SPEECH BY LT. GENERAL VERNON A. WALTERS BEFORE THE ROTARY AND KIWANIS CLUBS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000700050002-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 23
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 26, 2006
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: February 23, 1976
• Content Type: SPEECH

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SPEECH
by
LT. GENERAL VERNON A. WALTERS
before
THE ROTARY AND KIWANIS CLUBS
Burlington, Vermont
23 February 1976
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I must admit that it is with very special feelings I
come back to Burlington. Not quite 35 years ago, as a private--
a recruit in the Army--I disembarked from the train at Essex
Junction where we were met by the Regimental Band of the
187th Field Artillery and marched back to Fort Ethan Allen.
This is where, as far as I am concerned, it all began, and
I must say that it is a very special feeling I have in coming
back here after so many years. I had been back once or twice
in the meantime, but this is the first time I have been here
to stay for any length of time and I am very happy that this
gives me the opportunity of talking with you for a minute
about something I think is vital to our country, about which
you have heard a great deal and about which, quite frankly,
we don't feel you've heard our side of the story sufficiently.
I would like to talk about intelligence, what it is, why
it is important to the United States and why we need it now
more than at any time in our history.
First of all we get down to the fundamental of what
is intelligence. Intelligence is information concerning
the actions, the capabilities, the intentions--political
and military, financial and economic--of foreign countries
that may have some impact upon our lives.
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Why do we need intelligence? We need it for the same
reason George Washington needed it and that every American
President has needed it and Government has needed it since
then. Except, George Washington, when he left, said
"eternal vigilance is the price of freedom" but he was
talking about a United States that had a two- or three-month
cushion on either side. In all our past, the United States
was considered by most of the rest of the world to be
unreachable and therefore unbeatable. That is no longer
true. The Soviets today are a global power. Germany at
the height of its power was a European continental power,
was not a global power. The Soviets have proved in
Angola that they are capable and willing of projecting their
power 10,000 miles away from the Soviet Union. And we
simply have to be better informed than at any time in our
history. Knowledge is power. And if our leaders are to
deal from a position of strength they must have knowledge of
what is going on in the world, especially the world in which
we live and in which perhaps only 20 percent of mankind
lives under conditions that we would recognize as freedom.
North America is no longer outside of all this.
We face today--one of the reasons why we need intelligence--
a situation where for the first time since Valley Forge, other
countries have the capabilities to inflict crippling or mortal
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damage on us. This has not happened since the early days of
our history. The Soviet Union has that kind of power today
and has it deployed. China is growing rapidly and will soon
move into that area. People are always fascinated by what
we do in intelligence and they attach great attention to the
espionage part of it which is really a very small part of
the collection of intelligence. But the great questions
for which the American people and Government are looking
to us for answers and I think the great prime questions of
tomorrow are: who will be in control of the Soviet Union five
years from today; what will be their feelings and their disposi-
tions towards us and towards our allies; what is there in
Soviet science, research and development, today that will
impact upon our lives five or ten years from today. And
this is also true of China. China is not quite at the
same level, but it will be quite soon.
We have another totally new factor in the world today.
That is the factor of economic intelligence. In the past
economic intelligence was always considered some sort of a
by-product of a military capabilities study. But today
we have billions of petro-dollars, we have billions of
Euro-dollars, wandering around the world being invested and
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.used in ways which can affect the livelihood of the American
worker. We live in a world where we are trying, through
detente, to relax tensions with the Soviet Union. Relax
them in a way which will ease the burden on the two
countries without unfair advantage for one or for the other.
The Russians, you know, are a people of many proverbs.
They always have a proverb for every situation. I was
looking through a list of Russian proverbs the other day
and I saw a very interesting one. It said, "When you make
friends with a bear, do not let go of your axe," and I
think this is one we would be well advised to bear in mind.
We have a number of other new problems in the world
today which are different in intelligence from former years.
First of all you have international terrorism which is
almost organized like a government. You have possible
nuclear proliferation from people--small countries--who
used to rely or trust the guarantees of other countries
and who no longer do and feel that only through developing
their own nuclear weapons can they possibly ensure their own
survival. And there is another factor which I think is not
often understood and that is, intelligence is not just a
force for war or for strength, it is also a force for peace.
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No American President could sign any agreement concerning
the limitation of strategic weapons unless'he had
the means of verifying whether they were or were not
living up to that agreement.
We recovered from a naval Pearl Harbor. Could we
recover from a nuclear Pearl Harbor?
