PETRO-CANADA TWO EMPLOYEES HELPED CIA
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
185
Document Creation Date:
December 12, 2016
Document Release Date:
August 10, 2001
Sequence Number:
1
Case Number:
Publication Date:
December 6, 1984
Content Type:
NSPR
File:
Attachment | Size |
---|---|
CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7.pdf | 18.58 MB |
Body:
Approved For Release RiiiM2/05351AT-Miag=a1
6 December 1984
PETRO-CANADA DENIES TWO EMPLOYEES HELPED CIA
CALGARY, ALBERTA
Petro-Canada formally denied Wednesday that two of its top employees gave
the Central Intelligence Agency information about Canada's
government-owned oil company.
In a prepared statement, PetroCan's president and chief operating officer/
Edward LaKustal said the charges made earlier this week by Member of Parliament
Svend Robinson were "without any foundation" and that the company deplored
"the irresponsible manner in which they were made.".
Robinson on Monday told the House of Commons' Justice Committee that Robert
Foules, a former vice president of public affairs for Petro-Canada/ and Fred
Rayer, vice president of international operations, passed information about the
crown corporation to the CIA.
Robinson, of the opposition New Democratic Party, apologized Wednesday for
publicly naming the two men.
In his statement from Calgary, Lakusta said company officials had discussed
the allegations with Rayer and Foulkes and had been assured that they had not
"in any way knowingly provided information to intelligence organizations or
.individuals acting on their behalf."
New Democratic Party leader Ed Broadbent said he regretted Robinson named the
two men, but added his party still wanted Solicitor General Elmer MacKay to
determine whether the CIA has carried out covert operations in Canada.
Foulkes and the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa also have denied the allegation.
Justice Minister John Crosbie described the charges as "nonsense." Rayer was
out of the country and could not be reached for comment.
Robinson had said his allegations were confirmed by a confidential source,
the same person who sent him a secret 1976 document indicating the CIA sought
information about the. Anti-Inflation Board, Beaufort Sea drilling and
Saskatchewan's potash industry.
The U.S. Embassy has confirmed the authenticity of the document which was
issued by then- CIA director George Bush, now vice president.
Robinson said he has written to both American congressional intelligence
committees asking them to launch a full-scale inquiry.
MacKay said he has asked his officials to probe whether the CIA used
improper intelligence-gathering techniques in Canada, but added that any
information collected was probably garnered through public sources.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
7).
rIvia Fpr Release 2001/W5.1.14E_ITRI-1)9100901R00
6 November 1984
_____ ?
By Russell Warren Howe
' THE WAS TON TIMES
If he became president during
Ronald Reagan's second term,.
George Bush would find regular
summit meetings with his Soviet
counterpart useful "as a means of
staying in contact rather than an
event requiring concrete
agreements to be successful," the
vice president has told The Wash-
ington Times.
But Mr. Bush warned that Soviet-
U.S. relations would have to be "on
a more productive track before reg-
ular meetings are a realistic pos-
sibility."
He also indicated that, as
president, he would plan to retain
George Shultz as secretary of state.
In response to a score of written
questions on how he would handle
foreign policy if he found himself
occupying the Oval Office, the man
who expects to be still a "heartbeat
away from the presidency" after
today's election results are known
said, "We are encouraged by the
tone of [Soviet leader Konstan tin]
Chernenko's recent message,
although Soviet substance has not
changed.
"I do not believe the United
States should make unilateral con-
cessions simply to get talks going."
Mr. Bush said he was in "funda-
mental agreement" with Mr.
Reagan on foreign policy and that
"I also have great confidence in
Secretary Shultz."
Regarding the Philippines, the
vice president welcomed the
growth of "moderate opposition
groups pressing for democratic
change."
"While the situation there is seri-
ous," he noted, "it is not without
hope. In the recent elections, mod-
erate opposition parties scored
marked gains....
"The Philippines, while facing
economic problenis and problems
of corruption, is a vital society, and
it is important, whatever the out-
come of the current turmoil, that
we recognize the closeness of U.S.-
Philippine ties."
Asked if he would work with
similar opposition forces for
change in Latin America, he said he
"strongly supported" the Con-
tadora process, spearheaded by
Mexico, Panama, Colombia and
Venezuela, which aims at peaceful
resolution of conflicts between gov-
ernments and dissidents.
"In the last four years, elected
civilian governments have
replaced unelected ones in Argen-
tina, Bolivia, Honduras, El Salva-
dor and Panama, while Uruguay,
'Guatemala and Grenada are in the
process of making the transition to
democracy," he said. "In contrast to
the years of the Carter administra-
tion, not one country in Latin
America has fallen to Marxist-
Leninist revolution. Instead, Gre-
nada has been liberated."
Mr. Bush said he would be
prepared to normalize relations
with Cuba only if Premier -Fidel
Castro "ceased his efforts to sub-
vert and overthrow other govern-
ments in this hemisphere and
ended his role as a Soviet military
proxy in Africa and the Third
World."
The vice president said he
favored the 1982 Reagan initiative
for solving the Palestine problem, ;
but that he would not seek to impose
it.
"The important thing is that the
talks begin," he said. He opposed
"permanent control by Israel" of
the West Bank and Gaza, and sup-
ported Palestinian self-government
in association with Jordan "as offer-
ing the best chance for a just and
lasting peace." But, if the parties
involved had other ideas, he would
not "try to dictate to others."
He supported arms sales to mod-
erate Arab states such as Jordan,
Egypt and the Gulf countries, say-
ing, "We should not insult our mod-
erate friends and push them into
the waiting arms of the Soviets by
being indifferent to their very real
self-defense needs."
Mr. Bush hoped for improved
relations with Syria, but con-
demned Syrian "aggression"
against Lebanon and its "coordina-
tion of terror."
On South Africa, he stressed that
there should be "government by the
consent of the governed" but not ;
necessarily an American-style sys-
tem.
"Apartheid is repugnant to our
American values," he said, "and
we're doing everything we can to
encourage peaceful means of put-
ting it where it belongs ? in the
history books....
