CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00965R000300110064-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 5, 2003
• Sequence Number: 64
• Publication Date: January 1, 1960
• Content Type: MISC

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 9085
UNYIELDING AMERICAN POSITION
ON GERMANY AND BERLIN
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I wish
to call attention to the AFL-CIO mag-
azine supplement entitled, "American
Labor seeks Peace and Freedom," pub-
lished in Sunday's issue of the New York
Times. This supplement contains a
number of excellent and informative ar-
ticles on American foreign policy, with
emphasis upon the promotion and main-
tenance of peace and freedom through-
out the world.
Mr. President, the publication of these
articles, written by several distinguished
Americans noted for their knowledge of
international affairs, indeed constitutes
an important and valuable contribution
to greater understanding of America's
position in the world in which we live.
The introductory statement to the arti-
cles notes that the publication of the
supplement is in conjunction with the
AFL-CIO conference on World Affairs
and is an effort to maintain and encour-
age an informed public opinion.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the introductory statement be
printed at this point in the RECORD in
connection with my remarks.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
FOR AN INFORMED PUBLIC OPINION
The American Federation of. Labor and
Congress of Industrial Organizations be-
lieves that in a democracy informed pub-
lic opinion must participate and lead in the
development of foreign policy. Our Nation's
foreign policy, if It is to have public under-
standing and support, cannot be created and
fashioned behind closed doors.
We believe, quite frankly,.that a large part
of .America's difficulties in world affairs stem
from the fact that the American people
have too often been kept in the dark about
the developing stages of major foreign
policy. This is particularly true of a large
part of the American press which rarely
prints serious news about foreign affairs.
As the world crisis deepens, it becomes
more and more imperative that the American
people be better informed and more in-
formed on the issues of foreign policy, par-
ticularly as it concerns our relations with
the Soviet Union. The AFL-CIO and many
of its constitutent unions have devoted
much time and money in an endeavor to
keep their memberships abreast of foreign
policy developments. That is why the AFL-
CIO called Its recent conference on world
affairs. That is why we are publishing this
special supplement which includes excerpts
from addresses by speakers at the conference
so that those who seek information can find
it readily.
The AFL-CIO hopes that our contributions
to the great debate will alert the American
people to the urgency of the world crisis and
the necessity of creating a positive program
which will prevent further totalitarian en-
croachment and at the same time aid coun-
tries, now emerging from colonial bondage
or struggling for existence, to achieve prog-
ress and prosperity and to become viable free
societies.
To the success of this struggle, to the
achievement of human rights, peace and
freedom for all mankind, this special supple-
ment is dedicated.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I wish
to call special attention to an article
by the Under Secretary of State, Mr.
Douglas Dillon, which appeared in the
No. 84-3
AFL-CIO supplement. Secretary Dil-
lon addressed himself to what he termed
the "central issue confronting the Soviet
Union and the Western nations"-
namely, the problem of Berlin and Ger-
many.
Mr. Dillon's article is an excellent and
clear-cut enunciation of America's de-
termination to hold firm in our support
of a United Germany, and stanchly op-
posed to the "isolation and engulfment"
of West Berlin. Mr. Dillon states ex-
plicitly that "In the long run, the prob-
lem of Berlin and Germany can only be
solved through German reunification."
Mr. President, there is absolutely no
question that the regime in power in East
Germany does not represent the hopes
and aspirations of the people it so arbi-
trarily controls. Secretary Dillon right-
ly points out that "it is doubtful that
these rulers could remain in power for
a single day without the support of So-
viet bayonets."
Mr. President, I commend Secretary
Dillon for his thoughtful treatment of a
subject which is recognized by many to
be the most important and far-reaching
issue of the cold war. I ask unanimous
consent that the article be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IF PEACE Is To BE KEPT
(By Douglas Dillon)
The central issue confronting the Soviet
Union and the Western nations at the sum-
mit is the problem of Berlin and Germany.
No issue on earth today is more critical. It
involves the immediate fate of two and a
quarter million West Berliners and the ulti-
mate destiny of about 70 million Germans.
It bears directly upon the future stability of
Central Europe and the possibility of a last-
ing European peace. It represents a critical
test of the integrity and dependability of
the free world's collective security systems-
because no nation could preserve its faith in
collective security if we permitted the cou-
rageous people of West Berlin to be sold into
slavery. It also represents a critical test of
Soviet good faith in all areas of negotiation.
