U.S. INTELLIGENCE: THE SCORECARD SHOWS 'PLUSSES'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050003-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 35
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 12, 2005
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: January 31, 1984
• Content Type: NSPR

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ARTICLE AFFZA r
OI SAGE _ WASHINGTON TIMES
31 January 1984
he scorecard shows `plusses'
Sy Edward Neilan
WASHINGTON TIMES STAFF
Fifty major terrori st organiza-
tions are now operating worldwide
and all -of -them are.-for hire;.a gov-
ernment source said yesterday.
U.S: intelligence has . increased
the number of agents combating
these terrorists,-some of whom op-
erate on a free-lance basis and oth='
ers who have organizational back-
ing or operate under the tacit
blessing of the Soviet Union. .
.'The administration is endorsing
an- international approach to
fighting terrorism .similar -to
worldwide measures against `pi-
racy in centuries past.
- A highly placed source,-speaking
on the condition that names would
be withheld and no one would be
quoted directly,- gave this overview
of -world intelligence issues:
The defection or expulsion of 147
Soviet KGB agents in 20 countries
around'-:the - -world - Iasi 'year
amounted to a tremendous setback
for Moscow. The effect has been so
serious that Soviet emphasis"is be-
ing. shifted from intelligence to
counterintelligence.
In addition to the KGB reversals,
the Soviet Union and client states
suffered setbacks or found their
hands full in Nicaragua, Af-
ghanistan and Cambodia. Other na-
tions are experiencing more suc-
cess in resisting Soviet-sponsored
infiltration.
Terrorism remains the one area
where Soviet-backed operations
are increasing and there is concern
that the upcoming Olympic Games
in Los Angeles will be eyed as a
target by these groups.
The main training grounds for
the most active terrorist groups are
Libya, South Yemen, Syria, Bul-
garia and the Soviet Union.
It is known that the Oct. 23 bomb-
ing of the U.S. Marine headquarters
in Beirut was carried out by a
Shi'ite group of about 20 members.
The mission was launched from a
base camp in the Bekaa Valley.'The
members of the group stopped off
at a mosque in downtown-Beirut for
blessing before carrying out the at-
tack.
The source said published re-
.ports that as many as 500 American
intelligence agents are aiding the
12,000 to 18,000 contra guerrillas
fighting against the Marxist San-
dinista regime in Nicaragua are er-
roneous..The figure is closer to 20
and the results of their efforts were
described as remarkable.
Reports that the administration
was downplaying an alleged Soviet
Vf in the -1981 attempt to-.assas-
sinate-Pope John Paul II also were
denied. The source said the KGB
was known to have been involved in
murder-in the past and there were
direct links between the alleged as-
sassin Mehmet Ali Agca and Bul-
garian Intelligence, which in turn
works closely with the KGB.
. There has been a gradual buildup
in the CIA's Directorate of Oper-
ations as part of the administra-
tion's response to Soviet-backed
terrorism and other clandestine op-
erations.
The directorate was reduced
when the CIA was headed by Stans-
field Turner in the administration
of President Carter. President Rea-
gan replaced Turner with William
Casey. who served in the World War
II Office of Strategic Services, the
predecessor of the CIA.
Mr.Casey was presidential cam-
paign manager for Mr. Reagan.
The source said U.S. intelligence
operatives now combine ' both ap-
proaches as in a recent reaction to
a terrorist incident in Africa in
which hostages taken by terrorists
were freed unharmed.
Described as "Star Wars in the
bush;" the case was satisfactorily
handled by teamwork among the lo-
cal U.S. intelligence station chief, a
pair of agents flown out from Wash-
ington, plus information gleaned
from sophisticated photography
techniques that pinpointed loca-
tions of guards.
An analysis of the photographs
was done in Washington and flown
back to the site, where it was used
to extract the hostages without in-
jury'.
STAT
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 A.Ri I r'LE A PEPRjroved For Release NEW 2WOYORK288 CIS -RDP91-00901 R0
ON PAGz 31 January 1981+
- - - campaign-related activities.
/~ ? These and other legal precautions
Now That It's -Offic ial, Vampai n are dart of what one White House aide
I-said was "post-Watergate overkill"
aimed at skirting abuses like the politi-
Is a Cen tra l White House Co n tern cal scandals that helped drive Richard
W
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN
SpeeW toTb? NewYorkTlmes
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30 -- With
President Reagan a declared candi-
date for re-election, White House offi-
cials report that the campaign has be-
came a central fact of life in planning,
scheduling, policy decisions and Presi-
dential appearances.
The officials said today.thatMr. Rea-
gan would make perhaps two political
trips s month before the .Republican
National Convention-in Dallas, Aug. 20-
23.
In addition, members 'and former
members of the Cabinet will join with
,perhaps 20 Senators and Representa-
i tives to serve as "surrogate" speakers
at
political events throughout the coun-
try. "I'll be all over the place," :said
Commerce Secretary Malcolm Bald.
M. Nixon from the
hite House 10
years ago. Some of the precautions ac-
tually began in October, when the Rea-
gan-Bush'84 Committee was formed..
Paul Laxalt of Nevada is officially the
chairman of the Reagan-Bush '84 Com-
mittee and Edward J. Rollins is the
campaign director. Mr. Baker's pri-
macy is symbolized by his holding
every Tuesday of political strategy
meetings attended by all the senior-ad- i
visers at both the !campaign and the
White House..
As the campaign permeates the
White House, Mr. Baker and Fred F.
.Fielding, the President's counsel, have
directed that certain precautions be
taken to keep government and political
activities separate. For example:
19 Memorandums have been sent to
staff members of the National Security
Council and the Office of Policy Devel-
opment to avoid participating in any
rige. I campaign-related activities. These
Some Won't Campaign staff members fall under the Hatch
Act, -which bars certain Federal em={
Officials said certain rec a of : pioyees from engaging in politics. II
bets would follow the precedent nt of 9Although Mr, Baker holds the
being exempted from direct campaign-1 weekly meetings in his White House of-
sog, except for general 'speeches de- lice, other Government offices have
fending Administration policies. These been declared off-limits to political
would be Secretary of State George P. events.
Shultz, Defense Secretary Caspar W. 9The Reagan-Bush '84 Committee is
I Weinberger, and William J. Casey, the paying for some Presidential activities
Director of Central Intelligence. previously paid for by the Government,
Also exempt would be Edwin Meese including the reception for campaign
workers Sunday night and Ms. Rea.
ad, the White House counselor, after he = gan's trip to Atlanta last weak.
is confirmed as Attorney General. , 9 White House officials have been di-
James A. Baker 3d, the White House
chief of staff, is widely regarded as the
chief, of the campaign?though Senator
rected not to use Government can to
travel to events at the campaign head-
quarters. On Sunday, it was reported
that Mr. Baker used a Government car
to travel to a television studio for an in-
terview, but drove his own car to a
fund-raiser later.
(Mr. Baker has designated his exec-
utive assistant,: Margaret Tutwiler, to
serve as the direct liaison representa-
tive with the campaign. The Reagan-
Bush campaign has installed and paid
for a separate non-White House tele
phone in her office for calls to discuss
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 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
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WASHINGTON
REAGAN LOYALISTS LIVE IT UP
BY NORMAN D. SANDLER
N
For most of the politicians and pundits, the suspense had ended weeks ago.
But when President Reagan made his re-election bid official Sunday night,
jubilation swept over hundreds of loyalists who had to hear the words from
Reagan himself.
The celebration was in full swing long before Reagan went on television from
the Oval Office. For some, it did not end until long afterward.
Lured by 10 bars, wide-screen televisions and entertainment by Lionel Hampton
and his band, more than 1,000 Reagan loyalists marked the formal start of the
campaign in rousing style in the ballroom of a hotel not far from the White
House.
There were hats, buttons and red, white and blue balloons. Banners suspended
from railings sounded the Reagan campaign themes. "Let's finish the job,'' read
one. "America is back, " declared another.
Fortified by the hype and hoopla, the crowd burst into applause and cheers
when Reagan's image appeared on a huge television screen at 10:55 p.m. EST,
drowning out the first few words of the announcement they had come to hear.
The cheering and chanting went on for a full 60 seconds after his image faded
from the screen. As the crowd broke into song -- ''As Reagan and Bush go
marching in ..." --~ one veteran campaign worker summed up the night's events...
''Not much of a surprise," he said, ''but a hell of a way to start a
campaign. "
The guests included veterans of past Reagan campaigns and converts like
George Wittgraf, who four years ago helped engineer George Bush's victory over
Reagan in the first-round Iowa caucuses.
This year, Wittgraf is co-chairman of the Reagan campaign in Iowa.
If anyone had any doubts about what Reagan would say, they hid them well,
"I think Reagan just might announce tonight,'' said GOP strategist Stuart
Spencer, who has been involved in the campaign for months.
''Confident? Sure I'm confident,'' said longtime Reagan associate Lyn
Nofziger, sporting a Mickey Mouse tie.
CIA Director William Casey, who managed Reagan's 1980 campaign, was there.
So was Max Hugel, a campaign aide who resigned under fire early in the
adminxsa ion as Casey's deputy for covert operations.
Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., had a handshake for everyone. Asked about
Reagan's Southern strategy, Thurmond replied, "It's gonna go real good.',
Those most responsible for planning and carrying out the campaign sounded
optimistic chords, but added a note of caution to keep the troops on guard.
STA1
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We're expecting a close race and a tough race. These things have a tendency
to tighten up,'' said White House chief of staff James Baker, who ran George
Bush's 1980 campaign against Reagan for. the Republican nomination and will help
direct this year's effort from the White House.
Edward Rollins, who transferred from the White House to the campaign
committee last October, exhorted the campaign workers to work hard.
''The campaign organization they have is going to be a hell of a lot better
than the candidate they have,'' Rollins said.
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 Approved For Release 1/EI~~'-7000400050003-9
30 January 1984
WASHINGTON
BY DANIEL.F. GILMORE
The expulsion, defection or transfer of 147 Sovie
countries around the globe during 1983 has clearly pu
agency on the defensive, U.S. officials said Monday!
. Aside from their KGB losses, they said, the Soviet
suffered serious resistance and more forceful reactiorhb uy yUYCFrrnici1L w
infiltration attempts. The officials also said Soviet agents face other problems
around the world, notably in Afghanistan and Cambodia.
At the same time, they said, U.S. intelligence has been increasing manpower
to counter some 50 major, identifiable terrorist groups worldwide, many of
them under Soviet control or operating with Moscow's tacit approval.
The officials requested that their names, and the names of the government
agencies for which they work, be withheld.
They said the administration is moving toward a concerted international
effort to combat terrorism and likened the approach to international efforts to
halt piracy during the 16th and 17th centuries.
The sources said the CIA's Directorate of Operations, which supervises
agents abroad and clandestine operations, has been built up to s t rength
following a cutback made under Stansfield Turner during the Carter
admninistration.
Turner was succeeded as CIA director by William Casey, a former chief of
the World War II Office of Strategic Services that preceded the CIA, and
former presidential campaign manager for Ronald Reagan.
Turner was said to have been intrigued by technical gathering of
intelligence. He cut back heavily on headquarters experts and analysts and
relied heavily on machinery.
Casey, however, Is known to prefer people to machines for close-in
intelligence gathering and assessment.
There is every sign Casey intends to stay on as chief of all U.S.
intelligence agencies and continue his present policies if Reagan is re-elected.
At the State Department, a spokesman confirmed that U.S. officials held two
days of meetings last week with officials from the '' summit seven '' countries to
discuss ''our continuing joint efforts on protection of diplomatic personnel'
from terrorists.
The State Department said the president will soon announce a legislative
package that will outline the American role in cooperative measures to combat
terrorism.
The seven nations who meet annually at the economic summits are: Britain,
Canada, France, Japan, Germany, Italy and the United States.
On other matters, the officials disputed published charges that the
administration is ''covering up'' alleged Soviet complicity in the 1981 attempt
to assasinBlWpp4 @d.#*R6aaie?2D05/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9
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ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE____
WASHINGTON POST
30 January 1984
Od Odd tic
Casey Says Hart's Criticism
Of Finances Is `Demagoguery'
CIA Director William J. Casey
accused Sen. Gary Hart (6-
Colo.) yesterday of "demagogu-
ery" for criticizing Casey's finan-
cial transactions while in office.