"Some progress is being made
within South Africa ? not enough,
but far more than would be the case
if we took the advice of those who
would have us drop all contacts with
South Africa."
He anticipated success in cur-
rent negotiations to get South Afri-
can and Cuban forces out of Angola
and to bring independence to South
African-governed Namibia.
Referring to his own negotiations
with Japan to iron out trade differ-
ences between Tbkyo and Washing-
ton, he said that "protectionism
must be resisted. Our record is not
perfect on this score, but it is a good
one. ... Protecting one industry
raises costs to everyone else by
making the American people pay
higher prices for products that
would not be competitive without
protectionist barriers." .
He was "optimistic about the
future of the U.S.-Japanese rela-
tionship," but said it would take
"continued efforts to ensure that
the competitive aspects of the rela-
tionship, which are very healthy in
themselves, do not overwhelm the
cooperative foundation we have
built."
Of China, to which he was the
first post-revolution U.S. envoy, he
said, "I am delighted with the pro-
gress that has been made in the
relationship with the People's
Republic." These ties are encourag-
ing China to reform its economy
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
V ARTICLE APPEAlWroved For ReleasWit5094fEal. -RDP91-00901R0
ON PAGE 2 November 19
S TINTL
Bush Says Exposure Hurt Intellikence Effort
, By GERALD M. BOYD
Special to The New York Times
PURCHASE, N.Y., Nov. 1 ? Vice
President Bush suggested today that
United States intelligence gathering
capabilities had suffered in the 1970's
because of the exposure of American
agents.
Mr. Bush made the comments as he
defended the Administration's han-
dling of terrorist attacks abroad in re-
sponse to questions from the public out-
side the headquarters of PepsiCo Inc.
, The campaign stop was his last of sev-
eral over the past two days in New
, York State.
In response to a question about the
legislative priorities in a new Reagan
term, he said the "legislative objec-
tive" would be to keep the recovery
going, which would mean a continued
effort to control the growth of Federal
spending. Mr. Bush said the effort
would start the "minute the election is
over" and a budget for the next fiscal
year was put together.
He Asserts Sources 'Dried Up'
The intelligence-gathering capabil-
ities of the United States have emerged
as an issue after three attacks on
United States facilities in Beirut since
Ronald Reagan became President. In
recent weeks, his Democratic oppo-
nents have accused Mr. Reagan of fail-
ing to take proper precautions after
warnings before two of the attacks.
M. Bush, a former Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, mirrored President
Reagan's view by asserting that many
of the United States' intellgience
sources had "dried up" in the I970's.
He attributed the development to fear
"that they would be exposed."
"I am convinced in the 70's we did
lose sources when we had a lot of expo-
sure," Mr. Bush said.
He was warmly received by the
small crowd of people, many of whom
work at the PepsiCo headquarters in
this Westchester community.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
.7
1111111.
4pproved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R
14
twaitamitatommeii,u,
7 _13ji i\EW YORK TDIS
1 October 1984
Bush Says Ford
Made 'Sense' '
On Beirut Blast
Asserts Reagan Should
Accept Responsibility
By JANE PERLEZ
Special to The New York Times
CLEVELAND, Sept. 30?Vice Presi-
dent Bush said today that "in the final
analysis" it made "some sense" for
President Reagan to accept responsi-
bility in the terrorist bombing of the
United States Embassy in Lebanon 10
? days ago.
Mr. Bush was asked at a news con-
ference if he agreed with former Presi-
dent Gerald R. Ford that Mr. Reagan
"has: to assume the responsibility for
any problems that arise" at American
installations abroad, including the Bei-
rut ootabing. The Vice President said:
"In the filial analysis, that makes some
sense. And then you take credit for all
the good things that happen."
Pressed further, Mr. Bush added,
referring to Mr. Reagan: "I'd like you
to ask him about how he feels about
that, My own view is that as in Leba-
noa, he would Say, for sure, he's the
leader of the Administration."
The White House has been criticized
as declining to shoulder responsibility
for the circurustances of the attack
Sept. 20 on the American Embassy in
East Beirut. Last week the President
suggested that cutbacks in intelligence
by previous Administrations had re-
sulted in a lack of warning about the
bombing.
Departures From Reagan Views
Mr. Bush has occasionally departed
somewhat from the President's views
in the campaign, and last week, when
the President's remarks on intelli-
gence were widely viewed as a refer-
ence to the Carter Administration, Mr.
Bush said the Carter White House
could not be held responsible for intelli-
gence cutbacks. Mr. Bush is a former
Director of Central Intelligence.
As he has many times in the past
week, Mr. Bush, echoing statements by
Mr. Reagan on the bombing, said,
"Fair-minded people would recognize,
when dealing with abject international
? terrorism, it is impossible to safeguard
against all possibilities."
Mr. Bush came to the suburb of
Parma near here for the annual Cuya-
hoga County Republican Committee
picnic, where he gave a charged speech
assailing the Democrats for confusing
"greed and selfishness" with old-fash-
ioned individual self-interest.
He declared, "The opposition talks
as if it were immoral to want to take
care of your own family, loved ones and
work toward a good life, maybe buy a
new car or get a mortgage on a home or
save up for your children's education."
The 'American Dream'
"We've got news for them: That is
the American dream and there's noth-
ing wrong about it at all," Mr. Bush
told about 1,000 people who braved
gray and rainy skies to attend the out-
ing.
The Democrats, he said, have "lately
been lecturing on selfishness and greed
and they talk about self-interest."
He said they thought that if "some-
body wanted to work his way up" there
was "something wrong with that as if it
were a dirty word; as if it's selfish to
want to hold on to some of the rewards
of your own labor and not have your
paychecks taken away by escalating
taxes."
Shirley Green, his deputy press sec-
retary, described Mr. Bush's com-
ments as a response to remarks by
Geraldine A. Ferraro, the Democratic
Vice-Presidential nominee. In a speech
Saturday in Pittsburgh, Representa-
tive Ferraro said the election provided
a choice between Republican "selfish-
ness" and Democratic "compassion."
