CAN THE WHIZ KID ADMIRAL TAME THE RUNAWAY C.I.A.
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CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
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Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
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49
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Publication Date:
September 1, 1977
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Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8 FOR MEN ONLY
CAN THE WHIZ KID ADMIRAL
TAME THE RUNAWAY-C.I.A.-
mmmmmmh~ Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
Stansfield Turner, An-
napolis alumni with
President Carter, plans
to steer the CIA into
smooth, waters. But
leading brigades of
idealistic sailors eager
to defend their country
and whipping an army
of--alleged hired guns
into shape are two very
different things indeed
T wo recent happenings have
brought the scandal-ridden
CIA back into the headlines,
the first bad and the second,
hopefully, good. The bad news
was the explosive disclosure
that the CIA had been paying
millions of dollars secretly to
Jordan's King Hussein over the
past 20 years. The good news
is the recent appointment by
President Jimmy Carter of for-
mal Admiral Stansfield Turner
as the Central Intelligence
Agency's new director.
As many Washington insiders
see it, the selection of Turner,
the Navy's former Commander
in Chief of Allied Forces in
Southern Europe, as the CIA's
new boss was an= astute move
to restore the public's con-
fidence in the nation's political
process in general, and the
image-tarnished CIA in particu-
lar. But whether Turner, despite
his exceptional record as a
sea-going commander and a
top flight administrator, will
succeed in reshaping the CIA
into an organization that would
be, in the President's words,
"Not only proper and legal,
but also compatible with the
attitudes of the American peo-
ple," remains to be seen.
"Turner's job has got to be
an uphill battle all the way,"
says one of these informed in-
siders. "In the light of recent
in-depth investigations by Frank
Church's select Senate com-
mittee, a welter of "horror"
stories by numerous witnesses
have portrayed the CIA as a
bureaucratic Frankenstein mon-
ster that has not only run
amuck throughout the world,
but at home as well. In fact,
the overwhelming challenge that
Turner presently faces Is, not
just how to make the agency
responsive to the needs of a
democratic society, but how to
keep the morale-damaged CIA
from losing its effectiveness
altogether."
Understandably, the grim
problems the CIA now faces
were seeded in the past. Some
thirty years ago, when President
Truman requested that mem-
bers of Congress establish a
secret intelligence agency, they
responded by passing the Na-
tonal Security Act of 1947. Quite
frankly, the political climate of
those days cried out for such
legislation. World World II had
recently come to an end, but
the tension-filled cold war had
followed right behind. The threat
of communism hovered over
much of battle-scarred Europe
and Asia. Furthermore, the Rus-
sians were on the brink of de-
veloping a nuclear capability to
match our own.
But what Truman envisioned
was an agency whose primary
mission would be to gather
and analyze intelligence in-
formation, as opposed to par-
ticipating in covert or secret
operations. Naturally, some in-
formation would have had to be
gathered secretly, but Truman
was convinced that these covert
operations could be kept to the
barest minimum. In this respect,
he was not only off the mark, but
had missed by a country mile.
Buried in the fine print of the
National Security Act was a
provision that not only ex-
empted the newly-created CIA
from standard congressional
reviewing procedures, but further
allowed the CIA to "perform
such other functions and duties
related to intelligence ... as
the National Security Council
may from time to time direct."
But the interpretation placed
upon these innocent enough
sounding words provided the
agency with a proverbial catch.
Gradually, and then more rapid-
ly as the years passed, this
vague phrasing not only en-
abled the CIA to circumvent
the law that created the agency,
but it also provided freedom
for the CIA to become increas-
ingly :inked with assassina-
tons, secret deals with Mafia
chieftains harrassment and in-
terference in the internal af-
fairs of other nations, and the
domestic spying upon count-
less Americans-including mem-
bers of the Senate and the
House of Representatives-to
name only some of the horrors
and atrocities to have sur-
faced to this date.
Publicly, the CIA has always
denied allegations that would
connect it with illegal activities
and this is particularly true
when it comes to assassina-
tions. But in the face of mount-
ing evidence, these evasive tac-
tics have been wearing thin;
the agency's credibility has suf-
fered as a result. In fact, during
a press conference in March of
1975, when the congressional
investigation of the CIA had
hit its stride, former President
Ford obliquely confirmed pub-
lished reports that Colby-the
agency's director at the time-
had told him privately of CIA
support of assassination plots
against foreign political figures
in the past.
