SPEECH BY LT. GENERAL VERNON A. WALTERS BEFORE KIWANIS INTERNATIONAL/MIDWINTER CONFERENCE THE CIA AND WORLD AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000700050005-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 26, 2006
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: January 25, 1976
• Content Type: SPEECH

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SPEECH
by
LT. GENERAL VERNON A. WALTERS
before
KIWANIS INTERNATIONAL/MIDWINTER CONFERENCE
THE CIA AND WORLD AFFAIRS
WASHINGTON, D. C.
25 January 1976
MORUCIDIF,
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International President-Elect, Governor Shulman, Governor-Elect
Rossa, Lieutenant Governor, Lieutenant Governor Smith...
Thank you very much for that introduction. I would like to talk to
you about something that's on the front page of all the newspapers right
now and that is intelligence. What is intelligence? Why does the
United States need it? How do we go about getting it? What do we do
with it? And what about all this stuff you're hearing about?
Well, what is intelligence? Intelligence is information concerning
the actions, policies, capabilities of foreign countries that may have
an impact on the United States of America and on our people. In the old
days that sort of intelligence was always thought of in just purely
military terms, but now we've got to think of it in other terms. There
are billions of petro-dollars, and oil-dollars wandering around the
world and the way they're invested and the way they're used may affect
the livelihood of American working men all over our country, so 'we have
an additional requirement in the field of economic intelligence.
You know, we Americans have a long tradition in intelligence. It's
a long tradition of building up great intelligence structures during our
wars and then dismantling them in the periods in-between. Just to give
you an idea -- in August 1942, right at the start of the war -- I was
assigned to the U. S. Army Military Intelligence Training Center at
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Camp Ritchie, Maryland, and the Commandant of the U. S. Army
Military Intelligence Training Center was a British Colonel.
That was the state of American intelligence at the outbreak of the
war. Now, we paid dearly for that. We paid for it at Pearl Harbor.
We had many losses of ships, many losses of lives. But we recovered
from Pearl Harbor and we went on to win, but in the world we live in
today, the great question that arises is, can you recover from a nuclear
Pearl Harbor? The most important thing is obviously to deter that any
such attempt ever be made against us and one of the surest ways of
deterring that it be made is for other countries to know that we have
the capability of watching them and keeping track of anything they may
do that may threaten our country. That is one of the greatest guarantees
and securities we have.
At a big investigation after Pearl Harbor we found that in various
parts of the U. S. Government people had little pieces of information
which, if they had all been brought together, might not have avoided
Pearl Harbor, but certainly would have made it a lot less costly to us.
And as a result of that, we decided we had to have a central place to
collect, and to study, all of the intelligence that came in so that it could
be transmitted to the people who have to make decisions in the United
States as to what we're going to do.
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Now, why do we need intelligence? We need intelligence because
the world is still not an ideal place to live in. We need intelligence
because there are nations in the world with enormous power, enormous
strength which they're building up. A s a matter of fact, right now
we see the Soviet Union deploying five different types of third generation
missiles, intercontinental missiles that can reach the United States. We
see them spending vast sums of money to improve their conventional
forces, their army, their navy, their air force, to give them new
equipment, better training, better everything. In the last couple of
years, the United States Armed Forces have gone down by a million
people. The Armed Forces of the Soviet Union in the same period
have gone up by a million people. We face a situation where, if God
forbid, we ever have to fight again for the first time since the Revolution,
we will be fighting somebody who controls greater resources than we do.
We don't say they're going to use these but we have to take into account
the fact that they're building these up. In fact, in my view they are
spending more money out of a gross national product, more absolute
money, out of a gross national product that is less than half of ours.
That gives you some idea of the effort they are asking their people to
make to build up these forces,
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Now, it's important that we know what these threats may be.
China is building up her forces; China tomorrow will have the same
kind of capability. It is our responsibility to keep track of that.
You know, people often think of intelligence as merely being a
form of making war on your enemies, but it's also a form of making
peace. No President of the United States could sign an arms limitation
agreement limiting the number of missiles, limiting the number of
strategic arms unless we had the absolute capability of verifying
whether that agreement was being kept or not. This is the only thing
that makes it possible for us to discuss these arms limitations with
the Soviets.