She criticized Mr. Bush for pulling
out his wallet and saying that the elec-
tion would be won on the basis of "who
puts money into this and who takes
money out." Mr. Bush demonstrated
with his wallet at a Republicans state
dinner in Columbus, Ohio, two weeks
ago and said he was quoting wise words
from former Gov. James A. Rhodes of
Ohio. Mr. Rhodes was at the picif
with Mr. Bush today.
Meaning of Compassion
At the news conference after his
speech, Mr. Bush said he could not cite
any particular instances that demon-
strated that the Democrats believed it
25X1A
was "immoral" to care for family, but
Ihe said he was referring to their reli-
ance on "more and more Federal inter-
vention."
? "I have the feeling they measure
compassion with how much help the
Federal Government can give," he
said.
Mr. Bush's visit here was intended
not only to inspire the 'local Republi-
cans to work for the top of the ticket but
to encourage help in a Congressional
race in the Cleveland suburbs that Re-
publicans think they have a shot at win-
ning. The Vice President frequently
mentioned Matt Hatchadorian, the Re-
publican candidate who is challenging
a first-term Democrat, Edward F.
Feighan.
Mr. Bush also released a statement
on Mr. Reagan's meeting with the
Soviet Foreign Minister, Andrei A.
Gromyko, in which Mr. Bush took part.
He said that "I am not claiming any
major breakthroughs" but that the
tone of the meeting was "construc-
tive." There was "no vibrant hostili-
ty," Mr. Bush said. "I do think they
saw a President in control."
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
25X1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0
r?-? 10, 0.L
MONDALE CHARGES
TEAGAN IS EVADING
BLAME IN BOHM
Carter and Former Leaders of
C.I.A. Assail President as
Wrong on Intelligence
By HED RICK SMITH
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Sept. 27?Walter F.
Mondale accused President Reagan to-
day of an "inexcusable" attempt to
shift the blame for last week's bombing
of the American Embassy in Beirut.
Earlier, the White House sought to
soften Mr. Reagan's implication that
the fault lay with the "near destruction
of our intelligence capability" before
his Administration took office.
At a nes conference after his meet-
ing in New York City with Andrei A.
Gromyko, the Soviet Foreign Minister,
Mr. Mondale asserted that Mr. Reagan
Should quit trying to pass on the blame
for the incident.
"The latest statement by the Presi-
dent is inexcusable," Mr. Mondale
said. "He should stand up and say he is
responsible. By saying the C.I.A. is
weak, he encourages terrorists and our
enemies around the world to believe
that we don't have an effective intel-
lipce capacity, when we do."
It was one of Mr. 1Yrondale's most
blistering criticisms of the President.
Reagan Charges Distortion
In Washington, Mr, Reagan com-
plained to reporters about "the way
you distorted my remarks about the
C.I.A."
The White House spokesman, Larry
Speakes, said the President was refer-
ring to "reports in the media putting
the blame entirely on the Carter Ad-
ministration." Several reporters said
they had based their articles Wednes-
day on guidance from Reagan White
House officials.
But today Mr. Speakes said the
President had been talking about "a
decade-long trend and a climate in Con-
gress" in which "human intelligence
had been weakened considerably."
NEW YORK TIMES
28 September 1984
Rebuttal on Intelligence Cuts
He added that the President had not
meant that this trend had led specifi-
cally to the bombing, although Mr.
Reagan's comment8 had come in an-
swer to a specific question about that
incident. Two Americans and an un-
known number of Lebanese died.
? More broadly, several former senior
intelligence officials said the cutback
in overseas intelligence agents began
in 1967, long before the Carter Adminis-
tration. It was carried out, they said.
under Presidents Johnson, Nixon, Ford
and Carter, and by 1978, the Carter
White House had reversed the trend
and was pushing for increases in intelli-
gence funds. ?
Moreover, . several officials said,
there had been no intelligence failure
before the Beirut bombing because
warnings from terrorist groups about
such an attack had been made public.
Former President Jimmy Carter,
saying he had previously restrained
himself in the face of "a stream of false
assertions" by President Reagan,
issued an unusually strong statement:
It charged that Mr. Reagan's "claim
yesterday that his predecessors are re-
sponsible for the repeated terrorist
bombings of Americans is personally
insulting and too gross in its implica-
tions to ignore."
"He only has to question his?own Ad-
ministration officials to determine that
his statement was also completely
false," Mr. Carter added. "This series
of tragedies in the Middle East has
been brought about by the President's
own deeply flawed policy and inade-
quate security precautions in the face
of proven danger.
. "His frivolous reference to ,tardy
kitchen repairs is indicative of his re-
fusal to face the reality of his own re-
sponsibility," Mr. Carter went on, al-
luding to Mr. Reagan's likening of con-
structing security barriers to getting a
kitchen remodeled on schedule. "Mr.
Reagan should apologize for these mis-
leading statements, Mr. Carter as-
serted.
Mondale Sees a Divisive Move
Mr. Mondale said it was wrong for
Mr. Reagan to suggest any division be-
tween the two major political parties
on the need for a strong Central Intelli-
gence Agency and to imply that he had
inherited a weakened intelligence net-
work.
Mr. Reagan's comment came in re-
sponse to a student's question about the
Beirut bombing at a campaign stop at
Bowling Green State University in Ohio
Wednesday. As he had said previously,
Mr. Reagan observed that no security
"can make you 100 percent safe" and
"an embassy is not a bunker."
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RD
Then he
"the real pro
feeling the eff
struction of o
in recent yea
the effort tha
spying is som
get rid of our
we did that t(
Seeking ti
"Your bigg
we're trying,
to where you'
vance what ti
prepared for it."
Campaigning in Saginaw, Mich.,
Vice President Bush, who was a Direc-
tor of Central Intelligence in 1976, said
today that it would be wrong to inter-
pret Mr. Reagan's comments as laying
the blame for the Beirut bombing on
the Carter Administration.
"But I dn believe there were cuts
made in the intelligence business that
were inappropriate," Mr. Bush went
on. "Laying off a lot of people and thus
curtailing a lot of our sources on intelli-
gence wat not good for the overall intel-
ligence community, and I think that's
what the President's trying to say."
