EXCERPT FROM JOURNAL OFFICE OF LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00965R000200160015-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 76
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 30, 2004
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: August 12, 1958
• Content Type: NOTES

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ft,
9.xcerpt Irrom~ Journal
Office of Legislative Counsel
Tuesday - 12 August 1958
Delivered to William H. Darden on the staff of the Senate
Committee on Armed Services the memorandum for Senator Russell
concerning the proposed transfer of two transmitters to AMCOMLIB.
Mr. Darden felt that there was sufficient information contained in
said memorandum. He will attempt to handle this by discussing it
with a number of key members of the Committee.
See Memorandum for the Record for further discussion of
complaints of a former employee to Senator Russell and suggestions
for briefing the CIA Subcommittee.
John S. Warner
Legislative Counsel
cc: DCI
ODCI
25X1
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SECRET
1. RADIO LIBERATION
Radio Liberation is the U.S. Government's major "unofficial"
voice to the Soviet peoples, designed to weaken the prestige and
power of the Soviet dictatorship by broadcasting as a voice of
the Soviet emigre community interested in the welfare of their
fellow-countrymen. It is operated by the American Committee for
Liberation, an apparently private group of American citizens.
25X1
SECRET
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 Approved For Release 2004/05/13
in steel demand seems likely, how-
ever, while demand for machinery,
autos and railroad equipment is weak.
About a third of all steel made is
shipped to these industries.
An appraisal of conflicting forces now
affecting business is being made by
economists, in and out of the Govern-
ment. Effect of the drop in plant-and-
equipment spending is being weighed
against the rise in defense orders now
under way.
The drop in plant-and-equipment spend-
ing, in the view of economists who
appeared recently before a commit-
tee of Congress, is not to be a very
severe one, but could be nagging,
rather drawn out. In the recession of
1948-49, spending for plant and equip-
ment declined 20 per cent from the
fourth quarter of 1948 to the fourth
quarter of 1949, about a year's time.
In the 1953-54 recession, it fell 11
per cent from the third quarter of
1953 to the first quarter of 1955, a
space of about a year and a half.
Expectation of these economists is that
the present decline in spending for
plant and equipment will last at least
a year, At its maximum, from peak to
trough, the decline seems likely to ex-
ceed the 11 Per cent of 1953-54 and
approach the 20 per cent of 1948-49.
The explanation given is that idle ca-
pacity in industry is greater now than
in those previous recessions. The
financial condition of corporations is
less liquid. Tax cuts cannot be
counted on, as in 1954, when the tax
on excess profits was removed.
Defense orders to be placed with prime
contractors from Jan. 1, 1958, to June
30, 1958, will come to about 13 bil-
lion dollars, up 5.5 billion from orders
placed in the six months ended Dec.
31, 1957. After this bulge, orders will
fall back in the second half of 1958
to a rate not much above that of a
year earlier.
The power of defense orders on this
scale to check the business decline
is uncertain. They will spur defense
contractors to hire more workers, buy
more raw materials. The increase of
5.5 billions, large though it is for the
industries directly affected, is not huge
in relation to total orders received by
business, even when one reckons on
the additional orders that spring from
subcontracting of defense orders. In
the six months ended Dec. 31, 1957,
all manufacturers received orders to-
taling 160 billions.
Recuperative power of industries pro-
ducing metals, machinery and trans-
portation equipment will be sapped in
months ahead by the decline in spend-
ing for plant and equipment. Later this
year, when the decline in capital out-
lays of business tapers off, business
activity will have a better chance of a
strong revival. [END]
CIA-RDP91-00965R000200160015-6
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 (This page presents ApprrovedeRovrRelesag2QQ4/ 51/Ip,rhePJA- n p;1d 00 5F 000200160015
TALKING BACK TO RUSSIA
EDITOR'S NOTE: Last week on this page extracts
were presented from a number of statements written
by many prominent men in the free world and broad-
cast in several languages to the people behind the Iron
Curtain by the American Committee for Liberation.
This organization of private citizens has been crusad-
ing for "freedom for the peoples of the USSR."
Twelve United States Senators and five Representa-
tives of both parties gave statements urging freedom
for the people of Soviet Russia.
The broadcasts were made in connection with the
40th Anniversary of the Communist suppression of the
First Constituent Assembly-the only free parliament
elected by universal suffrage in Russian history.
The Soviet Government's principal newspaper, Iz-
vestia, promptly denounced the American speakers as
having "a gay time at a funeral banquet for the Assem-
bly." But "Radio Liberation," using powerful trans-
mitters in West Germany and the Far East, now has
broadcast several rebuttals, two of which are printed
below.-David Lawrence, Editor.)
Senator William Knowland, spokesman for the Eisen-
hower Administration in the Senate: "I have enough
confidence in the common sense of the people of the
Soviet Union to believe that their reaction to the Com-
munist Government dictated Izvestia article of January
23rd will be: `A confession of guilty as charged-guilty
of destroying free government in Russia.'
"Today, I should like to make it clear that we paid
tribute to the freely elected Constituent Assembly of
1918 not because we want to turn back the clock, to re-
vive the past. On the contrary, it is my conviction, and
I believe it is shared by the overwhelming majority of
people in the democratic world, that a freely elected
parliament represents the future of the Soviet peoples
rather than the past. Unlike Izvestia, we have confi-
dence that the Soviet people are mature enough and
wise enough to govern themselves freely, through free-
ly elected representatives, and to vote out of office
leaders who do not carry out their will.
"Izvestia claims that the Soviet public is satisfied
with the present political order; if this is true, there is
a simple way to prove it: hold free elections under con-
ditions which would guarantee Soviet citizens freedom
of choice at the polls between persons and groups of
different viewpoints.
"The democratic world has enough confidence in the
good judgment of the Soviet public to abide by the re-
sults of such an election.
112
"Finally, I am confident that I speak for the over-
whelming majority in the United States when I say
that our Government would welcome talks at the sum-
mit with the spokesmen of a freely elected parlia-
ment truly representing the peoples of the Soviet
Union.
"We are confident that such an elected leadership
would work for genuine peace, disarmament and the
removal of the barriers that divide the western world
from the people of the Soviet Union. I am sure the
people of both our countries desire peace with honor
based on freedom."
Norman Thomas, many times candidate for the Pres-
idency on the national Socialist ticket: "Over this radio
I spoke to you briefly on the 40th Anniversary of the
day when Lenin and Trotsky forcibly dissolved the
Constituent Assembly which originally they had fa-
vored. Frankly I had doubted how many of you would
ever hear what I, along with other Americans, said on
that occasion. Imagine then my pleasure to learn from
Izvestia's long diatribe against us that our remarks
must have received your attention.
"To be sure, Izvestia says that `Norman Thomas
hysterically questioned his hypothetical Soviet listen-
ers.' Obviously, it would not have troubled to reply if
all my listeners were hypothetical. And I am quite sure
that those listeners, whatever their silent answers to my
questions, would agree that neither the questions nor
the manner of my asking, them was hysterical. .
"On questions of American policy our speakers rep-
resented on January 19 different views. Many of them
would challenge my socialism, but none my right to
speak to you in a friendly fashion as an American and
a Socialist. .. .
"My position and my party's on this and other mat-
ters critical of our Government was well known. Never-
theless the Federal Government has never kept me
from speaking to you or my own countrymen, or de-
nied me radio facilities to speak to you about peace
and freedom.
"I should not impose this personal statement on you
except that it justifies my raising a question not only
for you but for the editors of Izvestia to consider: Is
there any writer, speaker, labor leader or political fig-
ure in your own great country who has been on occa-
sion as openly critical of your Government as I of
mine, who has been allowed to speak and write in free-
dom in Russia, or been offered the facilities of Radio
Moscow to speak to Russians in the name of peace
and freedom for us all?"
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT ? FEBRUARY 7, 1958
 ld `deport- ..,........~~.. ~,.,.,, .., ..~.., ..,.,.,,,.,. .,~ .... ....... ... ? .
U.S. News & Won
Humphrey: Republicans are using "mass smear technique"
Agriculture. The opposition will generally try to re-establish
federal regimentation and control programs that have never
worked in all their tragic history and that were saved from
total collapse in past years only by three national disasters-
the terrible drought of the late 1930s, World War II, and the
Korean war. Our party will continue its efforts to build farm
programs that don't have to depend upon disaster to make
them work. We will keep on trying to free farm people from
federal domination, to encourage a return to growing crops for
markets instead of for Government storage, and to build for
the time when efficiency and competition will again govern
the farm economy. As part of this maneuver, the opposition
will continue to dodge sane answers to farm problems. In-
stead, they will keep on questioning the reputation and dis-
paraging the motives of every farm spokesman who dares
to oppose their effort to tighten the federal grip on farm
people.
Labor. The opposition will, if they can, block efforts to pro-
tect union workers from excesses of their own leaders, and will
prevent, if they can, any accomplishment in protecting work-
ers' pension funds.
As this session of Congress proceeds, divisions such as
these will take place every day all up and down the line.
You will see these differences in veterans' affairs, in natural-
resources measures, in federal aid to State and local govern-
ments, in airport and hospital construction, in federal credit
programs, in the pay of Government employes, and on and on.
DEMOCRATS ANSWER THE REPUBLICANS
Rayburn: People "Very Discouraged"
After Five Years of Eisenhower
Influential Democrats wasted no time picking up the Re-
publican challenge. The day after the Republican speeches,
the Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives, Sam
Rayburn of Texas, told reporters in Washington:
I see that the Republicans last night just about obliterated
the Democratic Party. I listened to their apologies, and they
didn't impress me very much.
As for the defense program, they have had five years at
it now, and, if they can't get a program by this time, it looks
like the people will be very much discouraged with them.
Sometimes when I listen to their speeches, including the
President's, I wonder if he thinks he can pass his program
through Congress without any Democratic votes.
It is a remarkable thing that nobody in the Republican
Party from Eisenhower on down has ever proposed to repeal
a single law we passed in our 20 years in power. But we
are pretty bad folks when they get to making $100 political
speeches.
Humphrey: Adams Staked Out "the
Low Road for the '58 Campaign"
It was in the home State of Democratic Senator Hubert
Humphrey, of Minnesota, that Mr. Adams made his opening
attack on the Democrats. Senator Humphrey replied with
this statement:
The low road for the 1958 political campaign has been
staked out by Presidential Assistant Sherman Adams. Republi-
canism and irresponsibility are once again proving synonymous.
While President Eisenhower in Chicago was saying that
the issues of "peace and security" would be taken out of this
year's campaign, "ghost President" Sherman Adams-the non-
elected "President without portfolio"-came to Minnesota to
dip deep into the bucket for handfuls of old and sour mud.
The people can have little confidence in two-faced leader-
ship that permits the Presidential Assistant to deliberately pro-
voke a bitter partisan battle by distorting the historic record at
the same time the President is calling for bipartisanship.
It looks like they have laid out the battle lines for 1958.
They failed to divide the people from the Democratic Party
in the congressional elections of 1954 and 1956, so they are
turning back to their original tactics of 1952. They are again
using the President to voice high-sounding phrases of a holier-
than-thou line while his hand-picked subordinates scurry
around the country trying to inspire fear in the hearts of
Americans through a vicious and totally irresponsible mass
smear technique.
Acheson: Administration Shows
"Failure of Leadership"
A few hours before the Republican speeches were de-
livered, former Secretary of State Dean Acheson, who heads
the advisory committee on foreign policy of the Democratic
Advisory Council, held a Washington news conference to
present the views of the committee. This exchange took place:
Mr. Acheson: It seems to all of us that we have come to
the point where inaction-this substitution of words for acts-
has brought this country face to face with a very serious crisis.
And it cannot be dealt with by simply saying, "Trust Eisen-
hower. He knows everything. He is the Great White Father."
It is now perfectly clear that leaving things to this Administra-
tion means they are not done.
We get the same impression if we compare the words of
the [President's] state-of-the-union message with what is asked
for in the budget message.
As Mr. Truman always used to say, it is the budget message
that really shows what the Administration is doing. What you
are going to do with the cash tells what you are up to. Here,
once again, we have an illustration of complacency and in-
action, of meeting the situation only halfway.
When you look at what the President said in his state-of-the-
union message about reorganizing the Pentagon and compare
it with his press-conference remarks, you see that he is not
going to reorganize it at all. He is the person who should know
something about organizing the Pentagon, but he is going to
organize another committee to look into it.
The President says, "I will be glad to express my views,"
but he is not going to do anything. It is just another example
of failure of leadership-of inadequacy in high places.
Q: Could you tell us where you think the budget message
doesn't bear out the state-of-the-union message?
Mr. Acheson: Well, the state-of-the-union message calls
for great efforts to increase our defensive power. But, actually,
the increase called for in the budget for that purpose is from
44.4 billion dollars to 45.8 billion dollars-a lesser increase
than would be necessary to meet the rise in prices.
The state-of-the-union message gives us a ringing message
to every American-a call to roll up his sleeves and get to work.
Then the budget gives us less money than we had before.[ END)
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 (This page presents the a ipprcevedif6Foi R ear2GOt41O5Lt3 iklC LAmp DR9,1 W9rifSf8ft0lp{/OL 90,4600
"PEOPLE TO PEOPLE"
(Forty years ago, just after the people of Russia had
revolted against the despotism of the Czar, they chose a
Constituent Assembly-the only freely-elected parlia-
ment in their history. It was crushed by the Commu-
nists after just one day's session, January 18-19, 1918.
To remind the world of this grim event, "Radio
Liberation," an organization of private citizens from
the free countries of the world, last week broadcast
over powerful transmitters, in Russian and 17 other
Soviet languages, some pointed messages. These were
not only from leaders of both political parties in the
Congress of the United States but from authors, play-
wrights and editors, and were supplemented by state-
ments from prominent members of the parliaments of
the free nations of Europe.
This is an excellent example of the way communica-
tion can be established between the peoples on both
sides of the Iron Curtain.
Extracts from some of the messages sent by Ameri-
can leaders of opinion are given here.-David
Lawrence, Editor.)
Senator Lyndon Johnson, Majority Leader of the
Senate: "The dissolution of the all-Russian Constit-
uent Assembly was a crushing blow which ended the
hopes of the Russian people for democratic govern-
ment. But the dream of freedom is one that can never
be completely crushed. And men of good will every-
where join in the hope that Russia will some day be
free."