It would be difficult to pin-
point just when the CIA could
have decided to get involved
in assassinations, but most
CIA-watchers say it could have
begun in May of 1961 when
Rafael Trujillo, the long-reign-
ing dictator of the Dominican
Republic, was gunned to death
in his 1959 Chevrolet while
enroute to keep a rendezvous
with his 20-year-old mistress.
One persistent report claims
that CIA backing for the assas-
sination came about when Tru-
jillo began showing signs of
friendliness toward communist
nations and some of their lead-
ers. These reports also state
that the CIA provided the wea-
pons to carry out the assassina-
tion-a number of fast-firing
M-1 carbines that had been
disassembled Into very small
parts and then packed in
specially marked cans of food
that were shipped to a super-
market in Santo Domingo, and
then later turned over to the
Dominican conspirators who
carried out the murder.
Cuba is another case in'
point. For years Castro repeat-
edly accused the CIA of plots
.against his country and his
life. Although the CIA routinely
denied these charges, Wash-
ington columnist Jack Anderson
has cited six assassination at-
tempts of the Cuban leader
by infiltrating CIA teams.
. Additional support for the
existence of such plots comes
also from Michael J. Murphy,
former Police Commissioner of
Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
-- Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8 __
New York. When Castro visited the
United Nations in the early 60s, a
member of the CIA team that occupied
a suite in the Waldorf Astoria Hotel
told Murphy about a scheme of plac-
ing a "loaded" cigar within the Cuban
leader's reach. "When he lights it up,"
the CIA man told Murphy, "the cigar
will go off and blow his head off."
Murphy reported that he was thorough-
ly chilled by the story since his job was
to protect Castro during his stay in the
New York area.
Even more bizarre are those reports
linking the CIA with such Mafia figures
as gangsters John Roselli and the
late Sam Giancana. As reported in a
Time magazine story, the CIA was
described as having enlisted the aid
of the Mafia's hired hit men to knock
off Castro either by poisoning or gun-
fire. But what gives this story further
credence is that the FBI learned of
the CIA connection-which is now part
of the official files-when some FBI
men were called in to investigate the
burglary of TV comedian Dan Rowan's
Las Vegas hotel room. What shocked
the FBI agents was their discovery
that the arrested and interrogated
"prowlers" had been assigned by the
CIA as a payoff favor to Giancana,
who was trying to get his hands on
information that would break up a
romance between Rowan and one of
the gangster's girlfriends.
How the CIA ever became embroiled
in assassination plots and cloak-and-
dagger operations involving under-
world figures, is somewhat mind-
boggling, to say the least. Obviously,
there is nothing In the National Se-
curity Act of 1947 that provides the
agency with the authority to become
engaged in such operations on their
own. The 1947 law clearly states that
any CIA proposal for a secret opera-
tion on a large scale-such as the
Cuban Bay of Pigs invasion-would
have to be approved by the President
or the 40 Committee.
It should also be pointed out that the
40 Committee, consisting of various
congressmen, military specialists, the
director of the CIA, deputy secretary
of defense, and others, has frequently
changed names over the past 25 years.
It has also been known as the Special
Group, the 303 Committee and the
54-12 Group, to name only a few. No
matter, its effectiveness as a con-
trolling force over past wide-ranging
activities of the CIA has come under
severe criticism. Frequently, because
of their heavy schedules, the Com-
mittee's members would cancel their
scheduled weekly meetings. When they
did meet-say once or twice a week
during the Nixon administration-the
minutes taken during the meetings
were intentionally incomplete,. and a)-
ways kept by the only permanent staff
member-a CIA man. Worse yet, as re-
ported in their myth-shattering book
The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence,
authors Marchetti and Marks point
out that "40 Committee members are
men who have been admitted into the
very private and exclusive world of
covert operations, and they have an
overwhelming tendency to agree with
whatever is proposed (by the CIA)
once they are let in on the secret."
Further confirmation comes from a
story that appeared in The Washington
Post in the spring of 1973. Reporter
Marilyn Berger quoted an intelligence
officer about his work with the 40
Committee. "They're like a bunch of
schoolboys," he said. "They would
listen and their eyes would bug out.
I always used to say that I could get $5
million out of the 40 Committee for a
covert operation faster than I could
get money for a typewriter out of the
ordinary bureaucracy."
Presidential approval of CIA secret
operations has been obtained just
as easily by the agency's policy makers
over the years. Even President Ken-
nedy was convinced enough to give
approval to the Bay of Pigs fiasco
not long after his assuming office.