There is another thing which you'll never see in the newspapers
but sometimes several of our friends may get involved in a fuss and
each one thinks the other one is going to jump him. And we have been
able a number of times in the past to go to both parties and say, "He is
not going to jump you. We know what is going on; he's worried that
you're going to jump him, but he is not preparing to jump you." You
never get any headlines for that, but it is still a force for peace.
But it is this intelligence capability that gives us an ability, an
ability to make other countries know that we are watching and thereby
to inhibit anything they might do.
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Now, you've heard a great deal about intelligence. What has been
happening to intelligence? Well, in the United States Government:
intelligence gets less than one penny out of every dollar that is spent
by the United States Government. And that is the means of telling
us what others have, what we need to match. It is only through good
intelligence that we can know how much is enough for ourselves.
If we did not have good intelligence as to what the other side had,
the probabilities are that our defense expenditures would soar out:
of sight. When you are preparing to face something that is unknown,
you have to go as :far as you can to try and face up to it. It is
because that we have good intelligence that we are in a position to
know what is sufficient for us.
Now obviously we hope that we can work out some agreement with
the Soviet Union and limit the expenditures that both nations are making.
But we can consider such an agreement only because we have the means
of verifying it. Now we all hope that detente will bring a lessening of
tensions between the two countries, but a friend told me a Russian story
that I think is not a bad one. He said two young Americans went to
Moscow and they were being taken around by a young Russian. And he
took them to the Cathedral of Basil the Blessed and to the Kremlin
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and to the Stadium and to the University and finally he took them to the
Zoo. And they were looking at the various animals in the cages and they
finally came to a cage where there was a great big Russian bear, enormous,
seven feet high. And in the same cage there was a rather worried-looking
lamb. But the lamb appeared to be in good shape. One of the young
Americans said to the young Rtlssi,an, "Why do you put those two in
the same cage? That's an odd pair to put in the same cage. " And the
young Russian said, "This is to prove that peaceful coexistence is
possible." The young American said, "Well, it's pretty impressive."
And his buddy said, "It sure is convincing." The young Russian, looking
around and seeing no one, leaned over and whispered to them, "Of course
you understand, every morning we have to put in a new lamb." And as
long as you don't run out of lambs, there is no problem.
Well, the problem is, we don't want to be lambs. Good intelligence
provides a firm basis for the foreign policy of the United States. If we
know what's going on around the world we're in a position to draw up our
policies so they can meet the various circumstances, the various require-
ments and the various contingencies. While I'm speaking of contingencies,
good intelligence enables us to make the contingency plans we nee-d to face
various kinds of crises. If we did not have good intelligence we would be
doing these things absolutely in the dark. We would be preparing for a
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contingency, the shape of which we couldn't see. We'd have to be
preparing for so many contingencies, we would be stretching our
capabilities and resources beyond what we could probably do.
And the mere fact that the United States has, and is known to have,
good intelligence, is in itself a deterrent against anyone attempting
to cheat, or anyone attempting to surprise us.
In the early '60s we had a great discussion in the United States
as to whether there was a missile gap between the United States
and the Soviet Union. You couldn't have that discussion today.
Our intelligence is good enough that we know what they have. And
they know we know which is the most important part of all. They
know that if they cheat we will tell them, we will call them on it.
We will know. So what has always seemed in the past like a means of
making war or some way of pushing your own advantage is actually
a highly defensive thing. If we know what the Soviet strategic forces are
and what their capabilities are, we know what we must have to deter
them from using those forces. And after all that is the fundamental
purpose. You don't hope to win a war, you hope to avoid the war
in the first place. Because it is the greatest of all human catastrophies.
And if we are strong and we have effective intelligence, if as a result
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of that effective intelligence we plan the right kind of defense for
ourselves, we may not be called upon to use those forces. If
you have good intelligence, you can forestall crises before they
arise.
Now, how do we collect all this intelligence? There are mary
ways we collect this intelligence. First of all, an amazing amount
of intelligence, even in other countries, is published in the newspapers,
is broadcast over the radio. Not like in the United States, I regret
to say. There are magazines you can buy in the United States that
would give somebody else information we would have to spend many
millions of dollars to acquire. But even in closed societies, there
is an enormous amount of information available in the newspapers,
in their foreign broadcasts, in the broadcasts to their own people.
Then we have the various technical systems which are the product
of American genius . Whenever anyone asks me about intelligence,
I always say that intelligence is really the oldest profession,
because it's through intelligence you find out where it is. So, we have
brought to intelligence as a nation, I think, the American genius for
instruments, for machinery, for gadgets and for various other things.