Senator William F. Knowland, Minority Leader of
the Senate: "In the only free election the people of
Russia have enjoyed, we remember that the Commu-
nist Party received an overwhelming defeat. All of the
people of the free world look hopefully to the future-
that the people of Russia will again have the oppor-
tunity to select freely their own government and
official representatives."
Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois:
"Russia needs a democratic government today to re-
place the present brutal dictatorship and when this
happens there will again be a Russian parliament."
Senator John F. Kennedy, Democrat, of Massachu-
setts: "Undoubtedly the passage of forty years has not
dimmed the eternal yearning of the people of the So-
viet Union for a truly representative Constituent As-
sembly."
Senator Joseph Clark, Democrat, of Pennsylvania:
"The Constituent Assembly was an expression of the
will of the majority for an open society, with represent-
ative political institutions. Its dispersal by force of
arms was the first in the chain of violent tragedies
leading to the subjugation of many proud nations."
Senator Clifford P. Case, Republican, of New Jersey:
"We in the United States know that, like us, the peo-
ples of the Soviet Union want the opportunity to de-
velop and utilize their talents and resources in freedom
and in peace. We have no doubt that if a truly free
election could be held in the Soviet Union the Soviet
peoples would again choose the way of democracy."
Senator Leverett Saltonstall, Republican, of Massa-
chusetts: "I join my fellow Americans in extending to
the Russian people our fervent wish which we hold
for all peoples of the earth that you may be permitted
and that the peoples of all other nations be permitted
to establish, as we have, a government of your own
choosing."
Senator Irving M. Ives, Republican, of New York:
"Let this tragic anniversary remind you that democracy
once lived in Russia. May it live again so that the lives
of the Soviet peoples will be happier and the dangers
to world peace inherent in overly concentrated power
can be eliminated."
Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, Democrat, of Min-
nesota: "On this tragic anniversary the American peo-
ple could wish for nothing better for people in the
Soviet Union than the re-establishment of genuine
representative institutions."
Representative Emanuel Celler, Democrat, of New
York: "Only representative government can claim to be
free. Tyranny began when the free parliament ended."
Mrs. Roosevelt: "This is Mrs. Franklin Delano
Roosevelt speaking over Radio Liberation to the peo-
ples of the Soviet Union. Just a few short months ago
I visited your country and traveled thousands of miles
in many directions. I had the opportunity of meeting
and talking with individuals in all walks of life-
students, doctors, farmers and government officials.
There I confirmed at first hand what I have always
known-that the people of your country want above all
else peace, a lasting peace which will permit you to
continue the remarkable work of rebuilding your na-
tion after the devastating war in which our peoples
fought together as allies.
"In Russia, too, I saw that your people have reached
a level of education and scientific achievement as high,
and in some respects higher, than anywhere in the
world. And I wondered why such a talented people
still lack their own freely elected government-a gov-
ernment responsible to their will."
S. NEWS R0002a0016 go~tT ? JANUARY 31, 14Ss
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 A
FRESH LOOK
AT
 IIo lanut 11. Sat caul
pr Release 2004=11 3: CIA-RDP91-00965R000200160015-6
Reginald T. Townsend
lice President
I)i.?ector of Public Relations
Andre 1). Yedigaroll
.isr.islanl to the President
DIVISION DIRECTORS
Donald C. Dunham
1'lrnning
(:ccil Hopkins
.1dminislration
I.n?Cnc 11. King
11,tdio Programming Snpporl
B. Eric Kuuihohn
Political .i/aits
S. A Mc(:i'rctt
/ii. Network
Spencer Williams
Pr.?ss and Publications
Isaac Patch. Jr.
Special Projrcts
TRUSTEES
\Trs. Oscar ;\hlgrcn
John R. Button
William 11-.111N.
(:hamlcrlln
(tun. Char)cs Edkntt
J. Pctcr Gr.icc. Jr.
\Ilcn Grnscr
11. J. llcinz 11
Isaac Don Levine
Eugene Lyons
I lowland 11. Sargcant
1)r. John W. Studebaker
Reginald T. Totienscnd
William L. White
Philip TI. \\illkic
Ilcurc V. Poor
General Counsel
EUROPEAN HEADQUARTERS
Lilicuthalstrassc 2
Munich 19, Germany
Robert F. Kc11cy
U.e/mly to lire President, Europe
Richard lirrtruulias
D.rector. Radio Division (Munich)
Prot. Oliver J. Frcdcrikscn
American Advisor to the Institute (Munich)
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Robert II. Drehcr
Lrnigre Relations Advisor (?Ilunic/r)
 Approve
A FRESH LOOK AT
LIBERATION
"Evolutionary change, generated
by pressures from within and
from without, hopes and yearnings
of the oppressed, kept alive by
the friendships of the free peoples
of the earth, will eventually
destroy despotic power ......
-Dwight D. Eisenhower
WILL political liberty one day flourish in the countries now
W under Communist domination?
Deeply informed, sober-minded fugitives from the Soviet
Union are certain that the Communist yoke will eventually be
thrown off, and in many cases arc dedicating their lives to hasten
that event.
Prominent American leaders as well as students of Soviet
affairs share this view. Some of them are members of the
American Committee for Liberation, a private organization de-
voted to aiding the oppressed peoples of the Soviet Union in
their historical task of self-liberation.
The will to liberation in the East European satellite states has
been unmistakable from the day of their enslavement by the
Kremlin. Any doubts on this score have been dissipated by the
Hungarian revolution and the near-revolution in Poland in the
autumn of 1956, by the uprising in East Germany in 1953, by
impressive evidence of popular pressure against the Red regimes
in all other puppet states.
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 Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP91-00965R000200160015-6
But the peoples' yearnings for greater freedom and ultimate
liberation from Soviet despotism have been no less manifest in
the USSR itself. The intensity of this liberation movement has
been steadily increasing over the 10 years of Soviet power. The
whole history of the Soviet period, indeed, can best be understood
in terms of a continuing struggle between the Kremlin hierarchy
and its subjects-as a ' permanent civil war," at times open, at
other times concealed, but violent and always costly in life and
suffering.
The Record
Tan.: Soviet regime was born of a civil war which raged for
years. Ever since, the war has persisted by other means and
with other weapons. In 1921 the Kronstadt sailors, who had
played it key role in helping the Bolsheviks seize power, revolted
against the Lenin-Trot-sky tyranny and were slaughtered by the
thousands. The peasants resisted forcible collectivization, paying
With millions of casualties, and have never entirely capitulated.
Battles between peasants and Red Army troops were common-
place in the 1920's and 1930's.
When the Germans invaded the Soviet Union in 1911, the
world saw-without always comprehending-a test of the real
sentiment-, of the Kremlin subjects. In the early stages of that
war, millions of Soviet citizens in the aggregate, both soldiers
and civilians, deserted to the German side, in the tragically naive
hope that the invaders would liberate them from the hated
police-state. Iltutdreds of thousands of them actually donned
German uniforms, in ?he so-called Vlasov movement and other
anti-Soviet formations, in order to fight Communism.
These are no more than a few of the myriad expressions of
the ever-growing liberation movement. In nearly four decades
of a monopoly of power, the Soviet regime has failed to acquire
legitimacy. It must still depend for survival on the physical
terror of it swollen police establishment and the mental-psycho-
logical terror of ntassiv'_ and unrelenting censorships, propaganda
and indoctrination. In relation to the people, the Kremlin has
been from the start, and remains today, on the defensive, aware
that it could not last without colossal and pitiless repression.
But the entrcnclied dictatorslrip, exploiting the resources of a
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great country and utterly disdainful of the staggering costs in
life and suffering, succeeded in industrializing the country. By
the end of World War II, the Soviet Union emerged as a mighty
nation, second only to the United States in military and economic
strength. The upper segments of its society-officials, economic
managers, military leaders, some intellectuals-have developed
a powerful stake in the survival of the system on which their new
powers and privileges rest. It can be inferred, moreover, that
millions of others-regardless of their secret opinions of the
regime and its methods-take patriotic pride in the enhanced
power and international stature of their native land..
Outside observers, looking at the outwardly solid monolith
created by Stalin, impressed by its war-making potentials and
the magnitude of its police forces, took it for granted that the
elements arrayed against liberation in the USSR far outweighed
those favoring liberation. The Soviet regime seemed strong
enough not only to impose itself permanently on its direct sub-
jects but to prevent the colonial or satellite peoples from break-
ing out of the Soviet orbit.
Thus hopes for liberation languished.
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But after Stalin's death those hopes were revived. Slave revolts
in Vorkuta and other Soviet forced-labor camps were semptoms
of pressure under the policed surface inside the USSR, just as
the East German uprising and disturbances in other satellite
countries were outside the USSR. The 20th Part)' Congress in
February, 1956 climaxed by Khrushchei's shattering "secret
spCCCI1" denouncing sonic of Stalin's crinies, set in motion forces
of doubt and rebellion that continue to shake the Soviet empire
to its limits. "These hopes in no small measure are reflected in the
power struggle between Kin ushcliev and the Molotov, Malcnkov,
Kaganovicli group, which has resttlted in the exile of the latter.
Today, liberation prospects appear more impressive than ever
in the past. And the road to liberation can be discerned more
clearly than in the past.
First, since the Khrushchev "de-Stalinization" speech the
strong currents for change, long existent at the strategic points,
have become more sharply apparent. Tile fury with which the
Hungarians fought for their freedom, the determination with
which the Poles struck out for greater independence, are merely
climactic expressions of impulses toward freedom and human
dignity existing in the Soviet Union itself. The alacrity with
which Soviet writers took advantage of the brief "thaw" in their
area, the boldness with which Soviet students asked embarrassing
questions and demanded trutliful answers, indicate a significant
intellectual ferment. Traditionally in Russia the intellectuals
and artists have expressed what great masses of their countrymen
felt.
Second, it is clear that the forces for change are indigenous-
that they are not \ Vestcrn infusions. The Kremlin's attempts to
blame the I Iungarian uprising upon foreign broadcasts are mere-
ly ludicrous. While the sympathy and moral encouragement of
free men abroad can stimulate movements for freedom in the
Soviet sphere, they cannot create such movements. De-Staliniza-
tion itself was primarily a response to domestic pressure, an effort
to placate and reassure various groups inside the country, among
these the Communists themselves. The events in Poland, leading
to the victory of Goniulka, obviously were generated by Hopes
and despairs inside that country. In short, liberation forces are
local, related to internal conditions and emotions.
Third, it is noi%- evident that the crux of the liberation prob-
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lem lies in the USSR, not in the satellites-this despite the
stronger freedom movements in the satellites. Peripheral upris-
ings are usually foredoomed as long the the center remains im-
mune. And the satellites are in this context peripheral. The
detachment of one or another puppet state is possible, but only
liberation of. Soviet Russia itself can guarantee the larger success.
Were a Hungarian-type uprising to occur in the USSR, with the
military forces joining the people, there would be no external
force to put it down. The pace of across-the-board liberation
therefore depends largely on the liberation process in the USSR.
Fourth, a fresh appraisal of what the free world can do to
accelerate the indigenous changes looking toward liberation' is
today possible and necessary. In the 1920's and 1930's the non-
Soviet world on the whole regarded the USSR as beyond the
reach of outside influence. But since the latter 1940's the free
world, seeking relief from the burdens imposed by the so-called
Cold War, slowly came to recognize that it can play a role in
evoking and nurturing liberation sentiments already in existence
behind the Iron Curtain. Today it is apparent that a true part-
nership can and must be created between liberation-seeking
forces in the USSR and liberation-fostering forces outside. For
the first time since 1917 the bond between impulses to freedom
in the USSR and the active traditions of the free world has been
established.
Let us cite an example. The "secret" Khrushchev speech was
provoked by wholly internal conditions. But its effectiveness in
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releasing liberation forces was then vastly magnified by the action
of the U. S. State Department in making the text public. This
pattern, where an internal Soviet maneuver is converted into a
victory for liberalizing and liberating forces through free world
action, is significant. It points to the potential interplay between
Soviet and Western developments toward liberation.
Against this background, a useful definition of liberation sug-
gests itself, in terms of this interplay of freedom forces on both
sides of the Iron Curtain: The Liberation movement is the inter-
action of pressures toward freedom. in the Soviet orbit with the
forces of freedom in the free world, looking to the displacement of
the Communist despotism by a system of political liberty.
The New Mask
TIll' to]) command of the Soviet regime appears, at this Writing,
less rigid and less ruthless than in Stalin's clay. Whether this
transformation--relative at best-will continue, and how long,
no one can say. The changes are wholly external; the system of
rule, the monopoly of one party and its control by a self-perpetu-
ating oligarchic clique, remain intact. Yet the terror has been
measurably relaxed and for the time being the Soviet people
breathe more easily.
Stalin's successors have made some visible concessions both at
home and abroad. They admitted to Tito that there could be
"different roads to socialism." They retreated in Poland when
Gomulka, backed by the nation, defied their orders to crash the
popular movement for a measure of independence. At home, they
released many prisoners from the slave camps and put some curbs
on the secret police.
True, Pravda has warned that "the C:onnmunist Party has
been and will be the only master of minds and thoughts." In
the creative fields, the "thaw" is hardening again into the familiar
wintry forms. The limits of flee expression, narrow at best, have
been narrowed even more. Yet a residue remains; the rigors of
the Stalinist era continue to be tempered by marginal con-
cessions.
Such concessions, of course, are not favors that the new rulers
grant in a burst of benevolence. They are adjustments forced
upon them by decades of human development. The Soviet
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regime through the years has raised literacy, and thereby aroused
the thirst for more freedom of inquiry and expression. Soviet
industrialization brought into being vast numbers of skilled
workers, engineers, technicians, scientists-and these were bound
in time to claim a better life and more dignified social status.
The huge Soviet armed forces gradually developed vested inter-
ests, with officers concerned for their special status, privileges and
prestige.
Thus, in one area after another, Soviet society became more
multiple, more differentiated. The result is a rudimentary
growth of individualism with which the dictatorship, however
reluctantly, must try to come to terms.
