ARTICLE FROM TIME MAGAZINE DATED FEBRUARY 28,1983. PAGE 32/33. 'FAT MAN, TAILOR, SOLDIER, SPY'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: STARGATE
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP96-00788R000100240026-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: November 4, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 7, 1998
• Sequence Number: 26
• Publication Date: February 28, 1983
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved or a ease 03/2W 4iJ DP96-00788R000100240026-8
TERRORISM
Fat Man, Tailor, Soldier, Spy
How the U.S. and Italy got the Mafia to help find General Dozier
o n the evening of, rc.-J7, 1981, Red
Brigades terrorists kidnaped Briga-
dier General James Dozier, 50, the high-
est-ranking U.S. officer in NATO's south-
ern Europe command, from his home in
Verona. The abduction triggered the larg-
est man hunt in Italy's history. Forty-two
days later, Italian commandos stormed an
apartment in Padua and freed the
American general. It was a stunning
piece of police work that won praise
from around the world; it also marked
the beginning of the end for the noto-
rious terrorist group. But the full story
of how the authorities found Dozier
has never been revealed. American
and Italian intelligence agencies,
TIME has learned, turned to the Mafia
for help in locating the general.
What occurred was a remarkable
tale of triumphs and bungles, of
Brooklyn consiglieri and Milan Mafi-
osi, of chases along New York City's
Fifth Avenue and gun-toting crimi-
nals tailing intelligence agents along
Italian autostrade. So secret was the
operation that not even U.S. Ambas-
sador to Italy Maxwell Rabb was
aware of it until TIME Correspondent
Jonathan Beaty, accompanied by
Rome Correspondent Barry Kalb,
questioned the diplomat two weeks
ago. Beaty's report:
I t took only two days for top offi-
cials at SISMI, the Italian intelli-
gence agency, to decide that it might
be useful to turn to the Mafia for help
in finding General Dozier. Although
the Mafia had long detested the Red
Brigades, SISMI knew that there
would be a public outcry if it was ever
discovered that an Italian govern-
ment agency had contacted the Ma-
fia directly. Consequently, a more
subtle plan was devised. An ap-
proach would be made to Mafiosi in
U.S. in July 1981 when Italian authorities
suddenly seized his passport, a signal that
they were preparing to indict him. The
Italian military attache. told Lombino
that he could make a lot of money if he
would help with the Dozier case. On Dec.
22, only five days after Dozier had been
abducted, Lombino phoned the Fat Man
cial had to concoct a new identity for him.
With the Fat Man's aid, Lombino ac-
quired the Social Security number of an
unwitting high school, driver's education
instructor from Brooklyn, while a cooper-
ative priest in Manhattan provided him
with false baptism records.
On Dec. 27, dressed in dark glasses,
Levi's and running shoes, Lombino head-
ed for the U.S. passport office on Manhat-
tan's Fifth Avenue. Though he had been
assured that there would be no problems,
Lombino, now joined by Campione, ner-
vously showed up an hour early to check
out the area. They quickly spotted too
many men wearing trench coats and
reading newspapers. Sensing a trap,
Lombino ran down the up escalators
to the street and jumped into a cab be-
fore he could be captured. The star-
tled Campione simply disappeared
into the crowd.
The pursuers turned out to be FBI
agents who had learned that an Ital-
ian Mafia associate living illegally in
New York was trying to obtain a
false passport to return to Italy.
Within hours, FBI agents were grill-
ing both the Fat Man and Campione,
demanding to know why the Italians
were helping a fugitive Mafioso
like Lombino. A panicky Campion
The jubilant and still unshaven victim after his rescue
Triumphs and bungles from Brooklyn to Milan.
and then Armando Sportelli, chief of
siSMi's foreign operations in Rome. The
word: Dozier was being held somewhere
inside the triangle formed by the cities of
Verona, Padua and Bologna. The next
day, after more phone conversations with
associates in Italy, Lombino was able to
tell SISMI that the American general was
definitely in Padua. Lombino did not
know the precise location, but suggested
that his old client Restelli, then impris-
oned in Milan's notorious San Vittore
prison for Mafia activities, might be able
to come up with the address.
Attache Campione quickly agreed.
Over the Christmas holiday he developed
a plan to sneak Lombino out of the U.S.
and into Italy so that Lombino could talk
with Restelli. Since Lombino was still a
the U.S., who would be asked to get in
touch with their counterparts in Italy.