So the importance of not being surprised is more
essential to us today and more vital to the survival of
our nation than at any other time. Our lives, our freedoms,
our hopes for tomorrow rest upon our not being surprised.
We cannot afford to be surprised and history will not
forgive us if we are. It is very rare that a nation gets
a second chance on something like this.
Yet to acquire this intelligence which is so vital to
our nation, what do we do and how do we do it. Well, first
of all, less than one penny out of every dollar spent by
the United States Government goes to the collection of
intelligence and I am talking not just about the CIA, I am
talking about the total intelligence effort of the United
States: the Defense Department, of the State Department, of
the Treasury, of Atomic Energy, of some -people at whom you would
be surprised at being engaged in the collection of intelligence,
and the Central Intelligence Agency. The relative cost has
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been diminishing right along, both as u part of the National
budget, as a part of the Defense budget, and intelligence
personnel--personnel devoted to the collection of intelligence
in the United States Government--are down by 40 percent since
1969 in spite of these enormous new tasks that are being
levied on us, with the sophisticated systems that are coming
in, with the requirements for economic intelligence, with
the requirements to keep an eye on terrorism and so forth.
Now this intelligence provides clear, up-to-date information
to our Government on what is going on in the world. And in
order to clarify, to establish our own foreign policy, it is
very important for our leaders to be well informed. Good
intelligence produces a firm support for United States foreign
policy. It furnishes a sound basis for the development of our
own military strength. I will just ask you for a minute: what
would the situation be if we did not have accurate knowledge
of the Soviet strategic forces and the U.S. Government had to
prepare for any possible eventuality? Can you image what
the cost would be to the American people? It is because
we know in a very precise manner and to a very precise
degree what the forces that could be used against us are,
that we are able to tailor our own forces so that the
burden upon the American people is not unbearable. It
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enables us to plan for contingencies in the future for
how we would use our forces if we were required to. Very
important, and often overlooked I think, is the fact that
the very fact that the United States has an effective and
credible intelligence capability inhibits any nation which
might be tempted to move against us. No agreements would
be possible without effective intelligence. Defense costs
would soar out of sight. You would have an arms race that
could lead us to a tinderbox.
.Now how do we go about collecting this intelligence?
Well, we go about it basically in three different ways.
We go about it overtly, that is, to say, through the open
press, through the open radio broadcasts, and all of the
open televisions broadcasts and so forth from all over the
world. This is obviously the easiest. kind of intelligence
to collect, but surprisingly, overt intelligence provides
perhaps 50 percent of the total content of our intelligence
publications which go to our leaders and to our Congress.
But, as I say, this is generally the easiest type of
intelligence. But it is remarkable how much even in closed
societies like some of the ones we face you can get by
reading the press day after day, week after week, and year
after year.
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Then you have technical intelligence: the vast complex
technical systems that we have been compelled to develop
to have a look inside these closed dictatorial societies.
They can buy American magazines that will give them informa-
tion that we would have to spend a half billion dollars to
get. I think that their problem is a little different from
ours. Our problem is how to piece together the scraps we
have and make valid intelligence out of them. Theirs is
the torrent of information which is available to them and
with their suspicious nature they're trying to figure out
how much of it is real and how much we're telling them in
order to fool them. I am sure one of the great debates
going on in the Kremlin now is: what is the U.S. really
doing about its intelligence. Obviously they've got some
effective, intelligence system hidden away, and all this
CIA stuff is to draw our attention-so that they can
operate freely in the other areas.
Bill Colby used to say that one of his problems was
scarcity and his counterpart, Mr.: Andropov's, is over-
abundance of information. and what to do with it.
But this technical intelligence I think is one of the
great contributions the United States has brought to
intelligence.
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I am inclined to believe that intelligence is really
the oldest profession of all. There are others who claim
that another profession the oldest. However, you had to
know where it was first; therefore, I think, that intelligence
can truly be called the oldest profession. Modern intelli-
gence in the sense in which we understand it really started
in Britain during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I when Thomas
Wallsingham went out and hired himself "five knaves:' Ever
since then the five knaves and their successors have contri-
buted to make Britain a world power.and to shield her through
some tremendous conflicts.
But America, I think, has brought two great things to
intelligence: one, the technical systems; and two, analysis.