Former intelligence direcrors as well
as Democratic politicians took issue
with Mr. Bush's implication that this
began with the Carter Administration.
William E. Colby, who served in a Re-
publican Administration as Director of
Central Intelligence from September
1974 to January 1976, also called Mr.
Reagan "mistaken on two counts."
"The first is that we began to reduce
the size of the agency in 1967," Mr.
Colby said. There was a gradual de-
cline in numbers because there was a
decline in covert action, in operations
that try to influence other countries
and a shift to intelligence collection and
analysis, he said. ?
"The second is that the problem in
Beirut was not a failure of intelligence
but a problem of putting in proper se-
curity, Mr. Colby added. Mr. Speakes
said that was the burden of a report
given the President today by Robert
Oakley, the State Department's top
specialist on terrorism.
Other senior former intelligence offi-
cials said Richard Helms and James R.
Schlesinger, the Directors of Central
Intelligence under Presidents Johnson
and Nixon, had eliminated 1,000 to 1,500
overseas agents under a deliberate
plan to scale down the agency as Amer-
ican involvement in Vietnam and
Southeast Asia was phased out.
Senate investigations of the agency
in the mid-1970's led to disclosures of
assassination plots, drug experimenta-
tion with unwitting human subjects,
surveillance of Americans and a string
of other abuses that hastened the agen-
cy's shift away from agents to increas-
ingly sophisticated satellite, electronic
? S/0131041Wel 01501iieMqather- I
continued.
25X1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP9I-00901R00010QQ20Q
OHL.
sk2-017---: 28 September 1984
NEW YORK TIMES
Bush',s Blind Trust: Guarding
,
Against Conflicis of In
BY JEFF GERTH
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Sept. 27? The decision by
Vice President Bush yesterday to release tax
information from his trust has drawn atten-
tion to the use of trusts by Government offi-
cials. Relatively few officials have trusts, but
those who do are usually the most powerful
members Of an Administration, whose finan-
cial arrangements are likely to attract public
attention.
Under a 'trust arrangement, a Government
official turns over some or all of his assets to
an independent trustee who then handles in-
vestments and financial affairs independ-
ently of the official. This is designed to pre-
vent conflicts of interest between Govern-
ment duties and an official's personal hold- .
ings.
Mr. Bush initially said he could not release
any tax information because his trust ar-
rangement, set up when he took office,.
pro-
hibited him from seeing his tax returns. But
Mr. Bush latersaid his attorneys had worked
out an arrangement in which some informa-
tion could be released without violating the
purpose of the trust
Two Kinds of Trusts Are Recognized
There are two kinds of trusts recognized by
the Ethics in Government Act of 1978: a
qualified blind trust and a qualified diversi-
fied trust. Only Presidential appointees sub-
ject to Senate confirmation, with the excep-
tion of the President and the Vice President,
can use the diversified trust. All Government
officials are eligible for a blind trust..
Mr. Bush uses a diversified trust, which is
actually more restrictive than the,blind trust.
The diversified trust requires a trustee to file
tax returns without divulging the contents to
the official, whereas an official with a blind
trust uses a summary of dividends and inter-
est to file his own return but receives no infor-
mation about the actual assets.
? The diversified trust consists of a diversi-
fied portfolio of marketable securities. None
of the assets initially placed in the trust can
come from companies whose activities are
connected to an official's primary area of re-
sponsibility.
According to F. Gary Davis, acting general
counsel to the Office of Government Ethics,
.which monitors trusts, only 30 officials cur-
rently have trusts registered with the office,
... Of those trusts, only 10 are diversified
? trusts. In addition to Mr. Bush, other officials
using diversified trusts include Attorney
' General William French Smith and William
, J. Casey, the Director of Central Intelli-
gence. Mr. Casey set up his trust after some
lawmakers criticized his financial arrange-
ments.
President Uses the Blind Trust ? ' -
? President Reagan has a blind trust. Some
of his assets, such as his ranch near Santa ,
Barbara, are outside the trust. Mr. Reagan's
trustee provides the President and Mrs. Rea-
gan summary information for their tax re-
turns,-but no details of the holdings.
Trustees are required to make quarterly
reports with the ethics office, and they must
certify their independence. The ethics office
does not audit the trusts but it does do spot
checks and has the right to inspect the books
and records of a trust.
?All- trusts are dissolved when an official
leaves office.
Some Government officials and candidates
for Federal office believe they are required
to put their personal assets into a trust,
though there is no such requirement. Most
senior members of the Reagan Administra-
tion have placed their holdings in trust.
Government employees who do not use
trusts must either divest themselves of hold-
ings that might overlap with their official
duties or disqualify themselves from actions
in which they have a personal financial inter-
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
25X1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00010
WASHINGTON TIMES
28 September 1984
rter a gry at 'his
ilte Ho se ales ci
re arks ist
By Thomas D. Brandt
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Congressional Democrats have charac-
terized as "unfair and untrue" President
Reagan's suggestion that the recent bomb
attack on the U.S. Embassy in Beirut was due
to Carter administration policies, while the
White House said the president's remarks
had been distorted.
The chairman of the House Intelligence
Committee and the vice chairman of the Sen-
ate intelligence panel, both Democrats, yes-
terday said that the CIA's post-Vietnam
budget decline had actually been reversed
by Mr. Carter and anti-terrorism intelli-
gence "received higher and higher prior-
ities."
Mr. Carter, in a rare reaction to a comment
by Mr. Reagan, said the president's claim
"that his predecessors are responsible for
the repeated terrorist bombings of
Americans is personally insulting and too
gross in its implications to ignore."
?In the statement released by his office in
Atlanta, Mr. Carter said a series of terrorist
bombings directed at Americans in Lebanon
"has been brought about by the president's
own deeply flawed policy and inadequate
security precautions in the face of proven
danger."
The president's press Spokesman, Larry
Speakes, said Mc Reagan did not mean to
blame the Carter administration but a
decade-long "climate in Congress that
resulted in inadequate funding and support
for intelligence-gathering capabilities" dur-
ing both the Ford and Carter administra-
tions.