Marcello Campione, then military at-
tache to the Italian mission at the United
Nations, began making inquiries in New
York Mafia circles. Working under a code
name, "the Tailor," Campione was led to
an influential Mafia consigliere in Brook-
lyn who makes his living by helping Ital-
ians move to the U.S. "The Fat Man," as
the arranger is known in the underworld,
agreed to put Campione in touch with a
fugitive Mafioso from Italy who was hid-
ing out in New York.
That contact turned out to be Domi-
nic Lombino, 40, a lawyer from Milan
whose clients had included Franchino
Restelli, the northern Italian city's lead-
ing Mafioso. Jailed briefly in 1978 for his
called Sportelli in Rome to find out if
he should tell the FBI the truth. The
sISMi foreign-intelligence boss imme-
diately called "M," the CIA agent in
Rome who was serving as the agen-
cy's liaison in the Dozier case and ex-
plained the entire ploy.
The CIA was intrigued. It quickly
called the FBI off the case and began
negotiating directly with Lombino by
phone. Lombino, however, no longer
trusted SISMI. He insisted on U.S.
protection as well as a pledge that he
could legally return to the U.S. if he
went to Italy and saw Restelli. The
Justice Department approved the
residency deal, and as a result, in
early January 1982 Lombino made
the first of two trips to the Washing-
ton, D.C., area to meet with CIA
agents.
For unknown reasons, Lombino's trip
to Italy was delayed. According to Italian
intelligence sources, the problem was a ri-
valry between Campione and General
Ninetto Lugaresi, the head of SISMI.
Finally, on Jan. 23, Lombino boarded an
Alitalia flight from New York's Kennedy
Airport to Rome. Accompanied by Cam-
pion and wearing a wig as a disguise, he
carried CIA-supplied papers in the name
of Andrew Dimanso, the alias he was sup-
posed to use in Italy. When the pair land-
ed in Rome, they were met by the CIA's
"M" and a cadre of American and Italian
intelligence agents. Lombino was hustled
away to a hotel a block from the U.S. em-
bassy. Twice during the next day, he met
with Franca Musi, a Red Brigades courier
who had been captured two weeks earlier
in Rome. The Italians thought that Musi,
 Kelly, "are/4l4 F1Cif et.Or FEWRO &O
those who are disillusioned, no, disgusted,
with the way the government has been
running this country." A decade ago, Kel-
ly's denunciation of West German de-
mocracy might have been dismissed as
mere ideological ranting. But the Greens
seem to be only the most politically visible
and potent part of a vast counterculture
movement in West Germany that has
reached extraordinary proportions.
West Germans refer to the broader
phenomenon as the "alternative move-
ment." Its numbers are estimated at be-
tween 4 million and 5 million, much larg-
er than the 1.5 million to 2 million
adherents of the Green Party itself. Thriv-
ing all over the country, the alternatives
include squatters and punkers, doctors
and lawyers, engineers and social work-
ers, who have organized hundreds of com-
munes in which they are attempting to
define, as one of them puts it, "a culture
alongside the traditional, confining Ger-
man society." Joseph Huber, 34, a lectur-
er at Berlin's Free University and a phi-
losopher of the alternative scene, sees this
counterculture wave as a "new class" in
West German society.
The movement's members are mostly
under 35, although an older fringe of over-
50s is also active. Most of them vigorously
reject the traditional German work ethic,
sense of order, loyalty to family and secu-
rity in favor of nebulous concepts of self-
determination and grass-roots activism.
They oppose nuclear weapons and nucle-
ar energy. The alternatives are passionate
about a clean and safe environment,
about women's rights as well as those
of oppressed minorities like immigrant
workers and homosexuals. Says Carl
Amery, 60, Bavarian writer, environmen-
talist and Green Party member: "The al-
ternative movement is trying to recapture
the German warmth that?was killed inthe .
war years."
There are those for -whom the coun-
terculture movement is more frightening
than laughable. They see in it a renais-
sance of an ancient streak of German ro-
manticism, a form of escapism that too of-
ten has preceded political follies. For most
SWe2QOrIi(?-3 Z&6C4A
threaten the individual with a
and assembly lines. With ro-
tic longing, the alternatives look
to the lost past, to what they be-
lieve was a simpler, less corrupt
world of noble motives and a
pristine environment.
tic edge to the alternative movement. The
counterculture's music is purely German,
both rock tunes and the protest songs
to Bonn, is fond of complaining to West
Germans that by neglecting to teach the
postwar periods-the country has pro-
duced a generation with little or no his-
torical perspective. In the eyes of West
German youth who cannot remember the
cold war or the Berlin airlift or the Kore-
an War, there is really not much to distin-
guish between the U.S. and the Soviet
Union. As a result, the vital Atlantic Alli-
ance is sometimes questioned or even na-
necessary relic.
