PRESIDENT'S REMARKS ON INTELLIGENCE FOR SAN FRANCISCO WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: Library of Congress
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): LOC-HAK-82-8-11-0
• Release Decision: RIFLIM
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: January 11, 2017
• Document Release Date: August 12, 2010
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: September 18, 1975
• Content Type: MEMO

MEMORANDUM
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NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
September 18, 1975
MEMORANDUM FOR GENERAL SCOWCROFT.
FROM: Jeanne W. Dav
SUBJECT:
President's Remarks on intelligence
for San Francisco World Affairs Council
We (Dick Ober, Les Janka and I) have reviewed the attached draft and
suggest several changes, primarily to strengthen the position.
Mr. Rurnsfeld's memo implies that Phil Buchen is to coordinate this
exercise, so I suggest sending a copy of your proposed memo to
Rumsfeld (Tab A) to Buchen.
RECOMMENDATION
That you initial the memo to Rumsfeld at Tab A.
ON-FILE NSC RELEASE
INSTRUCTIONS APPLY
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MEMORANDUM FOR FELD
FROM: BRENT SCOWCROFT
SUBJECT: President's Remarks on Intelligence for
San. Francisco World Affairs CouncL,
We have reviewed the draft remar3s prepared for the President
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and suggest some revisions as incicate .
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(Friedman) - Se tuber 17, 1975
Third- Draft
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT ON INTELLIGENCE FOR WORLD
AFFAIRS COUNCIL MONDAY SEPTEMBER 22
Let me make some observations on recent actions by the
House of Representatives Select Committee on Intelligence.
I respect the right and obligation of the Congress to conduct all
legitimate oversight of all government operations including highly
sensitive intelligence functions. At my direction, the White House and
other Federal agencies provided the Committee with everything it re-
quested including very highly classified material. As Chief Executive,
I am mindful of 'my responsibility to the elected representatives of the
people. But I am also mindful of my duty to all the people of the United
States for the preservation of our national defense and legitimate intelligence
secrets.
The Committee handled some of the highly classified material
given it in a manner that caused me grave concern over compromise
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of the national interest. If a private citizen were to release information
involving communications intelligence, it would constitute a serious
criminal violation of laws enacted by the Congress.
It is my view that the release of highly sensitive information >-
whether four words or four hundred words or four thousand words -- is
a dangerous departure from the American tradition for handling
classified information long honored by both the legislative and executive
branches. I had every right to expect that such information would be
handled in confidence.
If the procedures followed by the Committee so far are continued,
I will not further compromise our intelligence sources and the higher
national interest by providing any additional sensitive material. It is
my duty as President to insist upon satisfactory commitments from the
Committee on agreed procedures for the handling of sensitive material.
The time has not yet come when a President can abandon his
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responsibilities as Chief Executive and assume that world peace can be
assured by the goodwill of others. Our intelligence capabilities are
essential to the preservation of peace. They are vital to any real
arms limitation,4 whether of strategic or conventional forces.
A smear campaign
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involving guilt-by -ass ociation^ innuendo,
and sweeping attacks on our intelligence services eopardize functions
vitally essential to American freedom, security and world peace.
And so does the leaking of highly sensitive material.
I do not condone improper or illegal activities by any personnel
or any agency of the Federal Government. I have before me the com-
prehensive reports on our intelligence agencies compiled by the
Rockefeller and Murphy Commissions. I am taking administrative action
and will recommend legislation to the Congress to prevent future abuses.
But I remain convinced that the best guarantee for peace and
freedom is an American intelligence capacity second to none. It is
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entirely proper that this system be subject to Congressional review.
Most members of the Congress share my view that we must not disrobe
ourselves.while potential enemies, fully-clothed in secrecy, laugh at
our self-destructive tendencies. I ask the Congress for a spirit of
discretion and dispatch,in any investigations deemed essential.
It would be a national catastrophe, a tragedy far worse than any-
thing this generation has known,if the viability of America's intelligence
systems is destroyed.
I want to work with responsible leaders of the Congress to devise
procedures for the proper review of intelligence activities and the
C t v L_ L.t IBC-111
protectionnessential to our survival as a free people. I will never cover
up trans gressi,c .by.1ndivi.duals,:.in the intelligence agencies or anywhere
in the Federal Government. But I will insist upon all safeguards to the
confidentiality and security of the sources of intelligence -- individuals
as well as technology. Where the fate of the United{ States of America
is concerned, politics must stop at the water's edge.
~aR
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In 1947, President Truman requested the Congress to create
the Central Intelligence Agency. It was for the straightforward purpose
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of preventing another Pearl Harbor. President Truman knew from his
days in the Senate, that we could have prevented Pearl Harbor. We }gad
the necessary technology. The raw intelligence was in our hands.
But no single person or office or agency had the responsibility or the
to
authority /assemble such intelligence and make an overall assessment
in time to act.
Pt(- LLL C ?E
Mistakes have been made in the intelligence community.
are dedicated Americans, but also human beings. But that does not mean
we can dismiss the constant watchmen of our national security.
America cannot survive if we become the only nation to expose A4.4
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its intelligence services. President Truman insisted -- and the Congress
agreed -- that American intelligence should not be compromised by
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public exposure. It is an that in the real world of 1975 a
measure of secrecy is essential to preserve a free and open society.yThis
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need for secrecy is a challenge to the United States, the only government
in the world which lays out its operations, as we do, for Congressional
oversight. It is a test of our maturity. A government that has no
secrets cannot survive in a world where others in secret.
A President must be able to judge whether to protest diplomatically,
send in the Marines, order a nuclear alert -- or to do nothing. The
right choice requires knowledge as well as wisdom. -T (LE~V tICGS ~'C~?~
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I do not believe that the American people want their Government
to abandon our national defense, and the superior intelligence
system without which all our defenses are worthless JUG ESCl~~u
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MEMORANDUM
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
September 18, 1975
MEMORANDUM FOR: PAUL THEIS
FROM: Richard Ober
SUBJECT: Proposed Remarks to the World Affairs
Council in San Francisco on Monday,
September 22, 1975
At Bud McFarlane's request, I have reviewed a submission just
,received from DCI Colby with a view to incorporating parts in the
draft remarks of the President received under your memorandum
to General Scowcroft dated September 17, 1975. Attached is a
xerox copy of that draft with proposed inserts at the end of the
first full paragraph on page 2 and at the end of the first paragraph
on page 3. There is also a proposed two-word insert in the next-
to-the--last line of page 1.
cc: Col. McFarlane
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