Campaigning in Iowa--Satur-
day for the Democratic presiden-
tial nomination, Hart rebuked
President Reagan for condoning
what Hart called a. staggering
amount of unethical and improp-
er conduct on the part' of high-
ranking officials. Hart criticized
Casey, among others, for not
putting his holdings in .a blind
trust until mid-1983, when the
Senate "threatened to pass a res-
olution demanding that he do
so."
In a statement, Casey assailed
Hart for "this bit of demagogu-
ery." Casey said he had been
complying with the Ethics in
Government Act, which called
for mandatory disclosure of fi-
nancial -transactions, and termed
it "rather shabby? for Hart" to
find fault now with dealings that
'were duly reported under the
law. Casey traded more than $3
million in stock in 1982 through
an investment adviser.
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S7A
 STAT
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ARTICLE AFPEABED
ON PAGE
WASHINGTON POST T0JE 00N [jy -./"/
29 January 1984
art Takes President tO Task for
Appointees' Unethical Conduct
By George Lardner Jr. ne saia. -Ana once again, allegations
of -nff;.5 1
In the toughest speech of his pres-
idential. campaign, Sen. Gary Hart j
(D-Colo.) accused the administration
yesterday of a staggering record of
unethical and improper conduct and
sharply chastised President Reagan
for condoning it.
"Abuse of government has become
a way of life in this administration,
yet it seems to concern no one very
much-including the president him-
self," Hart said. "I think it
should ... .
"To date," he said, "almost 50
high-ranking officials of the Reagan
administration have faced serious
allegations involving criminal wrong-
doing, unethical behavior or abuses
of power and privilege ... To date,
at least 25 high-ranking appointees
have resigned, been fired or had
their :nominations withdrawn in the
wake of scandals involving their in-
tegrity."
Hart laid out his complaints be-
fore the George Washington Debate
Society in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Aides
said he intended to make them, a ..kind of conduct Hart had in mind.
by pronouncements of -presidential
confidence-and support:"
Hart said it -was time that the
president, "the :man ultimately re-
sponsible for the -behavior of his ap-
pointees," be called to account.
"Ronald Reagan can blame Con-
gress for his own runaway deficits.
He can blame other nations for his
own foreign policy failures. He can't
blame anyone but himself for the the
ethical problems of his- own people
....Such a persistent pattern of
wrongdoing can only suggest that
this president condones wrongdoing
by subordinates, and in keeping
many of these people in power long
after scandal has undercut their ef-
fectiveness, Ronald Reagan demon-
strates not strength but weakness,"
Hart said.
The speech contained no new al-
legations or disclosures. Hart's press
secretary, Kathy Bushkin, said it
was intended as a catalogue of the.
major tneme or nits campaign.
"Too many Reagan officials seem
to have been appointed not for their
commitment to public service, but
for their ability to feather their own
nests," Hart said. "They view their
jobs not as stewards of the public
trust, but opportunities to feed at
the public trough."
Hart said the lessons of the Wa-
tergate scandals that seemed so clear
in 1974, the year he was first elected
to the Senate, seem. to have been
forgotten completely.
"Once again, we are hearing about
political hit lists, about secrecy oaths
and lie detectors, about favoritismin
high places, about illicit taping of
official conversations and about
lying by senior government officials,"
Among those he singled out:
? Attorney General William
French Smith, who "participated in
a tax shelter deemed impermissible
by the Internal Revenue Service
(and] received a $50,000 severance
payment from a company on whose
board he once served."
? Presidential counselor and At-
torney General-designate Edwin
Meese III, who "received a loan ar-
ranged by an accountant who was
subsequently appointed to the Post-
al Service Board of Directors."
? CIA Director William J. Casey,
who "resisted putting his holdings in
a blind trust" until pressured by the
Senate to do 'so last July, and
"traded over $3 million in stock in
1982 while serving as CIA director."
? USIA Director Charles Z. Wick j
who "secretly taped conversations
with other government officials and
then lied about it to reporters."
? Reagan's first Veterans Admin-
istration chief, Robert P. Nimmo,
who "spent $54,183 to redecorate his
office, then sent the old furniture to
his daughter, an official at the Com-
merce Department."
? The secretary of the Navy, John
F. Lehman Jr., who "maintained a
connection with a firm despite his
promise to divest himself of it com-
pletely after taking office because of
its work advising defense contrac-,
tors."
Beyond that, Hart said that gov-
ernment was no longer the referee
for competing claims, but was now
on the side of private interests.
"A lawyer for foreign nuclear util-
ities was put in charge of nuclear
exports," he said. "Toxic-waste offi-
cials have been put in charge of tox-
ic-waste cleanup. Defense contrac-
tors supervise weapons procure-
ment."
Calling the issue fundamentally a
moral matter, Hart contended that
the administration's record
amounted to a betrayal of the public
.trust that could no longer be toler-
ated.
"This president has made his per-
sonal strength one of the tests of this
election," Hart said. "But true
strength begins with the willingness
to put the public good above person-
al and political loyalty. And by this
test, the president has failed ....
Our public servants must be charged
with a higher duty than merely stay-
ing out of jail."
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 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
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SAN FRANCISCO
NEUTRALITY
BY SUSAN GOLDFARB
A federal appeals court Wednesday halted at least temporarily a judge's
order that the attorney general investigate the president for supporting covert
CIA activites in Nicaragua.
The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals suspended U.S. District Judge Stanley
Weigel.'s order to conduct a preliminary probe of President Reagan and his top
advisors until it has a chance to consider the government's appeal.
Rep. Ronald Dellums, D-Calif., and two individuals brought the suit against
Reagan, Secretary of State George Shultz, CIA Director William Casey, Defense
Secretary Caspar Weinberger and other high-ranking officials, charging violation
of the Neutrality Act.
The act specifies the United States cannot provide aid-to overthrow a
government with which it is not at war.
The lawsuit claims the United States has been conducting military training of
Nicaraguan exiles in Florida since 1980, even though Nicaragua is not a declared
enemy.
According to Dellums, the military training plan provided at least $19
million to finance covert paramilitary operations against the people of
Nicaragua. He said the plan also trains armies of 10,000 to 15,000 Nicaraguan
exiles in the U.S. and Honduras; conducts CIA intelligence activity and sends
hundreds of. CIA agents and government officials to Honduras to assist in
attempts to overthrow the Nicaraguan government.
Under the Ethics in Government Act, citizens can bring the attorney general
information they believe incriminates federal officials and he must conduct an
investigation.
Attorney General William French Smith had refused to probe the president.
The penalty for violating the Neutrality Act is up to three years in federal
prison and fines of up to $3,000.
STAT
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24 January 1984
Backed Meese
F6r. Atto- rnev general
By Lou Cannon and. David Hoffman
Washington Post Sta!t Writers
President Reagan named his long-
time counselor, Edwin Meese III, as
attorney general after Interior Sec-
retary William P. Clark urged the
appointment of Meese rather than
White House chief of,staff James A:
.Baker . III, administration officials
said-yesterday.
"There is no doubt, that [Clark]
tipped the .scales," one official sup-
portive of the Meese appointment
said.
However, sources close to Baker,
while acknowledging that in the past
he had expressed interest .in becom-
ing attorney general, said he realized.
as soon as Smith resigned that it was
a foregone conclusion that Meese
would replace' him.
'Any attorney always wants that
job, but Baker had been asked by
the-president to run the campaign
and had made his commitment to
him," an official close to Baker said.
This official said he considered it
likely that the chief of staff would be
given a major Cabinet post if Reagan
is reelected. However, Baker's sup-
porters said he is more than content
to see Meese, his chief remaining
rival in the White House power
structure, leave for a Cabinet post
and give him undisputed, authority
as the No. 1 presidential assistant. .
"He will be the real chief of staff
for the first time," one official-said.
Clark's intervention on Meese's
behalf was the latest episode in a
long saga of staff infighting 'and
manuevering iri the Reagan admin-
istration.
Conflict between Baker and Clark
was a major reason why Clark gave
up his post as national security af-
fairs adviser last October and asked
Reagan to appoint him interior sec-
retary after James G. Watt resigned.
When that happened. Baker and
deputy chief of staff Michael K..
Deaver teamed up in an effort to_get
the president to install Baker as na-
tional security affairs adviser and
.name Deaver to succeed Baker. But
this was blocked by -Clark, 'who
called on his old California all
.Meese, a ense Secretary 7up-ar
Weinberger and CIA 'Director Wil-
liam J. Casey to persuade Reagan
drop the idea.
The president sided with Clark
.and his allies, reportedly changing
his :mind -after ..telling Baker. and
Deaver .that their proposal had been
-accepted. ' -
-On Thursday it was Clark's turn
to return the favor, and he did so
withaut hesitation, according to of-
'ficials, who said he met with Meese
before 'he saw the president privately
and urged that the counselor be
named attorney general.
Neither Clark nor those who sup-
ported the action could say yester-
day whether the visit was necessary. -
Some believe that Reagan would
have' named Meese, a loyal aide
since,1967, to the post no matter
what anyone said. Others said that
Baker also had a claim on the job
and some interest in it 'and that
Clark's support for Meese was im
portant, perhaps decisive.
But Baker's allies expressed : sat-
isfaction with the outcome, saying it
would make it easier for the chief of
staff to coordinate political activities
and run a smooth campaign.., -
"Jim's campaign role in 1984 is
vital 'to the reelection of the presi-
dent," Deaver said.
Meese's departure. is likely to
leave a void for conservatives, who
have turned to him as their chief
conduit to the president after Clark
left. Officials were. uncertain how
that void would be filled, but some
suggested that John A. (Jack)
Svahn, director of the Office of Pol-
icy Development, would inherit the
role of dealing with conservatives in-
side.and outside the administration.
Another " possible candidate for
this role is Faith Ryan Whittlesey,
director of the Office of Public Li-
aison.
Whoever, performs this function,
conservatives' are looking ahead to
what they believe will be a second
Reagan term. Many would like Clark
to 'return to the White 'House as
chief of staff,':and the ready access'
he.has to the president, as demon-
strated by his meeting in .Meese's be-
half, is considered a sign that he
could do so.
Officials 'said -yesterday that no
decision had been made about who
in the White House staff will oversee
the pplicy office run by Svahn,
which had been under Meese. Offi-
cials said presidential assistants
Richard G. Darman and Craig Fuller
would get enhanced duties.
Also unsettled yesterday was who
will inherit Meese's spacious West
Wing office.
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ON PAGE
WASHINGTON POST
23 January 7'984
Smith Quits 'fop Justice Job,
to. toNommate.Meese
Rea gan
The wealthy Houston lawyer, who __. ----- =
might experience. But it has been no
By David Hoffman was George Bush's campaign man- . secret in the White House since the
Washington Post.Stat1 Writer ager in 1980, often has been a target first days of Reagan's term that
Attorney General William French Smith submitted his of criticism from conservatives. Meese and Baker, both lawyers, have
resignation to President Reagan last week, and Reagan Baker and his staff, which includes sharply different views of White
has decided to nominate White House counselor Edwin Deaver and presidential assistant House tactics and strategy.
Meese III to replace him; administration sources said Richard G. Darman, are expected to Baler has tended to take the
yesterday. assume control of some of the policy- more pragmatic approach, and his
. Smith told the president in 'a private Oval Office making and other functions that position gave him chief responsibil-
meeting last Wednesday that he wanted to leave the ad- ,have been Meese's responsibility, ity for the major negotiations and
ministration to return to his Los Angeles law firm, Gib- they added.
son, Dunn.& Crutcher, where Smith had become a mil- ? Smith is the sixth member of Rea- d Reawith Congress that
marked Reagan's first three years,
lionaire practicing corporate labor law before joining the gan's original Cabinet to leave, fol- including the early budget and tax
administration, the sources said. lowing former secretary of state Al- cuts, the bipartisan Social Security
Meese will not be replaced as White House counselor, exander M. Haig Jr., transportation compromise and the later tax in-
a job that put him at Reagan's ? elbow during the first secretary Drew Lewis, interior see 'crease. His deputy, Deaver, who.held
three years of the administration and often brought him retary James G. Watt, health and sway over Reagan's schedule and
into conflict with Reagan's' other senior advisers, the human services secretary Richard S. appearances, was influential in de-
sources said. Schweicker and energy secretary tiding how the president would tack-
Meese's appointment will thus `leave White House James B. Edwards. le a major problem or issue.
chief of staff James A. Baker III in undisputed control of Meese's departure will further. Meese, who had been responsible
the presidential staff for the first time since the 1980 thin the ranks of Reagan's original for dealing with the legislature when
election, when Reagan's top three advisers first divided senior staff. Recently, communica he was Reagan's chief of staff in"
their responsibilities, officials said. tions director David R. Gergen and Sacramento, was in a much different.