Frankfurter Rundschau: "The intellectual
thinking." In their inarticulate way, the
Greens, indeed, appear to be rejecting all
the political ideologies of the past, includ-
ty of Berlin, the Greens' thinking has been
influenced by the Marxist teachers who
are now established in West German uni-
helped turn the Greens against capital-
?, O24 O $.8Fhe left-
ists have not taught them how
parliamentary democracy works
or the importance of the legal
system. They have not transmit-
ted any of the utopian Marxist
hope. The Old Left is responsi-
ble for the gaps in the Greens'
education."
The rise of the Greens, be-
ginning in 1979, came just as
disillusionment with West Ger-
many's three other established
political parties was spreading.
In the 1980 national elections, the Greens
polled only 1.5% of the vote. Later the
same year, in the state election in Baden-
Wurttemberg, they won 5.3% and en-
tered the state parliament. In quick
succession came similar electoral break-
throughs in West Berlin, Lower Saxony,
Hamburg and Hesse. In several of the
state elections, the Greens ousted the
Free Democrats as the third parliamenta-
ry party.
However inchoate and unrealistic
their ultimate aims, the Greens have al-
ready left marks on the country. That In-
terior Minister Friedrich Zimmermann
talks about saving dying German forests,
that Social Democratic Leader Vogel now
hedges on the missile issue, that the Free
Democratic Party now champions the
rights of foreign workers-all can be at-
tributed to the political stimulus of the
Greens. More than its Catholic counter-
part, the Protestant Church has been
moved to respond to the concerns of West
German youths. The large-circulation
press has been unable to ignore the pres-
sures of the counterculture movement. A
regular diet of environmental coverage is
now a feature of such major magazines as
Stern and Der Spiegel. Both publications
have come out strongly against the de-
ployment of new NATO missiles, a position
closer to that of the Greens than of the So-
cial Democrats.
By last autumn, according to opinion
polls, the Greens enjoyed support from as
much as 9% of the electorate. In recent
months, though, they have fallen back.
One reason is that the Social Democrats,
under Vogel, have moved just far enough
to the left on the NATO missile and eco-
nomic issues to pick up some Greens sup-
porters. Another reason is that, ironically
enough, the Greens' moral credibility
comes at the cost of their political credi-
bility. Says a Munich tenants' rights orga-
nizer: "The Greens have trouble enough
trying to find out what their supporters
want, let alone having to deal with ques-
tions like how they will vote on unem-
ployment programs." If the Greens fail to
win 5% of the vote, their future as a politi-
cal force will depend on whether Vogel's
Social Democrats maintain their leftward
drift. In short, the Greens will disturb the
West German political scene as long as
there is room on the left for a new genera-
tion of skeptical citizens with a dim
sense of the past and a hazy vision of the
future. -ByFrederickPainton.Reportedby
Roland Flaminiand Garylee/Bonn
 whose faxAp ve&rForl ReleO
tions, might give valuable information
to Lombino, but she claimed only to
know that Dozier was being held some-
where in Padua.
It was now time to see Restelli. On the
night of Jan. 26, Lombino climbed into a
white Alfa Romeo with four Italian po-
licemen and headed for Milan. Behind
them was a second car carrying Cam-
pione and other SISMI officers. It was only
part of the odd caravan that raced along
the highway that night. The Italians were
tailed by at least two Mercedes sedans
filled with Mafia soldiers armed with ma-
chine guns. Their instructions: protect
Lombino. When the improbable parade
of motorists reached Milan, a CIA agent
joined up as well.
The lawyer and SISMI agents then met
with Restelli, who was brought out of jail
especially for the conference, which took
place in a police office in the Palace of
Justice. "It is very important to America
that we find the general," Lombino said to
the Mafia leader. "Can you help us?"
T he question did not exactly surprise
Restelli Lombino had already been in
touch with him through intermediaries;
and from his jail cell. Restelli had dis-
patched his troops to track down leads.
Restelli had also ordered the supply line of
heroin to parts of the underworld cut off in
order to encourage tips from addicts sud-
denly deprived of drugs. Restelli's pre-
sumption: in exchange for giving the au-
thorities information on Dozier, he would
receive more favorable treatment from the
Italians. On Jan. 27, according to a partici-
pant at the meeting, Restelli gave the SISMI
agents the address of the apartment build-
ing in which Dozier was being held.
