LIBERATION THEOLOGY: RELIGION, REFORM, AND REVOLUTION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP97R00694R000600050001-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 22, 2011
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: April 1, 1986
• Content Type: REPORT

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n Intelligence 25X1
Liberation Theology:
Religion, Reform,
and Revolution
GI 86-10028
April 1986
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Directorate of Secret
Intelligence
and Revolution
Liberation Theology:
Religion, Reform,
This paper was prepared by
of Operations.
OGI, and
Historical Intelligence
Instability Center, OGI,
Comments and queries are welcome and may be
directed to the Chief, Foreign Subversion and
Secret
GI 86-10028
April 1986
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Liberation Theology:
Religion, Reform,
and Revolution
Scope Note The Directorate of Intelligence sponsored a conference on Liberation
Theology and Communism in the fall of 1985 to explore the connection be-
tween liberation theology and the growth of political instability in the
Third World. Of particular concern is the deliberate use of liberation
theology by Marxist-Leninist groups to promote revolutionary change. This
paper draws on the presentations made at that conference and on
discussions with regional specialists to examine the phenomenon of libera-
tion theology and the Popular Church as well as to assess its implications
for the United States. Religious publications and other open source
literature, including academic studies, provided useful information on this
topic.
iii Secret
GI 86-10028
April 1986
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Summary
Information available
as of 21 April 1986
was used in this report.
Liberation Theology:
Religion, Reform,
and Revolution
Liberation theology was pioneered by Latin American theologians and
prelates 20 years ago. It blossomed into a major political and religious
movement in the late 1960s and helped spawn radical reform movements in
Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, Brazil, and Chile. Liberation theol-
ogy played a role in helping the Sandinistas gain power in Nicaragua and,
most recently, in aiding the growth of the insurgency in the Philippines.
political action.
Primarily a Catholic and Latin American phenomenon, liberation theology
advocates a radical restructuring of society on behalf of the poor and the
oppressed. Rooted in European liberal, social democratic, and Marxist
social analysis, it argues that Catholic faith must be validated through
primarily responsible for the impoverishment of the Third World.
Although its influence is difficult to quantify, we believe the movement has
been a significant force for change, largely because it promotes socioeco-
nomic reform through grassroots political action and joins together two
powerfully symbolic forces-Marxism and Christianity. Openly anti-
Western, liberation theology identifies the United States and capitalism as
involvement in politics.
We believe that liberation theology-and other radical variants of the
movement as found in South Africa and South Korea-can flourish where
repressive regimes have blocked progress toward political and social reform
and the church provides one of the few places in the community for the dis-
affected to gather. The movement also is more likely to be influential in
countries with charismatic religious leaders and a history of church
In our view, the aspect of liberation theology most threatening to political
stability in Third World countries is the activist orientation of its
practitioners who urge the oppressed to seek a just life now-not in the
hereafter-and to use violence to accomplish this goal. Only a small
number of clergy, about half of whom are foreign born, actually endorse
such use of violence, and their numbers have been declining in recent years,
We attribute this decline to
the church's increased involvement in social activism, the Vatican's
growing criticism of radical forms of liberation theology, and the transition
from authoritarian rule to more democratic forms of government in Third
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Secret
World countries, such as Brazil and El Salvador. The Vatican's critique of
liberation theology-most recently published in its "Instruction on Chris-
tian Freedom and Liberation"-is centered around the movement's misuse
of the Bible to justify political activism, its focus on temporal liberation,
and, particularly, its use of atheistic Marxist analysis.
While liberation theology has served to promote US interests by assisting
popular efforts to bring democratic reform to authoritarian states, it also
has posed a major threat to US interests by providing a fertile ground for
Communist exploitation. In Central America and the Philippines, in
particular, we judge that the collaboration of some nuns, missionaries, and
members of the clergy with the Marxist revolutionaries has given-and
will continue to lend-legitimacy to guerrilla movements, while hampering
government efforts to contain them.
Moreover, we believe that the anti-US orientation of the movement and the
political naivete of its practitioners make liberation theology an attractive
target for Soviet and Cuban manipulation. Although Moscow so far
appears to have provided only propaganda support, Cuban President
Castro has seized upon liberation theology as a vehicle for rallying anti-US
sentiment in Latin America and for exporting the Cuban revolution. In our
view, Castro's recent easing of restrictions on the Catholic Church and
Cuba's bishops indicates his interest in projecting a better international
image and, more important, a growing recognition of the potential
influence religious groups can exert to promote and legitimize the revolu-
tionary process in the name of liberation theology.
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Scope Note
iii
What Is Liberation Theology?
1
What Are Its Origins?
3
What Is the Soviet/Cuban Role?
8
B. Selected Readings on Liberation Theology
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Liberation Theology:
Religion, Reform,
and Revolution F_
When the Christians have the courage to commit
themselves completely to the Latin American revolu-
tion, the Latin American revolution will be invincible.
-Che Guevara
What Is Liberation Theology?
Liberation theology is a contemporary Catholic reli-
gious doctrine espoused in the Third World. Based on
Marxist analysis, it suggests a radical reformation of
political, economic, and social structures on behalf of
the poor and the oppressed through popular organiz-
ing. It is openly anti-West and identifies the United
States as responsible for the exploitation of the Third
World. Liberation theology enunciates two major
themes:
? Praxis. The active pursuit of fulfilling political,
social, and spiritual needs through concrete, every-
day prayerful action and reflection in response to an
oppressive situation.
? Conscientization. Increasing the political awareness
of people to their oppression so that they may better
address their human and political needs.
Latin America and to the failure of governmental
bodies to provide adequate services to the poor. Mem-
bership ranges from 15 to 100 in each group; most are
located in rural areas and on the outer edges of cities.
Usually the groups are led by layworkers and meet at
least weekly for prayers, discussion, and action. As a
depository of liberation theology, base communities
make up the "people's" or Popular Church, which can
be distinguished from the hierarchical Church by its
commitment to radical change.
Base communities are set up as parallel institutions to
government and church structures to create local civic
responsibility and to provide services. In some cases,
this arrangement has served to weaken government
and official Church authority. Base communities also
can pose a direct threat to the regime by promoting
armed struggle or by producing revolutionary leaders.
Many, however, restrict their political role to human
rights monitoring, organizing labor protests, establish-
ing cooperatives and credit unions, providing health
care and education, fundraising, supporting solidarity
campaigns, publishing, and other reform activities.
Liberation theology is translated into social action
through the Popular Church and its organizational
component, "Christian base communities" (comuni-
dades eclesiales de base-CEBs). The term Popular
Church usually refers to a movement that encom-
passes a variety of predominantly Catholic base and
peasant communities formed among the poor or by
those empathetic to the plight of the poor. The
Popular Church provides an ideology (embodied in
liberation theology), an institutional mechanism (in
the form of Christian base communities), and re-
sources (in the form of mass support) that older
church radicals lacked in many parts of Latin
America.
Christian base communities function primarily as
devotional groups, although some have used the gospel
message to critique current political-socioeconomic
conditions and to pursue local development projects.