Reagan accepted Smith's resignation on Thursday and chief lobbyist Kenneth M. Duber- position at the White House. He was
decided the same day to give the job to Meese, 52, a for- stein left the White House for jobs far less involved in day-to-day pol-
der prosecutor and law professor who has worked for outside the administration, itics, and, according to his col-
Reagan since he began his terms as California governor. Disclosure of Smith's. resignation leagues, he focused more on keeping
Smith, 66, will announce his resignation today, the of- comes the week of Reagan's third the administration on Reagan's con-
ficials said. They said Reagan told his top three advis- State of the Union address and a servative course.
ers-Meese, Baker and deputy chief of staff Michael'K. week before 'the president is expect- . Inevitably, this produced second-
Deaver-last Thursday of his decision to give Meese the ed to announce that he intends to guessing between the two sides of
job, seek a second term. the White House, a tension between
They said that it was not certain if Meese's nomina- Shortly after Reagan's 1980 elec- pragmatism and ideology that mir-
tion as attorney general would be announced immediate- tion, Baker and Meese initialed a rored a larger conflict at work in the
ly, but that the president had decided to make -the nom- written agreement that delineated Reagan presidency.
ination, which requires Senate confirmation. their separate responsibilities along The original "Big Three" advisers
Neither Meese nor Smith could be reached for com- with Deaver's. This "Big Three" tri- became four when William P. Clark
mentyesterday. Asked about the shift as he returned to umvirate, with Meese in charge of became Reagan's national security
the White House yesterday afternoon from Camp David, making policy and Baker in charge affairs adviser in January, 1982.
Md., Reagan ma 3e a quip about the' ` of implementing it, proved to be a Until then, Meese had directed the
one thing on my mind: the football tween them.
game." Meese said in an interview last
Baker, who previously had given month that the tensions were no dif-
serious consideration to leaving the ferent from those two law partners
White House to become major
league baseball commissioner, will
remain as chief of staff through this
year's campaign, the officials said.
activities of Reagan's first national
security adviser, Richard V. Allen.
Clark had direct access to the pres
ident, however, and one of his first
actions-was to see that control over
matters dealing with foreign affairs
was taken from Meese.
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 ft: '1'1l:LL AYt'1;A=.) NEW JORK TI1~ 5 ROOK DP91 901 ROU
ON PAGE Z-Aroved For Release00AJ,: T R
INTREPID'S LAST CASE
By William Stevenson.
321 pp. New York:
Villard Books/Random Rouse..$16.95.
By James Bamford
0 N a warm September Thursday -in
1'945 a tired young man in baggy
pants crisscrossed the city of Ottawa
with his wife and 2-year-old son. All'
day and the previous night he had been pound-
ing the streets.searching for someone who
would take an interest in a shopping bag of
papers he carried. First he visited the night
editor of TheOttawa Journal who glanced at
the pile and said, "No thanks." Then he
trudged over to the Ministry of Justice where
a policeman told him to come back the next
day. At 8 o'clock the following morning the
young man again made his way to the Minis-
try of Justice and asked to speak to the minis-
ter. He was sent to the Parliament building
and, after a two-hour wait, was told_the minis.
ter was too busy to see him. Then it was. back
to the Journal, once again to the Ministry, and
finally to the Crown Attorney's office. Nobody
seemed to care a whiff about his bag of
papers.
The young man was Igor Sezgeievitch
Gouzenko, a slight, 24-year-old Russian at-
tached to the cryptographic section of the
I Soviet Embassy. And what he was hauling
aro
d
h
'
un
t
e c
.anadian capital were several "'E "AL oArTEnKwr 6TEVEISON
reams of the Soviet Union's deepest secrets - -Sir William Stephenson, code name
including evidence that Moscow had pene- "Intrepid, "accepting the General Donovan
trated the Manhattan Project and walked Award in September 1983.
away with key pieces to the puzzle of the retary to the British High Commissioner, she
atomic bomb. was apprehended and prosecuted. But Mr.
Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime 12Gouzenko was later to suggest there was a
Minister, had been informed of the Russian- second Elli, a Soviet :mole high in British intel-
and his bag of secrets within half an hour of ligence circles whose cover has never been
Mr. Gouzenko's first aproach to the Ministry blown.
of Justice, but delayed taking any action for Among those initially involved in the Gou-
fear of offending the Soviet leader Joseph zenko affair in 1945 was.Sir William Stephen-
Stalin. Mr. Gouzenko was "a political hot son who, under the wartime code name In-:
potato, too hot to handle," King later wrote. trepid, was in charge of London's New York-'.
Eventually persuaded otherwise, the Prime based British Security Coordination office.
Minister granted permission for accepting The B.S.C. was responsible for all clandestine
Mr. Gouzenko's appeal for political asylum. British activities in the Western Hemisphere
For protection, the Gouzenko family was and for close liaison with the Federal Bureau
hidden at Camp X a secret, wartime espio- of Investigation and the Office of ?trategic
Wage training center bordering Lake Ontario. Services, the wartime undercover intelli-'
There, during long interrogations, Mr. Gou- genre operation.
zenko told of extensive Soviet penetration of Sir William and the B.S.C. were the sub="
the West and named a Russian agent in 'ec of William Stevenson's earlier best sell- Contizued
Canada with the code name Elli. Later identi-
fied as Kathleen Willsher, a confidential sea
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 STA
ARTICLE AppF .oWoved For Release 5 VR8T RDP91-00901R00040005
ON PAGE
_~..~ 21 January :198+
INAUGURAL ANNIVERSARY: President Reagan at
the celebration yesterday of his three years in the
White House. He told a gathering of workers, "We have
Made a new beginning." Others, from right, are Edwin
Meese 3d, counselor; William J. Casey, head of the
C.I.A., and B111 Brock, trade representative
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 /s
Opil-p-tion ? Commentary
---
The
Quiet
American
John L. Hess
ing
uiet :::-nerLean Award
New York.
BEG the privilege of nominat-
Ni hire for the
The award is of course named
far the hero of Graham Greene's
novel about ,ietnm the c cancut
hi?h-minded liberal `CIA a ent
t'no tneo to build a third force be.
tween the French colonialists and
the Communist-led Vietminh. You
know how that came out.
Mr. White, who is as high-mind-
.ed as they come in the Foreign
Service, was ambassador to El Sal-
vador in 1979 and 1980. Like Sai-
gon in the 1950s, it was a bad time.
In El Salvador a coup turned
sour, a land-reform led to bloody
repression and death squads were
butchering innocents, including the
archbishop, four American church-
women and two U.S. land-reform
advisers.
One of the first acts of President
Reagan was to fire Ambassador
White. When it was perceived that
Mr. Reagan was engaging us in a People in Mr. White's world do
savage little war, he retorted with -not agree. Last spring, Foreign Pol-
rare truthfulness:
"I didn't start the El Salvador icy quarterly gloomily published a
thing. I inherited it. And the I 'Gallup poll that dramatized the
previ.. :split between the public and lead-
ous administration, they were ers of government, business, the
doing what we're doing." -media and academe.
The State Department certified The question was mushily
repeatedly that the human rights .posed: Should we have an "active"
situation was improving, until world role? That could mean Mr.
President Reagan vetoed the law r teagan's wars, Mr. White's reform-
'requiring such perjury. 1st meddling, or support for the UN
The murders continue at a rate Children's Fund. The leaders, of
of 100 or more a week. Our states- bcourse, all said yes to activism.
'nien grumble about them, but con- Fully one-third of the public said
tinue to pass the ammunition. In- no,
'deed, Henry Kissinger would step Note that this was a response of
up the flow. instinct or, one might say, common
"It is almost a rare thing to die a sense. Nothing in the media would
natural death in this country," said encourage such an "isolationist" (I
Approved For Release 200/QItLL-bP91-00901 R00040005
.prefer "non-interventionist") re-
sponse. And if the question had
.been properly put, the vote against
meddling would be overwhelming.
The public instinct is right. The
Quiet .American may meddle with
the hi hest motives, for human
.nghts, land reform, cl-emo-cracy;
other forces wi resist an , in te
end, the guns will speak.
Then the An rew oun s. the
Cyrus Van es and the Robert
Whites will get pushed aside by the
Zbigniew rzezins -is, t e William
Casevs and the Caspar Weinber-
v rs who will sa"" that they didn't.
start it, but the' will bloody we
finish it.
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Bishop Gregorio Rosa Chavez in a
Christmas sermon. "It is almost a
miracle."
To his great credit, Mr. White
has passionately denounced our
complicity in this slaughter. He ap.
peals for peace, democracy and jus-
tice in El Salvador. But not for us
to get out of there, for heaven's
-sake.
"In regard to Central America,"
he writes in the current Atlantic
?'Monthl ', "the world divides into
three parts," which he defines as
"those who exult in the Sandinista
revolution," "the Reagan ideo-
logues" and "those of us" who
would promote "stable, democratic
governments."
Mr. White's world excludes
most Americans. Few of us exult in
the Sandinista revolution, few of us
support murderous dictatorships
.and, as Mr. White should be among
'the first to know, few of us support
his benign meddling.
Indeed, a New York Times/CBS
poll found that only a tiny minority
knew which side Mn. Reagan was
on in Nicaragua and El Salvador.
(Mr. Reagan himself got them
crossed up once. He said the Salva-
i dor guerrillas threatened our sup-
ply line to Europe).
The public's ignorance is not
:,totally discreditable. It is natural to
dune out news about distant trage-
dies that, we can do nothing to re-
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ARTICLE KFFZP_Rn1
n ` 6!
ON PAGE-----_' WASHINGTON POST
19 January 1984
nolls to Replace Canceled
Pal,
earings on, nO "ebaw 3ers
T ' h' f f tact James A Baker
By Howard Kurtz
Washington Post Stav Writer
Rep. Donald J. Albosta (D-Mich.), saying
he wants to avoid "partisan bickering and a
media extravaganza," yesterday canceled
long ;planned public hearings into how Ron-
ald Reagan's 1980 campaign obtained doc-
uments from the Carter White House.
Instead of the hearings, which were to
begin next week, Albosta said his staff would
seek to obtain sworn depositions from key
witnesses in an effort to resolve conflicting
accounts of how the Carter documents were
obtained.
Rather than question witnesses publicly
during a presidential election year, Albosta
said his Post Office and Civil Service sub-
committee "should now attempt to conclude
the investigative phase of its work without
the potentially circus atmosphere of public
hearings."
Albosta said the sworn depositions, to be
compiled by his staff based on earlier inter-
views that were not under oath, will be cru-
cial in resolving discrepancies in the inves-
tigation. "It appears that not, all of the un-
sworn -statements to the subcommittee and
the FBI have been truthful," he said.
White House counsel Fred F. Fielding as-
sured him this week that President Reagan
will encourage members of his administra-
tion and campaign to sign the sworn state-
ments if asked, A]bosta said.
Rep. Daniel B. Crane (R-Ill.), the panel's
ranking minority member, welcomed Al- vvntte House c e. o s
bosta's decision. He said the seven-month- III, CIA Director William J. Casey and po-
old probe has cost. "hundreds of thousands of litical consultant Paul Corbin are among
taxpayer dollars," and complained that Al those expected to be asked to sign. deposi-
bosta has refused to detail the cost. Albosta tions. They have been central figures in the
said the costs were a matter of public record. controversy over how the Reagan campaign
Steve Hemphill, the committee's R.epub- obtained President Carter's debate briefing
lican counsel, said, "We've said all along that. book shortly before the crucial Oct. 28, 1980,
this subcommittee does not need to conduct. televised debate between Reagan and Carter.
an investigation that is often criminal in na Baker has said he received the Carter I
ture in trying to find a culprit." briefing book from Casey, but Casey has said
As for the allegation that witnesses have he never saw the material. A Republican
made false statements, Hemphill said, "I'm
aware of no evidence of any crimes. We're congressional aide has told the FBI that Cor-
dealing with people's memories that, are.four bin once claimed to have given the briefing
years old. It's possible to. have a lapse in book to Casey, but Corbin reportedly has
memory and still be telling the truth." denied making such a claim.