Today it is no longer easy to mobilize the energies of Soviet
citizens by simple, sloganized appeals to ideology. Fanatic ideolo-
gies have a way of burning themselves out. The Soviet ideology,
however, has been so abused as a crass tool of power that it has
lost its earlier idealistic mystique. Soviet youth and workers, for
example, are no longer ready to work overtime and as "volun-
tecrs" on jobs just for the glory of the revolution. Soviet students
are openly cynical about Marxist-Leninist cliches. Increasingly,
it would seem, people insist on personal incentives, rewards, and
even rights.
The Changing Dictatorship
T HE dictatorship today must deal with a different population.
An essentially agrarian country has changed in a generation
into a country with an urban population of some 80 million.
The Soviet townsman, despite the planned isolation from the
outside world, has a certain sophistication, certainly as compared
with yesterday's peasant. He knows about Hemingway and TV,
about jazz and vacuum cleaners and the Olympic Games. He
yearns for travel abroad. He is still in awe of the state, but a
host of new impressions urges him on toward the new, the
untried.
To curb these new appetites for living would require the full
terror of the Stalinist era. But it is unlikely that Khrushchev &
Company will dare to reimpose unlimited terror, or that they
would succeed if they tried. The secret police specialists them-
selves may be sufficiently aware of the popular mood to counsel
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a measure of restraint. Even the bloody Beria is known, in some
cases, to have intervened against police crackdowns which he
judged would cause more unrest than they would allay. Besides,
once self-expression has been cautiously allowed, it is difficult to
restore the climate of all-encompassing fear. It is quite possible,
therefore, that Soviet terror has met the law of diminishing
returns.
The Kremlin in the next years may possibly wish to become,
by easy stages, a more enlightened-and hence more efficient-
dictatorship. This, of course, not because the ruling oligarchs
have had a change of heart but because they are compelled to
release more popular creative energy in order to operate a
modern technological economy.
The question, however, is whether a totalitarian dictatorship
is really capable of harnessing free energies to its service. A little
liberty, far front reconciling people to tyranny, emboldens them
to demand more and yet store. The dictatorship, in stimulating
individual trends for its own purposes, may well be touching off
processes it will be unable to control.
A rough contentporaly analogy- is provided by the current fate
of colonial empires. Willingly or otherwise, imperial powers in
this generation embarked on policies of concessions to their
colonies. The hope was to fortify the colonial system by making
it softer and more and more flexible. But their suojects invari-
ably accepted the concessions as mere down payments on even-
tual liberation. All through history, pressures for a change of
regime increased when things were getting better, but not getting
better fast enough. Will the Khruslichcv policy of limited con-
cessions, similarly, prove to be Lou little and too late?
The outside world, by its mere existence, affects the answer to
that decisive question. As contacts with the West are widened,
appetites for Western amenities and freedoms will grow inside
the USSR. Without being indiscriminately imitative, the Soviet
citizenry is likely to press for some features of democratic socie-
ties. No nation is foretier immune to the general climate of the
surrourldlug world.
Consider as simple a thing as the recent U.S.-Soviet agricul-
tural exchanges. Though the Soviet "farmers" sent across the
ocean were really officials and secret policemen, they did have
to report that corn grows better in Iowa than in the Soviet
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Union, that American cattle yield more meat and milk, etc.
Khrushchev's vow that his country will catch up with the U. S.
in food production per capita perhaps was influenced by this
Soviet glimpse of American productivity.
Naturally, Khrushchcv did not dare acknowledge the obvious
fact that private farming plays a major part in American agricul-
tural superiority. But this economic moral, we may be sure,
has not been lost upon the Soviet peasantry, which has never
freely accepted collectivization and in whose mind, as Khrush-
chev once put it, "the little worm of private ownership stirs."
Internal Pressure
IN THE cities, even more than on the land, indigenous pressures
and foreign examples could conceivably so modify popular
attitudes that the position of the dictatorship would become un-
tenable. The regime would be compelled to make and tolerate
changes, always with the intention of keeping them under con-
trol, and suddenly discover that a preponderance of power was
in other hands. The Soviet overlords-like those in Poland
today-would then be forced to walk the frayed tightrope be-
tween those who would turn back the clock to old-style Stalinism
and the "revisionists" who want to turn the clock forward faster
and faster.
In the USSR revisionists might be found in the intermediate
levels of the bureaucracy, caught between fear of those above
them and pressures from the masses below. They might come
to feel (as many of them undoubtedly feel already) that a large
degree of self-government was the only way for the USSR-
and themselves-to survive.
Or, as the climax of a long process of slow piecemeal change,
popular revolution might break out in the USSR. This could
happen because of a realization. that the Kremlin leopards really
could not change their spots. It could happen because the dic-
tatorship, even if it so wished., could not bring prosperity and
human dignity without becoming so obviously weak and out-
moded as to invite a coup d'etat by opposition forces.
It is only in such broad, tentative strokes that the process of
liberation can be sketched. The most that can be said with
assurance is that the ingredients of far-reaching change, looking
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to the end of the Communist period, are abundantly at hand.
The more Soviet groups and individuals acquire an interest and
a stake in change, the less costly will he the final liberation; and
the wider the support for the liberation movement, the broader
will be the human base out of which new leaders Will emerge.
The Nature of Outside Help
N Now, what can people outside the USSR contribute to libera-
tion? They can operate on. two levels-official and private.
The foreign policy of democratic nations vis-a-vis the USSR
needs to be far-seeing, firm, wary and flexible.
A far-seeing democratic foreign policy must implicitly and,
Where appropriate, explicitly affirm that the Soviet dictatorship
is temporary and its eventual demise a certainty. It must affirm
the inevitable unity of the world in liberty and deny the validity
of a globe forever divided into free and unfree halves. It trust
take no short-run actions, for whatever temporary convenience,
that block the overriding objective of liberation
A firm democratic foreign policy, backed with strength, will
set limits to the expansion of the USSR. It will affirm that the
USSR is illegally in possession of many areas it now holds. It
will draw a clear line between the Soviet regime and the people,
always dramatising the elementary fact that the ruling power
is imposed and has no legitimacy.
A wary democratic foreign policy will appraise a detente in
l-:ast-A^Vcst relations primarily in torts of its effects on the ulti-
mate goal of liberation. This means that it will rule out actions
or policies that raise the prestige and power of the regime.
Whatever the forms of a detente, the free world must keep up
its vigilant guard against the disruptive foreign ambitions of
the Kremlin.
A flexible democratic foreign policy will foster selective con-
tacts with the USSR and its people. It will not be concerned
with the advertisement of foreign ways per se, but will show the
USSR those aspects of foreign life that are potentially meaning-
ful to the Soviet people. A flexible foreign policy will not expect
sensational, immediate results from such exchanges but will have
a patient confidence in the power of their example. In receiving
visitors from the USSR, democratic governments should examine
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such visits on their merits; they will not go overboard on accept-
ing them on the theory that all exchanges are good per se; they
will accept those exchanges that facilitate making a democratic
impact on the USSR and denying the USSR a chance to wage
pure propaganda abroad.
But official actions have their limitations. A government-
sponsored communication of policies or ideas, from the side of
the democracies, at best injects a kind of collective foreign con-
sensus into the atmosphere of the USSR. If liberation is to suc-
ceed, that atmosphere also needs individualistic impulses.
Here is where privately sponsored assistance to progressive,
liberating tendencies in the USSR comes in. The American
Committee for Liberation, founded in 1951 by American indi-
viduals deeply concerned for the future of the Soviet peoples,
has had substantial experience in working for liberation.
Partnership
T IIE cornerstone of the American Committee's work is a part-
nership with leading elements of the emigration from the
USSR. The emigration, in its various waves before, during and
after World War II, has totalled some two million. The emigra-
tion attests to the crimes and failures of the dictatorship, espe-
cially its failure to meet human aspirations. It is a living witness,
it represents forces dedicated, in terms of patriotism as well as
self-interest, to liberation.
That the Kremlin is profoundly disturbed by the existence of
a huge, politically conscious emigration is clear enough. On the
one hand, Soviet propaganda brands the fugitives as "social
refuse ... traitors ... mad dogs." On the other hand, it conducts
a gigantic and costly campaign to lure this "social refuse" back,
using threats and promises to promote repatriation.
Partnership of the free world with the democratic elements
in the Soviet emigration is meaningful for the future in that
larger cooperation between the peoples now subjected to the
Kremlin and those of other nations will have been achieved
when the former arc liberated. Soviet propaganda at home dis-
misses the emigres who fuse their efforts with the American
Committee as "fascist hirelings." But the Soviet citizen has
learned to discount such Kremlin talk. He is likely to see in the
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association of his countrymen abroad with Americans a piece of
teamwork, a sample of international understanding, propitious
for a future without dictatorship.
The emigre-American partnership manifests itself in a broad
range of activities; practical projects calling for the cooperation
of democratic elements in the emigration. The Committee pub-
lishes twice monthly a Russian-language newspaper, Our
Common Cause, circulated to over 13,000 readers in many coun-
tries. The paper not only provides essential news and informa-
tion to emigres unfamiliar with foreign languages but a
discussion forum on current problems directly or indirectly
related to the liberation movement. Other joint activities counter
the Kremlin's repatriation drive. Also, a series of efforts have
been launched to bring the emigration into closer touch with
native groups in many countries. Such evidence of cooperation
betAveett the emigres and the peoples of the free world countries
will show citizens of the USSR their potential of living in har-
mony not only with the United States, but with all nations.
Neither the American Committee nor the responsible emigra-
tion leaders look toward an eventual restoration of the emigres
in their former positions of influence or authority in their native
land. All that is sought is an equal grant of human rights in a
liberated USSR for people of a wide variety of views, including
emigres who differed so sharply with the dictatorship that they
had to escape from its intolerance.
Learning in the Cause of Liberty
~/ ONE of the free emigration's Most significant enterprises is
the Institute for the Study of the USSR, located in Munich,
Germany. The Institute is an academic corporation under the
VVcst German laws, governed by its own Learned Council elected
by the membership consisting of former Soviet scholars and
scientists, and it receives an annual grant from the American
Committee. The Institute has a resident academic staff of some
35 emigre scholars, each a specialist in his field. The more or
Icss regular contributors to its studies number about 300 and it
can, when needed, draw on the help of some 1,000 scholars
located throughout the world. The researches of the Institute
are published in a series of its journals, the monthly English-
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language Bulletin, the quarterly Ukrainian Review, Belorussian
Review and Caucasian Review in English, three other quarterlies
in Russian, Ukrainian and Byelorussian; a semi-annual publica-
tion in German, and a Turkish-language bulletin called Dergi.
Symposia in French and Arabic are also published. In addition,
the Institute prints significant monographs and conducts con-
ferences on topics of major interest in. Soviet affairs.
The purpose of the Institute is to provide information of
maximum reliability on the USSR, so that interested elements
in the democracies may have as realistic a picture as possible of
what is happening on the shifting Soviet scene. Reliable informa-
tion is critically important since what the democracies do to
assist liberation must be closely in. tune with what people inside
the USSR are doing. The Institute staff and its correspondents,
most of whom are emigres, have a unique background in and
"feel" for the realities in the USSR.
Radio Liberation - The Free Voice
T IIE principal current enterprise of the emigration and the
American Committee is Radio Liberation which speaks as a
free voice of former citizens of the USSR who are trying to help
their fellow countrymen at home achieve liberation.
Radio Liberation, with its main programming offices and
studios in Munich and transmitters in Western Europe and the
USSR programs prepared by nine
Ukrainian, Armenian, Azerbaijani,
national desks-Russian,
Byelorussian, Georgian,
Far East, broadcasts around the clock to the peoples of the
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North Caucasian, Tatar-Bashkir and Turkcstani. Each desk
endeavors to speak flout the point of view of its own people in
support of the common cause.
Radio Liberation is the freest voice speaking directly to the
200,000,000 peoples of the USSR today. It is not bound to defend
the policies of any government or sect: its sole concern is to be
as responsive as possible to the common interest of those people
who want to see liberation achieved. In this spirit, Radio Libera-
tion has from its earliest days adopted democratic education as
the key to its programming. It Must not only assist its listeners
in all strata of the population to understand the compelling need
for a change: it must go beyond this and help them to build for
themselves clear and rather concrete visions of a democratic
future and a common understanding of how they can work
toward it.
Speaking to the Listener
N OTUtR words, Radio Liberation mast help it% listeners to de-
velop an understanding of their own political strength and
how it can be used effectively. In this, RL always tries to avoid
giving any impression of telling its listeners what they should
think, want or do. Rather, it tries to help them develop their
own thinking by illuminating for them the experiences of other
peoples in other countries and relating this experience to con-
ditions at home. And from its beginning clays, RL has adopted
for itself firm restrictions against encouraging acts of pr'Cmattli'e
overt or violent resistance which could only result in fruitless
sacrifice. "It will make no promises which it can not itself
fulfill, and will never indicate that freedom and democracy can
be achieved except through the will and endeavors of the peoples
of the USSR tltcniselves."
The programmers at Radio Liberation do not only speak them-
selves, but they try to broaden the bond between their fellow
countrymen and people outside by broadcasting "live" messages
from individuals and organizations throughout the free world
whose names and voices will be of some significance to the
listeners inside. In short, it tries to be for its listeners their
broadest and truest window to the world.
The precise effectiveness of such broadcasts must remain an
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imponderable, and should remain so. Nothing is more detri-
mental to a deep and genuine service to people seeking their
own, better way than to abuse their trust with sensationalism that
may produce flash reactions among them, but in the long run
may leave them feeling victimized. Radio Liberation is not in
the business of making promises, but only in that of offering
food for thought which the listener may accept or reject. The
response to the programs seems to justify the course. It comes
in the form of mounting Soviet propaganda attacks-which,
significantly do not criticize the substance of the programs but
confine themselves to savage abuse of the emigres and the Ameri-
can Committee. A more positive response comes from new
emigres, foreign prisoners released from Soviet camps and travel-
lers, who indicate that Radio Liberation is widely and attentively
heard in many parts of the USSR. Perhaps the most telling
response consists of carefully couched letters of gratitude and
approval which Soviet citizens send out-under the guise of
private correspondence to friends and relatives abroad--to shift-
ing addresses, given over to Radio Liberation.
What the combined forces of freedom-seeking Soviet citizens,
free world foreign policy and the emigration and the American
Committee have thus far been able to accomplish toward libera-
tion is hopeful indeed. It infuriates the Communists, who wish
to proceed on their course unchecked; it disappoints some anti-
Communist firebrands, who see liberation coming only through
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violcncc. But the struggle for liberation through patient, per-
severing interaction of the free and the would-be free rides a
rising tide. May it culminate in the wave of the future.
