STATEMENT OF STANSFIELD TURNER DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE 24 JANUARY 1978

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP99-00498R000300020004-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 28, 2007
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: January 24, 1978
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP99-00498'R00030Q0201Q4-6
Embargoed for release
at 9:00 a. m. on 24 January 1978
STATEMENT OF
STANSFIELD TURNER
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
24 January 1978
Since my testimony last April before the Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence on the subject of releasing the Intelligence Community's
aggregate budget figure, I have reexamined the question and discussed
the situation with the members of the National Foreign Intelligence Board.
I am prepared today to essentially reiterate my Senate testimony in not
objecting to the release of a single inclusive budget figure which
represents the Intelligence Community's budget. However, I wish to
reemphasize and repeat the several important qualifications I discussed
at that time.
The techniques of intelligence collection and analysis change with
time and with technology. The breakdown of the intelligence budget
accurately reflects those changes. Over time, analysis of that break-
down could reveal to any interested observer our areas of interest and
the technologies on which we depend. From such information, others
could learn where they should place emphasis in countermeasures in
order to nullify the advantages that we have.
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In short, the detailed intelligence budget in the hands of our enemies
would be a powerful weapon with which they could make our collection
efforts more difficult, more hazardous to life, and more costly. The
way we spend our intelligence money in this country, then, is one of our
necessary secrets.
At the same time, as a free and open society, it is appropriate
that the citizens, including the press, be kept as well informed as
possible of the activities of their Governmemnt. They, in fact, are
the best oversight we have for the prevention of possible excesses of
Governmental activity. The public's right to understand the importance
and cost of the intelligence process is part of their being adequately
informed.
Some compromise then, is necessary between the risks of giving
an enemy a unnecessary advantage over us, and of maintaining the basic
openness of our society. Accordingly, the Administration does not
object to your releasing to the public a single overall budget figure of
the U.S. Intelligence Community.
Let me explain precisely what the figure includes. It includes
the budget of the CIA and those portions of the budgets of other agencies
of the Government which are devoted exclusively to national intelligence.
Clearly there are many related activities in other departments, especially the
Department of Defense, which make some contributions to intelligence.
For instance, a military airplane flying on a training mission may well
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be able as a collateral function to collect some intelligence, or even
carried to the extreme, perhaps, a corporal on lookout duty with binoculars
could be called an intelligence collector.
The expenses of such operations as these are not included in the
intelligence budget for which I am responsible and which is presented
to the Congress as the national foreign intelligence budget.
Basically, the dividing line is whether we fund the activity for the
primary purpose of collecting intelligence or analyzing intelligence, or
whether it is for another purpose and we derive collateral intelligence
benefits from it.
Finally, I must reemphasize the limitations which must prevail
in issuing additional information concerning this budget figure. There
will be a natural and an understandable tendency on the part of the press
to want a detailed breakdown of the budget figure. This we cannot do
either by the deliberate release of additional information, or by comments
on the composition or character of the intelligence budget. It is here
that, regrettably, we must draw the line between openness and necessary
secrecy. Were we to intentionally or inadvertently disclose further
details of the budget figure, we would expose those areas of emphasis
and expertise regarding collection and analysis of intelligence, and over
time, trends in such emphasis would become obvious. This would
jeopardize the interests of our country in my opinion more than the
additional information would benefit it. The people of the country can
be assured, however, that we are sharing with their Representatives
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in Congress the full details of this budget breakdown. Hence, our
response to further inquiries on the budget in the public forum must
simply be "no comment. " I have formally directed the members of
the Intelligence Community to so respond to all such inquiries if a
budget figure is released.
I recognize that this new policy of supporting disclosure of a
single budget figure, and only a single figure, is a major break with
tradition. It is not one without risk. I know that you gentlemen of
the Committee will fully understand the importance of this new
openness, but at the same time, appreciate the necessity of rigidly
limiting your disclosure, if you choose to make one, to this single
figure.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.