For the goals of disarmament and the gen-
eral improvement of East-West relations
have no prospect of attainment if we find
that the Soviet rulers or their East German
puppets are prepared to use force or the
threat of force in an attempt to isolate and
eventually to subjugate West Berlin.
Finally, we must recognize that the issue
of Berlin and Germany, if it cannot be re-
solved through negotiation, may involve the
gravest of all issues: the issue of peace or
war.
In the long run, the problem of Berlin
and Germany can only be solved through
German reunification. This the Soviets
have so far rejected, fearing to put their
rule in East Germany to the test of a free
vote. But we cannot abandon our goal or
abate our efforts toward its achievement,
because we know that a divided Germany
will remain a powder keg so long as the
division persists. Meanwhile, we are willing
to consider interim arrangements to reduce
tensions in Berlin and lessen present dan-
gers. But we are determined to, maintain
our presence in Berlin and to preserve its
ties with the Federal Republic. We will not
accept any arrangement which might be-
come a first step toward abandonment of
West Berlin or the extinguishing of freedom
in that part of Germany which is a free,
peaceful, and democratic member of the
world community.
It would be highly optimistic to pretend
that prospects of an early agreement are
bright. Mr. Khrushchev has had a great
deal to say recently which bears upon Berlin
and Germany, and his words leave the ines-
capable impression that the Soviet view of
Berlin is far removed from the facts. Let
us examine some of his comments:
He begins with the assertion that West
Berlin lies on the territory of the so-called
German Democratic R^public. This is not
only false, it is contrary to the pledged word
of the Soviet Government. While it is true
enough that the Soviet-occupied portion of
Germany surrounds Berlin, it is equally true
that Berlin was given separate status under
the occupation agreement-which the Soviets
themselves formulated, together with the
British and ourselves. Moreover, the so-
called German Democratic Republic is one
of the outstanding myths in a vast Commu-
nist web of prodigious mythoogy. Its pup-
pet rulers are totally under the control of
Moscow. Despite tireless efforts to build a
local Communist apparatus in East Ger-
many, it is doubtful that these rulers could
remain in power for a single day without
the support of Soviet bayonets. The East
German regime is not recognized as a gov-
ernment by any non-Communist nation.
Both legally and as a matter of geographic
fact, West Berlin is entirely independent of
the so-called German Democratic Republic-
and it will remain so.
Mr. Khrushchev continues to insist that
Western forces leave West Berlin and that
it be declared a "free city." He ignores the
fact that West Berlin is already a free city-
the lone island of freedom within the sprawl-
ing Communist empire. When he speaks of
making West Berlin a "free city," his mean-
ing is only too clear: he desires West Berlin
to be free from protection, free from secur-
ity, free from its commercial and cultural
ties with West Germany-and cut off from
freedom itself.
Mr. Khrushchev has also complained that
the situation in Berlin is abnormal. With
this contention, we can wholeheartedly agree.
It is indeed abnormal when one million East
Berliners are forcibly divided from more than
two million fellow citizens in West Berlin-
when they are constrained to live under a
totalitarian regime unlawfully imposed by a
foreign power-and when even family units
are divided by an arbitrary boundary im-
posed In the name of a foreign ideology.
But the abnormal situation in Berlin is
merely one facet of the greater abnormality
created by the artificial separation of the
east zone from the remainder of Germany.
The monstrous nature of this abnormality
has been strikingly demonstrated by the fact
that more than two and a third million East
Germans and East Berliners have, during the
last 10 years, exercised the only franchise
available to them and have voted with their
feet against Communist rule by fleeing
to West Berlin and the Federal Republic.
The abnormality of which Mr. Khrushchev
speaks can be cured only by permitting the
whole German Nation to decide its own way
of life. The only practical way in which
they can exercise this right is through free
elections. Mr. Khrushchev and other Soviet
spokesmen have often proclaimed their devo-
tion to the principle of self-determination.
This pretense is exposed as an empty ges-
ture when they refused to apply the principle
of self-determination to Berlin and
Germany.