First Printing . . . October, 1957
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 The Liberation movement is the interaction of pressures
toward freedom in the Soviet orbit with the forces of free-
dom in the free world, looking to the displacement of the
Communist despotism by a system of political liberty.
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What, is the American Committee for
Liberation and -what is it doing to
further its aims?
Can we help the Soviet peoples to lib-
erate themselves?
Is armed revolution the only course open
to freedom-seeking Soviet citizens?
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Whose side are The Soviet peoples on?
Does the promotion of a liberation move-
ment push Soviet citizens toward
needless sacrifices?
What can free people everywhere do to
help?
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 r-an oil ? ?
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SPARKS INTO THE USSR
The Story of Radio Liberation
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 Appro no.~A~ i FkWqpgf?AON Op i en a s r.., . ,
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In a radio studio in Munich, Germany, exiles from the
USSR speak to their fellow countrymen, in a way they could
never speak under the Soviet rule. Their voices rise, their words
flash:
"As far back as the 1920's, our workers had the right to
strike. ... When will the Khrushchev-Bulganin government
show by action, not by words, that it will allow workers and
their organizations the right to strike?"
"Dear Listener! We feel that a good many of you would
like to get information about life in non-Communist countries.
The Party press and radio do not give you unbiased information.
We, therefore, present a broadcast entitled Life Abroad ...."
"Today we broadcast excerpts from a recording made by
our correspondent in New York, where the merger convention of
the two largest trade union organizations of the American Fed-
eration of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations
-is taking place...."
"A projection of the 1926 population of the Ukraine com-
pared to the 1939 level shows an incriminating discrepancy-
6,000,000 Ukrainians missing. Where are the missing 6,000,000
Ukrainians?"
"At the beginning of today's program we shall present the
opinions of the foreign press .... According to the West Berlin
newspaper Der Kurier. ... Italian Prime Minister Segni has
published an article in the newspaper Popolo di Milano.... The
British newspaper Manchester Guardian writes.... An influen-
tial American newspaper, The New York Times...."
"You will now hear Alexandra Lvovna Tolstoy... the
youngest daughter of Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoy...."
"In view of the rehabilitation of a number of our writers
and historians, when will the people be told the facts of their
deaths? Were there any trials?"
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"Can our writers and poets write the truth?"
"In the USSR today, hangmen are rehabilitating hangmen.
When will Klirushchcv and Bulganin rehabilitate the millions
of peasants killed:"
Day in, day out, around the clock, Radio Liberation brings
the Soviet audience in touch with life in the non-Communist
world, gives it the uncensored news, acquaints it with foreign
opinion, presents broadcasts from distinguished exiles and out-
standing free worldd, figures, encourages a yearning for democracy
-and asks tough questions of the present Soviet regime. Radio
Liberation is, in many ways, the listening Soviet citizen's sub-
stitute for the freedom he does not have.
Radio Liberation began its work on Mardi 1, 1,953, from
studios in :Munich and by means of one I0-kilowatt transmitter
in Lampertlicim, Germany. At Iirst, there was one 20-ininutc
program, repeated 12 hours a day
In the last three years, Radio Liberation has upped its
transmitting facilities to eleven, at diverse spots on the globe to
blanket the USSR, and its total daily (transmitting) time to
228 hours, to be available to Soviet citizens whenever and
wherever they Blare and can listen. From broadcasting only in
the Russian tongue, Radio Liberation has branched out to speak-
ing in 17 languages used in the USSR: Russian, Ukrainian, Belo-
russian, Georgian, Armenian, Azerbaidjanian, Tatar, Uzbek, Ka-
zakh, Kirghiz, Turkmen, Ossetin, Adyge-Kabardin, Karachy-Bal-
kar, Chechcn-Ingusli, Avar and Kumyk. And this formidable
effort will grow.
Why:
Radio Liberation is the voice of exiles from the USSR fight-
ing for freedom and democracy in their liontcland. Radio Lib-
eration's broadcasts are addressed to all citizens of the USSR,
including Soviet occupation forces and Soviet missions abroad,
those who can thernaelves hear the broadcasts and those who
receive its message indirectly. Radio Liberation's ultimate aim
is the liberation of the peoples of the USSR from the C:oninru-
nist dictatorship and the achievement by them of a democratic
order in its place.
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Does it work?
Please read Pages 6-18.
What is Radio Liberation's message?
Examples are on pages 19-32.
Who does the broadcasting?
Pages 33-38.
Who's behind it?
Pages 39-45 explain.
What would Radio Liberation like from you?
Please look at Pages 46-47.
As these lines were being written, Radio Liberation re-
ceived one of its many letters from inside the USSR (see Chap-
ter II) . The language of the letter is guarded, but it is as
poignant as a document of people in the catacombs aspiring
to light and deliverance could be:
"Glory to Jesus Christ!
"I received your letters [i.e., broadcasts] and am so happy
that you are giving us hope and consolation and that all will
be well. It is a great comfort to me that you are working.
"I have been moved to a house [i.e., region] where the land-
lady [i.e., Soviet administration] is very unpleasant. She takes
everything and tells more lies than I would have believed a
human being could tell. She exploits me at every step and is
quite capable of taking the last shirt off my back. My children
are very badly brought up. I have to work so hard that I have
no time to look after them.
"I am waiting for you to come."
Radio Liberation heralds the advent of freedom in the
USSR.
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Radio Liberation gels through. It is heard by the peoples
of the USSR. And Radio Liberation apparently hurts the rulers
of the USSR.
Here is some of the evidence:
From time to time, travelers with a knowledge of the Rus-
sian language conic to Radio Liberation to volunteer their im-
pressions of the country and its people. Most often they are
prompted to contact Radio Liberation because they have hap-
pened upon persons who have reported to them that listening
to Radio Liberation and other Western broadcasts is a daily
habit. The Western travelers to the USSR provide the staff of
Radio Liberation with valuable information - how many listen
in the Soviet Union - how the programs are getting through
- and general listener reaction.
One such traveler recently gave Radio Liberation's staff a
detailed report of listener reaction from a cross section of Rus-
sian people, including students, chance acquaintances on train
journeys, workers, peasants and professional men and women.
This is what those Russians had to say:
An Estonian worker when asked if he listened to foreign
broadcasts, replied, "Yes, every chance I get. Jamming is bad
but I hear them late at night or early in the morning about
5 a.m. Everybody listens."
Asked if the peasants listened, the Estonian asserted that
"they all listen too."
A group of 15 Russian students all admitted they listened
to foreign broadcasts from time to time. They agreed that jam-
ming in Moscow made listening more difficult than elsewhere
in the Soviet Union where jamming is not as concentrated.
One student, when asked his opinion of Radio Liberation,
said, "They tell us things that contradict what our own press
tells us so that we cannot be certain whom to believe."
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Another student added, "The programs are quite interest-
ing for us. Our only criticism is that they broadcast informa-
tion about us that we just can't believe."
A group of 15 persons from every walk of life all admitted
to listening to foreign broadcasts and one of the group, a lad
of 15 years of age, said he listened regularly in the early morn-
ing hours.
Another source of "inside" information concerning the suc-
cess of Radio Liberation broadcasts are the groups of German
returnees from the USSR.
One such man interviewed by Radio Liberation staff mem-
bers said he initially heard Radio Liberation in his first prison
camp in Dubrovlak in the fall of 1953.
Another returnee, who was in the Vorkuta slave labor camp
during the strike of the inmates in 1953, said he first heard of
Radio Liberation in the summer of 1954. He reported that a
friends of his at Vorkuta, a highly educated man, listened reg-
ularly to Radio Liberation and that the friend thought "on
the whole the broadcasts were good." The returnee himself
had not head foreign broadcasts because he had never been
allowed to leave the prison compound.
He explained that those who were able to listen reported
to selected groups of prisoners who were considered trustworthy.
When his interviewer asked him if Radio Liberation was pop-
ular, he answered:
"It was exceedingly popular. We had people there who
had lost all hope and thought that the West was not at all in-
terested in them, and that it was overawed by the Soviet gov-
ernment. And it was precisely Radio Liberation that gave them
hope again...."
Still another source of information for the staff of Radio Lib-
eration is information brought out by defectors from the Soviet
Union. One such defector, a 23-year old Belorussian sergeant
who defected in May, 1956, said: "The people who speak over
Radio Liberation know the USSR. They appeal to listeners
to take certain measures, and they tell people about the true
state of world affairs."
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The general impression gathered from these reports of West-
ern travelers, returnees and defectors is that listening to foreign
radio broadcasts is not uncommon, for the greater number of
those living in the Soviet Union who were questioned admitted
to listening and volunteered the information that they knew
of many more who also listened.
Although a great many persons interviewed by the West-
erners were either reluctant to admit that they gave any credence
to the information about the USSR on W %lrestern broadcasts, the
fact that they continue to listen is an indication that at least
the seeds of doubt have been planted ... and it gives those
working for their liberation hope that one day they will believe.
Jamming
Tell minutes after it went on the air, Radio Liberation
was jammed by the Soviets. As Radio Liberation stepped up
its activity, the Soviets responded with ever-heavier jammings.
Today hundreds of jamming stations, spreading from the west-
ern edges of Ciechoslovakia and Poland eastward over the en-
tire Communist orbit to Siberia, try to black out the message
of Radio Liberation- Can the whole, they fail.
Radio Liberation has combatted the jammers through tech-
nical improvement of antenna design and through flexible
tr:unsmitter operation. To its transmitting facilities in West
(;erniany it has added transmitters in the Far East. Radio
Liberation has blanketed the USSR front several directions,
weaving in between the janimers.
This policy has paid off. Extensive long-range monitoring
from ball a dozen points on the periphery of the USSR has
dcnionstr.ated that Radio Liberation delivers an intelligible sig-
nal to almost all parts of the vast country. And direct confir-
mation of this fact has come from Soviet citizens themselves.
Abo Fatalibey, the chief of the Radio Liberation desk broad-
casting; to Soviet Aterbaidjan, was murdered in Munich, presum-
ably by Soviet agents, in November, 195.1.
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Leonid Karas, a writer on the Radio Liberation desk broad-
casting to Soviet Belorussia, was drowned, presumably by Soviet
agents, near Munich in September, 1954.
These were portentous hints that Radio Liberation, after
only a year and a half of operation, may have been hurting
the Kremlin so badly that it resorted to ghastly retaliation on
foreign soil in order to eliminate key staff members and to
frighten the rest of Radio Liberation's emigre personnel into
silence and resignation.
Needless to say, Radio Liberation's work went on, security
precautions were doubled, and the Soviets were forced to less
brutal but equally desperate measures which disclosed their
continuing fear of, and fury at, Radio Liberation.
Soviet Propaganda Assaults
Unable to intimidate Radio Liberation into curtailing or
wholly cutting off its broadcasts, or to jam the station's signal,
the Soviets finally resorted to press and radio attacks to discredit
Radio Liberation and to warn Soviet listeners against it.
At first, only innuendo and indirect attacks were used.
Through most of 1954, the Moscow newspaper Pravda, Radio
Kiev and newspapers in the Soviet Ukraine obliquely slashed
at Radio Liberation, attacking the anti-Communist emigres
working with it and the Americans sponsoring it, but never
mentioning the station by name. This was the typically cau-
tious approach of Soviet propaganda, which generally tries to
bring its opponents down with piecemeal cuts. The Soviets
apparently did not wish to name Radio Liberation - and thus
call it to the attention of many who had not heard of it pre-
viously.
There was a slip as early as December, 1954. Zarya Vos-
toka, a paper in Tiflis, Georgia, for the first time went after
Radio Liberation by name, but apparently got a little ahead of
the top-level Soviet time-table. The powerful Pravda in Mos-
cow reprinted Zarya Vostoka's article a day later, but care-
fully refrained from mentioning Radio Liberation directly.
Only four months later, the Kremlin threw caution to the
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winds. On April 17, 1955, the Moscow newspaper Izvestia ex-
ploded:
"Radio Liberation is an organ for spreading dirty falsifica-
tions and black slanders fabricated by American intelligence
about the creative toil of the democratic peoples."
This charge, launched by one of the two most important
Soviet propaganda press organs, seemed to signify that the pre-
vious campaigns against Radio Liberation's had failed, that Ra-
dio Liberation's impact on Soviet listeners was increasing, and
that ilhe only weapon left to the Kremlin was an out-and-out
attack. The Iuvestia pronouncement was more than a full-scale
attempt to defame Radio Liberation. It was a lightly veiled
threat to all Soviet citizens that listening to Radio Liberation
would constitute a specially punishable offense.
And so, Radio Liberation had come of age. It had arrived
as the vital spokesman of the tliscontertted and oppressed wiltiu
the USSR - and its arrival was confirmed by the Kremlin itself.
But that was not all.
A Special Soviet Weapon Against Radio Liberation
Soviet listeners and the Soviet authorities soon became
aware that Radio Liberation did not speak for simply a hand-
tul of individuals; it represented a major force, the emigration.
Here was something the Soviet authorities had been ignoring
or had dismissed contemptuously as "social refuse" and "scum."
III ever increasing measure, however, the emigration from the
USSR supplied Radio Liberation with talented broadcasters -
gave the station ideas and inspiration - and by its backing in-
creased the station's authority and influence in the USSR.
With this influence, Radio Liberation was building a great
following among the so-called "internal emigration" within the
Soviet Union - the legion of people who so dislike the Soviet
system that even exile seems preferable and is what they would
choose if the choice were theirs to make.
Momentum developed to the point where the Kremlin be-
came sharply aware that it must destroy this emigre support
and deprive Radio Liberation of the services of qualified emi-
grants. The Soviets had to devise special means to meet this
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threat to their domination. In other words, the Soviets had
too woo the emigration; they had to try to attract redefectors
in order to deprive Radio Liberation of its men, its ideas, its
moral support and the authority it derived from this support.
They developed their compulsive redefection campaign which
is now in full swing. A large part of the credit for forcing the
Soviets into this drastic expedient may properly be claimed by
Radio Liberation.
But these Soviet stratagems have only had the effect of
showing Radio Liberation staff members how effective their
work is, and have made them more eager and determined to
carry it on.