Base communities developed as a local response to the
shortage of priests and other religious personnel in
Liberation theology presents a challenge to govern-
ment leaders in the Third World largely because it
advocates a new social order based on grassroots
political activism. Proponents of liberation theology,
however, usually have only a vague notion of the
political model they espouse, and, in our view, their
lack of a pragmatic socioeconomic plan often is
exploited by radicals bent on bringing Marxist-style
governments to power. In fact, this dynamic has led to
the development of radical reform movements in
Guatemala, El Salvador, Brazil, and Chile, and it has
aided the growth of insurgency in the Philippines.
Activist priests and communities motivated by libera-
tion theology also played an important role in helping
the Sandinistas gain power in Nicaragua.'
' A detailed account of the growth and current status of liberation
theology in Nicaragua, the Philippines, El Salvador, Guatemala,
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Milestones in the Evolution of
Liberation Theology Doctrine
? 1962-65. Second Vatican Council. Committed the Catholic
Church to the plight of the poor and oppressed and transferred
some liturgical responsibilities to the laity. Also adopted a
"middle way, " rejecting both rigid capitalism and bureaucratic
socialism.
? April 1963. Pacem in Terris encyclical of Pope John XXIII.
Establishes a comprehensive theory of human rights. It generally
reflects social democratic legal and moral norms accepted in the
Western democracies and has been used by Catholics and others
to assess the performance of particular regimes and political
movements, especially in Latin America.
? March 1967. Populorum Progressio (The Progress of Peoples)
encyclical of Pope Paul VI. Discusses "the scandal of glaring
inequalities" noted during the Pope's trips to Latin America and
Africa. Expresses an urgency to alleviate the plight of the poor
and stfffering. Insists the wealth of rich countries should be
placed at the service of poor nations. Denounces "liberal capita-
lism " and blames developed countries for exploiting the econo-
mies of underdeveloped states.
? October 1968. Medellin CELAM II Conference of Latin Ameri-
can Bishops. Gave an official impetus to the emergence of
liberation theology and condemned both capitalism and atheistic
Marxism as political-economic systems, but enunciated a "pref-
erential option for the poor" and support for Christian base
communities.
? 1971. Theology of Liberation, a seminal book on the topic that
coins the phrase. Published by Peruvian priest and theologian,
Gustavo Gutierrez.
? May 1971. Octogesima Adveniens, a papal document by Pope
Paul VI. States that both "bureaucratic socialism"and "techno-
cratic capitalism"as systems have failed to create adequate
justice and equality. It calls for creative "utopian" thinking that
would go beyond present systems and ideologies.
? November 1971. Synod of Catholic bishops in Rome. Created a
document on "Justice in the World" that recognizes the violence
and oppression created by "unjust systems and structures."
? 1976. First Assembly of the Ecumenical Association of Third
World Theologians (EATWOT), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
Criticized the cultural domination of European and North
American theologies. Called for a new theology out of an active
commitment to justice through solidarity with the poor and the
prevention of exploitation, racism, sexism, and all forms of
oppression and domination.
? 1977. Pan-African Conference of Third World Theologians,
Accra, Ghana. Organized by the Ecumenical Association of
Third World Theologians. Called for a unique African theology
based on the struggles of people in their resistance against
structures of racial domination.
? January 1979. First Asian meeting of the Ecumenical Associa-
tion of Third World Theologians in Sri Lanka. Conference
developed an Asian "liberating" theology and accepted basic
Marxist criteria but questioned whether its class approach is
appropriate to the liberation of women and minorities.
? February 1979. Puebla CELAM III Conference. Approved the
concept of Christian base communities (comunidades eclesiales
de base-CEBs) and continued the emphasis on political and
social activism.
? 1980. Fourth Congress of the Ecumenical Association of Third
World Theologians, Sao Paolo, Brazil. Discussed Christian base
communities as "the place people find space for resistance,
struggle, and hope in the face of domination."Called the
historical activity of liberation an essential, albeit transitional,
step to the Kingdom of God.
? 1981. Fifth Congress of the Ecumenical Association of Third
World Theologians Conference, New Delhi, India. Discussed the
results offIve years of work and set guidelines for the future.
Topic was "Irruption of the Third World. "
? September 1984. "Instruction on Certain Aspects of the Theology
of Liberation, " better known as The Ratzinger Report. Vatican
document that criticizes liberation theology's efforts to replace
the hierarchical Church with the Popular Church; its attention to
violent means of restoring justice; its misuse of the Bible to
justify political acts; its preoccupation with temporal liberation;
and, especially, its use of atheistic Marxist ideology.
? April 1986. "Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation"
reaffirms the role of the Church in improving the plight of
oppressed peoples, as expressed in the 1984 Instruction, but
states that nuns and clergy should not intervene directly in
politics. Warns against totalitarianism and revolution leading to
"new forms of slavery, " condemns systematic recourse to vio-
lence, and declares that armed struggle is to be used only as a
last resort.
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What Are Its Origins?
Liberation theology originated in Latin America in
the mid-1960s.2 It was conceived and enunciated by
theologians and activist priests, such as Peru's Fr.
Gustavo Gutierrez and Brazil's Fr. Leonardo Boff. Its
roots can be traced to Catholic deliberations and
pronouncements, particularly the Second Vatican
Council, 1962-65; the Conferences of Latin American
Bishops (CELAM) at Medellin, Colombia, in 1968
and Puebla, Mexico, in 1979; and the practical work
of activist priests and religious orders. Such activists
and documents urge all Catholics to become propo-
nents of the poor by resisting exploitative capitalism,
defending human rights, and criticizing unfair devel-
opment policies. They also call for substantial political
and economic reform in Latin America.
Liberation theology is rooted in European liberal,
social democratic, and Marxist social analysis. Writ-
ings of liberation theologians draw heavily from the
dependency theory, which holds that Latin American
underdevelopment can be blamed primarily on the
activities and decisions of foreign capitalist coun-
tries-especially the United States-and multination-
al corporations. Liberation theology advocates recent-
ly have pointed to the Third World debt crisis as the
latest manifestation of Western exploitation of the
Third World. Their writings contend that US persis-
tence in requiring Latin nations to repay their debt
imposes burdensome conditions on the poor.
How Extensive Is the Phenomenon?
Primarily a Catholic and Latin American phenome-
non, we believe liberation theology has flourished
most in countries where repressive, authoritarian po-
litical systems have sparked growing political and
social conflict and where the church provides one of
the few meetingplaces for the community.' It appears
most influential in countries where charismatic reli-
gious or lay church leaders, missionaries, and the
official Catholic Church have played a significant
political role.
current status of liberation theology.