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We have brought this and we have brought also another great
contribution to intelligence which is thoughtful analysis. People
working on problems for many years. The continuity of people
working and studying the various developments around the world
so that the proper information can be passed to those who make
policy in the United States on these matters.
And finally we have the part that is getting so many of the headlines
today -- the covert or political action -- the secret intelligence.
Now, we can get an awful lot through the others, but there is still,
when you are facing totally closed societies such as we face, a need
for the human acquisition of intelligence and every nation has done this
since the beginning of time. We Americans sometimes like to think
of ourselves as being different from the others, that we're purer and
nobler and all that dirty spying is all right for the British, French,
Germans, Russians and somebody else but not for us Americans.
Well, that's just not historically accurate. In this Bicentennial Year
I have done some looking into this matter and I've found some surprising
things. I found, for instance, that George Washington organized three
separate kidnap attempts on Benedict Arnold. He also attempted to
kidnap King George III's fourth son, Prince William, who was a
midshipman in the Royal Navy.
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Now a lot of people tell you today that the American way is to
tell everybody everything and you've got to let it all hang out
and tell everybody everything. Well, that certainly wasn't the
Founding Father's opinion. George Washington in 1779 wrote a
letter to his chief of intelligence in New Jersey, Colonel Elias Dayton,
and he said, "The need for good intelligence is so obvious that I
have nothing further to add on this subject. , All that remains is for
me to tell you that these matters must be kept as secret as possible.
For lack of secrecy these operations, no matter how well thought
out or how promising the outlook, generally fail. I am sir, your
obedient servant, George Washington."
On another occasion he spent the night at the home of a sympathizer.
In the morning he was leaving and he went out, thanked the host, climbed
up on his horse and the host's wife said to him, "And General, where
are you riding tonight? " And he leaned down in the saddle and said, "Madam,
can you keep a secret?" And she said, "Of course." He said, "So can
I, Madam." Tipped his hat and rode on.
So this business that you've got to tell everybody everything is a lot
of nonsense. If we have good human intelligence, we can forestall crises
before they come. If we have the means, after this has been properly
determined within the U.S. Government, and right now if we use such
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means we are required to report them to six different committees of
the Congress. If the President determines we should quietly help
our friends in areas that are menaced by communist subversion, then
we have some means of doing this, short of landing troops or sending
the Marines.
All countries attempt to effect the situation in other countries, in
a sense favorable to their own interest and,as I say, we do not live
in an ideal world. Great efforts are being made. We don't have
any CIA agents in Angola but there are ten thousand Cuban troops there.
There are four hundred Russian instructors there. We don't have
any of our people there. We don't have any American troops there
or any American instructors or anything else. But they do.
Now, the choice is, you know, the British and French would not
stand up to the Germans for a long time, they took the Rhineland, they
took the Saar, they took Austria, they took the Sudetenland, they took
the whole of Czechoslovakia, they took Memel before something
happened. The trouble is that every time you give way in one of these
things you give the other side a green light. Maybe it isn't really a
green light, but he tends to interpret it as being a green light.
So it is vital for us to have the kind of information that will enable
our nation to make the right kind of decisions. Now you've heard a
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lot of nonsense about the CIA having policies of its own. The CIA
does not have policies of its own. The CIA is responsive to the
United States Government. The Director is appointed by the
President. He is confirmed by the Senate and he can be fired by
the President at any time.
I can't tell you we haven't had certain abuses, certain kooks and
certain people who have shown poor judgment in the past, of course
we have. We've had 76, 000 people go through the Central Intelligence
Agency since it was founded 27 years ago. We've had, as I said,
various abuses and transgressions and demonstrations of poor
judgment, etc. But I submit that if you took any community of 76, 000
and submitted it to the kind of scrutiny we've been submitted to over
the last year, our record would look mighty good.
Now you have all these wild charges of assassination. What is
the final conclusion? Nobody was assassinated.
Then you hear all about these toxins. What was the final conclusion?
They were never used.
Then you were shown this dart gun on television. It was never used.
And time and again you get these things distorted out of all perspective.
As I say, I'm not telling you there weren't overzealous people who
embarked on projects that they shouldn't have. Some people asked
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me the other day, "How do you eliminate abuses in intelligence? " I
said that as long as intelligence, like Congresses, and other human
organization is made up of human beings, you can hope to minimize it.