Albosta dismissed suggestions that he
postponed the hearings indefinitely because
of a lack of progress. He said the probe 'has
borne considerable fruit, as will be demon-
strated when the subcommittee's findings
are released," probably in March.
Albosta said the probe is necessary to de-
velop legislation to curtail future campaign
abuses. He added in an interview that he has
ruled out asking key witnesses to take poly-
graph tests, a possibility the panel had been
considering.
Albosta said public hearings "would have .
been almost a three-ring circus because it's
an election year. 1 would have been accused
of partisan politics and all kinds of things, no
matter how much I tried to avoid it"
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 Approved For Release 211' :~kigp1(~01
18 January 1984
e of Insider Authoes
that Executive Order 12065, then -in effect,
Section 1-607 said "Classification may not
Ectvxhudence be restored to a document already
declassified and released to the public under
manuscript to the CIA- A month later the th;c order and mint nrArrt thy-- PuM
Ralph W. McGehee
Publications Review Board (PRB) notified responded in essence that that was tough.
me that it'bad identified 397 classified hems., -.The PRB-had ruled that 3 -could not
The Central 'Intelligence Agency's pre- i in the text varying in length from one. word ,.discuss any training -oor the training site at i
publication review requirement is an issue of . to several pages. Over the :next ..:weeks 1 -Camp Peary even :though such topics had
-=.-amount importance. A similar kind of . worked with a representative of the PRB to been declassified. and well publicized. More
censorship is also threatened by President -prove that -those :-deleted passages did. not oddly, the PRB ruled that details of the
Reagan's March, 1983 executive order which contain classified information. I sourced my personality test - it gives recruits were
places hundreds of thousands of government claims primarily to information appearing in classified. Yet a proprietary company had
employees under identical constraints. the cleared writings of other agency authors. copyrighted and published the test. Also,
Supreme Court decisions and liberal in- We agreed on a number of revisions, and 1 Jack Anderson's column had carried, in over
terpretations of the executive order could rewrote the text accordingly. Dismayed that 1,000 newspapers, those same details that the
extend life-long prepublication review I had defeated its claims of secrecy, the PRB CIA was claiming were classified.
constraints over an additional several million reversed earlier decisions and began I appealed those and other decisions to
government employees and employees of classifying information that only a short Admiral Inman, then the deputy director of
firms doing classified government work. time before it had judged to be not classified. I the CIA. He recognized the total illegality of
M is is a major threat to our constitutionally This forced me to again prove many of those the Board's -decisions and ruled in my-favor
guaranteed right of free speech and forbodes claims false and to rewrite the text. Finally, I in every single instance.
the . approach of 1984 and the national overcame all objections; and for the first The CIA, however, was determined to
security state. . time I had a manuscript, truncated-as it was, prevent publication of my expose. It ruled
I am - a retired CIA officer who tamed to.shop around to publishers. that the entire second chapter, was classified.
numerous awards and medals including the The search for a publisher was a long time-: I contacted The Washington Post and the
prestigious career intelligence medal. During consuming effort. Many publishers admitted subsequent public exposure forced the CIA
my last ten years with the CIA I protected its I had a viable manuscript but all said it to relent. If the story had not Tun it would
false information on Vietnam. The needed better focus and rewriting. None but have been the end of my book. Embarrassed
'iciencies that created the Vietnam War a small ideologically motivated publisher by the Post's article, the PRB assigned a
permeate CIA operations and 1 felt an !-would risk the time and :uncertainty of representative to again work with me over
imperative to tell this to the American people battling the CIA's review process. the classified items, and I again rewrote and
k:.id wrote a book about my experiences. The Sheridan Square Publications agreed to resubmitted the manuscript. Finally in mid-
book did not attempt to reveal the identities I publish -the manuscript only if I would 1982, after more than five years of struggle,
of my associates or other classified in-. rewrite it as an autobiography. As an aid, I I had a cleared manuscript.
formation. prepared a 50 page outline and sent it to the From my experiences I conclude that the
I had opted for early retirement in .1977 PRB.. In the transmitting letter,. I advised; CIA, reacting as any bureaucracy, uses
and immediately began research for a book. "'that I:only wanted the out ine.for discussionsprepublication review and spurious claims of
I feared possible CIA retribution if it with_;an -editor following- -which ..I. -would] national -security to prevent the American
discovered I was writing an expose and rewrite and resubmit the manuscript. The people from learning of its illegal and
attempted to keep my activities secret from PRB refused to deal with an.outline. (Yet,a embarrassing operations. It attempts to deny
my friends and family members not living at few weeks later the CIA learned that I was to the `,ymeri -_ people .:..information
_carL
home. My fears were justified as the CIA give a speech to the Association of Asian essenfial to the good of the nation and to our
soon discovered what I was doing and placed Studies and sent me a registered letter ad- democratic processes. The CIA's efforts
me under close, intimidating, multiple types -vising that I must submit the speech for demonstrate what we can expect from other
of surveillance, a surveillance that continues review even if only in outline form.) After I agencies given the same authority under
to this day. - had submitted three chapters, the PRB President Reagan's executive order.
I was confused about how to' proceed. I demanded that I complete -the entire rewrite The national security state regards truth as
could not contact a publisher for anything I before it would release any material. I then its greatest enemy and cries national security
might tell him might violate prepublication had to rewrite the remaining text without the, to destory our freedoms. I fervently hope
review restrictions. I decided to work alone opportunity of consulting my editor. - - ' - that something can be done to prevent this
without benefit of a contract or Led by William Casey, the CIA in early
guidance from happening.
from an editor. This was a mistake that cost 1982 decided regardless of the legalities to Ralph W. McGehee is a former CL4 agent.
two years of misguided effort. stop my book. It attempted to do this by He is the author of Deadly Deceits: My 25
On Feb. 26, 1980, following three years of reclassifying everything of substance that Years in the CIA. This article is adapted from
research and writing, I submitted a was in my first chapter. When I pointed out testimony he
gave in the House of
Representatives in hearings on 1984: Civil
Liberties and the National Security State.
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R4*6;4bt1*50V"6%y was submitted to the
PRB for clearance.
 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000#00050003-9
ARTICLE AFFLOM
Gig IF AGE Al - / WASHINGTON POST
tieagan Set
110 BuUd "a
$,)ace Post
Manned Station
Would Orbit Earth,
Do Multiple Duty
By Philip J. Hilts
and David Hoffman
\aash, ington Post staff writers
President Reagan is expected to
announce next week, in his State of
the Union message, plans to build a
manned space station to orbit the
Earth with permanent, rotating
crews of astronauts, according to
VW hite House officials.
NASA, which has been lobbying
strongly for the space station,
presented the agency's plans to the
.president on the same day he spoke
to, astronauts in the Spacelab orbit-
ing in the space shuttle last month.
NASA Administrator . James N.
Beggs has sought the space station
as a science laboratory, astronomical
observatory, space manufacturing
center, servicing facility for space-
craft and an assembly site for larger
orbiting structures.
.: it `could represent a fundamen-
`ially new and versatile capability to
support activities in space over the
next 30 years," he has told Congress.
But the estimated $8 billion to
$20 billion cost of the station that
would be orbited in 1991 or 1992 has
triggered intense opposition in the
administration and among some sci-
entists. The Department of Defense,
the CIA and the space science board
of the National Academy of Sciences
either oppose construction of the
`station or are neutral. The presi-
dent's Office of Management and
Budget has strongly opposed the
project, according to administration
Officials.
18 January 1984
Defense Secretary Caspar W.
Weinberger and CIA Director i 'i,-
liam J. Case'.' have opposed any
major commitment to space station
funding because they fear it could
draw money from their own space
programs, officials said.
Military and intelligence agencies
are concerned that they would have
to share the space station with civil-
ian agencies such as NASA and
sometimes with the astronauts of
other countries. The Pentagon would
prefer to operate on its own in space.
..Officials on both sides of the ar-
gument say that, from the point of
view of space hardware development,
a 7nanned space station is the next
logical step. Other major steps to
follow, such as establishing a base on
the moon or sending a man to Mars,
are usually seen as taking off from a
space station rather than from
Earth.
t.A recent study by the Office of
Technology Assessment, the techni-
cal arm of Congress, provided anoth-
er motive for building the station.
That report said that the Soviet
Union is embarked on an ambitious
space station program, and the So-
viets are slowly but methodically
pulling ahead of the United States in
creating a permanent human pres-
ence in space. The report pointed
out that the United, States lacks
such a national pace.
Beggs said znr funding for
the space station could amount to
.$100 million in the fiscal 1985 bud-
get, but the funding would increase
rapidly over the subsequent few
years. The space station would be
made of a series of linked modules
carried into space by the shuttle. It
would house up to eight men and
women at a time.
During the budget battles in the
administration, when NASA turned
to others for support, it found little
enthusiasm in some agencies.
When the National Academy of
Sciences space science board was
asked whether basic research in sci-
ence would "require or be enhanced
by the space station," said Thomas
M. Donahue, chairman of the space
board, the answer was no.
Though scientists could use the
Donahue said, on scientific grounds
alone "I don't think you could ever
really justify $20 billion for a space
station."
"Just like the Apollo (manned
moon landing] program, it could go
ahead for reasons other than science.
That was not driven by scientific
reasons. The purpose of Apollo was
to establish the preeminence of or
the U.S. in a visible technological
enterprise. It was a response to a
challenge from the Soviet Union," he
said.
He added: "Of course, the chal-
lenge now is not so great, and we're
putting up something in 1991 that is
pretty close to what the Soviets al-
ready have up there,"
The space station could also dam-
age space science programs, as the
space shuttle has, he said.
"The shuttle has seriously dam-
aged the space science program,"
Donahue said. The reason is not the
shuttle, but that "it has been delayed
so long. Meanwhile, other means [of
conducting experiments in space)
have been phased out. Space science
has been waiting. Money was spent
keeping teams at NASA and in in-
dustry marching in .place. Money
was going to this, rather than" space
science such as planetary missions
and the exploration of Halley's
comet when-it comes by.
Robert Laudise, of ATT's Bell
Laboratories and a member of the
space science board, said, "The con-
clusion of the materials scientists (in
industry) is - don't build a space
platform on our account. The exper-
iments, you could do cheaper in
other ways, and many you could do
on Earth."
Laudise said that materials sci-
ence-such as growing crystals.-,for
computer chips or making new `al-
loys=would be fascinating in space,
but probably not worth the huge
cost because it is unlikely to lead to
any real manufacturing in space for
decades.
"I personally think Is manned
space station) is a fine idea," he said,
but it cannot be justified scientific-
ally, only on political and psycholog-
ical grounds, he added. He said the
nation needs to feel on top of the
Approved For Releas~ec1d05t~~r~/~f8 it CIXeRDW61'0901 R00040005000;9'TIJVU
 Approved For ReleaseAgg ft 1FA1HJ: DP91-00901R0004000
18 January 1984 -~,[ M-
"'ASEZ IGTON
Briefing Papers
BY DAV GOMLER
ID
A House subcommittee chairman, his investigation apparently stalled,
announced on Wednesday the indefinite postponement of public hearings into how
Carter administration documents reached Ronald Reagan's 1980 campaign
organization.
"Because of the Issues and the persons involved, there is potential for
public hearings to degenerate into partisan bickering and a media extravaganza,'
said Rep. Donald J. Albosta, D-Mich., who had planned to start hearings Jan. 26.
While Albosta talked of his desire to avoid that "potentially circu
s
atmospher," a source familiar with the; investigation said it simply had come up
dry In an attempt to identify anyone In the Carter White House who may have
passed documents, including campaign debate materials, to the Reagan camp.
Albosta ,said the investigation still would try to obtain written statements
under oath from unidentified Individuals in an effort to clear up "serious
unresolved conflicts" in statements made to House Investigators and FBI agents,
who conducted a separate probe.
But essentially the House investigation "all fell apart," said the source,
who spoke only on condition he not be identified. "I'm aware of no evidence of
any crimes being committed."
Among the unanswered questions in the case is who slipped the Carter
materials to the opposition, and at who's, If anyone's, request.
The White House has long acknowledged that Reagan's campaign received
documents prepared to ready Carter for a pivotal debate against Reagan a week
before the 1980 election.