' Some Protestant groups also have begun to espouse liberation
theology. Traditionally, more independent and evangelical than
their Catholic counterparts, we believe some Third World Protes-
tant Church organizations have the potential to develop into a
According to an official Catholic Church study, the
number of active radical priests in countries where
liberation theology has a high profile-Nicaragua, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Brazil, and Chile-dropped
from a near majority in the late 1960s and 1970s to
less than 25 percent in 1982. An academic study
completed in 1985 estimates that only about 10
percent of the clergy throughout Latin America now
actively support liberation theology; half of these
proponents are foreign missionaries, primarily from
North America and Europe. The study also states
that half of Latin American Catholic theologians-
whom we believe wield considerable influence as
intellectuals and as churchmen-support the teach-
ings of the Popular Church. Most of the remainder
were characterized by the study as sympathetic.
We believe the decline in the number of radical
church activists is, in some countries, a result of
liberalizing democratic trends, popular expectations
that social and economic conditions will improve, and
the Vatican's unwillingness to sanction a Third World
theology. In our view, the Sandinista regime's eco-
nomic failures and repression of internal opponents-
including the traditional Church-also have undercut
support for liberation theology in Nicaragua, which
had been touted as a model for political change. In
addition, the Vatican's public repudiation of priests
and nuns who hold both political and church offices
has had a major dampening effect, according to
knowledgeable observers (figure 1).
Although the Vatican has publicly affirmed the tenets
of liberation theology that emphasize the needs of the
poor and the necessity for social reform, Pope John
Paul II and other Vatican authorities have criticized
proponents of liberation theology for misusing the
Bible, identifying the Kingdom of God with temporal
liberation movements, and supporting the use of
violence to correct injustices. Pope John Paul II took
the opportunity to critique liberation theology at the
Puebla Conference in Mexico in 1979. He condemned
social injustice and oppression and approved of priests
organizing and promoting the interests of the poor but
admonished clergy to avoid politics. As a citizen of
Poland, the Pope is wary that Marxist-Leninist ideas
may be naively proposed as Christian solutions to
economic and social problems.
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Figure 1. (Top) Ernesto Cardenal, Minister of'
Culture, exhorting the masses in Leon, Nicara,
gua. (Bottom) During Pope John Paul 11's 1983
trip to Central America, he admonished Car-
denal for h', 's radical activities.
I
In 1984, the Vatican removed seven priests from
teaching positions at Catholic universities and si-
lenced Brazilian liberation theologian Fr. Leonardo
Boff for doctrinal errors in their teachings. Although
Boll's penance has since been lifted, the Catholic
Church continues to promote clergy and theologians
who hold conservative views on liberation theology, as
evidenced by the recent elevation of a few Latin
American bishops to cardinal-including Cardinal
Obando y Bravo of Nicaragua.
The Vatican elaborated its views in the "Instruction
on Christian Freedom and Liberation" published in
April. The Instruction takes a more positive approach
toward theologies of.liberation in that it validates the
role of the Church in promoting individual freedoms.
Although it affirms the right of the oppressed to
revolt, it cautions against revolutionary movements
that violate human rights and' produce "new forms of
slavery"-a statement many knowledgeable observers
have interpreted as a direct criticism of the Sandinista
regime in Nicaragua.
In Central America, the number of Catholic priests is
few (averaging about 300 per country), compared with
the total population. The ratio of Catholics to priests
in this region is close to 7,300:1. We believe the
impact of those who are radicalized is much greater
than these numbers may suggest. Many of the most
radical activists are missionaries and laypersons di-
rectly involved in aiding the poor. The public testimo-
ny of revolutionary leaders, books written by radical-
ized clergy, and captured guerrilla documents show
that the activists have used the Popular Church to
organize political opposition throughout Central
America and to support the Sandinistas in Nicaragua,
and guerrilla movements in El Salvador and Guate-
mala.
In Asia, Christianity is practiced by only 5 percent of
the population, and the Catholic Church has not been
a major catalyst for promoting political change. Nev-
ertheless, liberation theology has developed a signifi-
cant following in the Philippines and is beginning to
take hold in South Korea, where Christians make up
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some 83 and 25 percent of the population, respective-
ly. In both countries, advocates of liberation theology
have been motivated primarily by government human
rights abuses and by the regime's insensitivity to
popular grievances. Elsewhere in Asia and also in
Africa, some priests actively espouse liberation theol-
ogy doctrine, but most manifestations of the move-
ment-Christian base communities, challenges to the
hierarchical Church, emphasis on the responsibility
Christians have toward the poor, and involvement in
labor and peasant organizations-are limited or non-
existent.
What Conditions Favor Its Growth?
Our research indicates that key societal factors pro-
moting the spread of liberation theology-and other,
parallel radical Christian movements-appear to be
the presence of a sizable Catholic (or Christian)
population, a history of church involvement in politics,
widespread social and economic grievances, and a
repressive political system. Because liberation theol-
ogy is mostly a Catholic phenomenon, individuals in
predominantly Catholic countries are more likely to
be exposed to the doctrine of the Popular Church as
well as the international flow of missionaries and
publications (see map). Countries where liberation
theology is not yet a significant political force that
have a large Catholic population and a recent history
of church activism include Colombia, Peru, Ecuador,
and Zaire. Church activists in Mexico, Colombia, and
Peru also have publicly protested government restric-
tions on political freedoms and social opportunities.
In many Third World countries, the church tradition-
ally has been an active proponent of agrarian reform
and wealth redistribution. The level of church activ-
ism usually corresponds to the ability of radical
church and lay leaders to organize the people as well
as to the degree of repression and poverty present in
the society. In countries where liberation theology
focuses on gaining people their political, economic,
and social rights, we believe the movement is most
likely to prosper. Conversely, in countries, such as El
Salvador, where the transition to democratic rule has
progressed and the level of government repression has
subsided, the radical clergy have found less political
support for their cause.
Countries Where Liberation Theology
Could Become Politically Significant
Colombia
Ecuador
Mexico
Peru
Africa South Africa
Zaire
Sri Lanka
South Korea
In our view, liberation theology also will flourish in
countries where the Church membership is divided
between supporters of the Vatican and the Popular
Church. This schism represents a first step in the
restructuring of society by challenging the hierarchi-
cal nature of the official Church and elite Church
members supportive of government policies. In such
countries, leaders of the Popular Church are more
likely to condone civil unrest and insurgency. For
example, in Ecuador, Colombia, and Sri Lanka, Cath-
olic priests and missionaries have publicly sanctioned
and even participated in demonstrations and guerrilla
groups, according to press statements. Most priests,
however, have avoided leadership roles when more
violent means of antiregime protest are employed.
Our research indicates other factors closely associated
with the emergence of liberation theology-and its
Christian variants-as a force for political change
relate to specific church activities or attitudes. Libera-
tion theology generally has prospered in societies
where the church is uniquely suited to provide a
central gathering place, a routine meeting schedule,
or an individual authority figure for expressing and
organizing political protest. By providing public and
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Key Questions for Assessing Where Liberation
Theology Could Become Politically Significant
Background Factors
? Is the percentage of Christians, especially Catho-
lics, in the total population high?
? Does the Church have a history of involvement in
politics?
? Does the presence of extreme poverty, human rights.
violations, and trade dependency suggest blockages
in the political system inhibiting reform?