His mission accomplished, Lombino
returned to Rome. Next morning, Jan. 28,
he was sitting in his room at the Hotel Bos-
ton with "M" when the word came: James
Dozier had just been rescued in a daring
raid at 2 Via Pindemonte, in the heart of
Padua. "M". turned to Lombino and
thanked him profusely for his help.
Since the rescue, U.S. officials have
been careful to give full
credit to the Italians. Both
Rome and Washington
have forcefully claimed
that the success of the op-
eration was the result of
dogged police work and
the confessions of Red
Brigades members who
had been captured during
the six-week search for
Dozier.
When first questioned
by TIME two weeks ago
about CIA and Mafia in-
volvement in the rescue,
Ambassador Rabb heat-
edly denied it. "I swear to
God that nothing like this
ever happened," the am-
bassador said. In fact, he
insisted, he had spent
he successful raid
of SISMI, has been dis-
patched to the Italian em-
bassy in far-off Khartoum,
the capital of Sudan. Fran-
chino Restelli has been
transferred from his Milan
prison to a more hospitable
jail in Parma. Dominic
Lombino is back in New
York, reportedly waiting
for the Justice Department
to approve the residency
papers requested by the
CIA. In Italy, trouble is
brewing within SISMI about
the sum of money, which
turned out to be $500,000,
that was promised to Lom-
bino but that has apparent-
ly disappeared. And, oh
yes, the Fat Man is still
in Brooklyn, making ar-
bZy* t ~ 'i t pf ~ d e n Mends. pi
kept try-
ing to send to Italy a swarm of experts rang-
?' ing from FBI agents to Pentagon tacticians.
Some of the American aid was bizarre at
best: during the last week of the search,
TIME has learned, U.S. military officials
brought to Rome a psychic who sent the ca-
:~ rabinieri chasing after a futile lead. "They
were coming through the windows, coming
through the doors," recalled Rabb. "Every-
body in the intelligence agencies wanted
inr but this was a job for the Italians."
~ ~ ~ its ?t i ?a ~~~ When presented with evidence of Ma-
fia involvement, Rabb offered to check
fr:3 with the embassy's CIA station chief. The
6fis \~
ambassador returned 40 minutes later,
looking embarrassed. He confirmed that
SISMI had indeed made a deal with Lom-
bino and that, after the U.S. had offered
Lombino protection and a guarantee that
The key link: Milan Mafloso Franchino Restelli he could return to the U.S., the Mafia law-
yer had gone to Italy and met with "Ni."
Rabb insisted that nothing had come of
Lombino's aid. "It was a big fizz," the am-
bassador said. The FBI and the Justice
Department refuse to confirm or deny the
story, while the CIA offers a terse
no comment."
It may never be known just how valu-
able the Mafia's help was in finding Dozi-
er. Rabb's explanation, which minimizes
the Mafia's role, may be accurate. The
Italian police did indeed make a series of
key arrests just before the raid, and law-
enforcement officials in Rome insist that
these suspects helped lead them to Dozier.
In the days just before the rescue, the trail
was growing so hot that the police might
have found the general without help from
Restelli. On the other hand, Italian mag-
istrates acknowledged that on Jan. 26
Restelli was secretly released from prison
at the request of SISMI and the CIA to meet
with officials in Milan. U.S. embassy per-
sonnel in Rome confirm that Dozier's
whereabouts was not known until the
{ night before the raid, which is when the
,
Mafia leader reportedly gave the address
to the Italians.
x ?~ "`' Today General Dozier is stationed at
.a _.: "~~ -.~~. - ? the U.S. Army base in Fort Knox, Ky. Mar-
Pup tent in which Dozier was held captive cello Campione, who clashed with the head
 Approved For Release 2001/OWOr'IdA-RDP96-00788R000100240026-8
FRANCE shot up to $1.05 billion, .78% of the total.
crusader for the Arts
Flamboyant Minister Jack Lang draws mixed reviews
T here was nothing modest about the
idea, and when the 350 cultural super-
stars finally left Paris last week after a
glittering two-day conference on Creation
and Development, it was clear that there
had been nothing modest about their de-
liberations. Lodged in luxury hotels at the
expense of Francois Mitterrand's Socialist
government, the high-powered conven-
tioneers gathered in the Sorbonne's ven-
erable amphitheater to ponder their curi-
ous subject: cultural solutions to the
world's economic crisis.