James M. Baker III, the White House chief of staff, has said that he received
copies of the briefing papers from the campaign director, William Casey.
Casey, now CIA director, has said that he does not recall ever seeing the
briefing papers during the campaign.
Last November, Albosta said classified documents had been found in Reagan
campaign files by Investigators working for his human resources subcommittee of
the Post Office and Civil Service Committee.
But the source who discussed the case on Wednesday said he knows of no
classified documents, beyond several State Department papers dealing with Iran
that reached the Reagan campaign from at least two people Rep. George Hansen,
R-Idaho, and an attorney representing some of the U.S. Embassy personnel taken
hostage in Iran.
The contents of these documents were not secret by the time the campaign
received them. Excerpts previously appeared In French and U.S. newspapers, and
Hansen inserted them into the Congressional Record several months before
personally giving Reagan copies of -the documents.
Asked about theosouu ce Ffeleaspe 1qy ( b9~b~l$-ghat "the
postponement op?earings has nothing to do with the amount or quality of
,information discovered by the subcommittee."
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ARTICLE ,F.PFI~RZD
ON PAGE ~~ WASHINGTON POST RLS GH
17 January 1984
PackeaI With
Bti? Jacqueline Trescott
The well-heeled supporters of
Ronald Reagan, who last night were
enjoying a raw bar and each other's
company, didn't need a pep talk or a
cheerleader's yell, but. W. Clement
Stone came up with a couple any-
way.
The first was based on the mul-
timillionaire's philosophy of positive
mental attitude. "How is your
PMA?" Stone asked the 100 onlook-
ers. coaching them to answer with
"terrc." They did, and he had them
repeat. it.
"How do you feel? I feel healthy. I
feel happy. I feel terrific," he again
exhorted. When the crowd had re-
peated that slogan three times,
Stone said, "Let's talk about the
campaign.'
The '84 campaign requires money,
and last night's gathering was for the
frontrunners of Republican .contrib-
utefs-the members of The 'Presi-
dent's Committee, a part of the Cit-
izens for. the Republic. The political
action committee was founded by
Ronald Reagan in 1977 with leftover
campaign coffers of $1 million, and
Stone, a Chicago insurance execu-
tive, is the chairman of the select
group.
The members, who each gave up
to $5,000 for the GOP cause, are in
town for two days of meetings, a.
White House tour and a closed-door
reception tonight with President and
Mrs. Reagan. Last night the commit-
tee members and their spouses met
at the Capital Hilton to talk infor-
mally with Cabinet and Cabinet-lev-
el appointees.
Many of the guests, who included
E).zabeth Dole of Transportation,
Donald Hodel of Energy, John Block
of Agriculture, James Miller of the
Federal Trade Commission, Thomas
Pauken of ACTION and Gerald Car-
men of the General Services Admin-
istration, were asked to sign a red-
leather, gold-embossed photo album
timism
plans to give $25,000 to several Re-
publican funds; $5,000 is the federal
limit, that may be given to each fund.
Lee Donald Taicher, the president
of Caressa Inc., a shoe company, was
donating for the first time. "I'm so
impressed with the job he is doing I
wanted to contribute to the experi-
Robert Liebeskind, a radio nvi_cf
from Plantation, Fla., said - one of
Reagan's strengths is that "he has
brought pride back to being an
American."
Sunday's televised debate among
the Democratic contenders, many in
the crowd felt, had only helped the
president's cause. "I think it was
very encouraging for the president.
The competition isn't that tough,"
said Donald Devine, the director of
the Office of Personnel Manage-
ment.
"That was something every voter
in America should see," said Lyn
Nofziger, the general chairman of
Citizens for the Republic and cur.
rently on leave two days a week to
work on the Reagan-Bush reelection
effort. "It showed the strength. of
Ronald Reagan."
First Reagan Admini@t0ir Ye&Eor Release 2&5~1%~Ep'ra(Ar I '~ "I ~6A (330 t 14003~91tchayan
contributor received a copy.
Edwin Meese, counselor to the
president, was signing for Annette
and James West, a real estate con-
tractor from Pittsburgh, and tried to
play down reports that he might be
switching jobs. "I have heard those
stories for three years and I don't
pay them any attention," he said,
smiling.
Generally, the administration of-'
ficials and the party's financial back-
ers talked about how well the GOP
would do in November, even though
the president isn't expected to an-
nounce until Jan. 29.
This PAC, however, doesn't spend
money on presidential elections. "We
are out there to find the supporting
cast," said Curtis Mack, the execu-
tive director. The group, said Mack,
has spent "about $1.4 million eve:-
the last three election cycles. This
year, as in the past, 80 percent of the
people we support are nonincum-
bents."
John Henry Dudley, a retired
businessman and banker from Los
Angeles, said he didn't have any
doubts the president will win. "The
president says `you can't knock suc-
cess,' " said Dudley, acknowledging
that Reagan used the phrase most
recently to compliment Jesse Jack-
son on his Syrian mission. Dudley
STAT
 Approved For Release lIM5CIAWDRM QOSTAI.R000400050
16 January 1984 E -H
WASHINGTON
REAGAN'S IMAGE HELPS SHIELD HIM FROM CONTROVERSY
BY HELEN THOMAS
President Reagan's image as " an honest, straight-forward man " has helped
shield him from a number of controversies that have forced more appointees out
of government than at any time since Watergate, aides say.
Part of Reagan's ability to avoid personal involvement while appointees are
falling by the wayside is because when he was elected people wanted to see him
succeed," said David Gergen, departing communications director. ''They don't
hold him personally responsible because they like him.'' Gergen also
acknowledged there are "definite attempts " to protect Reagan when controversy
emerges.
''There are a lot of lieutenants to give blood, but only one five-star
general, " Gergen added. ' 'When there is a bruising battle, someone else should
be out in front.'
The list of presidential appointees who quit under fire in the last 12 months
includes Interior Secretary James Watt; Environmental Protection Agency
Administrator Anne Burford, plus a raft of other EPA officials; Lynn Helms, who
resigned as head of the federal Aviation Administration when past business
practices were questioned, and Paul Thayer, deputy secretary of defense, who
left the No. 2 Pentagon post to defend himself on stock manipulation charges.
Richard Allen, Reagan's national security adviser, departed earlier amid
controversy.
Others who have survived allegations of wrongdoing and stayed on the job
include Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan, whose business associations were under
investigation, and CIA Director William Casey, who f ailed to fulfill full
financial disclosure Fequirements.
White House spokesman Larry Speakes said Reagan ''comes across as an honest,
straightforward man'' and the public does not link him to allegations against
his appointees.
He said the only time he thinks the White House was hurt was when the daily
airing of the charges against Allen and Mrs. Burford ''went on so long.'' The
"longer it drags on,'' Speakes said, the more it can touch the presidency.
"I think it's an important asset for him (Reagan) to be above the fray,''
Gergen said, adding that Reagan's predecessor, Jimmy Carter, ''was too much
involved in everything.''
Gergen also believes the March 1981 attempt on Reagan's life'gave him an
''additional aura."
Reagan's own sense of privacy also "has kept him in good shape,'' and that
is ''part of his staying power,'' Gergen said.
JrrEVUED
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a
Once in a while, when news stories get under his skin - particularly if they
involve a friend -- Reagan drops his guard. He made it clear he thinks both Mrs.
Burford and Watt got a ''bum rap.''
Speaking of Mrs. Burford's critics, Reagan said, ''Frankly, I wonder how they
manage to look at themselves in the mirror in the morning.''
More recently, Reagan rose to the defense of U.S. Information Agency Director
Charles Wick, a close friend from Hollywood days, who acknowledged taping
conversations other officials, including White House chief of staff James Baker.
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-,77 E APPEARED ltyv; Y ORJ TIDES BCY;, REVIEb:
1.0E ,+ . 15 January 1934
did. Agca Act Alone? $Y~'"'az
THE MOT TO KILL THE POPE
By Paul B. Henze.
216 pp. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons. $14.95.
THE TIME OF THE ASSASSINS
By Claire Sterling.. A William Abrahams Book /
264.pp. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. >;14.95.'
N May 13, 1981, Mehmet All Agra, an escaped
murderer from Turkey, raised a pistol above
n is head in the piazza in front of St. Peter's
Basilica in Vatican City and shot and wounded
Pop` John P?gu1 II.-Captured at the scene by Italian po-
lice, be freely admitted firing the shots and was tried
and sentenced to Life imprisonment. Mr. Agca had
previously confessed to the political assassination of a
well-known newspaper editor in Istanbul and in Febru-
ary 1979 be had threatened in a letter to kill Pope John
Paul II. whom he accused of being "the Commander of
the Crusades" against Islam. So, investigating agencies
and the media quickly concluded that he acted as a lone
fanatic when he shot the Pope.
Now two well-documented books strongly dispute this
.conclusion. Paul .Henze's -"Plot to Kill the Pope" and
Claire Sterling's "Time of the Assassins" are both
based on extraordinary investigations into Balkan in-
trigues. They both relentlessly trace the assassin's trail
to Rome, beginning with his dramatic escape from
prison in Turkey in November 1979, and following his
passage through Iran,. Bulgaria and Germany. They
give similar descriptions of the final arrangements for
the assassination, saying that Mr. Agca was picked up
st 's P.M. that day by a Bulgarian intelligence officer
and ed.-line official named Sergei Antonov who was ac-
companied by two Bulgarian diplomats. They handed
him a gun and drove him to St. Peter's Square to shoot
the Pope. Both authors reach the same conclusion - the
papal assassination had been organized and controlled
by the Bulgarian secret service on behalf of the Soviet
Union's security agency, the K.G.B., and Mr. Agca
merely served as a paid gunman.
These books also proceed from a .common origin, the
Reader's Digest. Mr. Henze, who was the Central Intel-
ligence Agency station chief in Turkey from 1974 to 1977,
was hired in the summer of 1981 by the Reader's Digest
to investigate Mr. Agca's un to irrey and
connections to Bulgaria. After Mr. Henze had com-
pleted his original investigation, Mrs. Sterling was re-
tained by the Reader's Digest to prepare a magazine ar-
ticle about Mr. Agca. She then conducted her own in-
quiry, drawing on high-level sources in Italian intelli-
gence she had used-for her last book, "Tae Terror Net-
work." Her article, published in September 19821, re-
opened a debate in the media about whether Mr. Agca i
really did act alone.
Mr. Henze continued to fuel the controversy by selling
his research on the Bulgarian connection to other news
organizations, including NBC (which broadcast its own
White Paper on the plot in September 196:) and News-
week. He made it available later to The New York
Times fora fee., He also wrote articles under his own
name in The Christian Science Monitor and Encounter.
Both Mr. Henze and Mrs. Sterling then expanded their
investigations into these two books. In her autobio-
graphical account, Mrs. Sterling focuses on press and
government reactions to her disclosures about the as-
sassination attempt. Mr. Henze writes about the wider
geopolitical context and motivation of the assassination
attempt.
Although evidence, unlike acts of faith, is contingent
on external circumstances, Mrs. Sterling and Mr.'
.Henze both.hold their evidence to be incontrovertible.
Mrs. Sterling insists that the "logic [is] inescapable,"
that Mr. Agca had "come to Rome as a professional hit
man, hired by a Bulgarian spy ring," and Mr. Henze
places the existence of the plot "beyond debate." Al-
though they both rely on the Turkish journalist Ugur
Mumcu's investigation into the Bulgarian connection
and repeatedly cite him as a source, they do not even
contend with the very different answer he arrives at
based or, very much the same evidence. Mr. Mumcu
concludes in his book, "Agra Dosyasi," that Mr. Agca
attempted the assassination not on behalf of the Bulgar-
ians or the K.G.B. but for a neofascist Turkish terrorist
organization called "The Grey Wolves" (whose mem-
bers literally howl like a wolf pack). Mrs. Sterling does
not even mention his conclusion, or his book about Mr,
Agca, while Mr. Henze pre-emptively dismisses the
book on the grounds that Mr. Mumcu is a "leftist."
Mrs. Sterling and Mr. Henze base their theory that
the Bulgarians arranged the assassination attempt on
three main findings. First, they show that Mr. Agca re-
ceived considerable assistance from Turkish fugitives
for many months after he escaped from the Turkish
prison where he had been confined in 1979 - including
money, a faked passport, hideouts, contacts and the
weapon to use against the Pope. Then they establish
that the immediate source of this support was a group of
Turkish arms smugglers based in Bulgaria. Finally,
they demonstrate that these Turkish smugglers bad
close liaisons with the Bulgarian secret service.