? Is there an active insurgency or a high degree of
civil unrest?
Tactical Indicators
? Does the Church provide the primary locus for
organizing and expressing discontent with the
regime?
? Do proponents emphasize the revolutionary mission
of the Church through propaganda and public
statements?
? Do they share an anticapitalist, anti-West
orientation?
? Do proponents advocate the use of violence to
promote change?
social services to the people, parochial base communi-
ties often subsume the role of the government and the
official Church hierarchy. For example, ethnic groups
in Zaire function in much the same way as base
community networks in that they depend on the
church to provide educational and medical services
not offered by the government. In Mexico, public
statements of some activist bishops reveal their use of
the Church as a platform to encourage parishoners to
form Christian base communities tied to leftist politi-
cal parties, and to adopt the ideals of the Popular
Church in Latin America. Colombia, Peru, and Ecua-
dor also are developing effective Christian base com-
munity networks.
Another key characteristic of liberation theology
movements is the role of the church in translating
religious doctrine into social action that addresses the
immediate needs of the community. Radical clergy
and laity often deemphasize the life hereafter and use
liberation theology to mobilize mass protest around
traditional political issues, such as discrimination,
ethnic hostilities, and nationalism. Several open
sources report that a theology of liberation has been
invoked in South Africa to support the cause of black
liberation. Open sources also report that in South
Korea it has become attuned to ethnic Korean nation-
alism, including reunification, and a more assertive
cultural identity.
In our view, liberation theology also has the potential
to become a significant phenomenon in countries
where dissident priests or lay leaders emphasize the
revolutionary mission of the Church and advocate
anticapitalist, Marxist doctrine. Evidence of such
practice is most apparent in Latin America, where
liberation theology literature often depicts Christ as a
political liberator in fatigues and priests as armed
militia leaders (figure 2). In Ecuador, for example,
insurgents use religious symbols in their literature and
invoke religious language to garner support for their
cause. In addition, radical supporters of the Tamil
insurgents in Sri Lanka also have incorporated ex-
tremist religious symbols-for example, a crucified
female figure-in their publications to symbolize
liberation struggles. Moreover, Latin American theo-
logians and lay activists often criticize the United
States and multinational corporations for taking eco-
nomic advantage of Third World countries-citing
the debt issue in particular.
associating them with insurgent movements.
Such practices have created serious schisms within
the Latin American Catholic Church hierarchy, ac-
cording to Church and press statements. For example,
the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops is divid-
ed on the revolutionary role of the Church; some
members oppose the Church's involvement in politics,
while others associate openly with socialist leaders
and espouse Marxist doctrine. Moreover, in Colom-
bia, the Catholic Church discredits those who support
the radical tenets of liberation theology by openly
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Two Christian Variants
of Liberation Theology
In South Africa, black nationalism is the driving
force behind the recent callfor a theology of libera-
tion by a predominantly black group of 151 clergy-
men and theologians who represent several Christian
denominations, including the prominent Dutch Re-
formed Church. We believe liberation theology is
assisting the cause for racial reform in this predomi-
nantly Protestant country largely because the church
offers one of the fewforumsfor nonwhite South
Africans to engage in politics. Drawing from libera-
tion theology's emphasis on addressing the needs of
the oppressed, church leaders are attempting to link
liberation theology's themes of faith and rebellion
directly to civil rights issues. According to open
sources, a few church leaders are no longer willing to
condemn the use of violence to protest oppression.
Although divisions among black communities and the
lack of a central religious authority work against the
establishment of Latin American-style liberation the-
ology, we believe the church's involvement in the
movement lends greater credibility to the black
cause.
In South Korea, we judge that government internal
security controls and the generally conservative and
secular nature of the Korean people have precluded
the direct adaptation of liberation theology as prac-
ticed in Latin America. In particular, strong anti-
Communist sentiments remain among a number of
Korean Christians forced tofee North Korea. Never-
theless, a religious political philosophy, called min-
jung or people's theology, has taken hold among an
activist Christian minority. While minjung theology
reflects some of the same concerns as liberation
theology in the area of human rights and political
awareness, a close reading of open sources suggests it
subsumes individual interests for the good of the
Korean people, is populist, and draws upon some
Marxist themes while claiming to be anti-Commu-
nist.
CRI,STIANA'
Y" I
REVOWCION
SANDINISTA
E NiCARwAGUA
We believe the aspect of liberation theology most
threatening to political stability is the tendency of
radical leaders to condone the use of violence to
promote political change. Some Catholic religious
orders openly supported Catholic participation in the
revolution that brought the Sandinistas to power. The
Nicaraguan Catholic bishops also supported the anti-
Somoza cause, as articulated in a November 1979
pastoral letter. Moreover, radical Mexican bishops
have voiced support for the violent actions of leftist
revolutionaries in nearby countries, although Mexican
clerics are restricted from making any political pro-
nouncements. And, in Sri Lanka, a few clergy have
publicly defended the rights of Tamils to employ
violence to protest human rights and property abuses
by the Sinhalese, according to Catholic missionary
publications and tracts.
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What Is the International Connection?
The rapid flow of information across international
boundaries, the widespread influence of the Catholic
Church, and the global reach of missionary orders
have facilitated the spread of liberation theology.
Sympathy for the needs of the poor and support for
the goals of the movement extend well beyond the
countries in which the Popular Church is active, as
evidenced by North American and European parishes
who openly send church contributions to their coun-
terparts in Latin America. Many of these congrega-
tions are unwitting that some of these funds go to
support radical activities. According to the public
testimony of an ex-Sandinista, the Sandinista com-
manders promoted almost 50 solidarity committees in
the United States that, along with committees on
other continents, would funnel donated monies and
material support from nonleftist and leftist sources to
the Sandinistas through an office in Costa Rica and a
bank under the name of Fr. Ernesto Cardenal. Inter-
national commissions formed by concerned religious
bodies like CELAM also have published findings
based on inspection trips that usually are more critical
of abuses committed by government forces than those
attributed to the guerrillas.
Latin American advocates of liberation theology have
spread their precepts through a number of interna-
tional Christian socialist action groups. One of the
leading movements, Christians for Socialism, was
formed in 1972 in Chile. Spurred by the Chilean
experience and by growing opposition to capitalism,
this movement promoted socialism as a guiding prin-
ciple of reform. Open sources reveal that its members
range in their commitment and political orientation
from militant Marxist-Leninists to pacifist social
democrats. Membership figures are not documented
but, in our view, probably are in the tens of thousands.
Sympathetic groups identified in open sources also
exist in several West European countries including
Holland, Belgium, and Spain, as well as Africa and
Asia. They maintain contact with each other through
an international bulletin, Liaisons Internationales.
In recent years, according to press accounts, Chris-
tians for Socialism has become less active. Its role as a
source of information and moral support for liberation
theology and related causes has been partly supplant-
ed by a Netherlands-based organization of Catholic
theologians called Concilium. Concilium was formed
in the wake of Vatican II. Since the early 1970s, its
dominant orientation has shifted to the left and
currently includes several liberation theologians on its
editorial board, notably the most prominent writer on
the subject, Fr. Gustavo Gutierrez.