Under frescoed portraits of Diderot
and Voltaire, luminaries ranging from
Nobel Laureate Gabriel Garcia Marquez
to Novelists Norman Mailer and William
Styron and Actress Sophia Loren debated
such topics as state control of the arts
and the unemployment crisis. In between
they supped at the Foreign Ministry and
lunched with Mitterrand. So dazzling was
the cast that even the stars sometimes
seemed overwhelmed. Said Film Director
Francis Ford Coppola: "The people here
are incredible. It's like a college-a
very good college." The meeting, Italian
Theater Director Giorgio Strehler con-
cluded grandly in his summation, had
provoked awareness "of the need to create
a new place for research, for creation,
for hope."
But while rhetoric flowed freely, the
conference fell notably short on produc-
tive debate. In his closing address Mitter-
rand called for a New Renaissance,
claiming that "the originality of the
French idea lies there, at the intersection
of technology and creativity." From such
high-minded but vague declarations the
colloquium often descended into special
pleading and ideological posturing. Nov-
elist Mary McCarthy called on the
French government to permit _
broadcast in France. Feminist
Kate Millett deplored the "se-
vere lack of representation of
women" at the meeting (85 out
of 350). U.S. cultural "imperi-
alism," particularly in the form
of the internationally popular
TV show Dallas, was repeated-
ly attacked. Not a few guests
foundered on the generalities
and the pretension. The gran-
diose talkathon, hinted one
American participant, mainly
"reflects how many people are
still willing to accept a free
ticket to Paris."
Such spectaculars have be-
come a hallmark of France's
lavish new investment in the
arts, and the personal signature
of Mitterrand's flamboyant and
AM
$500 million, or .06% of the federal bud-
get, to the arts.) But Lang's campaign to
rejuvenate France's cultural life has also
depended on vengeful attacks on U.S. cul-
tural "imperialism" that even many
French intellectuals find embarrassing.
Whatever the merits of Lang's efforts,
they have certainly been visible-and au-
dible. Last year, for example, he decided
that the French should mark the summer
solstice with a national "musical festival"
in which everyone would simultaneously
pluck, pound, tingle and bow musical in-
struments as church bells rang and neigh-
borhood salsa bands played. Right on
cue, 5 million French joined in an exuber-
ant celebration that banged on from 8:30
p.m. until well past midnight. Lang has
filled the once empty courtyard of Paris'
staid Louvre museum with exhibitions of
new French fashions, displayed to the
thump of disco rhythms. A troupe from
the Comedie Francaise has played in the
Paris subways. Still to come are an ambi-
tious new "people's" opera house for the
Place de la Bastille, a new ballet school
for Marseille and a dance conservatory
for Lyon. And, seemingly everywhere,
there is Lang himself: listening to the rau-
cous new-wave bands, paging through
displays at the annual comic book exhibi-
tion at Angouleme, inspecting Grenoble's
art museum.
Lang's evangelizing has boosted him
to fourth place in popularity among the
Mitterrand Cabinet's 35 ministers. That
appeal, however, is due in part to his often
gratuitous attacks on U.S. influences. For
two years in a row, Lang has bypassed the
American film festival at Deauville, a ma-
jor annual event, to visit more obscure
French art projects in provincial towns.
In a burst of chauvinism that seemed cal-
culated to stir Third World sympathies,
Lang called, at a UNESCO conference last
summer, for a crusade against U.S. cultur-
al "imperialists" who "want to impose a
uniform way of life on the en-
tire planet." In response, Lang
prescribes government subsi-
dies for local talent, and favors
requiring that 60% of films
broadcast on French televi-
sion be French produced. His
attacks on American films,
which dominate French televi-
sion and movie houses, have
astonished many cultural lead-
ers in France. They argue
that American influences
have stimulated French cre-
ativity. Replies Lang: "All I'm
doing is recognizing that the
North American film industry
is large and penetrates the Eu-
ropean market. So who's de-
claring war on whom?"
His polemical style comes
naturally. A lawyer by train-
ing, Lang founded the experi-
Americans in Paris: Director Arthur Penn, Novelists Styron and Mailer
Jack Lang, 43.* Dapper in his close-cut
suits, possessed of boyish good looks and
dark curls that seem to stir women, Lang
has ambitious plans for the arts in Socialist
France. "Our goal," he says, "is to trans-
form all of France into a cultural work
site." The transformation of the budget has
been dramatic. In 1981, under President
Valery Giscard d'Estaing, the Ministry of
Culture received $500 million, or.47% of
the national budget; this year the figure has
*Although the usual French spelling is Jacques,
Lang's birth certificate actually says Jack-proba-
bly the result, he says, of Anglo-Saxon influences
pervading France in 1939.
'