Proof that Radio Liberation is a main target of the Soviet
redefection campaign may be found in the propaganda of the
chief vehicles of the campaign, the East Berlin Committee for
Return to the Homeland and the Return to the Homeland
Radio.
Here is a sampling of Return to the Homeland Radio's
broadcasts:
% September 26, 1955: "Countrymen: The bourgeois press
and radio, and especially anti-Soviet radio stations like Radio
Liberation and others which are supported by the resources of
the capitallist intelligence services, poison your minds [i.e., the
minds of the Soviet refugees] from clay to day, from year to
year, trying to impress on you that the Western `paradise' .. .
is a completely suitable place for you, the homeless...."
? October 13, 1955: "Agents are offering 20 marks to anyone
willing to appear on Radio `Enslavement' (that is what our
countrymen call the 'anti-Soviet radio station in Munich spon-
sored by a foreign intelligence agency') ."
J October 24, 1955: Staff members of Radio Liberation are
warned to "think things over properly," to give up their anti-
Soviet work and to return to the USSR before it is too late.
I January 9, 1956: The associates of Radio Liberation are
accused of jamming Return to the Homeland Radio's programs.
J February 24, 1956: "Radio Liberation and others, as well
as all kinds of anti-Soviet emigre newspapers, have been trying
systematically to intimidate Soviet displaced persons. In par-
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ticular, the slanderous statement is being circulated ... that
Soviet citizens who voluntarily= return to their homeland are
subjected to reprisals in the USSR.''
In short, within 1114 without the USSR, the Soviet autllori-
ties admit the impact of Radio Liberation by going all-out
after it.
The Audience Speaks
When Radio Liberation began to broadcast, its staff mem-
bers and hackers were convinced that a large audience in the
USSR was waiting for a free, native voice to speak to tliem.
Four years of broadcasting experience have given rich proof that
the conviction was al;o a fact.
Witll these imponderables, official Soviet attacks, however
valuable as evidence of Radio Liberation's effectiveness, could
not be regarded as conclusive.
USSR was what would count.
Word from the peoples in the
Ilappily, many of them - de-
fectors, returnees from concentration camps and legal emigrants
- have brought out word that Radio Liberation is indeed heard
- and. liked over th,_~ whole broad expanse of the USSR, one-
sixth of the earth's surface.
? A young Russian, now a political refugee in the W1 'est,
reports that he heard Radio Liberation while he was a soldier
With the Soviet occupation forces in East Germany. Together
With two other members of his tank crew, he listened over the
tank's receiver. Their interest in picking up Radio Liberation
broadcasts had been stimulated by other soldiers, who discussed
Radio Liberation much more frequently than any other West-
ern station.
? Another Soviet soldier, now also in the West, heard Radio
Liberation While stationed in Hungary. The station had been
guardedly talked about by oilier members of his unit.
? The Fast European saicllitc slates respond to Radio Lib-
eration. A young student who had licit Czechoslovakia told
of constantly listening to the broadcasts. The boy pointed out
that the Russian-language training which the Soviets were foist-
ing on the satellites was boomeranging, because it made Rus-
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sian-language broadcasts from the free world available to satel-
lite youth.
? In Vilna, the capital of Soviet-annexed Lithuania, a num-
ber of people listen to Radio Liberation. This is the testimony
of an elderly woman whom the Soviets recently permitted to
emigrate.
? Sometimes anti-Soviet individuals hear of Radio Libera.
tion from the Soviet police itself, which apparently has been
put on a nation-wide alert against sympathizers with the station.
One man, recently freed from a concentration camp in Soviet
Moldavia, reports that his police interrogator was the first to
ask him if he had ever heard of the station. When he replied
that he was glad it existed, he was given three days' special
punishment.
? Soviet concentration camp inmates particularly welcome
Radio Liberation's programs and take comfort and hope from
them. A German recently released from the notorious Vorkuta
camp in the Arctic Circle, the scene of a desperate and spec-
tacular prisoners' strike in 1953, has reported that since the
strike some prisoners are allowed to visit outside the camp zone
and consequently could hear some foreign broadcasts. The Ger-
man was told by a Russian prisoner who had begun to enjoy the
visiting privileges that he had heard Radio Liberation and
found its programs well informed on conditions in the Soviet
Union. Gradually, the German observed, privileged Russian
camp inmates spread the word of the Radio Liberation broad-
casts to others who could not hear them at first hand. The
effect was electric. "Some of the people at Vorkuta had almost
lost hope," the German said, "and then Radio Liberation raised
their hopes much higher than anything else they had heard."
? The German's report confirmed and elaborated on one
made in 1954 by a Greek who had also been confined at Vor-
kuta. The testimony of the German and the Greek together
indicate that Radio Liberation had been heard almost con-
tinuously for at least a year and a half in that explosive prison
camp.
? Not only at northerly Vorkuta, but in concentration
camps deep in Soviet Central Asia, Radio Liberation seems to
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be a force. A Hungarian released from a camp in Kazakhstan
described how lie and Russian inmates hear([ the station "com-
pletely free of jamming, although there was occasional fading."
Hearing anti-Soviet broadcasts, the prisoners declared, was like
"being treated to a glass of vodka."
? In Stalin's own home territory, in Soviet Georgia, Radio
liberation is well known, according to borders-crossers into Iran.
A leading Communist official, on one occasion, showed his knowl-
edge of Radio Liberation broadcasts when, having gotten drunk
at. a festival, lie claimed that the station could not frighten him.
A prize-winning worker from a metallurgical plant, on the other
hand, was sufficiently impressed by the programs to declare pub-
licly that the (lays of Communism wcrc probably numbered.
? A valuable comment on Radio Liberation broadcasts was
made by a Soviet military defector, who had evidently listened
to them attentively: "When we listen to your broadcasts, we
blaze with rage at everything that is happening in the Soviet
Union and hate everything, but we are helpless to do anything
about it. We are only furious and that is all.... In my opinion,
Radio Liberation should be genuinely revolutionary.... You
may rest assured that there are people who are willing to act...."
? A 26-year-old bear tamer, Viktor Iljinsky, traveling with
a Soviet circus in West Europe, escaped from the circus train
at Aachen, Germany, January 26, 1956 and told of listening
nightly to Radio Liberation after the show as the circus traveled.
Iljinsky had served as a non-commissioned officer in North Korea.
He told staff ntcmbc_rs of Radio Liberation who interviewed
him in a refugee camp after his escape that lie had sought an
opportunity to escape ever since he heard former Foreign Min-
ister Molotov claim over Radio 'Moscow that there were no
Soviet units participating in the Korean war or stationed in
North Korea. Iljinsky knew better, for at the time he was serv-
ing with his signal corps in North Korea as a technician main-
taining communications between the airport and radar station
in Anshu.
Iljinsky reported that lie first listened to a Western broad-
cast as early as 19.17 in Omsk and that lie last listened in Mag-
nitogorsk, in the Urals, just prior to leaving with the circus
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troupe for Brussels. Iljinsky further asserted that everyone
knows of the existence of foreign radio stations broadcasting
to the Soviet Union and everyone from generals down to kol-
khozniks (collective farmers) listens to Western broadcasts. The
bear trainer told his Radio Liberation interviewers that a great
asset of Radio Liberation is its "colossal irony," and that he
preferred Radio Liberation to other Western broadcasts.
The Audience Writes
But Radio Liberation was still dissatisfied with the evidence
of its effectiveness that it gathered from official Soviet attacks
and from the reports of defectors, returnees, and legal emi-
grants. It had always to be borne in mind that the Soviet
authorities, in their suspicious frenzy and repressive zeal, might
be straining at a gnat. It had likewise to be remembered that
escapees from the USSR might well be so overjoyed at their
deliverance that they would exaggerate their praise of any anti-
Soviet institution, including Radio Liberation.
Therefore, Radio Liberation embarked on a further test
of audience reaction and of the audience: it began to solicit
letters from its listeners in the USSR.
Selected broadcasts of Radio Liberation began to name in-
nocuous-sounding addresses in Berlin and outside the Iron Cur-
tain to which listeners were asked to write if they wished. The
addresses given were apparently those of private individuals -
people in the West with whom Soviet citizens might have be-
come acquainted during the vast hurly-burly of World War
II, or with whom Soviet citizens might be remotely related.
Every precaution was taken by Radio Liberation, and urged
on its Soviet listeners, to make any resulting correspondence as
censor-proof as possible. And the program of letter solicitation
was inaugurated only after it had been determined that the
volume of ordinary mail into and out of the USSR was suffi-
ciently large to help cloak the specific correspondence that Ra-
dio Liberation hoped it would receive.
What was expected of the correspondence campaign?
First, as a minimum, it would give some further indica-
tion of who was receiving our message and where. No doubt
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many of the letters would lie mailed With false return addresses
and pseudonyms of the senders; yet a careful study of the con-
tents might help reveal between the lines what type of people
were writing and what their political sentiments were.
Third, and more important, letters might help establish a
much closer relationship between the audience and Radio Lib-
eration. A mere listener is passive; a listener who can respond
and reach his radio station begins to identify himself with it
and its message.
Fourth, and probably most important, letters would give
the Soviet listeners a chance to do something. As a defector
cited above declared, some people listening to Radio Libera-
tion broadcasts "blaic with rage at everything that is happen.
ing in the Soviet Union, but are helpless to do anything about
it ...." Such impotence could turn to frustration. But if Soy'
iet citizens "blazing with fury" could write to Radio Liberation,
no matter how guardedly, they could feel that they were making
a practical contribution to the anti-Soviet struggle, that they
were somewhat enlisted, that they were helping to prepare for
the decisive phase of the contest.
Letters have been arriving for several years.
This alone is noteworthy.
The volume of letters is not large. Certain trends, how.
ever, stand out clearly.
Sonic letters reflect the official Soviet propaganda line.
There are warnings: "You are traitors to the Russian people
and it is none of your business to 'bemoan' Russia," writes a
locksmith from Tarnbov. "lf you traitors are thinking of again
fighting the country of the Soviets, you will be given what you
deserve. This time we shall be merciless."
Then there is the direct tic-in with the Soviet rcdefection
campaign, that has already been shown to consider Radio Lib-
eration a principal obstacle. A letter from an Igor Sizov de.
Glares "You clear gentlemen have fled Russia and are roaming
the world but don't give us a lot of ****. You'd do better
to apply for permission to come back to us. Perhaps our gov-
ernment Would take you and you could work honestly with our
people."
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? On the anti-Soviet side, one group of letters is cautious
and only establishes contact. An anonymous postcard came in
from Minsk, hailing one of Radio Liberation's humorous com-
mentators on Soviet life. Others ask Radio Liberation for signs
that their cryptic message has arrived: "If you receive this let,
ter, I beseech you urgently to sing to me your favorite song,
`We Met by Chance.' "
Lonely, frightened calls for help and response, these notes.
IT A second group of letters sounds as though its writers
felt the Soviet censorship peering over their shoulders and yet
simply had to get some word out to Radio Liberation. Thus
a letter from Mogilev first makes its obeisances to the censor:
"I want to tell you in the name of all the children of the Soviet
Union that not one Soviet citizen will believe your calumnies.. ."
And then, veiled but basically clear, comes what the writer really
wanted to say: "Yes, we also have some people here who will
believe your slander. . . " i.e., Radio Liberation is being heard.
Finally, the writer appeals: " ... but let it be said to your son
row that their number [those who believe Radio Liberation]
is very small . . . " i.e., the resistance group in the writer's as
quaintance is limited, but perhaps more strenuous efforts on
the part of the station will enlarge it.
? A third group of anti-Soviet letters is circumspectly in,
formative. For instance, a Ukrainian living in Poland writes
to the cover address the names and locations of churches that
have been defaced and destroyed. A woman from the Baltic
sadly infers that her father and mother have been liquidated.
A loquacious youngster from Kharkov describes the misery of
peasants on the farms, hints that a new aristocracy of privilege
is waxing fat in the USSR, makes fun of Soviet propaganda
films and prophesies that a man of his political leanings will
probably wind up in Siberia. And a man writing from Lvov
discreetly warns Radio Liberation staff members that "they had
better not succumb to the blandishments of the Soviet redefec.
tion. Life here goes on as before, and nothing new has been
added since you left."
? Finally, there are the rave notices for Radio Liberation,
couched in the veiled language that the circumstances of the
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correspondence require. "Many thanks for your dear letters,"
reads a postcard. "Your relatives will be very grateful that
you arc young and strong enough to do intensive work for your-
self and the everyd.,y good," says a letter evidently approving
the political programs of Radio Liberation. Even free verse
poems come in, to wit:
"I wish you a Happy New Year
I wish you health, success
Drink my Health and
I will drink yours."
Radio Liberation carefully answers the worthwhile letters
over the air. This lets the senders know that their communica-
tions have been received, gives there a sense of contact with
and confidence in the world outside the USSR - and stimu-
lates an eventual audience reaction far beyond the pi-csent best
hopes of Radio Liberation and the present worst fears of the
Kremlin.
Thus Radio Liberation does not only get through to its
listeners, the listeners now get through to Radio Liberation. A
potentially cataclysmic dialogue has begun.
Radio Liberation does not wish or aim to goad its devoted
listeners into overt, rash anti-Soviet actions that would only
lead to their liquidation. It does work, in every department
of Soviet life, toward a transformation of thinking habits, values,
convictions and wills so that the Soviet state some day, bereft
of form and following, will Wither away.
The reaction to Radio Liberation from the Kremlin, from
the defectors and now from correspondence within the USSR
give some reason to hope that the cataclysm in the USSR will
conic - and quietly. The letters and reports from within the
Soviet orbit and decf. within the USSR establish that there is in
being in the USSR a great body of anti-Soviet sentiment that
can respond with gratitude and excitement when someone speaks
for it and to it. And, this anti-Soviet element appears to have
given its trust to Radio Liberation.
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Here is what USSR listeners hear from Radio Liberation
Bringing the World In
One of Radio Liberation's major aims is to normalize the
lives of its shut-in and. cut-off listeners, to bring them as much
as possible into touch and step with the color and variety and
problems of human existence in the wide world around the
USSR.