Mrs. Khrushchev has also argued that we
must move rapidly to liquidate the leftovers
of the Second World War-among which he
includes what he describes as the occupation
of West Berlin by American, British, and
French forces. We are even more anxious
than Mr. Khrushchev to liquidate the left-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 9
overs of World War II, but Mr. Khrushchev
must recognize that these leftovers are
rather numerous:
Is the Soviet Union prepared to remove
its forces from East Germany and the east-
ern European countries on which they are
imposed? Is is willing to grant self-
determination to the East Germans and to
permit the peoples of the Soviet-dominated
states in Eastern Europe to choose their own
destiny? Is it willing to withdraw support
from the Communist regime in North Korea
and to permit the whole Korean people to
reunite under free elections supervised by the
United Nations? Is it at last willing to cease
obstructing the operation of the United Na-
tions Charter-to which the Soviet Union
pledged itself in San Francisco-and whose
application it has consistently frustrated by
a series of vetoes in the Security Council?
The United States and its Western Allies
would be happy indeed to see these left-
overs of World War II liquidated. But we
are not prepared to begin this process by per-
mitting the isolation and engulfment of
West Berlin.
We have repeatedly informed Mr. Khru-
shchev that we will not negotiate under
duress. Yet in his recent statements about
his intentions to sign a separate peace treaty
with the so-called German Democratic Re-
public unless an East-West agreement is
reached on Berlin, he is skating on very thin
ice. We are approaching the summit with
every intention of seeking a mutually ac-
ceptable solution of the German problem, in-
cluding Berlin, of seeking just settlements of
other international differences, and of ex-
ploring ways to improve relations between
the Western World and the Soviet bloc.
CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL COUN-
CIL URGES FATE OF CAPTIVE NA-
TIONS BE DISCUSSED AT SUMMIT
MEETING
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, last
week representatives of the Czechoslovak
National Council of America presented
me an important memorandum con-
cerning the forthcoming summit con-
ference. They also conferred with offi-
cials at the State Department about the
part our Government should play at this
vital meeting.
It is important for the United States
to grasp every opportunity to discuss the
fate of the captive nations and to press
for the holding of free and honest elec-
tions behind the Iron Curtain. We can-
not, and must not, accept the present
state of affairs, when so many noble
peoples are being subjugated by Com-
munist tyranny. I am hopeful this whole
subject will be explored at the summit
conference.
Because it contains a message of vital
importance to all concerned with our
friends behind the "Iron Curtain, I ask
unanimous consent that the memoran-
dum to which I have referred be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the memo-
randum was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
MEMORANDUM OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK NA-
TIONAL COUNCIL OF AMERICA CONCERNING
THE SUMMIT MEETING
On the eve of the summit meeting,
scheduled for May 16, 1980, we wish to de-
clare that countless Americans of Czecho-
slovak descent shall give again-as they have
always done in the past-their wholehearted
support to any U.S. policy designed to re-
store freedom and justice to the people now
living under Communist rule.
We recall with satisfaction many earlier
efforts of our Government and are hopefully
confident that a persistently vigorous policy
along the same lines might ultimately yield
the desired results.
The U.S. policy, as we see it, is based on
the following assumptions:
(1) There is no freedom in the captive
nations and the division of Europe (not only
of Germany) is unnatural.
Captive Nations Week resolution of July
1959: "* * * the enslavement of a substan-
tial part of the world's population by Com-
munist imperialism * * * "
The Bermuda Declaration of December 8,
1953: "We cannot accept as justified or
permanent the present division of Europe."
(2) The interest of peace and justice re-
quires a discussion of the captive nations
with the U.S.S.R.
President Eisenhower replying to Premier
Khrushchev in 1958: "Surely the Hungarian
developments and the virtually unanimous
action of the United Nations General As-
sembly in relation thereto show that con-
ditions in Eastern Europe are regarded
throughout the world as much more than a
matter purely of domestic scope. I propose
that we should now discuss this matter.
There is an intrinsic need of this, in the
interest of peace and justice, which seems
to me compelling."
(3) The U.S. Government has a moral
duty and right to concern itself with the
problems of the captive nations.
This right is based, among other things,
on the following documents:
The Atlantic Charter, indorsed by the
Soviet Union on January 1, 1942, containing
the principle that the signatory powers shall
"respect the right of all peoples to choose
the form of government under which they
will live; and they wish to see sovereign
rights and self-government restored to those
who have been forcibly deprived of them."