"Specifically, human intelligence
capabilities had been weakened consider-
ably in that decade [the 1970s1, partly
because of lack of support, partly because
of the confidence and trust abroad," Mr.
Speakes told reporters in an exhaustive
question-and-answer session about Mr. Rea-
gan's remark.
The controversy was triggered Wednes-
day when Mr. Reagan, replying to a question
at Bowling Green University in Ohio about
whether embassy security around the world
would have to be beefed up after last week's
bombing, said:
"The real protection and where we're feel-
ing the effects today of the near destruction
of our intelligence capability in recent years
? before we came here ogpirp,ifak
somehow to say, well, spying:1 meneeis-
honest and let's get rid of our intelligence
agents, and we did that to a large extent."
He added, "We're trying to rebuild our
intelligence to where you'll find out and
know in advance what the target might be
and be prepared for it."
Yesterday, posing for pictures in the Rose
Garden with Presider t Fernando Belaunde
Terry of Peru, Mr. Reagan told reporters:
"I will answer your questions about the
way you have distorted my remarks about
the CIA." But he returned to his office with-
out answering any questions or explaining
what he meant.
Some White House aides traveling with
Mr. Reagan on Wednesday told reporters the
president meant to refer to the Carter
administration. But the aides spoke off the
record, and Mr. Speakes said yesterday that
no one was authorized to say that.
Rep. Edward Boland, D-Mass., chairman
of the House intelligence panel, outlined the
bolstering of intelligence functions
approved by Congress during the Carter and
Reagan years and said "shortcomings on ter-
' roristn ... are shortcomings of this admin-
istration, which has had four years to solve
any problems."
"What happened during the Carter and
Reagan years is that new requirements ?
for economic intelligence, drug trafficking
intelligence, terrorist intelligence, third
world military intelligence, etcetera ? were
added. As a result, new personnel and larger
budgets were requested. ... Congress by
and large supported these requests."
Vice President George Bush, during a
campaign appearance in Saginaw, Mich.,
yesterday said that while he believes
intelligence-gathering capabilities have
been damaged over the years, he would not
blame the Beirut bombings on the Carter-
Mon dale administration.
Mr. Bush, a former director of the CIA,
told reporters he believes the president was
referring to budget cuts and congressional
hearings that "blew the cover" of some for- ,
eign sources,
"It's difficult to build up sources if they '
believe their cover is going to be blown in
public," Mr. Bush said. But he added that the.
U.S. has the best intelligence system in the
world and that it is virtually impossible to
defend against fanatic terrorists.
please 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901
Sen. Patrick Moynihan, D-N.Y., vice
chairman of the Senate intelligence panel,
said the president's statement "betrays ...
almost a decade of sustained bipartisan
efforts in the Congress to reconstruct an
intelligence community whose budgets had
run down steadily through the first half of
the 1970s [during the Vietnam wind-down]
and began to rise sharply in the second half."
Sen. Barry Goldwater, R-Ariz., chairman
of the panel, had no comment on the issue,
but he did join yesterday with Mr. Moynihan
in introducing legislation requiring that the
director and deputy director of the CIA be
career intelligence officers from the mili-
tary or civilian sectors and not political
appointees.
Mr. Moynihan said the positions are of
such critical importance to the nation that
the people who fill them should come from
professional rather than political ranks so
"that their judgments reflect an indepen-
dent evaluation of the facts and proposed
courses of action."
Mr. Moynihan also released a copy of a
March 8 letter from CIA director William J.
Casey that said:
"All of us know that the increase in the
personnel and budgetary strength of the
; agency began in 1979, that it was planned
and proposed earlier.
Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., another mem-
ber of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
said on the CBS "Morning News" yesterday
that Mr. Reagan's charge is "an outrageous
distortion of the facts."
"The biggest initial increase in the intel-
ligence budget came during the Carter
years," Mr. Leahy said. "The Reagan budget
is basically a continuation of what President
Carter started, so ... it's hard to tell any
difference between the two. They've both
had bipartisan support."
According to preliminary State Depart-
ment findings on last week's bombing of the
U.S. Embassy in Beirut, the principle weak-
ness at the facility was that the terrorists
struck before all security measures had
been completed.
President Reagan received the initial
report yesterday from Ambassador Robert
Oakley, director of the State Department's
office to combat terrorism.
According to a White House spokesman,
0 hy2titAihr president that moving
e a'gry operations to new quarters in
the east Beirut annex "was safer" than
retaining the entire staff in west Beirut.
2 5X1 A
Approved For Release 2121M/V/RfinpjANNT91-00901R0
27 September 1984-
' . 25X1A
LEBANON/U.S. RATHER: Over the past 24 hours, President and candidat
EMBASSY ATTACK Reagan made an effort to shift blame for lax security in
the U.S. Embassy attack in Beirut. He blamed his
predecessors in office, apparently trying to switch
responsibility on'to. Jimmy Carter. White House spokesman
Larry Speakes denies that. Other reactions have been
swift and many. David Martin reports.
MARTIN: President Reagan today was busily backing away
from his attempt to blame the latest terrorist bombing in
Beirut on cuts made in intelligence operations by previous
administrations. PRESIDENT\RONALD\REAGAN: I will answer
your questions about the way you have distorted my remarks
about the CIA.
MARTIN: The president didn't have anything to say later,
but here's what he said yesterday to a student audience.
REAGAN: We're feeling the effects today of the near
destruction of our intelligence capability in recent
years.
MARTIN: Although President Reagan didn't mention Jimmy
Carter by name, the former president took offense.
JIMMY\CARTER: It's personally insulting and too gross in
its implications to ignore.
MARTIN: Even Vice President Bush agreed that the Carter
administration can't be blamed for what happened in
Beirut. VICE\PRESIDENT\GEORGE\BUSH: I don't think anyone
can say that. But I do believe that there were cuts made
in the intelligence business that, ah, were inappropriate.
MARTIN: Bush should know. He headed the CIA during the
Ford administration when, according to two former
intelligence officials interviewed by CBS News, the
agency's budget reached its low point, the result of
cutbacks following the pullout from Southeast Asia. But
classified documents show it was Jimmy Carter and his CIA
director, Stansfield Turner, Who increased the budget.