To this end, a typical day's broadcasting from Radio Lib-
eration will include news from all over the earth - very often
news that Soviet newspapers and radios withhold or only slowly
divulge, and then in carefully doctored fashion; reviews of the
world press, ordinarily not available to Soviet readers; com-
mentaries on the top current ideological topics in the Soviet
Union; readings from classic Russian fiction or poetry, things
often swept aside by the cult of materialism; descriptions of
life abroad; short talks by exiles to their countrymen back home;
studies of the history of the USSR, in objective and scholarly
fashion, not in the style of the official Soviet rewriting of his-
torical fact; humorous parodies of some new official Soviet slo-
gan or vain claim to greatness; and a message from a distin-
guished free world figure to the people in the USSR.
When events of great importance to Soviet listeners take
place, Radio Liberation gives them coverage worthy of a major
radio network. For example, when the great U.S. trade unions,
the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Indus-
trial Organizations, consummated their merger, Radio Libera?
tion considered this an event of cardinal importance for the
USSR - a land where Socialism is preached but free trade
unionism is forbidden. Accordingly, an extensive broadcast of
the merger convention proceedings was flashed to the USSR.
During it, Soviet listeners heard Walter P. Reuther say: "You
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look where labor is free and strong and you will find that there
the Communists arc tweak. But Where labor is weak, where
there is great social injustice and great poverty, the Communists
arc able to forge that poverty into power - and therefore we
say, free labor is effective in the struggle for peace and freedom,
because free labor understands that the struggle is tied together
Witli the struggle for social justice."
On another occasion, highly significant for USSR listeners,
a Radio Liberation correspondent pinned down Soviet jour-
nalists visiting the U.S., and drew from them damaging admis-
sions about Soviet censorship.
Radio Liberation's correspondent asked Soviet journalist
Boris Polevoi: "Why, in the Soviet Union, is it considered nec-
essary to jam Russian-l.,anguagc broadcasts emanating from out-
side?"
Polevoi's reply - recorded on tape: "I believe that we are
more qualified to judge what is going on inside our country
than the gentlemen who give us advice from the oilier side of
the ocean .... Believe me, we are smart people, just as you are,
and each nation should handle its own problems - and we arc
r'ot doing so badly . . . . Besides, gentlemen, excuse my blunt-
ness but I am among fellow journalists where I will be excused for lack of politeness -- we just don't like to receive rotten mer-
chandise."
The world-wide community of ideas, the world-wide inter-
change of thought, has seldom been more brashly brushed aside
and intellectual xenophobia preached in its stead. Through
Radio Liberation, people in the USSR Beard about it.
Another broadcast of Radio Liberation, on the occasion
of President Eisenhower's decision to run for a second term,
took a long and thoughtful look at the political principles of
the American Presidency. There was an extended explanation
of the constitutional limits on the President's powers - a useful
message to people in the USSR, where the dictators' powers
run unchecked.
Radio Liberation has been quick to take advantage of up-
heavals within the Soviet empire which have demonstrated that
i11e urge to freedom has not been extinguished in the captive
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peoples under the Kremlin's yoke. Radio Liberation's effort
has been directed toward an identification of the interests of
the subject peoples in revolt and those of the Soviet soldiery
who are being given. the task of subduing them. When the Hun-
garian people rose up in November, 1956, and the Soviet army
was moved in, Radio Liberation sent out this fervent appeal
on its transmission beamed to Hungary:
"Comrades, soldiers and officers:
"The eyes of the world are now on you. The events in
Hungary are a struggle of the entire people for the right to
a free and decent life. You Soviet soldiers and officers in
Hungary know this. You have seen the workers and students
on the streets of Budapest and other cities. You have heard
their demands. You know that workers and peasants of the
entire country have joined them. Units of the Hungarian
army have gone over to their side. As you know, in many
cases the insurgents workers, students and peasants have ob-
tained rifles, tommy guns, machine guns, and, in some cases,
even artillery and tanks from our soldiers.
"Comrades, soldiers and officers:
"Why are many of our soldiers helping the insurgents?
It is clear why: out of a feeling of solidarity and sympathy
for the workers, students and peasants. The same solidarity
and sympathy for the insurgents is being openly expressed
in demonstrations by their brothers in Albania, East Berlin,
Warsaw and throughout Poland. The ultimate victory of
the Hungarian workers and peasants is assured. It depends
on you whether that victory will be one for our people as
well."
At the time that the people of East Germany rebelled in
.June, 1953, against the Soviet overlords and their Communist
German puppets, Radio Liberation addressed itself to the Soviet
troops in these words:
"Soldiers and officers of the Soviet Army: The German
workers' struggle against Kremlin oppression is unfolding be-
fore your eyes ... When ordered to fire on the demonstra-
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tors, remember they are not enemies of our country but
are defenders of our freedom. They seek liberation froth the
saute yoke which oppresses our Gathers, brothers, mothers and
sisters .... The workers of East Berlin are fighting for the
cause of all mankind and for the delivery of the whole world,
including our motherland, from Communism. Help then[!"
Many Radio Liberation broadcasts [seal w tiitt elementary
practical problems of everyday life - wages, prices, farm-
and
ing, labor productivity, domestic cares, education, citizenship.
i hrotighout, the Soviet Iistener gets a glimpse of a life different
from his own, a picture that he may some day seek to emulate,
a picture that at !cast widens his state-controlled horizon.
Helping Inside
But for all Radio Liberation's importation of news and
life abroad, the citizens of the USSR still have to cope With
their unique and difficult problems. The human situation in
the USSR also requires that Radio Liberation:
(1) honor the unyielding anti-Soviet elements in the USSR
by chronicling their battles and triumphs;
(2) impel onward the anti-Soviet struggle in the USSR by
laying bare the weaknesses of the Kremlin;
(5) focus the anger of specific groups and classes in the
USSR against the Kremlin;
(I) chart the possible future of these groups and classes
that might replace their present lot;
(5) show that free-world sympathy in ample measure exists
for the lighters against the Soviet system.
Honor Through News
The men and women of the anti-Soviet resistance live for
their defiant acts - and even for their martyrdom. These
things arc their legacy; and the very least that Radio Libera-
tion can do for them is to publish and celebrate their gallant
Lequest. Thus Radio Liberation rewards the bold with recog-
nition and stirs the abiding by example.
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Radio Liberation has reported that -
? Prisoners in the immense Kingir concentration camp in
Karaganda province hurled rock-filled bottle grenades at their
MVD guards. Only T-34 tanks, crushing rebellious women par-
ticipants, managed to quell the uprising. But evert so the pri-
soners' revolt was not in vain. The camp working (lay was
cut to eight hours, invalids and youngsters were set free, and
many prisoners amnestied.
? The bones of women slave laborers pave the roadway of
the Tyshet-Lena railroad in Siberia. The women workers per-
ished in the murderous task of laying ties and rails in all kinds
of relentless weather. But no one knowing of their fate could
fail to vow retribution for their sacrifice.
? The incredible 1953 uprising at the Vorkuta concentra-
tion camp in the Arctic Circle is commemorated by a Radio
Liberation anniversary broadcast each year. On one such com-
memorative broadcast, like a great ringing bell, the voice of
the Free International Federation of Former Political Prisoners,
tolled the historic tale of Vorkqta heroism.
"Comrades and Brothers,!., We do not want to assure you
once again of comradeship and respect and understanding. Nor
do we want to send you little words of encouragement. The
prisoners in Vorkuta ... want freedom or nothing. We know
Vorkuta - some of us were there.
"You Pace cold, hard labor, hunger, guards, death. Despite
all, this ... some of us are here - free. Many of us have died
but some of us have been saved. Those who have been saved
remember the hardships you still have to endure and they will
never rest until all political prisoners all over the world are
permanently free. This we pledge.
"We do not ask you to believe this. We ask you to en-
dure until freedom comes. It always comes. It will come."
This poignantly perceptive address not only to the inmates
of Vorkuta, but to all the anti-Soviet captives of all the USSR
was seconded over Radio Liberation by statements from: The
Very Reverend James A. Pike, Dean of the Episcopal Cathedral
of St. John the Divine in New York City, the International Con-
federation of Free Trade Unions, George Meany and Walter
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 1 0 ao its lob right, R dio Libera i re i. a Cqy ~q g1~sn)+t ~?q gqp?~
units are capable of *Wjpr~ 8 idb$NS~liF~l'1ds^~o `Hf tYtTvSeY~
from the Leningrad area in the northwest to the Caucasus in the south. One ground-level
photograph cannot show the entire range of this complex in Germany. Here is pictured 1
one section constructed in accordance with the newest principles of electronic science. x1us
Ilia Liberation's headquarters has six modernly equipped studios with the necessary
elities for recording programs such as the one shown in progress in this picture. Behind
soundproof window. the producer is giving signals to the emigres at the microphones
le the engineer beside him attends to the controls of the recording equipment. The
ordings are fed to the transmitters some distance away over leased lines. In the
mt of important news "breaks." Radio Liberation feeds its programs dirsctly to the
-ismifters from its studios over these leased lines.
An essential supporting operation for Radio Liberation's broadcasting is the monitoring
of broadcasts originating inside the Soviet Union. Radio Liberation's emigre writers are
quick to detect the propaganda themes, the distortions and outright lies in these broad-
casts and their scripts enable the station to counter the propaganda lines and expose
the deceptions practiced by the Soviet press and radio. The monitoring department
quickly provides the writers with transcripts of the Soviet broadcasts. Here are shown
an engineer tuning in a broadcast and a transcriber typing the text of a broadcast
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Reuther of the U.S. AFL-CIO, the United Mine Workers of
America, American Socialist leader Norman Thomas, Mrs. Elea-
nor Roosevelt and many others.
Also among the speakers was John Noble, an American who
fell into the clutches of the Soviets in 1945 and was sent to
Vorkuta, took part in the camp uprising and was later released
to the West. He said in Russian over Radio Liberation:
"Dear Friends: I am proud of having participated in the
first strike for the liberation of Russia from Communst dicta-
torship.. . . Right now I am free .... I want you to believe
that the day will come when there will also be real freedom
in the Soviet Union."
Through this type of broadcast, Radio Liberation hopes
that the anti-Soviet elements in the USSR will be honored and
helped "to endure until freedom comes."
Critiques of the Kremlin
Liberation appears more attainable to people in the USSR
when Radio Liberation discloses cracks and crevices in the
Kremlin - for to people syffering under the regime it sometimes
appears invincible.
Radio Liberation builds up its attacks on the Kremlin in
patient, careful stages. For example, here is a succession of
broadcasts on the Kremlin's recently-launched de-Stalinization
campaign.
First Radio Liberation simply cast, doubts, exposed offi-
cial Soviet contradictions, in an early broadcast.. "When Stalin's
body was buried on March 9, 1953, Malenkov said, `Our teacher
and leader, the greatest genius of mankind, Josef Vissarionovich
Stalin, has ended his glorious path of life. Stalin's cause will
live forever.' But Malenkov says now, in 1956, that Stalin's
personality cult was a distortion of Marxist-Leninist doctrine.
As far as Malenkov is concerned, it can be said that, like a young
widow, he consoled himself quickly."
Next Radio Liberation demonstrated that the de-Stalin-
ization campaign, although it looked like a Soviet face-lifting,
made little difference to basic Communist doctrine: "How do
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the members of the collective leadership interpret this new,
'peaceful' road to Communism? .... Mikoyan cited the case of
Czechoslovakia as an example of the `peaceful road' to Com-
munism. .. . From this it follows that the Party leadership is
not planning to abolish armed revolt or force as a method of
seizing power for the Communists."
? Having established the continuity of aggressive Commu-
nist doctrine, Radio Liberation went on to show that the men
in the Kremlin themselves had not changed. "Is it a mere ac-
cident," the broadcasts asked, "that Bulganin, this veteran secret
police agent, became premier and that Khrushchev, this pog-
romist and grave digger of the peasantry, became first secretary
of the Party? Every last member of the present collective lead-
ership grew and flourished in the muck of Stalin's crimes. Every
last one of them rose to leadership not by resisting those crimes,
but by aggravating and multiplying them. Those crimes unite
this leadership - and will unite it tomorrow."
? Finally, after the steady build-up of arguments, Radio
Liberation struck home with the assertion that the entire de-
Stalinization campaign was a fake. "Khrushchev and the other
boys know that the nation does not draw any line between
Stalin on the one hand and his faithful disciples and comrades-
in arms on the other. They are silent on this point and are
going to remain silent until the nation brings them to account."
And to cap the climax, three days after the foregoing
broadcast, Radio Liberation was able to report not only the
riots in Soviet Georgia against de-Stalinization, but also an up-
roar over de-Stalinization among Soviet officers stationed in East
Germany. "All over the USSR," said the station, "people real-
ize that the root of the evil is the system itself. This system
breeds and is bound to breed monsters like Stalin and imitators
of him like Khrushchev."
Thus in a single sequence of broadcasts, Radio Liberation
exposed a glaring weakness of the Kremlin - the hypocrisy of
the de-Stalinization campaign and also proved that it was well
in touch with Soviet sentiment which rose up against the cam-
paign just as Radio Liberation did.
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Focusing the Anger
People in the USSR are acutely aware of their agony, but
it is so intense, omnipresent and apparently endless that they
may fatalistically tend to forget its source - the Communist Sys-
tent - and the way the one agony might be lifted - by the over-
throw of Communism. Therefore Radio Liberation continually
points out to specific groups and classes in the USSR where
the root of the evil they suffer lies.
?i To labor, Radio Liberation broadcasts messages like this
one from Mohammed A. Kliatib, President of the All-Pakistan
Confederation of Labor: "Before my country received its inde-
pendence in 1917, 1 spent a total of eleven years in prison for
trade union and nationalist activity. Now 1 have the freedom
to light and lead the free trade unions of Pakistan in their hard
struggle for their rights, but I have not forgotten the days When
the working Ilte11 of my country did not have the freedom which
they enjoy today. Therefore I can sympathize with the work-
ers of the Soviet Union whose so-called trade unions are merely
instruments of exploitation. I know that it wotdd be impos-
sible for you to carry out it strike like the one waged this month
by the clock and port workers of Karachi .... We sincerely hope
that you Soviet workers Will also have this freedom soon." Citing
the example of his own people, Mr. Khatib was calling on Soviet
workers to emulate it.