To be sure, they support these findings with convinc-
ing arguments and evidence. Even if these three layers
of conspiratorial connections are fully accepted, how-
CONTIh'U
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ON PAGE -
WASHINGTON POST
14 January 1984
Chief of Staff Baker Affirms Intention
Not to Serve in a Second Reagan Term
By Lou Cannon
v.'as:angton Post Scat} Writer
White House chief of staff James
A. Baker III, telling a home-state
newspaper what he long has been
saying to his friends, has declared
that he doesn't intend to stay in his
job if President Reagan is reelected.
. "I think the president would be
better served by someone else in this
job in a second term," Baker said in
an interview with the Fort ' Worth
Star-Telegram.
Baker's comment reflected what
other White House officials consider
the open secret that he wants out of
a job he once said he intended to
hold for only two years. Last month
Baker considered an exploratory
proposal by a group of baseball own-
ers that he become major league
baseball commissioner, replacing
Bowie Kuhn.
Yesterday, in the wake of the
Star-Telegram_stor ,Baker's friends
and associates reiterated that he
would be more than willing to stay
with the administration for a second
term, but not in his present post. He
has pomplained about the long hours
and the demanding nature of the
job?
Both Biker and White Hour
counselor Edwin Meese III are con-
sidered prospective replacements for
Attorney General- William French
Smith, if he should step down in a
second term. Baker is a14n knoAm to
be interested in becoming secretary
of state, defense or treasury. or CIA
director if William J. Casey should
leave that post.
White House spokesman Larry
Speakes, asked about the reports
yesterday, observed that both Baker
and deputy chief of staff Michael K.
Deaver had talked repeatedly about
leaving during the last 1'/z years and
that neither had left-
"They both serve at the pleasure
of the president, and I think Baker
will be here as long as as the pres-
ident wishes him to be here,"
Speakes said.
Both Baker and Deaver have been
targets of administration conserva-
tives, whose opposition surfaced at a
critical time last October, when Wil-
liam P. Clark replaced James G.
Watt as secretary of the interior.
Baker and Deaver had worked out a
plan, which President Reagan re-
portedly had accepted, that would
have moved Baker into Clark's old
job of national security affairs advis-
er and made Deaver the chief of
staff.
But Clark and Meese, joined by
Casey and Secretary of Defense Cas-
par W. Weinberger, opposed the
proposal and persuaded "Reagan to
change his mind. Officials said that
both Baker and Deaver were disap-
pointed but agreed to stay on
through the 1984 elections.
Since then, two high-ranking
White House officials, both of them
close :#b Baker, have left the admin-
istration. Kenneth M. Duberstein,
assistant to the president for legis-
lative relations, took a private lob-
bying job, and communications di-
rector David R. Gergen resigned to
write and lecture at the Institute of
Politics at Harvard's Kennedy
School of Government.
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ARTICLE APPEAREr
ON PAGE 17. WASHINGTON POST
12 January 1984
FEDERAL
TRIANGLE
Nicaragua
Aid Probe
Resisted
The Justice Department
said yesterday that it will ap-
peal a federal judge's order
that it investigate whether
the Reagan administration is
illegally providing-covert aid
to overthrow the Nicaraguan
government.
U.S. District Court Judge
Stanley Weigel in San Fran-
.cisco ordered the department
to investigate President Rea-
gan, Secretary of State
George P. Shultz, CIA Direc-
tor William J. Casey, De-
fense Secretary Caspar W.
Weinberger and other high-
ranking officials.
The government had ar-
gued that the Neutrality Act,
which says the United States
cannot provide aid to over-
throw a government with
which it is not at war, does
not apply to actions author-
ized by the president.
. The suit, filed by Rep.
Ronald V. Dellums (D-
Calif.), a Nicaraguan citizen
and a Florida woman who
lives near paramilitary camps
where Nicaraguan exiles
have been trained since 1980,
contended that the act does
apply.
The judge also. refused to
delay the investigation until
the government has a chance
to appeal his ruling. .
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ARTICLE APPZtiREJ
ON PAGE_1_
aJF1.1. 111 VI I V1' anuary 1984 ~~~
12
lJnde Sam Tries to Get Synfue~
Industrv to BloOm, in the Desert
By -Milton R. Benjamin
Washington Post Statt Writer
DAGGETT, Calif-In the midst
of the and Mojave Desert, the U.S.
Synthetic Fuels Corp. is attempting
to make the synfuels industry bloom
by sprinkling $120 million in price
supports on the Cool Water coal-
gasification plant.
The project is no mirage. The 25-
story plant, being built by a consor-
tium that includes some of the na-
tion's largest and most profitable
companies, should be generating
electricity by fall from coal con-
verted into synthetic natural gas.
But, like a desert wisp, an elusive
question rides the dry Mojave wind:
How did Cool Water, a demon-
stration project far smaller than the
commercial synfuuels plants that the
Synthetic Fuels Corp. is supposed to
aid. become the only project blessed
to date with taxpayers' money?
The answer lies partly in the al-
tered energy economics of today's
global oil glut.; partly in the short,
unhappy life of the government-
funded Synthetic Fuels Corp., and
partly in the legitimate desire of pri-
vate industry to take advantage of
available government largess.
For the same reasons and in much
the same way, the Great Plains coal-
gasification plant, which is also being
built by a consortium of large com-
panies near Beulah, N.D., belatedly
is trying on a far larger scale to get
the Synthetic Fuels Corp. to ensure
.its profitability.
But, despite the controversy sur-
rounding the bid by Great Plains,
the, Synthetic Fuels Corp.'s decision
to aid the Cool Water project--less
than one=20th the size of the North
Dakota plant-raises-questions some
critics find equally troubling.
The Cool Water project was born
in 1978. The Electric Power Re-
search Institute-alarmed by soaring
fuel costs faced by American utili-
ties-teamed with Texaco Inc. and
Southern California Edison in plan-
ning an innovative facility that
would produce synthetic gas and
burn it to generate electricity.
Texaco had developed a coal-ga-
sification process that promised to
be more efficient than the German
Lurgi process, which will be used at
Great Plains. And the Cool Water
project represented an opportunity
to test the gasification process on the
largest scale to date. Texaco agreed
to put up $45 million.
General Electric Co., which has
developed much of the instrumen-
tation and equipment, and Bechtel
Power Corp., the prime engineering
contractor, were brought in as equity
partners. They each agreed to put
up $30 million.
All three huge firms clearly hoped
that the experience they would gain
from their investment in Cool Water
would give them a ? competitive leg
up in designing, constructing and
operating other plants of this kind.'
Southern California Edison, 'a
huge utility in the nation's most'en-
vironment-conscious state, was in-
terested in a plant that could use
coal and yet emit virtually none of
the sulfur or nitrogen oxides viewed
as a leading contributor to acid rain.
The utility was in for $25 million.. .
A consortium of utilities and' man-
ufacturing companies from Japan,
which also relies heavily on coal,
came in for $30 million. Also, the
Electric Power Research Institute
put~up $95 million.
While Cool Water was viewed as a
demonstration project that would
operate for 71/2 years, the soaring oil
prices of 1979 and 1980 led the part-
ners to believe that they might have
the best of all worlds: a research en-
deavor that did not lose money.
"The economic studies that were
run indicated that part way through
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the 7 i/2 years we wows cross me iine
and become economically compet.
itive with oil. and gas," said program
manager Wayne M. Clark.
But then came a. leveling in oil
prices. Suddenly, the economics of
Cool Water looked less attractive.
So the consortium turned to the
'Synthetic Fuels Corp. for aid.
The problem, however, was that
the corporation, endowed with $15
billion by Congress to encourage de-
velopment
of a "commercial" synfu-'
els industry, legally was not sup-
posed to help research and demon-
stration projects.
In 1981 the Synthetic Fuels Corp.
told Cool Water that it was ineligible
for aid because it was not a commer-
cial synfuels plant. What's more,
many staffers reportedly - believed
that Cool Water's well-financed
sponsors would proceed with the re-'
search effort without federal assist-
ance.
Then came the global oil glut and
falling oil prices. Many of the early
synfuels dreams that the Synthetic
Fuels Corp. had envisioned financ-
ing-the huge Hampshire project
near Gillette, Wyo., and the even'
larger Breckinridge project in Ken-
tucky-began to fall by the wayside,
By late 1982, three years after the
Synthetic Fuels Corp. had been set
up with $15 billion to give away, it
had begun to appear that the corpo-
- ration faced the ' embarrassment of
launching, as its first project, a con-
troversial scheme to produce . meth-
anol from a peat bog in North Car-
olina.
Not only were eyebrows raised
about the peat, which many viewed
as a dubious synfuels resource com-
pared with the nation's vast reserves
of oil shale and coal, - but. there was
talk about the North Carolina pro-
ject's sponsorship, which included
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ARTICLE APPEARED
OIL PAGE
N'EW YORK TIMES
11 January 1984
Judge Rules on Nicaragua Rebels
SAN FRANCISCO, Jan. 10 -- A Fed-
eral judge here has refused to reverse a
ruling directing Attorney General Wil-
liam French Smith to study charges
that the Reagan Administration's sup-
port of Ni guan insurgents violates
the NeutraltAct
The judge, Stanley A. Weigel, who
had handed down his original ruling on
Nov. 3, denied a Justice Department
request for a reversal. He rejected the
argument that the executive branch
was not subject to the 1794 act, which
makes it a criminal offense to furnish
money or prepare for a military -enter-
prise against a country with which the
United States is at peace.
tin Washington, John Russell,. a
spokesman for the Justice Depart-
ment, said the Government would
seek a stay. of the ruling from the
Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in San
Francisco and would also file an ap-
peal of the judge's decision.)
Judge Weigel had asked the Attorney
General for an inquiry in response to a
lawsuit filed July 8 by the Center for
Constitutional Rights in New York and
the National Lawyers Guild in San
Francisco on behalf of Representative
Ronald V. Dellums, a California Demo-
crat, and two private citizens.
Concern Over Undeclared War
Nicaraguan exiles in attacking and
seelan fo overthrow a icaral~uan
Government from training cl~ In
six sta__ tes 3 rv bases u Hon uras
in violati poi t-Fe Neuta T ty Act.
The plaintiffs said that the Ethics in
Government Act of 1978 required the
.Attorney General to investigate
charges on receiving specific and cred-
ible information that a Federal official'
had violated the -law. Agreeing, Judge
Weigel ordered the Attorney General
on Nov. 3 to conduct such an investiga.
tion within 90 days or appoint a special
counsel to do so as provided by the
Ethics in Government Act.
In asking for a reversal, the Govern-
ment argued that the Neutrality Act
was meant to apply to the adventurism
of private citizens and not to the execu-
tive branch in making foreign-policy
decisions. Judge Weigel rejected the
argument, holding that history and
judicial precedent "demonstrate the
reasonableness of the view that the act
applies to all persons, including the
President."
If, on investigation, information pro-
vided the Attorney General were to
show violations of the Neutrality Act,
Judge Weigel said today, "there is a
danger that, unless the violations be
terminated, the nation may be involved
in a war not declared by Congress."
in the lawsuit, the plaintiffs said th
providecl information to Attorney Gen-
eral Smith on a 271 cha in
President amen and members of his
stration wi apprvvmg-a coy-
ert_.__g_an o e tral 1
Agency to finance and tike part with
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ARTICLE APUARED 1067 YORK 'L'IMES
ON PAGE -
10 January 1984
Transcripts Said to Show Wick Taped Journalists.
By JANE PERLEZ which Mr. Fascell's subcommittee has
Spedal to The New York Tlmes jurisdiction, the aide said. and .0 es$ TT1 at2
WASHINGTON, Jan. 9 - The direc- Other transcripts included conversa-'
overnmen
t
.
nent
G
ith
i
taons w
prom
"
it
d St
t
f
h
U
I
f
i
e
a
es
on
r o
t
e
n
n
ormat
to
Agency, Charles Z. Wick, today gave and media people," a member of one of ten always to inform his callers of the
two Congressional panels 81 tran-
scripts and four tape recordings of his
telephone conversations as well as
notes from 83 conversations.