The Teheran Conference of December 1,
1943, stating that the "three governments
will jointly assist the people in any Eu-
ropean liberated state * * * (c) to form in-
terim governmental authorities broadly rep-
resentative of all democratic elements in
the population and pledged to the earliest
possible establishment through free elec-
tions of governments responsive to the will
of the people; and (d) to facilitate where
necessary the holding of such elections."
The treaties of peace concluded with
Hungary, Bulgaria, and Rumania on Feb-
ruary 10, 1947:
"Hungary (Bulgaria, Rumania) shall take
all measures necessary to secure to all per-
sons under Hungarian (Bulgarian, Ruman-
ian) jurisdiction, without distinction as to
race, sex, language, or religion, the enjoy-
ment of human rights and of the funda-
mental freedoms, including freedom of ex-
pression, of press and publication, of religious
worship, of political opinion, and of public
meeting."
(4) The U.S. Government wishes to see
free elections to be held in the now captive
nations.
This desire is based not only on the prin-
ciples of our democratic traditions, but also
on the spirit of the United Nations Charter
and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, adopted December 10, 1948:
"The will of the people shall be the basis
of the authority of government. This will
shall be expressed in periodic and genuine
elections which shall be by universal and
equal suffrage and shall be held in secret
vote or by equivalent free voting proce-
dures."
(5) Unless such elections are held and
liberty and independence restored, the people
of the United States are not prepared to ac-
cept the present status quo of the captive
nations as just and permanent.
Captive Nations Week resolution: "It is
fitting that we clearly manifest to such peo-
ples through an appropriate and official
means the historic fact that the people of
the United States share with them their as-
pirations for the recovery of their freedom
and independence."
The Potomac declaration of June 29, 1954:
"We will not be party to any agreement or
treaty which would confirm or prolong the
subordination of the formerly sovereign
states of central and eastern Europe, now
held in bondage by the U.S.S.R."
The logical sequence of the previous as-
sumptions is found in the three following
points, which thousands of American citi-
zens of Czechoslovak descent wish to be our
policy at the forthcoming summit meeting:
(1) That the U.S. Government insist on a
discussion of the fate of the captive nations.
(2) That the U.S. Government refuse to
recognize the present status quo in central
and eastern Europe as just and permanent.
(3) That the U.S. Government demand
that free elections under international con-
trol be held throughout the captive nations.
JAMES HOVORKA,
President, Czechoslovakia National
Council of America.
ANDREW JICISSEL,
ANDREW VALUSEK,
Vice President.
EMILIE WELCL,
Executive Secretary.
D. VISNOVY,
Rev. JOSEPH F. SEFL,
MARIA VACLAVELX
FRANCIS SCHWARZENBERG,
Chairman, Political Committee.
CHICAGO, May 1960.
PROFESSOR WESTIN SUPPORTS
EAVESDROPPING LEGISLATION
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, yes-
terday's New York Times contains a very
important letter to the editor from Prof.
Alan F. Westin, of Columbia University.
Professor Westin has served as a consult-
ant to the Senate Subcommittee on
Constitutional Rights, on the subject of
wiretapping and eavesdropping, and has
given a great deal of study to this whole
problem.
The point of Professor Westin's letter
is that a comprehensive eavesdropping
statute, such as the one I have intro-
duced-S. 1292-would be very helpful
in combating unauthorized private
eavesdropping. This is an aspect of the
subject which frequently is overlooked
by those who have an adverse, emotional
reaction to all legislation in this field.
The truth is that under present law the
private citizen has practically no pro-
tection against electronic snooping,
while, at the same time, law-enforce-
ment agencies are completely stymied in
legitimate efforts to obtain evidence of
crime plotted by telephone.
Professor Westin, in his other writings,
has made the point that it is not outside
"traditional justice" to permit wiretap-
ping and other forms of eavesdropping
under the safeguards of a court order.
My comprehensive bill-S. 1292-based
on the law in New York, would impose
this requirement on all law-enforcement
officers, and at the same time would add
important protection against unauthor-
ized invasions of privacy under any
other circumstances. The provisions of
the more limited bill which Representa-
tive CELLER and I have introduced in the
House and in the Senate-S. 3340-are
likewise designed to permit State wire-
tapping only under the same limitations.
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