SEN.\DANIEL\MOYNIHAN (Select Intelligence Committee): And
they rose under Mr. Carter in each of his budgets, and
they have risen under Mr. Reagan in each of his budgets.
MARTIN: Despite the budget increases, Turner is
remembered as the an who eliminated 800 jobs from the
CIA's operations branch. Turner insists those cuts did
not hurt. STANSFIELD\TURNER (former CIA director): The
Carter administration did not reduce one intelligence
operative overseas. We did cut back on some of the
bureaucratic fat in Washington.
Continued
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
25X1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0OA
WASHINGTON TIMES
26 September 1984
ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGL-
Miuda1e shod not
to tithe tragedy
eirut, Bush says
in
By Ron Cordray
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
CHICAGO ? While continuing to
accent the positive of the Reagan
administration, Vice President George
Bush is also starting to heat up the rhe-
toric against the Democrats.
Yesterday, Mr. Bush accused former
Vice President Walter E Mondale of
attempting to make political gains from
the tragedy of last week's bombing of
the U.S. Embassy in Beirut which killed
more than a dozen people.
"These things happen," Mr. Bush said
of the most recent terrorist attack. "I'm
a little troubled by the desperate need
to criticize everything and make it into
political advantage"
The vice president said it is virtually
impossible to defend against "kami-
kaze" attacks by terrorists and told
reporters that "You've seen interna-
tional terrorism reach a new cre-
scendo." The bottom line, he said, is that
"we can't allow international terror to
define our foreign policy."
"There is a certain desperation on the
part of Walter Mondale," Mr. Bush said.
"I don't recall him saying in advance he
was concerned. He is operating from
hindsight. If he has suggestions to
improve our security, let's hear them."
Mr. Bush also criticized the Demo-
cratic ticket for implying this week's
meeting between President Reagan and
Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gro-
myko was politically motivated. "We're
caught in a political campaign where
everything the president says Mr. Mon-
dale jumps up and says it's political."
Of President Reagan's speech at the
United Nations Monday, Mr. Bush said
there was nothing "particularly new" in
the proposals, that the president has -
made similar overtures to the Soviets in
the past.
He added that the speech "gave no
signal at all" that the administration's
position on a nuclear freeze has
changed. Such a freeze would "lock in
superiority" for the Soviets, particu-
larly in intermediate-range nuclear
weapons, Mr. Bush said.
Questioned by reporters on why he
does not release his assets and holdings,
Mr. Bush said that when he became vice
president everything was placed in a
blind trust and he is prohibited from
knowing what that trust includes. "It is
the most rigid blind trust ever created,"
he said. "You can't have it both ways. If
you go into the blind trust it violate S the
terms of the trust."
Mr. Bush said that "the very people
who are attacking f CIA Director] Bill
.asey for not having a blind trust are
now asking me to violate my blind trust.
My lawyers say I can't do it [open the
trust for public inspection]."
Mr. Bush winds up a four-day Mid-
western swing with a stop in
Indianapolis tonight, Saginaw, Mich.,
and Erie, Pa., tomorrow.
In Illinois yesterday, Mr. Bush made a
pitch for the Jewish vote while touring
the predominantly Jewish Rogers Park
area of Chicago. He shocked many shop-
pers by braving a driving rainstorm to
visit Jewish business establishments
along Devon Avenue, including a fish
market where he showed his versatility
by fileting trout.
He earlier spoke to students, parents
and faculty at the Ida Crown Jewish
Academy, where he drew enthusiastic
applause by stating the United States
will not permit "anti-Semitic outbursts
at the U.N. to pass unanswered, nor
stand for the equating of Zionism with
racism."
He said he was amazed at the ambiv-
alence shown by the Carter-Mondale
administration on this issue. "But, then
I was also amazed and, frankly dis-
gusted, that the Democratic Party's
leadership found a platform plank con-
demning anti-Semitism too controver-
sial to bring to the floor of their
convention. There are no circumstances
under which condemning anti-
Semitism and repudiating anti-Semites
should be controversial in our republic."
This administration, Mr. Bush said,
"has not flip-flopped in the U.N. like the
Carter-Mondale administration did."
Asked by students at the academy
why the Reagan administration has not
lived up to the 1980 GOP platform which
vowed to move the U.S. Embassy from
Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Mr. Bush said it
must be negotiated as part of the overall
peace process. "That pledge in the plat-
form, like many, was not kept."
Mr. Bush wound up his day yesterday
by attending a fundraiser for Sen.
Charles Percy, R-Ill.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
25X1A
Aim OLE App611199ved For Re iiptItalwig5loymp91-00901R000
ON PAGE ,24- 25 May 1984
Casey is praise
at CIA ceremony
, By Saul Friedman
b.:wirer Washington Bureau ?
WASHINGTON.? Spies and other
, assorted secret agents and their sec-
retaries came out into the warm for
an unusual, semi-public ceremony
yesterday at which President Reagan
praised the CIA and its embattled
chief, William J. Casey, as "the eyes
and ears of the free world."
Lauding Casey for improving the
management of the CIA, Reagan told
its employees assembled for the
0-
ground-breaking of a $190 million
addition to the agency's building,
"Your work, the work of your airec-
tor, the other top officials have been
an inspiration to your fellow Ameri-
cans and to people everywhere."
Despite the top-secret security
clearance of his audience, the Presi-
dent was accompanied by at least
eight Secret Service agents as he
strode to the sun-drenched platform
set up on a grassy knoll behind the
agency headquarters at Langley, Va.
His remarks seemed less than a
personal endorsement of Casey, who
has been accused of funneling stolen
papers from Jimmy Carter's White
House to President Reagan's 1980
campaign. Casey was Reagan's cam-
paign manager.
And White House chief of staff
James A. Baker 3d, who has sworn
that he received such materials from
Casey in 1980, did not accompany
Reagan, although he ordinarily does
so.
But deputy White House press sec-
retary Larry Speakes said after the
ceremony that Reagan's remarks
were "an endorsement of the role of
the CIA and the role of the director"
and that the President continued to
have confidence in Casey.