Catholic aid
agencies based in Western Europe have funded many
Church activities that have challenged the authority
of Third World governments. Most of the official
Catholic aid-totaling $500-750 million annually-
comes from organizations belonging to the multina-
tional consortium headquartered in Brussels known as
The International Cooperation for Solidarity and
Development (CIDSE), or the Vatican's coordinating
body for humanitarian aid, Caritas Internationalis.
Both organizations have supported efforts to organize
labor unions, to raise political consciousness through
educational programs, and to criticize government
policies through media placements. The 1985 aca-
demic study shows that many donor agencies give
high priority to projects that directly address the
causes of oppression and suffering. As a result, funds
have flowed to political reform-oriented solidarity
groups, the liberation theology press, and Christian
base communities. The study documents that some
funds and materiel resources have gone to Marxist
guerrilla groups and Marxist regimes, notably the
Sandinista government in Nicaragua.
What Is the Soviet/Cuban Role?
The political naivete of some theologians and priests
and the anti-US stance make liberation theology an
attractive target for socialist exploitation. Traditional
Marxist-Leninist antipathy toward religion, however,
has limited Soviet efforts to support the activities of
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the Popular Church. Until recently, Moscow's support
appears to have been limited mostly to propaganda.
The Soviets have chronicled the development of liber-
ation theology in Latin America in Latinskaya Amer-
ika (the journal of the Soviet Institute of Latin
America of the Academy of Science) but remain
skeptical of its revolutionary potential. Isvestiya,
TASS, and Pravda have made references to Christian
"believers" who support socialism. They also have
highlighted differences between the radical, "progres-
sive" clergy and the conservative, "reactionary" hier-
archy, and noted the significance of liberation theol-
ogy in the context of Nicaragua and South Africa. To
date, however, no authoritative party statement has
been issued on the subject. In a book published in
Moscow last year and translated into Spanish, The
Catholic Church and the Liberation Movement in
Latin America, the Soviet author states that Commu-
nists can be united with Christians in the popular
struggle through an anti-imperialist front.
Cuban President Castro's use of liberation theology to
promote his image as a regional leader and to export
the Cuban revolution-notably at the Havana Con-
ference on Latin American debt in July 1985-
doubtless has heightened Soviet awareness of the
potential benefits of a strategic alliance with the
Popular Church. Interviews with Castro, recently
published in Fidel and Religion, reveal that he is
influenced by liberation theology but has little sub-
stantive understanding of the topic. Therefore, we
believe he has every incentive to use the church to
gious beliefs. The same month, US bishops were
invited to visit Cuba and meet with Castro; they also
met with Cuba's religious heirarchy at an official
reception-the first such gathering since 1959. The
visit received much attention in domestic and foreign
press. The government also, in September 1985, per-
mitted Cuba's bishops to attend a bishops conference
in the United States and, in February, allowed a
Cuban National Ecclesiastical Meeting to be held in
Havana. The meeting addressed the role of the Catho-
lic Church in Cuba and Church-state relations and
was described by participants as a milestone in the
history of the Cuban Catholic Church.
Some Concerns for the Future
With half of the 825 million Catholics worldwide
living in the poverty-stricken and politically unstable
nations of the Third World, we believe a ready
constituency exists for the social and political changes
advocated by liberation theology. In our view, the
underprivileged and their revolutionary leaders will
continue to be attracted to its promises of reform, its
reliance on Marxist terminology, and its harsh criti-
cism of US development policies. Although the Sandi-
nistas have not had much success in replacing the
traditional Church with the Popular Church, we
believe that liberation theology will continue to have
an impact in the Third World because it promotes
socioeconomic reform through grassroots action and
joins together two powerfully symbolic forces-Marx-
ism and Christianity.
further the socialist revolution in Latin America. Liberation theology, in our view, is likely to prove
Castro remains impressed by the role the Catholic most attractive in countries where improvements in
Church played in overthrowing the Somoza regime conditions for the poor and oppressed are advocated
and has cited Nicaragua in his book as an example of by activist clergy, religious orders, or the laity to
successful Church-state collaboration. He also dis- reform-or supplant-a repressive society. In Latin
cusses the potential for religious groups to provide the America and the Philippines, we judge that the
catalyst for revolutionary change and suggests that collaboration of some members of the Catholic
Christianity has more in common with Communism Church with Marxist revolutionaries will continue to
than capitalism. give guerrilla movements legitimacy, while hampering
Although the Cuban Government still severely re-
stricts religious celebrations and the activities of
church members, events within the past two years
suggest that Castro is trying to project a more
moderate image by easing some restrictions. In Janu-
ary 1985, the Cuban Government established an
Office of Religious Affairs as a department of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party to dis-
courage discrimination against those who hold reli-
government efforts to contain them. Elsewhere in the
Third World, we also would expect variants of the
Latin American model of liberation theology to devel-
op. In Africa, for example, much greater emphasis is
given to black nationalism and the inculturation of
Christianity into African society. In Asia, liberation
theology functions in a radically different environ-
ment where Christians make up a distinct minority
and Eastern religions predominate.
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The aspect of such theologies of liberation that we
believe most threatening to Third World countries is
the activist orientation of its practitioners who urge
the oppressed to seek a just life now-not in the
hereafter-and use violence to accomplish this goal.
Radical religious leaders and laity are likely to have
the most impact in societies where the church provides
leadership, organizational structures, and public ser-
vices normally performed by the government.
According to knowledgeable church observers, howev-
er, only a small number of Catholic clergy actually
endorse the use of violence to promote revolutionary
change, and their numbers have been declining in
recent years. As the official Catholic Church has
become more involved in social activism, the Vatican
has increased its criticism of the radical Popular
Church, and, as authoritarian regimes have been
replaced, the more radical precepts of liberation theol-
ogy have begun to lose their attraction. We expect this
trend to continue.
Liberation theology can pose a serious threat to US
interests when its critique of capitalism and US
development policy finds a receptive audience and,
more important, when the movement's inability to
articulate a political-economic model for restructur-
ing society provides an opening for Communist exploi-
tation. We believe Moscow's recent experience with
the Polish prelature has increased its awareness of the
symbolic importance of the Catholic Church and how
it can be used to support secular political reform. We
also believe the division between the two churches in
Latin America-a people's church with strong social-
ist precepts and an official Church with allegiance to
the Vatican-may present a tactical opportunity for
the Soviets to form a united front against the host
government.
On the other hand, liberation theology can promote
US interests by assisting popular efforts to bring
democratic rule to authoritarian states. In Brazil, for
example, the theology of liberation has played an
important role in supporting the recent transition
from military to civilian rule, and it currently is
generating more participation in the political process
at the grassroots level through the spread of base
communities.