Analysis to a degree not seen before in intelligence; the
hiring of people with specific knowledge and their devoting
years of patient and continuous analysis to the various
phenomena which we have to interpret for the United States
Government. Finally there is the third--and this is the
most difficult form of intelligence--which is the covert
or clandestine collection--espionage if you will. Now
there are those who raise their eyebrows at this, but I
will remind you that the Bible tells us that Moses sent spies
into the Land of Canaan, and quite frankly this has been 'going
on as long as mankind has existed in organized societies.
We have always had people in our American society who look
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down on this. Outside the CIA we have a statue of Nathan
Hale which I protested being put there. Not
because he wasn't a very brave young man and he didn't utter
the immortal lines about regretting that he had only one life
to give to his country. But Nathan Hale was a spy who was
caught on his first mission and he had all the evidence on
him. I am not sure that's what we want to hold up to our
young trainees as a model. Furthermore, he was sent to
Manhattan to find out when and where the British were going
to land. When he got there they were already there with
the consequences that you know. And in addition to that,
before he went he committed a breach of security. He told
one of his friends, a captain in the Revolutionary Army
that he was going to spy behind the British lines. And
he looked at him and he said, "But, Nathan, how can you
stoop so low?" So we've always had those people who regard
the collection of necessary intelligence as something
un-American or immoral or anything else. Well, I'll get
to that in a minute--about what some of the Founding Fathers
thought about intelligence and how they used it.
And then you get to the famous, much-discussed covert
action, political action in other countries. We are the
only people who have ever attempted to codify and put in
writing what all nations have done: that is, attempt to
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support their friends in other countries, attempt to move
the opinion of the other countries in a sense favorable
to your own. It has constantly been the feeling of the
Presidents of the United States--at least since World War II--
that the United States, and Congress has generally gone along
with this, that we've got to have something between a diplo-
matic protest and landing the United States armed forces.
We have got to have some means of quietly helping our friends
who may be threatened by some kind of Communist subversion, by some
kind of expansion, and I think a great many of the younger
people do not remember the strength of our commitment in the
United States under President Truman and thereafter to prevent
the expansion of world communism that could weaken our posi-
tion in the world.
This part of our activity has gotten out of.all pro-
portion in people's minds. It is a very small part of our
activity, perhaps five or six percent of our budget is spent
on this sort of activity. It is not something that we do
lightly. We are not obsessed with espionage for the sake
of espionage. If we can get intelligence in an overt way
we prefer to do it that way. The ability to be able to do
this, to give quiet help to your friends enables you to fore-
stall a crisis and prevents something from growing into a
much larger situation.
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One of our American feelings has always been that there
is something faintly wrong about intelligence. Let me
quote some of the Founding Fathers on this. George
Washington, in 1779, wrote a letter to his chief of
intelligence in New Jersey, Colonel Elias Dayton, and this
is what he said, "The need for procuring good intelligence
is so obvious that I have nothing further to add on this
score. All that remains is for me to tell you that these
matters must be kept as secret as possible, For lack of
secrecy,these enterprises generally fail. I am, Sir, your
Obedient Servant, George Washington."
Another day, another evening, George Washington spent
the night at the home of a sympathizer, a Mr. Holcomb, and
in the morning he thanked Mr. Holcomb, mounted his horse and
was getting ready to ride away when Mrs. Holcomb came out
and said, "General, where do you ride to tonight?" And he
leaned low in the saddle and he said, "Madame, can you keep
a secret?" She said, "Yes." He said, "So can I, Madame,"
tipped his hat and rode on.
So the idea the Founding Fathers wanted every single
detail to be held out is just not true.
The Committee of Secret Correspondence of the Conti-
nental Congress was asked to present to Congress a list of
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the people it employed and. how much it paid them. And the
Committee of Secret Correspondence said that experience had
shown that this was fatal to the people in the projects and
did not do so. I will get to the question of what we tell
the Congress in the oversight in just a second.
We are the only country in the world that has legislative
oversight of our intelligence services.
In fact, every day
when I go to work and I see that huge road sign with an arrow
that says CIA, I know it's the only road sign in the world
pointing to the headquarters of the secret intelligence agency
of any government in the world, democractic, dictatorial or
any where in between. But that is our American way and that
is the way we do it.
Now in the past we've had the National Security Act which set up CIA.
It was basically set up because Pearl Harbor showed that
various parts of the U.S. Government had little pieces of
information squirreled away which, if they could have been
brought together in some central place, might have
enabled us to lessen the cost and the surprise of Pearl. Harbor.