Speakes said he knew of no discus-
sion between the President and Ca-
sey at the ceremony about a liouse
subcommittee report released',
' Wednesday that included the acctise
tions against Casey. And Speakes said
he knew ?f no plans for Casey to
?
L resign. :?0
Casey, who has said he does not
recall handling the Carter campaign
papers and has contradicted Baker's
recollection, told reporters at ther
ceremony that he had not yet read
the subcommittee report and re-
served comment on it.
Even if that controversy had not
brought drama to the ceremony, the
scene itself was unsual. Employees
and officials of the super-secret agen-
cy rarely assemble when cameras
and tape recorders are around. And
rarely are the photographers, televi-
sion cameras and reporters of the
White House press corps admitted to
the agency grounds.
Indeed, the CIA insisted that no
foreign reporters and only White
House reporters who were U.S. citi-
zens be admitted. Even so, there was
a delay in admittance, and Art
McNeill, a CIA public affairs officer,
apologized: "We are unaccustomed to
welcoming people to our compound."
He asked that cameras, ordinarily
banned from the sprawling' grounds,
refrain from taking close-ups of
agency personnel ? looking much
like bureaucrats anywhere in Wash-
ington ? who streamed out of their
offices to attend the late-morning
ceremony.
And the employees were told to
shed their identification badges, lest
their names be seen by strangers.
For all that, Secret Service agents
peered into the woods at the edge of
the ceremony area. And despite their
clearances or previous service, the
officials, agents and other employees
of the CIA, and former directors
Richard Helms, James Schlesinger
and William Colby, lined up to go
through the metal detectors that fol-
low the President to every public
appearance.
The President stressed in his
speech that the agency's secrets need
to be maintained, "even in this, the
most open and free ? country on
Earth."
He then warned of the danger of
losing them "through unauthorized
and illegal disclosures of classified
information" by federal officials,
which he denounced as "Improper,.
unethical and plain wrong."
Contimed
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE AP.
ON PAGE
25X1A
Eiftrved For Relent 2p8R121%sCIA7RDP91-00901R0004
REAGAN, AT CIA.,
COMMENDS CASEY
AS AGENCY'S HEAD
Is Silent on Director's Role on
the Seized Carter Papers
? Ouster Is Doubted
25 May 1984
With lin-Trartiiidiiiiirentening
to linger unresolved through the Rea-
gan re-election campaign this year, the
President's spokesman, Larry
Speakes, said today that the President
continued to have "full confidence" in
Mr. Casey.
The Presidential visit attracted a
crowd of 2,000, serenaded in the sun-
dappled C.I.A. grounds by tunes such
as "Hey, Look Me Over" and "Put On a
, Happy Face." Clearly the visit was a
morale boost for Mr. Casey and his
staff. Mr. Reagan journeyed across the
Potomac as Congress was debating the
wisdom of the President's use of a
I C.I.A. covert -operation in the cam-
paign to undermine the Nicaraguan
Government. ?
Mr. Reagan, hailing the agency as a
"trip wire" for totalitarian aggressors,
defended the use of "direct and indi-
rect" support for nations threatened by
Communist actions. He told the audi-
ence of agency workers, seated before
him on a hillside: "New and vitally im-
portant missions are being performed
that a few years ago many would have
said were impractical or unachiev-
able."
Mr. Reagan praised Mr. Casey in the
context of what he said were "signifi-
cant changes" carried out in the intelli-
gence agency in the last three years.
The President did not allude to the
briefing-papers controversy. Mr.
Speakes later said that the subcommit-
tee's findings were being studied by the
office of the White House legal counsel,
Fred Fielding, in advance of a staff
briefing of the President. Mr. Baker
was not in the Presidential party. The
White House said he was busy at an-
other engagement.
, Last summer, when the controversy
' arose, the President at first dismissed
it as "much ado about nothing" and
' mainly the work of partisan Demo-
crats. Then, as it continued as a public
matter, the White House announced
that the President had sternly ordered
his assistants to "get to the bottom" of
it.
One ranking White House adviser,
conceding the continuing political prob-
lem posed by the controversy, said pri-
vately it seemed "inevitable" that At-
torney General Williatri French Smith
might eventually have to reverse his
current position and refer the matter to
By FRANCIS X. CLINES
sp,cial to The New York Times
LANGLEY, Va., May 24 ? President
Reagan today praised the performance
of William J. Casey as Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, but offered no com-
ment on a Congressional report charg-
ing that crimes might have been com-
mitted in the-1980 Reagan Presidential
campaign, which Mr. Casey directed.
While the White House dismissed
questions about Mr. Casey's possible
resignation as "highly farfetched," the
President kept an engagement to visit
the Director here in the pastoral setting
of the Central Intelligence Agency
headquarters.
Evaluation Is Under Way
Walking side by side with Mr. Casey
on the agency's well-guarded 219-acre
campus, Mr. Reagan broke ground for
an addition to the headquarters build-
ing and praised the work of the agency
and its director as "an inspiration to
your fellow Americans."
Privately, White House officials as-
sessed the political implications of the
Congressional report, a two-volume
study that called for the appointment of
an independent counsel to investigate
the behavior of Reagan officials in
preparing for the ?1980 debate with
President Carter.
The report, issued by the Democratic
majority of the House Human Re-
sources subcommittee, concluded that
the "better evidence" was that debate
briefing papers of President Carter's
camp were somehow obtained by Rea-
gan strategists through the office of
their campaign director, Mr. Casey.
Nicaraguan Actions Defended
Mr. Casey has denied having any
recollection of this, but the President's
chief of staff, James A. Baker 3d, has
I said he recalls receiving such papers
from Mr. Casey. His view was backed
by the Congressional report as the
I more credible.,
investigation by in
A court order to that effect is under ap-
peal, with argument expected in late
September, a time that, Republican
strategists note, would be the height of
the general election campaigning.
Other Criticisms Voiced
Privately, senior officials in the
White House and in the Reagan re-elec-
tion campaign concede that the affair
remains a liability, particularly in
focusing renewed attention on Mr.