When the sorry mess made explosive
headlines, Kennedy accepted the
blame, but did go on to swallow the
CIA's line on expanding the U.S. com-
mitment in Southeast Asia. In fact,
since the Geneva Accords at that time
prohibited foreign troops in Laos, the
CIA's heavily pushed plan to establish
and operate a private army of its own
in Laos was readily agreed to by the
White House. In time, this covert oper-
ation would become the biggest one In
CIA history. Some 35,000 opium-rais-
ing Meo and other tribesmen were
(Continued on page 37)
Did These Men O.K. Assassinations'
Allen Dulles, CIA Director, 1953-1981 Richard Helms, CIA Director, 1966.1972 William Colby, CIA Director, 1973-1976
24 Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8
RUNAWAY
C.I.A.
(Continued- from page 24)
recruited into the CIA's secret force.
Even more astounding is that, for more
than ten years, some $500-million of
the taxpayers' money was spent an-
nually to support and supply this
rag-tag army-all of it taking place
without either the knowledge or con-
sent of the American people, or, for
that matter, most of Congress as
well--a sorry state.
As many Washington experts see it,
the toughest part of Turner's new. job
in running the CIA will have to be
directed towards curbing the agency's
long freewheeling policy when it comes
to interfering with the internal political
processes of other countries. In the
past, regrettably, when either presi-
dential or 40 Committee approval for
CIA actions were obtained, the agency
would soon take over the secret oper-
ation with little feedback to the approv-
ing committee on the grounds that a
tight lid on security called for this
action. And since those reports sent
back were issued, by the agency, to
either the president or the 40 Com-
mittee, they almost always indicated
positive, if not spectacular, gains. But
if the operation failed miserably, as
was frequently the case, the fact that
it was a secret operation, and an il-
legal one, left only one option: to bury
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the facts from the public and hope they
wouldn't be unearthed.
But nothing stays buried forever,
and the Watergate mess is a case in
point. As revealed in the Senate's pub-
licized TV investigation, the CIA had
indeed been in on things. The official
record has established that some of
their agents had assisted the White
House "plumbers" who had broken
into the office of Daniel Ellsberg's
psychiatrist in the hopes of gathering
information in Nixon's case-an act
as illegal as anything. It is even
further alleged that Alexander Butter-
field, former President Nixon's deputy
assistant, the man who shocked the
nation and the world with his calm an-
nouncement on TV that all of Nixon's
official conversations in the White
House Oval Office and at the Camp
David retreat were on tape, was, in
fact, the CIA's White House plant.
C haracteristically, the CIA has always
denied having planted operatives in va-
rious government departments, but re-
cent evidence published by the House
committee that investigated the CIA,
has seriously shaken these CIA denials.
Congressmen Kasten and. Dellums,
members of the investigating com-
mittee, have stated that a CIA docu-
ment, reviewed by the committe's staff
director, had identified one L. Fletcher
Prouty, a retired Air Force colonel, as
the CIA's man in the Pentagon for nine
years. In the evidence given by Prouty,
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CIA agent, that the CIA's contact in the
White House during the Nixon reign
was indeed Butterfield.
"It's no secret today," says one
Washington insider, "that Nixon and
former CIA Director Helms had a falling
out when the agency began side-
stepping some of the White House
ploys to involve the CIA in the Water-
gate scandal. And when Nixon became
angry by the director's refusal to co-
operate and fired him, the story mak-
ing the rounds was that the CIA re-
taliated by getting Butterfield to direct
attention to the incriminating tapes."
Obviously, stories of this kind, con-
firmed or not, can't help but make any-
one wonder about the secretive and
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Accordingly, the experts are saying,
if Turner is to succeed in turning the
CIA around, get it back on a track that
will restore its credibility, then some-
thing will have to be done to. rid the
giant agency of some of its built-in
conflicts of interest.
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(Continued on page 71)
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VNAWAY
C.I.A.
(Continued from page 37)
known In intelligence parlance as
"building assets" that should be con-
sidered. Briefly, "building assets" is
a fairly standard operational procedure
used by the CIA's Clandestine Services
when a case officer is assigned to a
sensitive overseas station. Once on the
job, and operating under a code name
with an up-front cover, the case officer
will gather "assets", namely informa-
tion of all sorts, including the cultiva-
tion of reliable contacts within the
country where the covert station has
been established. .