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Appendix A
Country Profiles
Nicaragua
The forging of a strategic alliance between Catholics
and Sandinista revolutionaries did not come about
until the late 1960s, spawned by the abuses of the
Somoza regime. Knowledgeable observers give most
of the credit to Fr. Ernesto Cardenal, who-inspired
partly by the examples of slain Colombian priest and
guerrilla fighter Camilo Torres and Cuban revolution-
ary leader Che Guevara-established a small parish
and contemplative community in the Solentiname
archipelago in Lake Nicaragua in 1965. Cardenal
wrote a book of sermons in which he described his
experiences in Solentiname and developed the themes
that Christ was the first revolutionary; that His
Kingdom can be established on earth and not in the
hereafter; and that Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and
their colleagues have made a proper start in that
direction. i
According to Cardenal's own testimony, he was invit-
ed by Sandinista leaders to join their movement in
1969, making Solentiname a training ground for
Sandinista youth. He also admits that after his visit to
Cuba his community participated in several military
operations against Somoza's National Guard, includ-
ing an unsuccessful attack in 1977 against the San
Carlos military barracks. Cardenal has publicly en-
dorsed the use of violence as a legitimate response to
societal injustices.
Ernesto's brother Fernando, a Jesuit priest, was the
second prominent cleric to join the Sandinistas. In
1970, open sources report that Fernando led a student
occupation of the National Cathedral to protest the
holding of political prisoners. He later became a
member of the Sandinistas, and in 1972 he founded
the Revolutionary Christian Movement, which pro-
vided a major source of guerrilla recruits and a
propaganda outlet for portraying the insurgents as
Christian revolutionaries.
In the mid-1970s, Sandinista officials openly ac-
knowledged that they developed strong ties to Popular
Church activists in the countryside where the govern-
ment and mainstream Church hierarchy could exert
less control over their activities. The base communi-
ties, as the organizational component of the Popular
Church, provided a readymade network for the Sandi-
nista movement and radical church activities; revolu-
tionaries also found it easier to go into the barrios
when operating under the Church's banner. More-
over, Church publications report that pastoral workers
organized rural workers' committees and peasants'
congresses; church members also used churches for
sit-ins and as safehavens for the guerrillas. Public
statements and writings of radical church leaders
reveal how they worked in urban areas to organize
slumdwellers and to recruit manpower for the
revolution.
Miguel d'Escoto, a prominent Nicaraguan cleric,
became a member of the movement in 1979. Former
Director of Social Communications for the Maryknoll
Order and founder of Orbis Books, d'Escoto was the
principal English-language publisher of works on lib-
eration theology. He also helped set up solidarity
committees in the United States and elsewhere to
raise funds for the movement.
(figure 3).
By the late 1970s, Catholic religious orders-includ-
ing Jesuits, Maryknolls, Capuchins, and Trappists-
organized hundreds of study groups, youth clubs, and
Christian base communities to promote social action
and apply pressure to the Somoza government. Sever-
al other priests and nuns, both Nicaraguan and
foreign born, became directly involved in the move-
ment, according to the writings of church activists.
Some moved into political positions, a few died in
combat, one became chaplain and militia leader of a
small town, and another became Chief of the Cadre
Section of the Sandinista Armed Forces General Staff
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Figure 3. Spanish-born Fr. Garcia Laviana
joined the Sandinistas in December 1977 and was
killed in combat on the southern front the follow-
When the Sandinistas came to power in 1979, Ernesto
Cardenal was named Minister of Culture and d'Es-
coto became Foreign Minister. Fernando Cardenal
was director of the Sandinista literacy campaign until
his appointment as Minister of Education much
later-in July 1984. Since the revolution, these clerics
have sought to perpetuate the alliance between the
Church and the Sandinista movement by publicly
endorsing the Popular Church, manipulating the
Catholic press for Sandinista indoctrination, modify-
ing religious holidays for political celebrations, and
directing key institutions-including Nicaragua's
only Jesuit university-to continue promoting libera-
tion theology. D'Escoto is ardent in his public criti-
cism of the official Catholic Church in Nicaragua and
its titular head, Cardinal Obando y Bravo. Several
Nicaraguans, including the Cardinal, have publicly
accused d'Escoto of leading a campaign to intimidate
the Church. Banned from saying mass by the Vatican,
d'Escoto recently led a 320-kilometer, "way-of-the-
cross" walk from Jalapa south to Managua with
Catholics who supported the Sandinista regime and
fasted in protest against the official Church.
In a recent pro-Sandinista film, Thank God and the
Revolution, Nicaraguan Interior Minister Tomas
Borge comments on the alliance between Christian
revolutionaries and Sandinistas and the possibility of
exporting the revolutionary process in Latin America.
He states, "It's an integration which will serve as an
example for many revolutionary processes in Latin
America. In the long run, there are many common
aims, and the differences are negligible when both the
revolution and the Church are on the side of the
poor."
At present, however, the Catholic Church is openly
divided. In public statements and sermons, Nicara-
guan religious leaders are increasingly critical of the
Sandinista regime-especially since the Catholic ra-
dio station was shut down-while a relatively small
group of parish-level priests, nuns, and layworkers in
some 2,000 Christian base communities continue to
support the government through the Popular Church.
Although the Popular Church structure has replaced
some official Church functions, such as celebrating
mass and organizing prayer and Bible study groups,
the Popular Church will not, in our judgment, sup-
plant Vatican authority.
Cardinal Obando y Bravo, who formerly collaborated
with Ernesto Cardenal in supporting the Sandinista
revolution, now reflects the Vatican's concern by
publicly criticizing the Sandinista leaders for their
Marxist-Leninist indoctrination, use of violence, ex-
cessive alignment with Cuba and its allies, and ha-
rassment of clergy and laity, including censorship of
official Church media. In writings and public ser-
mons, some priests formerly sympathetic to the revo-
lution also have moderated their support for the
regime because of government repression, its support
for foreign subversion, the manipulation of elections,
and the persecution of the English-speaking Indian
population. Liberation theology activists claim, how-
ever, that about one-fifth of the population still
supports the ideals of the Popular Church.
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The Philippines
Over the last decade, the Catholic Church has shifted
from a conservative, progovernment institution to one
characterized by social activism and, in some cases,
outright support for radical revolution.
the experience of 10 years
of martial law (1972-81) and the continued growth of
the Communist insurgency alienated many priests
and nuns from the Marcos regime and provided a
fertile ground for the spread of liberation theology.
Most recently, it played a major role in support of
reformist military officers and moderate opposition
politicians who toppled the Marcos regime.
Religious activism in politics, however, is not new to
the Philippines. Native clergy played an important
role in support of the nationalist movement in the
19th century, which culminated in the Revolution of
1896 against Spanish-and later American-rule.
Priests killed by the Spanish have always occupied a
place in the pantheon of national heroes. Some even
fought as guerrilla leaders against the United States
at the turn of the century.
Until recently, the Philippines was considered mission
territory; foreign clergy dominated and links to the
landed oligarchs and colonial administrators were
strong. Today, public data on Catholic populations
show the Church is virtually Filipinized: only four of
the country's 105 bishops are foreign born, the num-
ber of young Filipinos pursuing religious vocations is
higher than ever, and the Church annually sends
several hundred priests and nuns to other Third
World countries as missionaries. We believe many of
these young Filipinos, particularly nuns, find libera-
tion theology an appealing explanation for the politi-
cal and economic problems now plaguing their coun-
try.