The idea that you can pass some law that everybody's going to be
virtuous ever-after is impossible. You've got to appoint the right
kind of people, you've got to watch them, you've got to make sure
they're doing what you want and if you don't, you fire them. Or
you punish them if they've done something worthy of punishment.
I might add that all this bruhaha you've heard about the CIA, nobody
has been indicted. You know you get these things where, for instance,
government agencies loan people to one another at one anothe r' s request.
Defense loans people to State, State loans people to Defense. We have
loaned people to other government agencies at the request of that agency,
knowing they were CIA people. This is headlined as infiltration of other
government agencies by the CIA. When the facts are produced a couple
of days later that it isn't infiltration, this is on page 9. So it's very
difficult to compete with these dramatic and fantastic headlines, which
a couple days later, in many cases, are shown to be not reflective of
the truth.
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We've got a statue of Nathan Hale out at CIA. It was put there over
my protest. Not that I don't admire him as a very brave young man,
but it seems to me that at the Headquarters of our national intelligence
agency, to put a statue of a young man who was caught on his first
mission and had all the evidence on his person is not what we should be
showing to our young trainee But even Nathan Hale, in a breach of
security, before he went behind the British lines, said to one of his
buddies, "I'm going to spy behind the British lines." And his friend
looked at him and said, "How can you stoop so low? " So we have this
thing in our national background that there is something low or something
immoral or less good than in other people.
But as I say, we've had our transgressions, we've had our abuses
but they are few and far between. You've heard a lot about telephone
taps. Okay, we had 32 telephone taps in 27 years. And the Director
of Central Intelligence is the only person in the United States Government
who is charged by law with the protection of his sources and methods.
So yes, we've had 76, 000 people, we've had some people do some things
that were wrong, do some things that they shouldn't, but when this is
portrayed as a massive effort of some sort, it just isn't so.
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When the conspiracy theorists mouth CIA complicity in President
Kennedy's assassination -- which has been flatly denied and the
Congressional committees have examined this in the greatest detail --
there isn't one iota of substance to it. But it keeps recurring, round
and round and round again. In most cases most of these transgressions
and abuses that you heard of were found by the Intelligence Community
itself and reported. to the Congress. As far back as 1973 the Director
issued a series of regulations prohibiting these things. But here
again you have a problem of judging what was done yesterday by the
standards of today. It is hard for those who did not live through it to
remember what the state of mind of people was 20-30 years ago because
most of the things we're talking about occurred 20 or 30 years ago. We're
not talking about the recent past in most cases. It is hard for them to
remember the degree of commitment of the United States to stop
communist expansion. It is hard for people today to remember the
feeling of the so-called Cold War. It is hard for those who did not
live through Pearl Harbor to remember Pearl Harbor and to remember
the commitment of the American people never to be surprised again.
Because I've said it before and I'll say it again. You can recover from
a naval. Pearl Harbor but you may not be able to recover from a nuclear
Pearl Harbor.
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Now what do we see today? We see probably the greatest capability
that any nation has had against the United States since Valley Forge.
In the old days the United States was far away, it was unreachable
and therefore unbeatable. That is no longer true. George Washington
when he said, "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty," had two or
three months on either side of the country. Today we have fifteen
minutes or half an hour.
So we have a situation. I'm not saying these capabilities are going
to be used. I'm saying that they exist, they exist in the Soviet Union
today, they will exist in China tomorrow.
You hear all this James Bond nonsense but the great questions
before our Agency are to provide those who make our decisions,
really in my view, with the answers to four terribly important questions.
Who will be in control of the Soviet Union five years from today? What
will be their feelings towards us and towards our allies? What is there
in Soviet science and research and development today that will impact
upon us five or ten years down the line? And these same questions for
China. And these are the questions the American Government looks to
us to give them answers. We must try and give them the answers and
you've got to try and be right.
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You know, one of the things that is disturbing in all this is the
spectacle we are creating before the whole world. A lot of people
regard us as being like that Pharisee who watched the guy go up
and said, "Lord, I thank thee that I am not as other men, a sinner
and an adulterer like that Pharisee. " You remember which one went
down from the temple justified.