We, by the Act that set us up, had as our oversight committees
the Armed Services Committees of the House and Senate. We
also had the Appropriations Committees of the House and Senate,
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because to the contrary of what you may hear, we have
to account and justify our budget in the greatest detail
in the Executive Branch to the Office of Management and
Budget and there are no secrets. And we have to justify
it to the Appropriations Committees and the Government
Operations Committees of the House and Senate. So, while
our budget is not made public it is subjected to exactly
the same kind of scrutiny within the Congress.
Now at various times in the past this oversight was
not very tightly exercised, because Congress didn't want it
that way. We ourselves can live with any kind of oversight
the Congress determines. Our Director has expressed a
preference and the President has expressed a preference
for a single joint committee of House and Senate like the
Atomic Energy Committee which has worked very well and has
proved very able to keep secrets.
Now to get to these investigations, I would simply like to say
that I cannot tell you that in the last 27 years, among the 76,000
people who have passed through the Central Intelligence
Agency, that we have not had some kooks, that we've not had
some people who have shown some very poor judgment, that
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we've not had some people do things that we would rather
they had not done. But, I would suggest that if you take
any community in the United States of 76,000 people and
subject it to the kind of scrutiny to which we've been
subjected over the last year and a half, and I think you
would find that our record would compare quite favorably
with any of those communities or any of those other
government organizations. To the best of my knowledge,
as of today, no member of the Central Intelligence Agency
has been indicted for any intelligence abuse, transgression,
or other?
I can't tell you that there haven't been people who have
done some things we would rather they had not, but I submit
that the number is very small. You've heard some of the
various things, for instance, the illegal phone taps. How
many did we have? We had 32 illegal phone taps in 27 years.
Okay, we should have had none. But how many of you who have
a large number of people working for you can guarantee that
everything that is going on in your organization is going on
in exactly the way you want? And I would call to your atten-
tion that the Director of Central Intelligence is the only
person in the United States Government who is charged by law
with protecting his sources and methods.
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I think the last year has made clear to us what the
American people are willing for us to do and what they are
not willing for us to do. I think everyone of us realizes
that we cannot operate an intelligence service that does
not have the support of the American people and we certainly
intend to abide by whatever is determined. We do feel,
however, that attempting to judge the past through the eyes
of today does not give you a very accurate description of
the circumstances in time.
We all take universal suffrage for granted. But in
the early days of our national history, we did not have
universal suffrage. We had the signers of the Declaration
of Independence who said that all men were created equal,while
they.themselves owned slaves. You can't run a segregated school
today. Twenty-five years ago you could and fifty years ago
you would have gotten in trouble for trying to run any other
kind.
Most of these transgressions and various things with
which we have been charged date back to the Fifties and
Sixties.
Now I think we've got this. out in the open, we've got
this clarified, and I think we can go forward on the basis
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of the new rules, on the basis of the Restrictions Order
that the President has put out making it quite clear what
can and cannot be done. We do not believe that secrecy
should be used to cover abuses, but we do not believe
that we should tell the whole world everything about what
we're doing. Those who oppose us know very well as people
what :importance we attach to the rights and freedoms of
our citizens and of fair play. And they, on their hand,
do not have this kind of constraint or moral restraint on
their attempts to control or alter our society.
We Americans have a very strong feeling about these
things. The head of a friendly foreign service told me
a story that I think is a little bit unkind to us but it is
a little illustrative too. He said that on an island in
the Pacific the cannibals captured three guys: one was
a Frenchman, one was an Englishman and one was an American.
The Chief said to:them, "I have bad news and good news for
you. The bad news is that we're going to eat you for lunch
tomorrow and we'll have to kill you fairly early in the
morning to get the cooking completed.in time. Now after
that bad news you need some good news and the good news is
that I'll give you anything you want in the meantime short
of setting you free." So he turned to the Frenchman and
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he said., "What do you want?" The Frenchman said, "Well,
if I am going to be executed in the morning I think I would
just as soon spend the remaining time with that beautiful
cannibal girl over there." So they said okay and they
untied the Frenchman and he and the cannibal girl went off
in the woods. Then they turned to the Englishman and said,
"What do you want?" The Englishman said, "I want a pen and
paper." They said, "What do you want a pen and paper for?"
He said, "I want a pen and paper to write the Secretary-
General of the United Nations to protest against the unjust,
unfair, and unsporting attitude you are showing towards us."