Through pastoral letters and declarations, Church
leaders tacitly supported President Marcos's declara-
tion of martial law in 1972, viewing it as a regrettable
necessity to reduce growing violence and restore law
and order. According to US Embassy and press
sources, opposition within the Church to this policy of
"critical collaboration" increased, however, as wide-
spread military abuses and killings, official corrup-
tion, and the government's failure to address rural
poverty became apparent. As opposition to the Mar-
cos government became widespread within Catholic
circles, several thousand Catholic activists-including
priests and nuns who are members of the Communist-
affiliated organization, Christians for National Liber-
ation-came out openly in support of violent revolu-
tion.
Philippines and its armed element, the New People's
Army, have actively recruited priests and laity since
the early 1970s.
legitimate church organizations-such as the Nation-
al Secretariat for Social Action and its regional
affiliates established by the Catholic Bishops Confer-
ence-were infiltrated and used to garner the support
of Catholic activists, raise funds among foreign Cath-
olic social agencies, and provide cover for party cadres
and activities.
the Association of
Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines, repre-
senting all men's and women's religious orders, has
been utilized by the Communists since at least the
mid-1970s. In 1976,
the majority of the association's board
were either full or candidate party members. The
board-published, biweekly newsletter, ICHTHYS-a
title and symbolism identified with the underground
early Christian Church-regularly contains antigov-
ernment, anti-US, and pro-Communist sentiments.
Almost all human rights reporting in the Philippines
has been compiled by the Task Force for Detainees,
which is connected with the association.
Liberation theology provides sufficient moral justifi-
cation for many priests, nuns, and lay activists to join
the Communist revolution. Several priests are now
well-known guerrilla leaders, including the popular
folk hero Father Balweg (figure 4).
nuns write sophisticated
propaganda, serve as couriers for money and weapons,
and a network of priests and nuns forms the core of
the Communist Party's international propaganda ef-
fort.
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Figure 4. Philippine priest Father Conrado
Balwegfanked by two New People's Army
With the fall of the Marcos regime, these church
activists will have to decide whether to seek political,
social, and economic reform through legitimate chan-
nels or continue the revolutionary struggle. They
might find it difficult in the near term to marshal
support for radical activity in view of the Church's
role in overthrowing the Marcos regime and its
influence in bringing President Aquino to power.
However, if radical church activists opt for revolution-
ary change, in our judgment, their greatest impact
will lie in the enhanced legitimacy their involvement
brings to the Communist cause.
El Salvador
Since the mid-1970s, Church activists have filled
important posts in the mass organizations and combat
units of the two largest Salvadoran guerrilla groups-
the Popular Liberation Forces and the People's Revo-
lutionary Army. In 1974, Church activists led a
coalition forming the United Popular Action Front-
the mass organization now subordinate to the Armed
Forces of National Resistance guerrilla faction-and
held their first meeting in a church, according to
public testimony.
Embassy reporting and open literature identify sever-
al priests either serving with or openly sympathetic
toward the guerrillas. They include:
? Fr. Ernesto Barrera, a member of the Popular
Liberation Forces, who was killed in combat in
November 1978.
? Fr. Luis de Sebastian, vice rector of the Jesuit-run
University of Central America in San Salvador,
who has served as the official representative of the
political arm of the umbrella guerrilla organization
in New York and several West European countries.
? Fr. Placido Erdozain, the author of a proguerrilla
profile of Salvadoran Archbishop Oscar Romero
who was assassinated in March 1980; Erdozain
blames the United States for the assassination.
The radical clergy, however, did not find the political
support necessary for revolution. Instead, as in the
case of Nicaragua, public statements and Church
writings suggest that Church activist support for the
Marxist revolutionaries in El Salvador has declined in
recent years.
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Public reaction against liberation theology has been
led by Archbishop Arturo Rivera y Damas of San
Salvador. When he succeeded the assassinated Arch-
bishop Romero as titular head of the Salvadoran
Catholic Church in 1980, Rivera y Damas publicly
questioned whether the leftist insurrection was consis-
tent with Catholic moral teaching. Since then, he has
given increasing support to those seeking democratic
reform. Radical priests have been shunted from key
Church positions, including teaching assignments in
the seminary and control of Church-sponsored human
rights organizations. Rivera also has publicly discour-
aged-but not formally prohibited-priests from serv-
ing as chaplains in guerrilla areas.
In August 1985, El Salvador's seven Catholic bishops
issued a pastoral letter abandoning their neutrality in
the guerrilla war, coming out in favor of the govern-
ment. The bishops criticized the left for manipulating
Christian priests and layworkers and called for a
renewal of a dialogue between the government and
the guerrillas. Although talks were broken off in
November, the Church continues to act as an infor-
mal channel of communication.
Guatemala
In the 1970s human rights abuses under military
governments disaffected many priests and nuns and
led several to join the guerrilla movement. According
to US Embassy reporting, the military juntas, which
tended to equate Christian charity with subversive
activity, were quick to suppress activist clergymen.
Under President Lucas Garcia, for example, the US
Embassy reported the disappearance or murder of 13
priests and one nun.
Today, liberation theology retains some influence, but
is being eclipsed by the appeal of evangelical Protes-
tantism-which stresses reform through self-help--
and government suppression of Popular Church activ-
ities. The official Church has limited itself to the
periodic issuance of pastoral letters aimed at raising
the "moral consciousness" of the government. Ac-
cording to the US Embassy, the Catholic hierarchy-
represented by its titular leader, Archbishop Prospero
Penadas del Barrio-is generally pragmatic and
apolitical but outspoken on human rights abuses
attributable to both the government and the guerril-
Chile
With the election of Salvador Allende in September
1970, Chile became the first major testing ground of
direct collaboration between an activist church and a
Marxist regime. The openness between official sectors
of the Catholic Church and the Chilean Communist
Party was a dramatic change from the early 1960s
when the Church leadership condemned Marxism.
According to historical accounts of the Chilean Cath-
olic Church, the official Church remained neutral,
but continued to support social reform within a
constitutional framework. Meanwhile, many priests
and layworkers became open advocates of Marxism
through their writings and sermons.
Today, open sources reveal the mainstream Church is
an outspoken critic of President Pinochet's govern-
ment. It maintains contact with leftist Chilean exiles,
many of whom were assisted by the Church in fleeing
the country since the coup in 1973. The Church also
publicly operates a human rights office-the Vicari-
ate of Solidarity-which monitors security services
against the regime's opponents. The Vicariate has
assigned lawyers to support victims' claims.
