nary overkill capability but that In the face
of the growing Soviet threat, our military
strengths and deterrent powers are declining.
Let us hope, to paraphrase Burke, that the
sopi.lsters and calculators will not extin-
guish the glory of America and Europe.
Mir. BERRY at the request of Mi'.
STAFFORD) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point and to
include extraneous matter.)
[.Mr. BERRY'S remarks will appear
hereaf ter in the Appendix. )
MARCH BY COLORED CITIZENS ON
CAPITOL HILL, AUGUST 28
(Mr. SILER (at the request of Mr.
STAFFORD) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point and to in-
clude extraneous matter.)
Mr. SILER. Mr. Speaker, it is quite
generally understood that a large dele-
gation, about I00,000 people, I believe,
consisting of our colored citizens, will
march to the Capitol on August 28 in the
interest of civil rights legislation.
Now about the time when this plan
was first announced one of our Demo-
cratic Senators stated publicly that if
such a delegation should come to his of-
fice, he, the Senator, would himself
physically and personally eject them
from his office.
Having lived among colored people all
my life and having helped them and
served them on many occasions, I want
to say that none of them will be ejected
from my office or mistreated in any way
whatsoever. On the contrary, they will
be most welcome and will receive my per-
sonal greetings as well as my utmost
respect. Of course, I hope some of these
visitors will be from my own congres-
sional district or at least from my State
of Kentucky. But regardless of where
they may live, they will be treated with
real courtesy, kindness, and civility. I
will plan to meet the situation in this
specific manner:
First. I will have coffee and doughnuts
served to my colored guests.
Second. If any of them are here with-
out means for a night's lodging, I will
offer to pay for lodging for my guests.
Third. If my guests have a minister
among them, I will call on him for a
prayer for our Nation and all of its peo-
ple of all races and creeds.
Fourth. If my guests have some sing-
ers among them, I will call on them for
some spirituals or some other good songs.
I guarantee you that we will have such
a good time together that they will all
have cause to say "this is about the
whitest white man we have been with
for some time."
Yet, Mr. Speaker, I must in all fair-
ness to you and to my prospective guests
say right now that I will not vote for
any civil rights bill that undertakes to
consider every private business out on
the main streets of America as some sort
of an interstate commerce enterprise or
that undertakes to make Bobby Kennedy
the policeman of our entire Nation with
power to run the private affairs of John
Q. Public while the latter is operating
his own establishment. Such a bill
would not encompass freedom, nor
Americanism nor the best interests of
our country. So, while I promise to our
colored friends on August 28 warm hos-
pitality, yet I do not promise them the
unconstitutionality of a bill that may
come before us in the House of Repre-
sentatives as now proposed by Bobby
Kennedy.
TEST BAN TREATY
(Mr. UTT (at the request of Mr. STAF-
FORD) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, under unani-
mous consent to extend my remarks in
the body of the RECORD, I wish to include
my current Washington report on the
subject of the pending nuclear test ban
treaty.
WASHINGTON REPORT
(By Congressman JAMES B. UTT)
The U.S. Senate will soon be debating the
ratification of the nuclear test ban treaty.
Adoption of this treaty by the United States
would be one of the most dangerous steps
it has ever taken.
It seems paradoxical than an apparent
step toward peace lays - the groundwork for
nuclear destruction of the American people.
Our citizens have been conditioned by mas-
sive propaganda to believe that a test ban
treaty Is the only alternative to annihila-
tion. With this conditioning, they are then
supposed to urge their Senators to adopt this
treaty. The American public has been pre-
vented from knowing the truth by reason
of highly managed news based on three er-
roneous concepts: First, the subject is too
secret to trust you with; second it is too
complex for you to understand; and third,
it is too Incredible for you to believe.
Russia has violated 51 of its 53 treaties,
and why should we believe that it has any
intention to keeping this treaty? The
leopard has not changed its spots. Khru-
shchev still Intends to bury us. The open
conflict between Russia and Red China is
being used to persuade America that the
"Butcher of Budapest" is really a good guy.
The break with China Is simply over whether
or not America should be destroyed before
dinner or after dinner. The end result is
the same. International communism has
developed into a German-Panzer type of
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