So they said okay and they gave the Englishman a hut and pen
and paper and he went off to write. Then they turned to the
American and said, "What do you want?" The American said,
"I want to be led into the middle of the village, I want to
be made to kneel down, and I want the biggest cannibal here
to kick me in the rear end." And the Chief said to his
Vice-Chief, "That's a wierd request but the Americans are
a wierd bunch anyway, and since we promised, we'll do it."
So they led the American into the middle of the village and
made him kneel down and the biggest cannibal took a running
leap, kicked the American in the rear end and knocked him
about 15 feet. Now the American had been hiding a submachine
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gun under his clothes and at this point he took it out,
cut down the neighboring cannibals. The rest fled. The
Frenchman, hearing the gunfire came out of the woods;
the Englishman hearing the gunfire came out of his hut, and
they looked at the American standing there with his smoking
gun in his hand and they said, "Do you mean to say you had
that gun the whole time?" The American said, "Sure," and
they said, "Why didn't you use it before now?" The American--
and this is the foreigner telling me the story--looked at
them with an expression of hurt sincerity and he said, "But
you don't understand. It wasn't until he kicked me in. the
rear end that I had any moral justification for this
extreme and violent action."
We live in a tough, tri-polar world today. The buffer
states that existed between us and potential aggressors are
no longer there. The Soviets and Chinese face one another
in a confrontation of serious proportions.
If I may, just-one more story: I heard this story that
when Mr. Nixon went to Moscow, Mr. Brezhnev said to him that
he had had a strange dream. Mr. Nixon said, "What was that?"
and Mr. Brezhnev said, "I dreamt I was in Washington and I
was looking at the Capitol and there was a huge flag flying
over the Capitol." Mr. Nixon said, "Yes, that's the
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American flag. It flies there whenever Congress is in
session." Brezhnev said, "No, it wasn't the American
flag; it had something written on it." Mr. Nixon said,
"Written? What did it have written on it?" Brezhnez
said, "It had written on it 'Capitalism is Doomed'." Mr.
Nixon said, "That's strange, I had almost the same dream."
Brezhnev said, "What did you dream?" "Well," he said,
I dreamt I was in Red Square in Moscow and I was looking
at the Kremlin and on the highest tower of the Kremlin
there was a huge flag flying." Brezhnev said, "That's
the Soviet flag; it flies there day and night." Mr.
Nixon said, "No, it wasn't the Soviet flag, it had something
written on it." Brezhnev said, "Written? What did it have
written on it?" Mr. Nixon said, "I wish I could tell you
but I can't read Chinese."
We have the Middle East; we have Angola; we have
Ethiopia and Somalia; we have possible further North
Vietnamese agression in Southeast Asia; we have a number of
problems facing us in the world. And I believe that the
real issue before the American people is not the transgres-
sions of 20 or 25 years ago; it is whether the United States
will have eyes to see and ears to hear as it moves into the
last quarter of this century.
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I just want to tell you one more thing. People often
say: how are the people at the Agency, how is it doing? and
so forth. I am not an old CIA man. I came there for the
first time four years ago. The first thing I would like
to say is that if Iwere to sum up all my feelings about the
CIA in one word, I would sum them up in the word reassurance.
Reassurance because these are Americans like all the others;
who live by the same standards of right and wrong as other
Americans. Reassurance at the steadfastness of these
people under a bombardment I think without parallel in.
American history, who are continuing to produce what I believe
is the finest intelligence any government in the world is
having set before it.
If I may quote another old Russian proverb that ante-dated
perhaps Mr. Truman's story about "if you can't stand the heat
stay out of the kitchen;" the Russian proverb is "...if you
fear wolves, don't go into the forest," and we have a lot
of people who do not fear wolves, who are in a most dedicated
and steadfast manner giving to the President, to.the Secre-
taries of State and Defense and Treasury and others, to the
Congress, the kind of information I think is essential if we
are to survive.
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 Approved For Release 2006I07/n-: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000700050002-7
The President has recommended a program, he's put
out an Order of Restrictions stating specifically what
is not acceptable; he is recommending legislation which is
necessary to the Congress. We, on our part, will continue
to do our best. We can live with whatever program they
bring out, provided that there is some protection given
to the men and women who, in dangerous places around the
world every day--on a silent battlefield about which little
is said--are risking their lives and their families'lives
to make sure that the American people are not surprised
again. And frankly, this is a tough task. It is an
unending task and we have no alternative, for if we fall
there is no one else to pick up the torch. I do not think
we will fall.
Thank you very much.
Approved For Release 2006/07/28: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000700050002-7