Today we don't know, it isn't published here what the world is
saying about us, but if you travel around a great deal as I do, it is
very disturbing. I would just like to read you quotes from two newspapers
that over the years have been extraordinarily friendly to the United States;
have defended us against attacks of all sorts. An Italian newspaper,
II Giornale, said, "The names of the intelligence agents of the United
States today are being published in lists as though they were bandits to
be hunted down by the sheriff. "
Now let me read you what the London Daily Telegraph says, which is
one of the most important newspapers in Great Britain and a consistent
friend of the United States over the years. "Two morals are driven home
by this tale." -- They have been describing what's going on in the United
States, the state of permanent investigation in which we live, and so
forth - - "One is for America herself: she must find an effective means of
keeping her secrets and of punishing those who for gain or notoriety
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disclose and publish them. The other is for America's friends: they
must look urgently to their own defense and security. For little
help is for the time being to be expected from a country so sadly
distracted and at war with itself, in which no man can become eminent
or important without being drowned in mud, ridicule and calumny.
And meanwhile quietly, ruthlessly, and without any such fuss or self-
mutilation, Russia extends her grim sway."
Another quote from another article in the Daily Telegraph. "America
is accustomed to, and has merited a. good deal of deference from her
allies. But deference can be a disservice. The United States should
know that her European cousins and allies are appalled and disgusted by
the present open disarray in her public life. The self-criticism and self-
destructive tendencies are running mad, with no countervailing force
in sight. Her intelligence arm, the CIA, is being gutted and rendered
inoperative and the names of its staff are being published so they can
be murdered."
Now you don't hear a great deal about this but if you travel abroad
and you talk to foreigners, they are genuinely concerned about us. Now
I tell them we have these strange goings-on, we get over them.
I was a Corporal in the U. S. Army in the summer of 1941. Western
Europe had been occupied by the Germans, and the German advance in
Russia was going forward at 40 miles a day. The United States Congress
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approved compulsory military service by a majority of one vote. Five
months later we were at war all over the world. So we have a great
resilience as a people to come out of these things. But we've got to.
You know I say it's tragic enough to have Americans killed but when
other Americans do the fingering, it's all the more revolting.
Now, you may wonder who are these people in CIA. I'm not an old
CIA man. I went there for the first time four years ago. Now when
people ask me what my impression is after four years, I answer with
one word. I'm reassured. These are Americans like other Americans.
Like you and like me. They live by the same standards of right and wrong.
They believe they are serving their country in a dedicated way. I. believe
they are too. Every day when I leave my office I go by the stars chiseled
in the wall at the entrance of the building, and there is one more new one,
in memory of those members of our organization who have fallen as truly
for the United States as anyone who ever fell on any noisy battlefield.
They have fallen on the silent battlefield. We did not choose to fight on
that silent battlefield. We were compelled to fight there if our nation is
to remain free and what we want it to be. And with the kind of government
in which we decide and not someone else how we are to live.
Across from those stars is the motto of the Agency which is a quote
from John . It says, "Ye shall know the truth and the truth
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and the truth shall make you free." I can't help but think that we perhaps
ought to change that to fit it to our times. It should read, "You must
know the truth for only the truth will keep you free. " And I can tell you,
you the American people, that those of us who labor in intelligence
with our colleagues in the Defense Department, in the FBI and in the
other parts of the Intelligence Community of the United States will not
let you down. We know that in the great contest in which the world is
engaged today there are no second prizes. What is at issue is not this
rummaging through the garbage pails of history concerning events of
25 or 30 years ago. The real issue before the American people is will
the United States, as it moves into the last quarter of this century, have
eyes to see and ears to hear, or will it stumble blindly forward into
those years until the day it has to choose between abject humiliation and
nuclear blackmail. I have great faith in the wisdom of the American
people. I have great confidence in the organization with which I am
connected. In spite of everything that you have heard, I am absolutely
convinced that we are every day furnishing the Government and the
Congress with the finest intelligence in the world. We will continue to
do that. Winston Churchill told my generation that on our journey we
would have as our only companions, blood, sweat, tears and toil. As
we move into the last years of this century I hope that we will have as
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our companions: faith, which lights the road ahead, for dark is the
road of man who walks without faith; enthusiasm, which gives force
to the young and keeps the older still producing; and most of all, courage,
for courage is the greatest of human virtues, it is the guarantee of all
the others. We have always been a courageous people and in this time
when we are the last, best hope of mankind, I know we will not fail.
Thank you very much.
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