The transcripts included conversa-
tions Mr. Wick had with the acting
chairman of one of the committees,
and with two television journalists,
Walter Cronkite and Sander Vanocur, a
committee member who saw the tran-
scripts said.
At the same time, Mr. Wick acknowl-
edged in a written statement that he
had given "misinformation" about his
practice of tape recording telephone
calls without always informing the
other party.
In his statement, Mr. Wick's first
comment on his secretly taped tele-
phone conversations since he denied
the practice, then acknowledged it two
weeks ago, he said that "my anxiety
and faulty recollection" had resulted in
the "early contusion."
The transcripts were delivered today
to the House Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee and the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in two black binders by the
agency's general counsel, Thomas E.
Harvey, and Mr. Wick visited both
panels today. The information agency,
which runs the Voice of America, dis-
seminates information about the
United States abroad.
'A Very Dumb Thing'
In comments after visiting the Sen-
ate panel, Mr. Wick said: "I did1a very
main anonymous, said after viewing
them.
A committee aide said staff mem-
bers, after an initial review, had con-
cluded that "most" of the transcripts,
notes and tapes were made without
permission from the other party.
. Mr. Harvey asked the House com-
mittee to classify the transcripts and
.tapes as "executive session material,"
which then could not be released pub-
licly until the U.S.I.A. agreed, a com-
mittee staff member said.
The request, contained in a letter
that Mr. Harvey wanted the committee)
staff to sign, was refused, the aide said.
He said none of the material was classi-
fied on national security grounds.
Access to Material Limited I
But in respect to Mr. Wick's "right to
privacy," the committee was allowing
only a few staff aides and members of
the committee to review the material
until it was determined what was in it,
the committee aide said.
Mr. Wick, who met with the-Ho -we
committee staff for two hours, was
taping. -?
Among those Mr. Wick is known tor.
have secretly recorded are the White.-
House chief of staff, James A. Baker-
3d; Walter Raymond, a member of the.
National Security Council; Kenneth L
Adelman, director of the Arms Control
and Disarmament Agency; and two'
members of his staff, Casper Weinber
ger Jr., and John Hedges. whp have...
since leftthe staff.
Reagan, Mrs. eagan or
am
Ca cy. tlw Director "C ra
n
I
enceythe aide said. Mr.
`
'
enied
m; #he ai
ed
ever m any u~tfie
tdenrReagan strongly backed
Mr. Wick last Friday, saying he could'
understand bow Mr. Wick had forgot-
dumb thing. Now I can see that.
In his statement be said he now un-
derstood that "taping of others without
their consent is unfair, invades their
privacy and can lead to other, more
dangerous practices." He asserted that
he had used "recording equipment in
the way others use written notes."
Mr. Vanocur, a correspondent for
ABC News, and Mr. Cronkite, the for-
mer CBS News anchor, were taped by
Mr. Wick, according to a person who
saw the transcripts.
The transcripts included a conversa-
tion. Mr. Wick held with the acting
chairman of the House committee,
Representative Dante P. Fascell, a
committee aide said.
The discussion, in February last
year, before Mr. Fascell, a Florida
Democrat, became acting chairman, ~
involved the agent!"s budget over
TAT
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 STAT
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ARTICLE APPEA88D
PAQE?~..1~??---?
ON
1 '. C /
NEW YORK WY
9 January 1984
Casey Tips
His Nephew
CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICAN
Larry Casey is hoping that
some political intelligence
will help him win Long Is-
land's 3rd Congressional
District seat this year. The
insider's input has come
from his uncle Bill-C.I.A.
Director William Casey.
The super-spook, who
comes from Roslyn Harbor,
ran for the seat himself in
1966, with teenage Larry
on his campaign team.
Casey lost the primary, but
that doesn't worry his
nephew, who recently told
New York, "Bill's given me
private advice, and that's
been helpful."
The 34-year-old lawyer,
chief of staff for Con-
gressman George Wortley,
of Syracuse, said he would
decide this month whether
to challenge Robert Mrazek,
the Democrat who won the
district from John Le
Boutillier in 1982. That elec-
tion was "a rejection of Le
Boutillier, not an endorse-
ment of Mrazek," young Ca-
sey contended.
Casey: Getting good advice.
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 K
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ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE
of Visit
Poses Questions
In debate Case
By Howard Kurtz
Washington Post Staff Writer
A political consultant, who has been questioned
about whether he gave President Carter's debate .
briefing book to Ronald Reagan's then-campaign
manager, William J. Casey, visited Casey at Rea-
gan headquarters three days before the 1980 pres-
idential debate, according to sources familiar with
the investigation.
Paul Corbin, a consultant whose Democratic
ties go back to the Kennedy administration,
signed in at 'Reagan campaign headquarters on
Oct. 25, 1980, three days before Reagan met Car-
ter in the televised debate that was widely re-
garded as a turning point in the campaign, sources
said. They said Corbin wrote in the office log that
he was there to see Casey, now CIA director.
The visit came one day after the Reagan-Bush
Committee wrote a check to Corbin for $1,500 for
what Federal Election Commission records de-
scribe only as a "field trip." Investigators are try-
ing to determine whether Corbin was paid on Oct.
24 or went to the headquarters the next day to
pick up the check. The Reagan committee also
paid Corbin $1,360 on Nov. 3 for "professional
services and phone," according to the FEC.
United Press International reported yesterday
'that it had obtained a copy of the Reagan cam-
paign's reception desk logs and that they show
Corbin signing in to see Casey at 9:35 a.m. on Oct.
25, 1980, and departing 10 minutes later.
A House Post Office and Civil Service subcom-
mittee, chaired by Rep. Donald J. Albosta (D-
Mich.), is looking into the timing of Corbin's visit
and whether it might be related to the.question of
WASHINGTON POST
9 January 1984
MR-
how the Reagan campaign obtained documents
and information from the Carter White House.
The panel is to begin hearings Jan. 26.
Republican congressional aide Tim Wyngaard
has told the FBI that Corbin claimed last spring
that he had given Carter's briefing papers to
Casey before the 1980 presidential debate, The
Washington Post reported recently.
Corbin has declined to comment on the matter,
but associates of his have said he .denies ever ob-
taining the Carter briefing papers or making such
-a claim,to Wyngaard. Corbin's attorney, Herbert
J. Miller, declined to comment yesterday.
Casey has strongly denied that he received the
Carter papers from Corbin or anyone else, calling
such suggestions "totally false." Casey has said
that confusion may have arisen because Corbin
did give him a six-page memo from a New York
lawyer outlining possible statements Reagan`
might .make in the debate with Carter. Casey also
has said he is a friend of Corbin's and authorized
the campaign to pay Corbin for routine political
work in Florida.
CIA spokesman George Lauder paid yesterday
that Casey is, cooperating with the investigation
and will have no further comment.
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visitor, S-#a4na-__
ti+Kinted)
tsitor'x si9nac>re
v"kted
'Staff fpnsof-
n Tis;~
in -
out
Z el
41
-?A.V
9--3S
t,416
1
.~
ats.~s> ~cL.uwti+(.~C.l
e~
Xr/fr ~~
`~.? SK/~t
r3 rl.-
rare;? `. r]'f.C.J
7
.;
United Press International
Visitors log from the Reagan campaign headquarters lists Corbin's visit to Casey as the 12th entry for Oct. 25,1980.
/d' 2sC
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ARTICLE APPEARED. NEW YOHY,. 1t5 p M
ON PAGE 9 January !9B4
[F t L
,.Briefing-Book Figure
Called on Casey in '80
WASHINGTON, Jan. 8 (UPI) - I
Three days before Ronald Reagan met
President Carter in a crucial debate in
1980, a political consultant who has
been questioned about how Mr. Car-
ter's debate briefing book was passed
to the Republican team visited the of-
fice of the Reagan campaign chief, Wil-
liam J. Casey, it was learned today.
',Copies of reception desk logs from
Reagan campaign headquarters show
.that Paul Corbin, the consultant,
signed in at 9:35 A.M. Oct. 25, 1980, and
listed his destination as "Casey. Mr.
Corbin departed 10 minutes later.
A Republican Congressional aide,
Tim Wyngaard, told the Federal Bu-
reau of Investigation recently that Mr.
Corbin,. a political maverick, boasted
last spring that he gave the Carter de-
bate briefing book to Mr. Casey. Mr.
Corbin has denied doing so.
Investigators for a House Post Office
and Civil Service subcommittee look-
ing into the passing of Carter White
House papers to the Reagan campaign
are interested by the tinting of the Cor-
bin visit and have questioned both Mr.
Casey and Mr. Corbin about it.
Mr. Casey, now the Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, did not return calls on
the matter. A spokesman, Dale Peter-
am, said Mr. Casey was "cooperating
with the F.B.I. and Congressional in-
vestigations and has no comment at
this time."
Mr. Corbin was not available for
comment.
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ARTICLE AFP~'
ON PAGE
WASHINGTON TIh?1ES
9 ,January 1984
FRE -DI.
Reagan's s~~ ort of Wick
cools disP
imute over taping
By Jeremiah O'Leary
WASHINGTON TIMES STAFF
Just as U.S. Information Agency Director
Charles Z. Wick's candle seemed in danger
of flickering out in one of Washington's peri-
odic media hurricanes, he got the only vote
that counts in the White House - from Pres-
ident Ronald Reagan, his long-time friend.
Mr. Reagan has seen enough of these fire-
storms in the past three years - Alexander
Haig, Richard V. Allen. Anne Burford, Paul
T a eFi~"` r tl iai77 'as~ey an I Tormer
eputy at (9`IA Max Hugel Labor Secretary
Ravmond Donovan Interior Sec etarv
James Watt, Joseph Canzerij Kenneth
Adelman and mgr - to know that some-
times the victims are reduced to ash. It may
be that the president also remembers the
watchword of the late Rep. Sol Bloom that,
"One, with God, is a majority."
President Reagan acted decisively over
the weekend to declare that Mr. Wick is se-
cure in his job at USIA despite the clamor
over his foolish practice of surreptitiously
taping some of his phone calls. including two
calls to the White House chief of staff, James
A. Baker III. Clad in a Marlboro Country
lumberjacket as he was embarking for a
weekend at Camp David, Mr. Reagan strode
over to the waiting press and settled the
question of Mr. Wick's future, if not. the con-
troversy.
He acted after counselor Edwin Meese III
had said, "As far as I am concerned, I would
consider it (taping calls) unethical in my own
case. The president himself does not record
telephone conversations and I think that
Wick and others do not either any more." Mr.
Meese appeared to be seconding an earlier
statement by Mr. Baker in which he de-
scribed the practice as "not good ethics."
Taping phone calls and conversations has
been on a par with wife-beating or cheating
at cards in this town ever since the disclo-
sure of Oval Office taping helped drive the
final nail into former President Richard M.
Nixon's coffin. The late President John F.
Kennedy did it, too, but he was long dead
before the'press and public knew of it.
Mr. Reagan gave Mr. Wick his unequivocal
vote of confidence in the nick of time with
the press slavering for the transcripts of
some 200 Wick conversations being deliv-
ered today to the House Foreign Affairs
Committee by USIA. The Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee also will get a set. All this
guarantees leakage on the scale of the
Johnstown flood before the. cock crows
thrice.
The president said, "I don't think that
Charles Wick is a dishonorable man in any
way. The nature of the things that he was
recording -and I can understand his forget-
ting sometimes when he was talking to peo-
ple, particularly that he knew - but the pur-
pose of that was different than it is from
someone that is trying to keep a record on
other people's conversations. What he was
actually trying to do was to be able to imme-
diately transcribe so that he could provide
the suggestions that were being discussed to
the people who would have to implement
them.
"Let me just say this: He has done a
splendid job. I think the Voice of America,
the whole United States Information Agency,
is far superior to anything that has ever been
and he's going to continue there:'
Mr. Wick's most serious offense in Wash-
ington terms may have been that he did not
level with The New York Times when he was
asked about any phone tapings. That was
dumb. The New York Times already had
been given some of the transcripts and
promptly waved them to Mr. Wick and its
readers.
In fact, what Mr. Wick did is a violation of
federal regulations, according to the Gen-
eral Services Administration, and at least
two of the calls to Mr. Baker may prove to be
a felony according to a Florida state law. The
practice is not prohibited in the District of
Columbia. The USIA's counsel, Jonathan W.