Recently, the Church has become more actively in-
volved in seeking to promote dialogue between the
Pinochet regime and opposition groups regarding a
transition to democracy. Last August, Cardinal Arch-
bishop of Santiago Fresno brokered the so-called
national accord-a multiparty agreement calling for
political liberalization and negotiations ending Pino-
chet's rule. The Communist Party was excluded from
the initiative because proponents of the accord wanted
to avoid antagonizing the regime, but the Church's
more activist role won respect from all sides. We
believe Archbishop Fresno's activist stance has pro-
vided an outlet for social action within the ranks of
the official Church rather than resorting to Popular
Church activities.
Brazil
The activism of Brazilian Catholic Church communi-
ties stems from years of military rule when religious
groups were the only organizations allowed to meet.
In our judgment, widespread social reform move-
ments would not have been possible without the
las.
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support and active engagement of members of the
Catholic Church through the network of Brazilian
bishops. A progressive Catholic hierarchy provided
leaders for a nationwide movement of base communi-
ties, unions, and peasant federations that presented a
growing challenge to the military dictatorship and
helped open the way for the transition to civilian rule
last year. Today, these groups provide the poor with
an opportunity for participation in society through
their work on concrete social and economic issues.
Hosting somewhere between 70,000 and 100,000 base
communities, the Brazilian Church has grown in-
creasingly liberal, left-of-center, and politically active
with the advent of a civilian government. Although
clerical influence is limited by the relatively small
number of priests-about one for every 10,000 Brazil-
ians-the tenets of liberation theology are widely
accepted. According to open sources, the appeal of
liberation theology and the base communities is stron-
gest in the industrial suburbs and promises to grow in
attraction as the unions strive to expand their political
role. In this way, liberation theology has fostered the
development of grassroots organizations that invite
more local participation in the enacting of reforms.
Recently, however, press reports reveal that the small,
radical wing of the Church has increased its involve-
ment in supporting land reform, labor agitation, and
political organization. The leaders of this faction
include Archbishop Arns of Sao Paulo and Archbish-
op Lorschieter, President of the National Conference
of Brazilian Bishops. Both have defied Vatican pro-
nouncements against their radical activities. Their
public contact with Cuban and Nicaraguan officials
underlies their advocacy for a radical change of the
capitalist system to promote social reform.
According to the US Embassy, Church laymen and
clergy are expanding their ties to the small-but
extreme-Sao Paulo-based Workers' Party and affili-
ated labor unions. The Workers' Pastorate, a little-
known branch of the Sao Paulo diocese, cooperates
closely with the most militant faction of the Workers'
Party and the Central Workers' Union. Although a
few clerics openly espouse Marxist dogma, most
clergy in Brazil support the nonideological precepts of
liberation theology.
25X1
25X1
25X1
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Appendix B
Selected Readings on
Liberation Theology
Major Sources on Barriero Alvaro, Basic Ecclesial Communities: The Evangelization of the Poor
the Movement (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1982).
Leonardo Boff, Liberating Grace, trans. John Drury (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis
Books, 1979).
Jose Miguez Bonino, Christians and Marxists: The Mutual Challenge to Revolu-
tion (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Erdmans, 1976).
Jose Miguez Bonino, Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1975).
Ernesto Cardenal, The Gospel in Solentiname, trans. Donald Walsh (Maryknoll,
New York: Orbis Books, 1978).
Dom Helder Camara, Revolution Through Peace, trans. Amparo McLean (New
York: Harper & Row, 1971).
Alfredo Fierro, The Militant Gospel, A Critical Introduction to Political Theol-
ogies, trans. John Drury (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1977).
Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation, trans. and ed. Sister Caridad Inda
and John Eagleson (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1973).
Jose Miranda Porfirio, Marx and the Bible, trans. John Eagleson (Maryknoll,
New York: Orbis Books, 1974).
Juan Luis Segundo, S. J., The Liberation of Theology, trans. John Drury
(Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1976).
The Movement Allan Boesak, Farewell to Innocence: A Socio-Ethical Study on Black Theology
in Africa and Power (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1977).
Marjorie Hope and James Young, The South African Churches in a Revolution-
ary Situation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1981).
Basil Moore, ed., Black Theology: The South African Voice (London: Hurst,
1973).
Ernie Regehr, Perceptions of Apartheid: The Churches and Political Change in
South Africa (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1979).
Desmond Tutu, Hope and Suffering: Sermons and Speeches (Grand Rapids,
Michigan: Erdmans, 1984).
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The Movement Tissa Balasuriya, The Eucharist and Human Liberation (Maryknoll, New York:
in Asia Orbis Books, 1979).
The Commission on Theological Concerns of the Christian Conference of Asia,
ed., Minjung Theology: People as Subjects of History (Maryknoll, New York:
Orbis Books, 1983).
Virginia Fabella, Asia's Struggle for Full Humanity (Maryknoll, New York:
Orbis Books, 1980).
Samuel Rayan, The Holy Spirit: Heart of the Gospel and Human Hope
(Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1978).
Loyola Papers series (Manila: Cardinal Bea Institute, 1971 forward).
The Movement in Phillip Berryman, The Religious Roots of Rebellion (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis
Latin America Books, 1984).
Hugo Latorre Cabal, The Revolution of the Latin American Church, trans.
Frances K. Hendricks and Beatrice Berler (Norman, Oklahoma: University of
Oklahoma, 1978).
Enrique Dussel, History and the Theology of Liberation, trans. John Drury
(Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1976).
Commentaries on Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism, especially "Section III: A
the Movement Theology of Economics," (New York: American Enterprise Institute/Simon &
Schuster Publications, 1985).
Alfonso Lopez Trujillo, Liberation or Revolution? (Huntington, Indiana: Our
Sunday Visitor, 1977).
James V. Schall, S. J., Liberation Theology (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1985).
Arthur McGovern, S. J., Marxism: An American Christian Perspective (Mary-
knoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1980).
Dennis P. McCann, Christian Realism and Liberation Theology (Maryknoll, New
York: Orbis Books, 1981).
Juan Gutierrez Gonzalez, The New Libertarian Gospel: Pitfalls of the Theology
of Liberation, trans. Paul Burns (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1977).
Bonaventure Kloppenburg, Temtitations for the Theology of Liberation (Chicago:
Franciscan Herald Press, 1974).
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Sources of Roman Pope John XXIII, Christianity and Social Progress (Mater et Magistra) (1961).
Catholic Social
Doctrine Second Vatican Council documents (1965).
Pope Paul VI, On the Development of Peoples (Populorum Progressio) (1967).
The Eightieth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum (Octogesima Adveniens) (1971).
On Evangelization in the Modern World (Evangelii Nuntiandi) (1975).
Synod of Bishops, Justice in the World (1971).
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Catholic Population in the Third World, 1985
50 and abovea
aPercent of total population
South
Pacific
Ocean
South
Atlantic
Ocean
C.A.R. -CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
P.D.R.Y.-PEOPLE'S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF YEMEN
U.A.E. -UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
Y.A.R. -YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC
Source: Catholic Almanac, 1985
Boundary representation is
not necessarily authoritative.
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1 CNRIBTORXER AND NEVIS
~? ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA
North
Atlantic
Ocean
North
Pacific
Ocean
SOLOMON
0ISLANOS
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Secret
Secret
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