~ To peasants, Radio Liberation says: "Two and a half
years have already passed since K[trushchcv promise([ to extri-
cate our agriculture from its crisis. Since then, Kitrusltchev has
made many speeches of every kind, but our agriculture still re-
mains in a state of crisis. A few days ago even the official sta-
tistics admitted that there is still no recovery in animal luts-
bandry. .... Let us see then what Khrushchev intends to do in
the face of such a situation. Ile is proposing measures which
lead to intensification of state control over the peasants, to
exploitation of the peasants laboring not for themselves but for
the dictatorship. lVIlat will this lead to? Only to the further
deterioration of affairs in our agriculture."
11 To teachers and educators, Radio Liberation addressed
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a special program on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of
the founding of Moscow University. Among the messages from
many prominent emigre and free-world educators, one was from
Michael Novikoff, the last freely elected Rector of Moscow Uni-
versity, who now lives in the U.S. He told his former teaching
colleagues: "True, large sums of money are sometimes placed
at your disposal. But as the Russian proverb has put it, `tears
flow even through gold.' Luxurious buildings are being erected
today for the university, but we might ask whether this is not
done chiefly for the sake of advertisement and propaganda -
or perhaps to make possible even closer surveillance of your
conduct."
? To artists and writers, a crucially significant group in
the culture-hungry USSR, Radio Liberation has addressed many
messages. One of the most pointed and poignant broadcasts
was that of the singer and musical producer Victor Alexandro-
vich Andoga, now in New York. Andoga said: "In his last
speech at the Geneva Foreign Ministers' Conference, Molotov
called all men who oppose and struggle against Bolshevism 'so-
cial refuse.' Artists like Roerich, Sudeikin, Sorin, Dobuzhinsky,
Korovin, composers and musicians like Stravinsky, Grechaninov,
Koussevitsky, Malko, Rachmaninoff, ballet masters like Fokine
and Balanchine, singers like the genius Chaliapin, scholars like
Ignatiev, naval engineers like Zvorykin, aeronautical engineers
like Sikorsky - it is they whom Molotov called `social refuse.'"
A special appeal to Soviet writers was made when the Sec-
ond Congress of Soviet Writers met in the Kremlin. In a broad-
cast entitled "Writers in Uniform," Radio Liberation reviewed
two decades of Soviet literary history, faithfully pointing out
how free and creative writers had been stifled, one after the
other. Not only the station staff spoke; prominent literary figures
in the free world lent their voices too. One of the most elo-
quent appeals to the Soviet writers came from exiled Russian
novelist Boris Zaitsev, who said: "I salute you, fellow writers,
on the opening of your Congress. In 1922, when I was Presi-
dent of the Moscow Writers' Union, such congresses had not
been held. Much time has passed since then. Today you and
we find ourselves in different worlds. You have a homeland,
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you have our great people, your youth and strength. But we
have freedom! We Write as we please. We Russian writers
abroad may live nro;lestly, but our frcc(lonl is not. limited. Per-
flaps you live in riches and plenty, but you also live ill servi-
tude. From the houonl of illy heart I Wish thaL you at this
Congress May take at least the first step toward frec(lom, for
One cannot do Without it il! our (tall."
Zaitsev was Beard and heard well at the Writers' Congress
in the Kremlin. His words had such impact that the Soviets
could not gloss over them. In his concluding speech, Alexei
Surkov, First Secretary of the Union of Soviet Writers, rushed
to declare: "The enemies of our country and our literature are
not silent. Oil the occasion of our Congress, the AA'hite emigre
liuris Zaitscv was dragged out of the literary trash basket to
babble poisonous words of impotent alalice over a White guard
microphone." Surkov also attacked the l uned American novel-
ist, James T. Darrell, and the American Conrnriuee for Cultural
Freedom, 11-ho had likewise beamed messages to the Congress
over Radio Liberation.
Apparcntly the Soviet writers had been sufficiently moved
by Radio Liberation's programs addressed to them that Soviet
authority felt it accessary to tell them to get back in line.
These are but samples of the way in which Radio Libera-
tion points out to each group and class in the USSR that the
source of its suffering lies With [lie men of the Kremlin and
the Collllnll[list system.
Charting the Future
Hut encouraging protest and resentment against the Krem-
lin is not sufficient. The groups and classes in the USSR need
to have their alternatives articulated. Radio Liberation does
it, not magisterially, but evocatively, in such a way that they
will seek and see for themselves what future they can have.
!( To Labor, Radio Liberation has said in tile words of
Russian-horn David Dubinsky, President of the International
Ladies Garment Workers' Union: "I sincerely hope that the
day Will Conte soon When You Soviet workers are able to share
in the benefits of lice trade-unionism."
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? To peasants, Radio Liberation proclaims: "The kolkhoz
farmer dreams of free labor on free land .... What our country
needs is a free peasant, the release of his personal, private initia-
tive. There is only one way out: The replacement of the com-
pulsory kolkhozes* and sovkhozes `* by independent farms and
free agricultural cooperatives."
? To teachers and educators, Radio Liberation limned it
dream of liberty in the words of N. S. Timasheff, former faculty
member of Petersburg University and now professor of sociology
at Fordharn University in New York: "We are full of hope,
nay, we are sure that the shackles which now bind Russian sci-
ence and academic life will fall. The day will come when you
shall heed Party resolutions and threats no more, when the
voice of Russian science will once again ring magnificently and
freely, as it did in. even the most reactionary periods of Russian
history. For not even in those days did anybody dare to sug-
gest to Russian scholars what and how to create. We are cer-
tain that all of you dream of the coming day of freedom. May
all those who believe in academic freedom be reunited soon."
? To artists and writers, Radio Liberation calls out: "A
man should write only when he cannot remain silent."
Rough, simple, and full of heart - these are Radio Lib-
eration's challenges to its listeners in the USSR to build their
free future.
Free World Sympathy
Sufferers under Soviet dictatorship know that the job of
Liberation is, in the final analysis, their own. But the job to
them appears surmountable only when they feel that the fret
world sympathizes and will support their herculean endeavor.
That is why Radio Liberation lets its USSR listeners hear, again
and again, the voices of prominent free world figures who ac-
tively endorse the liberation struggle in the USSR. Few broad-
casts have more eloquently stated the free world's tacit par-
Collective farms.
** State farms.
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ticipation in the anti-Soviet struggle in the USSR than a spe-
cial message from Walter P. Reuther, Vice President of the
AFL-CIO, who exclaimed over Radio Liberation to the USSR:
"I want to assure every imprisoned worker in the vast jail
which the Bolshevik regime has made of the Russian homeland
that there are millions of its who stand with them in the hope
and determination that [lie gates between them and freedom
will soon be opened .... If courage and the will to freedom
can survive and flare out in the darkness of the Arctic slave
mines, they can flourish anywhere. It must be our unswervin
duty to assure that they do."
Beyond such testimonials, the existence of Radio Libera-
tion itself is evidence that the free world backs the peoples of
the USSR in their effort to be free.
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LEONID PILAJEV
A key member of Radio Liberation and the personality
best known to its listeners, the man most defectors have asked
to meet when they come out, is Leonid Pilajev.*
Pilajcv's father was a tailor in a village near Moscow. In
1923, when Pilajev was seven years old, a pistol-packing Red
cavalryman invaded his father's shop, sat down and spent four
hours lecturing the family on the virtues of Communism and
the stupidity of religion, making fun of the Pilajev family icons
as he talked. Pilajev's mother finally complained against the
Red's lecture, but not her young son. He considered the caval-
ryman a hero; he felt it would be wonderful if he himself
could intrude on people and order them around in the same
way.
Pilajev became an activist. Throughout his school career,
he belabored his fellow students to become devout Commu-
nists. When he was graduated from Moscow University in 1933,
after majoring in literature, he got a job with the Central Com-
mittee of the Lenin Youth. Here he had his chance to exer-
cise that youthful urge to authority. He visited hundreds of
factories and collective farms - and filed his reports on them
with the Central Committee.
Disenchantment set in, as the Stalin purges made their mur-
derous inroads. Piilajev's shock was the more intense as he had
been completely convinced that Communism was infallible.
He reacted violently - and he was arrested, sent to Moscow's
Lubianka Prison and then to the Siberian slave labor camp of
Vorkuta.
At Vorkuta, Pilajev was set free, but forbidden to return
to Moscow. He eked out a living as a teacher and writer of
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children's plays. In 1911, he was drafted into the infantry. In
1912, the Germans took him prisoner.
A bizarre and moving thing happened. A girl that Pilajev
had known in Vorkuta saw him in German captivity and, out
of sympathy, she declared that he was a native of the region
where he was seized. At the time, this was grounds for release
from the German PW.V tamp. The rescue later led to marriage.
Once lie was free, Pilajev launched a program of anti-Con.r-
munist propaganda, in German-occupied territory. "I had seen
during the fighting-," Pilajev recalls, "tlie cruel fashion in which
so-called 'Ileroes of the Soviet Union' threatened all those under
them. I then resolved to do all I could to put an end to tine
Communist tyranny." In 19.13, Pilajev was able to flee to Nest
Germany. There he became the writer-editor--compositor-printer
of a satirical journal for his fellow refugees.
Since 1952, Pilajev has employed his satirical talent on be-
half of Radio Liberation. Ile writes and broadcasts the comedy
script of 'Ivan Oktyabrev' (.John October), it character who
supposedly drove a tractor on a kolktroz and a tank in World
War 11, and who is good naturedly sick of all the "successes"
of the Soviet system and knows just how to make [tin of them
in a way that it Soviet listener Will understand and appreciate.
In his spare time, Pilajcv has played supporting roles in
West German films and has organized it traveling troupe to
entertain fellow exiles born the USSR in West German emigre
camps. The program includes lampoons of aspects of Soviet
life and scornfully satirizes the Committee for Return to the
I lonrclantl.
Pilajev's influence has been so effective that the Soviets
have continuously tried to woo him to redefect. During the
1956 Olympics in Cortina, Italy, where Pilajev was serving as
a correspondent, lie was directly approached by a Soviet diplo-
ruatic official who asked him %%-fry he did not go back to the
USSR front which lie had fled in 19-13. Pilajcv answered quickly
and resolutely: "No major improvements have taken place in
the Soviet system since its inception. I prefer to live in deni-
ocratic West Germany rather than in [lie so-called 'Workers'
Paradise' in the Soviet Union." But Pilajev's brusque dismissal
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of the Soviet diplomatic courier did not deter the Soviets from
further wooing him. They have addressed direct appeals to
him over their propaganda stations - the latest, a letter in the
Return to the Homeland newspaper a Vozvrashcheniye Na
Rodinu from a recent redefector, Boris Vinogradov. In the
letter, Vinogradov hurled invective after invective at Pila-
jev, on the one hand calling him names and on the other ur-
gently pleading with him to return to the USSR, promising
complete forgiveness by the Soviets.
But despite the name calling and the claim that Pilajev is
working for Radio Liberation only for money, Vinogradov ad-
mits Pilajev's talent:
"Why am I now writing about it [Pilajev's defection and
work for Radio Liberation]? Because I'm convinced that a
talented man cannot reconcile himself to the corruption that
surrounds him. And I consider Pilajev a talented man." The
Soviets have also used a mixture of threats and flattery to per-
suade the rest of Radio Liberation's staff to give up its work
for freedom but these attempts have only increased the deter-
mination of the staff members to carry on their work - and
with increased vigor.
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Ile is a descendant of Tamerlane the Great, and also the
first translator of Tort Sawyer into the tongue of his native
Uzbekistan, a vast central Asian area half the size of the United
States. Ile was graduated in 1930 with a degree in journalism
from Tashkent University, whereupon he immediately became
an editor of the Uzbek state newspaper, the news chief of Radio
Tashkent, and a translator in many tongues.
In 1938 his life changed completely. The Soviets shot his
brother as an "undesirable element" and lie was fired from his
post for his "guilt" by association. Ile was drafted into the
Soviet Army in 19-11 and was captured by the Germans in 191-3.
Enraged at the Soviet system, lie edited a weekly newspaper
for many of the Soviet citizens who had turned against their
regime and were desperately fighting with the Germans.
When World War II ended, lie made his way to the Amer-
ican Zone of occupied Germany. From 19-17 to 1952, lie kept
in touch with affairs in his homeland by editing an emigre
journal.
This is the outline story of ?1-1-year old Veli Zunnun, a lean,
keen-eyed mean, who today heads the important Turkestani desk
of Radio Liberation in Munich. Ile personally prepares a score
of scripts each month. and edits broadcasts not only in the
Uzbek tongue but also in three other languages employed by
Radio Liberation - Turkmen, Kazakh and Kirghiz.
A colleague of Zunnun's, Vladimir Dudzicki, heads the desk
for another of the 17 languages in which the Station broadcasts,
Belorussian.
Dudzicki's life path is scarred with the death of no less
than fifteen of his relatives, all victims of Soviet tyranny. One
of his brothers, a Red Army major was shot in 1928, a second
perished in the concentration-camp hell of Kolynia in Siberia,
a third was cut down by Soviet partisans during World War
11. Dudzicki himself, soon after he was graduated from the
Minsk Higher Pedagogical Institute in 1933, was sentenced to
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three years' hard labor in Siberia for "anti-Communist activity."
The slight, scholarly young man spent the period of his sen-
tence felling trees, building roads, digging sewers.
Once released, Dudzicki was sent to Central Asia. Then
he was alowed to go home. He held a variety of teaching and
writing jobs in Belorussia. When the Germans came, his hatred
of the Soviet regime impelled him to join the anti-Soviet Belo-
russian Central Council. But the westward drive of the Soviet
armies forced him to flee and finally plunged him into a post-
war DP camp in Austria. From here he managed to emigrate
to Venezuela, where he became chief of an agricultural experi-
ment station. In 1956, his Belorussian emigre friends persuaded
him to return to Europe and join the staff of Radio Liberation
in Munich.
All told, some 150 former residents of the USSR conceive,
organize and present Radio Liberation's programs to its vast
and secretive audience. Each staff member has a personal his-
tory - and a profound personal insight based on that history
- which enables him to speak in terms and tones convincing
and compelling to listeners in the USSR. Hundreds more con-
tribute to the programming as free-lance writers and speakers.
These are none of them commercial broadcasters; they are all
men with a personal and perennial mission to liberate their
homeland.
These key members of Radio Liberation's Munich staff re-
ceive assistance from a small group of Americans who have an
expert knowledge of the USSR and a background of experience
in information work. Radio Liberation's technical staff in Eu-
rope and the Far East is in a position to draw on the services
of a. group of American technical specialists in communications
who have helped to design, set up and operate the elaborate
transmitting equipment which carries the words and spirit of
the emigre broadcasting staff deep into the USSR.