Sloat, advised his boss in a 1981 memo that
taping calls is improper if the other party on
the line is not made aware of the recording.
Mr. Sloat submitted his resignation last
month.
But beyond all that, unless there are
bombshells vet unknown i xhe rranccriPtc
bound for Cant ftol Hill. Mr. Wick has survived
this dip in the piranha pool So have Messrs.
Casey, Donovan and Adelman.
Mr. Wick's style and flamboyance do not.
appeal to everyone. But for all intents and
purposes, ZIr. Reagan seems to have tilted
the scales for his old pal and the Wick-hunt
is not now likely to end up with the USIA
director burning at the stake.
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 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
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WASHINGTON
CONSULTANT VISITED CASEY'S OFFICE THREE DAYS BEFORE DEBATE
BY GREGORY GORDON
T
Three days before Ronald Reagan met President Carter in a?crucial 1980
debate, a political consultant who has been questioned about how Carter's debate
briefing book was passed to the GOP team visited the office of Reagan campaign
chief William Casey, it was learned Sunday.
Copies of reception desk logs from Reagan's campaign headquarters, obtained
by United Press International, reveal consultant Paul Corbin signed in at 9:35
a. m. on Oct. 25, 1980, and listed his destination as '' Casey. " Corbin departed
10 minutes later.
A Republican congressional aide, Tim Wyngaard, told the FBI recently that
Corbin, a political maverick who performed some work for the 1980 campaign as
well, boasted last spring that he gave the Carter debate briefing book to Casey.
Corbin has denied doing so.
Investigators for a House Post Office and Civil Service subcommittee looking
into the passing of Carter White House papers to the Reagan campaign are
intrigued by the timing of Corbin's visit and have questioned both Casey and
Corbin about it.
A former Carter White House clerical aide has said he photocopied a dozen to
15 copies of the thick, domestic section of the Carter briefing book on Oct. 23.
But congressional investigators have been unable to prove any transfer of
Carter documents occurred during Corbin's trip to the Reagan offices in suburban
Virginia. Casey and a lawyer for Corbin have declined comment on the matter.
''It's been my position that we have nothing to explain, and consequently I
have no comment'' on Corbin's visit, said Herbert J. Miller, Corbin's Washington
attorney. Miller previously has asserted his client has done nothing wrong.
Casey, now the CIA director, declined to return calls from UPI. A
spokesman, Dale Peterson, said Casey is ''cooperating with the FBI and
congressional investigations and has no comment at this time.''
Corbin was not available for comment.
Federal Election Commission records show Corbin was paid $2,.860 by the Reagan
campaign for work in Florida in the fall of 1980.
According to the records, the Reagan camp issued the first check - $1,500 for
a "field trip'' --- on Oct. 24, 1980, the day before Corbin went to Casey's
office. The second check, for $1,360, was dated Nov. 3, 1980.
White House chief of staff James Baker, who headed Reagan's debate strategy
preparation, has said he recalls receiving a copy of the briefing book from
Casey.
STAI
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Z.
Casey has denied ever seeing the briefing book, insisting he ''wouldn't touch
it with a 10-foot pole. '' The Washington Post recently quoted sources close to
Casey as saying his 'conscience is clear'' and that he is willing to submit to
a polygraph examination to prove his innocence in the briefing papers mystery.
Rep. Donald Albosta, D-Mich., chairman of the House subcommittee, has
acknowledged the panel considers the Casey-Corbin connection one of the
''important leads'' in its inquiry and that he has not ruled out exercising the
panel's authority to administer lie detector tests.
Congressional sources, however, said the use of polygraphs would be
precedent-setting, and such plans probably would be quashed by resistance from
Judiciary Committee Chairman Peter Rodino, 0-N.J., and other members.
Albosta has scheduled the long-delayed start of hearings climaxing his
subcommittee investigation for Jan. 26, but has declined to disclose witnesses
who would be asked to testify under oath and warned of the penalties for
perjury.
Possible witnesses would include Baker, who has cooperated with the
subcommittee; Casey, who has said he does not recall seeing the briefing papers;
and Corbin, who sources have described as uncooperative.
Asked if Corbin would be a willing witness at the hearings, Miller, his
attorney, said he has ''not been notified'' Corbin's testimony would be
requested and declined further comment.
In a story in its December issue, Nashville Magazine quoted Corbin as saying
he was hired by the 1980 Reagan campaign to organize the east coast of Florida
and that he reported to Casey and Baker fewer than six times each. The magazine
cuoted Corbin as saying he was paid only $1,800 in reimbursed expenses.
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 Approved For Release 232~aNCbF1~~00
6 January 1984
PAUL DUKE: Good evening .... with reporters Charles McDowell of the Richmond Times
Dispatch, Lee May of the Los Angeles Times, and Hedrick Smith of the New York Times.
DUKE: And something special -- a story of the plot to kill the pope, and how the
United States is conspiring to cover up the plot. This from Claire Sterling, a
free-lance journalist stationed in Rome.
STAT
DUKE: Let's pay, let's pay attention now to Claire Sterling who is a renowned
American journalist who has lived abroad for many years and is a recognized authority
on terrorism. Claire, among other things, you have advanced the theory that there is
no cuestion that there was a plot to kill the pope three years ago, that there is.no
.question there was a Bulgarian connection, that through that there was a Soviet
involvement, and now you're saying that there's a massive cover-up on the part of
American intelligence authorities and other Western democracies. I think, first of
all, we'd like to ask you basically what, what do we know about the plot against the
pope?
STERLING: Well, we know that this hit man, this Turkish hit man, had a pure
right-wing terrorist image, part of it authentic, part of it cultivated, and that he
was taken out of prison for where he was on trial for another murder to which he had
confessed in Turkey. He was taken out of prison by right-wingers who happen to also
work for a Turkish arms mafia based in Sofia, sponsored by, controlled by, and
supervised by the Bulgarian secret services. This is documented knowledge: that the
Turkish mafia operating out of Sofia brought him to Sofia, got his false passport;
supplied him with money, sent him on his way to Rome, using then in Europe other
right-wing gray wolf terrorists operating in Europe, who happened also to be couriers
working for the Turkish mafia pushing heroin. So that they were employees of the
Turish mafia which was, in turn, controlled, still is controlled by--and this is
documented, I repeat--by the Bulgarian secret service, so that we also know the plot
is established. I mean, it is impossible that this man was a loner. Not only
impossible, it's been ruled out by Italian courts. He was not a loner. He was not
crazy. He was perfectly sane. He was a professional hit man. This man, this was
decided at the beginning by the Italian courts.
DUKE: So it was all carefully planned to kill the pope? So if we know all this, why
hasn't it been broadcast all over the world?
STERLING: Well, I ask you, you know, but it's not just the pope. This is, this is
the culmination of many years of, of a cult of disbelief for one thing on the part
liberals in the West who cannot bring themselves to believe that the Soviet Union is
capable of at least as black deeds as the United States. And this in turn has been
encouraged by the kind of word that's been handed out to the press by members of the
U.S. intelligence community primarily, although it's true of all the West, who have,
who have been denying the Bulgarian connection because, I think, they... First of
all, the president wanted to have a summit meeting with, with Andropov, who was head
of the KGB when this hit was ordered and is now the head of the Soviet Union, and
because the whole theory of detente is, if you say out loud what you know about the
underside of Soviet policy, you destory or threaten detente or what is left of it.
And therefore, silence, as far as the public is concerned, the public should not know,
must not know.
hCDOR'ELL: Claire, Ronald Reagan is president of the United States; a man named Bill ST
Casey is head of the CIA--the most conservative anti-Soviet political figures we've
AT
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ARTICLE APPEb" HARVARD KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMI
ON PAGED Spring 1984
The Ethical Dimension
of Covert Action
By Anne C. Rudolph
Never before has the United States
engaged in such prolific and costly covert
operations. Under the Reagan adminis-
tration and CIA Director William Casey,
the mission and morale of the Agency's
clandestine services has been rejuve-
nated after the decimation suffered un-
der the Carter Presidency. A Newsweek
report last fall stated that the House
Intelligence Committee is informed of
12 to 14 covert operations, seven or eight
of them considered major, as compared
to two or three covert operations under-
taken during the Carter years (here
"major" is defined as any covert opera-
tion costing between $5 million and $7
million).' With the resurgence in activity
comes serious questions regarding the
prudence, efficacy, and propriety of
American intelligence operations.
Yet, most of the questions in the
public debate concerning covert opera-
tions revolve around purely pragmatic
considerations regarding the degree to
which covert operative capability en-
hances our national security interests.
Policy makers who favor a U.S. role in
the manipulation of events hesitate to
recommend a covert campaign because
of the risk of exposure and the political
drawbacks of a leaked operation.
In a survey on intelligence and covert
operations administered to career intel-
ligence professionals, over two-thirds of
those surveyed regarded covert opera-
tions as essential to diplomacy, but with
the caveat that such activity be under-
taken only as a last resort before war.'
Many stated the marginal benefits may
not be worth the costs involved. They
argued the costs occur when covert
activity pre-empts a policy-making role
or injures U.S. integrity abroad.
Considering the outcome of a covert
action is necessary to the decision to
engage in such an operation, but such
thinking does little to assist the policy
maker in reasoning and justifying the
intention to initiate covert action. These
purely consequentialist considerations
escape thoughtful motives for operations
and offend liberal democratic principles
when secrecy impairs accountability.
The calamities incurred due to a foreign
policy divorced from ethical reasoning
may be the most avoidable threat to our
national security.
Abandoning all covert activity, as the
Church Committee recommended in
1975, would be imprudent. There are
just causes for the U.S. to retain some
covert operative capability. But the in-
crease in scope and intensity of activi-
ties commands attention to the ethics of
intelligence operations. The utility of
moral reasoning to the policy maker is
vital to process competing moral claims
that confound clear and consistent rea-
soning in the debates over covert actions.
Claims based on U.S. responsibility
beyond its own borders challenge prin-
ciples of self-determination in the de-
cision to intervene in another country.
But the statesman need not be doomed
to moral dilemmas, nor must citizens
accept a compromise of ethical standards
to accommodate perceived national put-.
pose. The moral reasoning of a policy
maker must reveal intentions, question
means and act as a process to deal with
the competing moral claims in answering
the question: under what circumstances
is covert action morally justifiable?
The guideline for reasoning must
transcend a Cold War rationale of stop-
ping the Russians. A formula is required
that goes beyond the baseline rules of
"don't make things worse" and "don't
get caught" to include deontic, or oblig-
atory, rules that incorporate national and
transnational values.
Decisions to engage in covert activity
based wholly on consequential consid-
erations lack the moral integrity of deon-
tic rules. For instance, assured success of
a covert campaign does not merit our
intervention if there lacks a just cause
to intervene. The consequentialist ap-
proach may be tempting for a super-
power that can reasonably insure the
ends results from the means; however, it
may also invite condemnation of U.S.
aggression from abroad.
The reason to engage in covert activity
must not be founded exclusively on
deontic rules without considering the
consequences. The principles of an open
society should not preclude the use of
secrecy when necessary, nor should the
principles of liberty and justice be the
guidon illustrating our prerogative to
interfere in another country. Such rea-
soning would be detrimental to our
national security interests or, again, invite
hostilities from abroad.
This argument depends on a concep-
tual understanding of the meaning of
covert activity as distinguished from
secret or clandestine activity. Secret is
the generic term for activity conducted
without the knowledge of others. Clan-
destine connotes an intentional protec-
tion of secret materials, events, or people
designed to remain secret indefinitely
(e.g., names of agents).
Covert is understood as secret activity
with a public manifestation. The public
dimension may include a wide array of
activity extending from political advice
and counsel to paramilitary activities
involving coups and assassinations. Co-
vert action includes: financial support
to a radio station or publication (usually
pro-U.S.); subsidies to political parties;
support to private organizations and
labor groups; propaganda; training per-
sonnel; and economic operations (aid,
arm sales). Generally, covert operations
are designed to "alter political, economic
and military realities."
Conceptually, covert action is inter-
vention of a secret kind. Understanding
covert action in these terms provides for
a useful framework with which to con-
struct a moral argument. More specifi-
cally then, the question the statesman
must now ask is:
Can the obigation of the U.S. to inter-
vene to influence the events of another
country, while withholding such infor-
Co tiaued
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