Eventually, the information collected,
which can take several months or even
years, will be passed on to the Presi-
dent and his counselors for possible
decision-making policies. But since the
operation has been covert, secretive,
the reliability of the information, even
its very honesty, depends on the agents
Involved, their assessment of the situa-
tion, and the manner in which the sensi-
tive information Is recommended to the
President by the CIA's. planners for
final action. Obviously, if the informa-
tion is faulty but is pushed hard all
the same by the CIA's, top poeple, the
President could be influenced into ac-
cepting the agency's recommenda-
tions. When this happens, such bad
decisions as Kennedy's approval for
the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion,
or our intervention in Chile's internal
affairs during Nixon's rule, can and
do take place.
Understandably, the agency's built-
in conflict is now readily apparent.
When the CIA not only collects the
information, but evaluates it, makes
the necessary recommendations to as-
sure its approval, and then becomes
the operating force to carry out the
p~:'n, It is not merely wearing one hat
but three. In,other words, there are
not ei?ough checks and balances in
effect to keep the CIA from acting
almost as sole judge, jury and execu-
tioner. And worse yet, since presidents
as well as the members of the afore-
mentioned 40 Committee, relied heav-
ily on the CIA's role, the tendency In
the past has been to go along all too
quickly with the agency's recommenda-
tions with all of the attending risks.
As a first step in remedying this
situation, the Senate last year did vote
for a 15-member congressional com-
mittee to serve as a watchdog group
over all of the nation's intelligence
community, the CIA included. A prime
function of this committee would be to
keep a better check on the CIA's multi-
billion dollar budget, and to learn
something as to how these tax dollars
are spent and for what purpose. But
this in itself may prove to be a mission
impossible task. Unlike any other
government agency, the CIA has never
been required to fully account as to
how it spends its money. One example
of how the CIA manages some of its
vast amounts of money is the opera-
tion of the "Director's Contingency
Fund" which provides the director
of the CIA, by law, with the right to
spend money out of this fund (an
amount with an estimated standing of
from $50 to $100 million) "without re-
gard to the provisions of law and 'regu-
lations relating to the expenditure of
Government funds ..."
It is also reliably reported that money
in the "Contingency Fund" is frequently
used for questionable and unrelated
agency purposes. According to one
story, when President Johnson visited
Uruguay on a state visit, and, freely
handed out lavish gifts to all and sundry
to the point where we had far exceeded
the presidential budget for such pur-
poses, a request by the State Depart-
ment to the CIA was promptly honored
and the President's expensive overrun
was taken care of out of the CIA's
"Contingency Fund".
Accordingly, as stories such as this
and others came to light during the
recent investigation, and as the ford
presidency wound down toward the
end of last year, the scandal-ridden
CIA was advised to stay clear of at
least two specific types of covert
activity: don't assassinate and don't
spy on American citizens. Beyond that,
things were left in a kind watch-and-
see approach until Carter would take
office and name the CIA's new director.
Obviously, it's still too early to evalu-
ate how former Admiral Turner is meet-
ing his new challenge as yet, but the
problems he faces are formidable. Ac-
customed to the lack of restraint
imposed on it over the past three
decades, it Is unlikely that the CIA
is either overwhelmingly sympathetic
or enthusiastic over Carter's expressed
views of making the agency's actions
both proper and legal, as well as
"compatible with the attitudes of the
American people."
Unquestionably, intelligence gather-
ing Is a required necessity in govern-
ment today, and when Truman envision-
ed the CIA he was firmly convinced
that an agency of this kind would pre-
vent the repetition of a sneak attack
such as the Japanese launched on
Pearl Harbor. And he further believed
that the CIA would make a vital con-
tribution to national security and the
development of meaningful diplomacy
in a rapidly changing the world.
But as the recent investigations by
both the House and Senate have amply
proven, the CIA has not only deviated
from its original charter, but it has re-
peatedly used its enormous power in
cloak-and-dagger misdeeds in both
shocking and self-serving ways.
"Covert action cannot be abandon-
ed," says former Under Secretary of
State Murphy, "but it should be em-
ployed only where clearly essential to
vital U.S. purposes and then only
after a careful process of high level
review." Hopefully, under former Ad-
miral Turner's directorship, these high
standards of achievement will be at-
tained. We wish the Admiral good luck
in his new undertaking, a full speed
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area realty anxious to m..t you
r HONt Sand ust
addressed stamped envelope.
SW "Glikv COMPUTER CENTER
? ! P.O. Box 1320, Dept. A-747
? Houston. Texas 77001
e~xtsrhsr~!s~s. .
f _ Have It Your Way!
o Wherever you live you can get it
. together with other fun-loving
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4908 N. Lincoln Av, Dept CP3,_Chicago, III 60625
Approved For Release 2007/08/20: CIA-RDP99-00498R000100120049-8