The main center of this activity is the former administra-
tion building of an abandoned airport in Munich, which has
been suitably cut up into offices and studios. Here the emigre
script writers study their source material; recordings of Soviet
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broadcasts and conics of Soviet papers and magazines, all of
which can be replied to; ln?onouncemetits and Writings of free
world figures that will be useful in l anling the replies; news
tickers that often help Radio Liberation tell Soviet citizens facts
that the Kremlin propaganda machine is still hiding from them;
scholarly books and journals that recall facts from the past which
the Kremlin hopes to keep forgotten; writings of faith and ideal-
ism whose re-interpretation will kindle new hope among Radio
Liberation's listeners. In this studio, also, arc traded the furious
arguments for which emigres from the USSR. are famous - and
which are enormously fruitful in producing Radio Liberation's
most effective programs.
A second similar center of programming activity has been
gradually developed in New York as more and more of the most
competent members of the emigration have received the highly
prized immigration visas and have come to settle in America.
After a study, the debating sessions and the final scripting,
there remains only for the broadcasts to be taped in the Munich
studio. Then they go to the transmitters in Germany and to
the other Radio Liberation transmitters around the USSR and
inside to the peoples of the USSR.
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WHO'S BEHIND IT?
The History
Radio Liberation got its start in 1950.
That year, a group of eminent Americans surveyed the Cold
War scene and found an appalling instance of neglect: no major
or concerted attempt had been made to'enlist the loyalties and
passions of the anti-Soviet exiles from, and the anti-Soviet resi-
dents in., the USSR against the Kremlin.' An almost inexhausti-
ble reservoir of political energy lay untapped, stagnant. No
single-minded effort had been launched!, to appeal to the spirit
that had led millions of USSR citizens to desert from the Soviet
Army and administration during Work War II, and to choose
the most desperate of alternatives - temporary alliance with
Hitler - because they so terribly needed and wanted an alter-
native, any alternative at all to Sovietism.
All the free world's energy in the Cold War had been spent
either on containing Soviet power or on encouraging aloofness
from it, as in neutralism. The representative cast of characters
in the Cold War drama had not been assembled; the restive
peoples of the USSR had not been asked to choose. If they
were offered an alternative to straight Soviet domination how
would they decide? Like the millions Fvho deserted to the Vla-
sov cause in World War II? The initiators of Radio Libera-
tion were determined to find out whether what they believed
was true - that many citizens of the USSR would, even if only
by listening to foreign-originated and forbidden broadcasts, take
their chances on freedom.
Out of this determination grew the American Committee
for Liberation, with headquarters at 6 ''Last 45th Street in New
York. AmComLib, as it quickly became known, undertook two
major efforts: first, to rally the emigration from the USSR and
second, to enable the emigration to speak to its countrymen in
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the USSR. The results born of such aspiration have been de-
scribed. None of them was gained easily or over night.
Setting up Radio Liberation entailed complex preparation
not encountered by the ordinary broadcasting operation. The
emigration from the USSR, scattered over many nations, had
to be brought into cooperation with the venture, in order to
give the broadcasts authority. The ablest emigres in the writing
and broadcasting fields had to be located and teamed up as a
station stall in order to give the programs quality. Negotiations
had to be pursued with foreign governments for the location
of studio and transmitter facilities on their soil.
Radio Liberation's effort has inevitably appeared to parallel
that of the older Free Europe Committee, even though AmConh-
Lib is and always has been a completely independent venture
and there is no duplichtion of mission or effort in their respec-
tive activities. The Free Europe Committee sponsored Radio
Free Europe, which broadcasts to the Eastern European satel-
lites in their languages, but not to the USSR. AniCoiiLtb, lhow-
ever, is the sponsor of Radio Liberation, which broadcasts to
the peoples of the USSR in their many tongues.
The American Committee is dependent upon private con-
tributions - indlt'idtmal and corporate - as well as upon founda-
tion donors and it has received the contributions with no springs
attached as to their use in the struggle for the liberation of the
peoples of the Soviet Union. The Committee has thus been free
to extend to the emigie broadcasters a wide liberty of expres-
sion to maintain their position on the radio of being the free
voices of their peoples behind the Iron Curtain.
On March 1, 1953, Radio Liberation went on the air. Its
progress since then has begun to justify tile hopes of the found-
ers. And its clay-to-day problems and long-range aspirations
keep the present AmCnmLib intensely occupied.
Radio Liberation's Backers Today
President of AiiComLib is Rowland II. Sargeant, a well-
known American public servant and former Assistant Secretary
of State for Public Affairs.
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Mr. Sargeant is assisted by a small American staff of ex-
perts in Soviet affairs, broadcasting, radio engineering and ad-
ministration.
The trustees of AmComLib represent a spectrum of Amer-
ican business, scholarly and professional interests. They in-
clude:
Mrs. Oscar Ahlgren, former President of the Amer-
ican Federation of Women's
Clubs.
John R. Burton, New York banker.
William Henry Chamberlin, author of Russia's Iron Age, and
other books on the Soviet Union,
contributor to the Wall Street
Journal, and other newspapers.
Charles Edison, former Secretary of the Navy
and former Governor of New
Jersey.
J. Peter Grace, Chairman of the Board, W. R.
Grace & Company.
Allen Grover, Vice President, Time, Inc.
H. J. Heinz, II, President, H. J. Heinz & Com-
pany.
Isaac Don Levine authority on Soviet affairs and
author of the first major biog-
raphy of Stalin.
Eugene Lyons, author of Assignment in Utopia
and Our Secret Allies, profound
studies of the Soviet Union, and
Senior Editor of Readers' Digest.
Dr. John W. Studebaker, former U.S. Commissioner of
Education.
Reginald T. Townsend, former Vice President and Di-
rector of the Advertising firm of
Lennen & Mitchell.
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William L. White, editor, author and publisher of
the Emporia Gazette.
Philip II. Willkie, President and attorney of the
1RashviIlc (Ind.) National Bank,
one-time member of the Indiana
legislature.
Universal Support for Radio Liberation
To those who may wonder whether a positive American
contribution to foreign affairs is often only the work of a few
dedicated individuals, without genuine backing from the U.S.
public, and especially without agreement from the thinking
public in most of the non-Communist world's countries, it may
be heartening to know that Radio Liberation has received wide
support from distinguished individuals from many countries,
not only the U.S., but from churchmen, teachers, scientists,
labor leaders, journalists and statesmen everywhere.
The chief of the British Labor Party, Hugh Gaitskell, has
spoken over Radio Liberation to the peoples of the USSR.
So have U.S. Vice President Richard Nixon and the U.S.
Republican floor leader in the Senate, William F. Knowland.
So has Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt.
So have U.S. General Omar Bradley, Argentine publisher
Alberto Gainza Paz and American publisher Bennett Cerf. Rus-
sian-born Alexandra Tolstoy and many other well-known exiles
from the USSR sat at Radio Liberation's microphones.
Here are others, Irom many countries:
Andre Lafond, France
Ahmed Ben Salah, Tunisia
Mohammed A. Khatib, Pakistan
Igor Gouzenko, USSR-Canada
Henry Pcyre, France-USA
Relic Fuclop-Miller, IIungary-USA
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Ignazio Silone, Italy
Albert Camus, France
Jacques Maritain, France-USA
Filer Jensen, Denmark
Robert Bothereau, France
Sir William Lawther, Great Britain
W. H. Auden, Great Britain-USA
T. Nishimaki, Japan
John K. Tettegah, Gold Coast
Italo Viglianese, Italy
Harold Willis Dodds, President of Princeton University;
Henry T. Heald, former Chancellor of New York University,
now president of the Ford Foundation; George N. Shuster, Presi-
dent of Hunter College; Millicent C. McIntosh, President of
Barnard College; and many other outstanding American educa-
tors have addressed messages to the peoples of the USSR over
Radio Liberation.
Among the scientists who have spoken over the station are
Vannevar Bush, Nobel Prize Winner H. J. Muller (who worked
at Moscow University from 1933 to 1937) ; Nobel Prize Winner
Wendell M. Stanley; bridge designer David B. Steinmann; biol-
ogist Conway Zirkle, aeronautical pioneer Igor Sikorsky, and
many more.
Among labor leaders whose voices have been heard in the
USSR through Radio Liberation are George Meany, President
AFL-CIO, Jacob Potofsky, of the Amalgamated Clothing Work-
ers; David Dubinsky, of the International Ladies' Garment
Workers' Union; Charles J. McGowan, President of the Boiler-
makers, Blacksmiths and Shipbuilders International; Walter
Reuther, etc.
American writers whose messages have been used by Radio
Liberation are too numerous to, permit more than mere sam-
pling of their names: John Dos Passos, Upton Sinclair, Joseph
Wood Krutch, James T. Farrell, and Lionel Trilling.
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Among the American journalists who have endorsed Radio
Liberation, David Lawrence singled out the unique feature when
he wrote: "Unlike those broadcasting on other projects which
[in the USSR] are recognized as 'foreign,' the speakers on Radio
Liberation use such terms as 'we Russians' or 'we Ukrainians'
and when they criticize the Soviet system, they do it as mem-
bers of the family and fellow citizens - not as outsiders."
Roscoe Drummond declared: "Radio Liberation ... carries
the story of freedom where frecdont is in chains. This group
counts itself the greatest possible friend of the Russian people
because it is 'dedicated to the liberation of all mankind from
the scourge of Soviet power., "
On the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives, Con-
gressman Thomas 13. Curtis of Missouri read the history of Radio
Liberation into the Congressional Record and asserted of it
and AmComLib: "This record of accomplishment and those
who are engaged in this worthwhile cause - which shows sym-
pathy for the suffering of the oppressed, friendship for other
peoples and passionate conviction that freedom is the birth-
right of all human beings - deserve the commendation and
appreciation of free peoples everywhere."
On the floor of the U.S. Senate, Senator Charles NI. Potter
of Michigan spoke out: "It is heartening to know that the citi-
zens of the Soviet Union who yearn for freedom have a voice
that speaks to them of a better future. It is the voice of Radio
Liberation."
And for Christmas, 1955 the Metropolitan Anastasi, the
oldest Bishop of the Russian Orthodox Church and the supreme
head of the Russian Church in exile, broadcast to the USSR
over the station. tfetropolitan Anastasi said over Radio Lib-
eration:
"You, dear brothers, languishing in bonds in our native
land ... we hear your moans and cries and we pray to the
Lord, Who came to the world to assuage all who labor and are
heavy laden, to preach liberation for the captives and give joy
to the oppressed, may Ile grant you freedom and relief after
your sufferings.
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"With all our hearts we hope the New Year will bring a
new and better life also to the entire Russian people, which
is languishing under the burden of the cross it has borne for
so many years.
"God has demanded of it the great feat of patience, in
order to reward it tenfold for all its labors, sorrows and priva-
tions, as He has once done with job, and to set it up as an
example for other peoples."
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WHAT YOU CAN DO TO HELP
Men of goodwill can render many specific services to Radio
Liberation. Tourists visiting the USSR, in this era of apparent-
ly expanded travel to it, can inquire among the people they
meet there of their reaction to Radio Liberation. This informa-
tion, when forwarded to Radio Liberation, will constitute an
invaluable programming guide.
Tourists meeting Soviet citizens who have not heard of
Radio Liberation can describe the station and its work to them.
'Tourists coming out of the USSR can report their impres-
sions, observations and experiences to Radio Liberation. De-
tailed accounts of daily life, human interest stories, descriptions
of work and play and many other things are extremely useful
and hells supplement Radio Liberation's own reports from in-
side time USSR. Such material, when used in broadcasts, tells
Radio Liberation's listeners that they are known, understood
and cared about in the free world. It will give them that long-
ed-for sense of connection with people outside the USSR.
Even though many tourists will necessarily be dependent
on a Soviet interpreter, and will have limited access to other
Soviet citizens, whatever information they can glean will be
of great interest to the Radio Liberation staff.
Tourists passing through Munich, Germany, can stop in
to see Radio Liberation at work. This will emphasize to the
station staff that people from many places appreciate their often
lonely and always long-range endeavor.
People anywhere in the free world can advance the work
of Radio Liberation by making it better known. This will not
only hearten all those who fear that not enough is being clone
to reach the peoples of the USSR. It will also stimulate thought,
ideas and fruitful suggestions to Radio Liberation.
Finally, anyone anywhere who has information, ideas, sug-
gestions or advice, however derived and however oriented, to
offer to Radio Liberation can send it to the station and pos-
sibly lead it into fields and avenues of effectiveness yet untrodden.
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The liberation of the peoples of the USSR from their tragic
past and present will come through a vast and marshaled array
of forces. The non-Soviet world needs to cast out its recurrent
doubts whether Soviet Communism is really malignant, and its
persistent doubts whether free people can really help liberate
the oppressed; the will to liberation must be built strong and
unbending. The non-Soviet world needs quickly to bind up
its internal quarrels; this will make energy now spent in fruit-
less friction available for liberation. The condition of free
world citizens requires constant betterment; thus the free world
becomes an increasingly powerful attraction to people behind
the Iron Curtain. Free world military strength, in all its forms,
from the most complex weapons to the morale of men in arms,
must keep pace with and surpass that of the Soviet orbit; thus
the Soviets may be prevented from waging war. The free world
must confess to and live by its vibrant political faith; so will
the victory of the mind and heart be won in the USSR.
Therefore anyone in any station and any place who serves
free world progress serves the crusade for liberation, serves the
mission of Radio Liberation.
For what Radio Liberation can achieve depends largely on
the going condition of liberty. Where liberty flags, the mes-
sage of Radio Liberation grows fainter - its broadcasts, be they
ever so eloquent, lack authority. But where liberty rises, the
message of Radio Liberation mounts with moving power - it
speaks of the great, good, irresistible cause.
The help that every man of good will, every day can give
Radio Liberation is to water the arching tree of liberty, of
which Radio Liberation is a branch.
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Your inquiries and comments on this booklet, as well as requests
for other material on the work of Radio Liberation, are most
welcome. Correspondence may be directed to:
Press and Publications Division,
American Committee for Liberation.
6 East 45th Street
New York 17, N. Y.
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