Casey. The Director has also been criti-
cized on Capitol Hill lately for his han-
dling of the Administration's covert
Nicaraguan campaign.
"There's a lot on his plate," one offi-
cial said.
Thus far, however, there has been no
signal from Administration officials
that President Reagan might attempt
to resolve the issue either through seek-
ing a personnel change or taking a
more direct role in the inquiry. The
political sensitivity is compounded by
the fact that Mr. Baker, the director of
the President's re-election campaign,
has been neutralized in this matter by
his role in the briefing-papers contro-
versy.
Lately, Mr. Speakes has been em-
phasizing that an investigation by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation found
no evidence of a crime and that the
President was maintaining a "hands
off" attitude. The Republican minority
of the House subcommittee has said
that the report should not be taken seri-
ously because it "arbitrarily" doubted
Mr. Casey's sworn affidavit, and be-
cause the majority itself conceded the
inability to reach "definitive conclu-
sions."
Continued
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
STATINTL
MIIIINATIOSAINUAtikilviSCOMIRMI11611UNIMIA:4,WAt '
25X 1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05: CIA-RDP91-00901R00
111M. LEATTEAM
Pir"
WASHINGTON POST
25 Hay l984
eagan Praises Casey During
Ground-Breaking Ceremony
By David Hoffman
Waehingtort Poet Staff writer
President Reagan used a ground-
breaking ceremony at CIA headquar-
ters yesterday to praise William J.
Casey the day after Democrats on a
congressional subcommittee identi-
fied the CIA director as the recipient
of briefing papers prepared for Pres-
ident Carter during the 1980 cam-
paign.
In an outdoor speech to about
2,000 employes at the agency's head-
quarters near Langley, Reagan said,
"Your work, the work of your direc-
tor [and] the other top officials have
been an inspiration to your fellow
Americans and to people every-
where."
Casey has been involved in two
controversies in recent weeks: the
one over the debate papers and an-
other over his alleged failure to tell
the full truth to congressional over- "
sight committees about CIA-backed
mining of Nicaragua's harbors.
The mining was carried out as
part of the CIA's assistance to the
"contras" who are battling Nicara-
gua's Sandinista regime?support
that Congress has threatened to shut
off.
Reagan's trip yesterday was "cer-
tainly an endorsement" of CIA ac-
tivities generally "and the role its
director is playing there," White
House spokesman Larry Speakes
said. "The president has not changed
his position on Director Casey" fol-
lowing the critical congressional re-
port, and Casey still enjoys Reagan's
"full confidence," Speakes added.
The House Post Office and Civil
Service subcommittee on human re-
sources said it has "difficulty accept-
ing' Casey's sworn statement that he
does not recall receiving the Carter
briefing papers or giving them to
, James A. Baker III, now the White
' House chief of staff. The panel said
the "better evidence" supports Bak-
er's claim that he got the papers
from Casey.
`i Reagan did not mention the brief-
ing papers controversy in his re-
marks yesterday, nor has he yet read
the 2,413-page subcommittee report,
Speakes said.
White House counsel Fred F.
Fielding may brief the president
about the document later, he added.
As a result, Speakes said, Reagan
cannot "pass judgment" on the doc-
ument and "the matter still rests
with the Justice Department."
The Justice Department is ap-
pealing a federal judge's order that it
appoint a special prosecutor to in-
vestigate the case. The subcommit-
tee's chairman, Rep. Donald J. Al-
bosta (D-Mich.), has called for the
appointment of a special prosecutor,
known officially as an independent
counsel.
On Capitol Hill yesterday, Senate
Minority Leader Robert C. Byrd (D-
W.Va.) said "it is about time" that
Reagan personally call Baker and
Casey and ask them, "What is the
truth here? What do you know?"
Speakes said the president had
long planned to take part in the
, ground-breaking ceremoniee for a
$190 million, seven-story addition to
CIA headquarters. When Reagan
arrived, Casey strolled at the pres-
ident's side from the helicopter to
the site of the ceremony and intro-:
? duced him.
Baker did not attend. Casey,
asked by reporters about the briefing
papers, promised a statement later
in the day, but none came.
The president said in his 10- :
minute speech that "an intelligence
agency cannot operate effectively'
unless its necessary secrets are main-
tained . . . ." He cautioned against,
endangering the "life and work' of;
intelligence agents and sources be-.
? cause of "carelessness, sensationalism
or unnecessary exposure to risk."
Reagan also identified as "one of
the greater dangers facing you" the
"loss of necessary secrets through
unauthorized and illegal disclosures
of classified information." He said it
was "improper, unethical and plain
wrong."
The president, who has sought
budget increases and more personnel
for the CIA, called the agency "the
eyes and ears of the free world" and
declared, "You are the tripwire over
which totalitarian rule must stumble
in their quest for global domination."
Reagan claimed that U.S. support
"for people whose countries are the
victims of totalitarian aggression has
blunted the communist drive for
power in the Third World." This
appeared to be an indirect reference
to the CIA's covert operations in
Central America.
The president yesterday described '
a "period of readjustment" during
which "some of our adversaries who
had grown used to disunity. or weak-
ness from the democracies are not
enthusiastic about the success of our
policies or the brightening trend in
the fortunes of freedom."
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901
STATINTL
CoTt.mft4
25X1A
Approved For Release 2001/12/05: CIA-RDP91-0090
WASHINGTON TIMES
25 May 1984
Reagan praises Cas
ceremony
By John McCaslin
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
President Reagan yesterday praised the
work of Central Intelligence Agency
employes and Director William Casey as he
broke ground for a 1.1 million-square-foot
addition to the agency's Langley, Va., head-
quarters.
He told employes gathered at the cere-
mony that they and Mr. Casey "have been an
inspiration to your fellow Americans and
people everywhere."
Mr. Reagan's appearance followed by a
day the release of a House subcommittee
report charging that Mr. Casey, while Mr.
Reagan's campaign manager, received "pil-
fered" Carter campaign documents before
the 1980 Carter-Reagan debates.
Neither the president nor Mr. Casey made
any reference to that report at the ground- /
breaking ceremonies for the $190 million
addition.
The president's participation in the CIA
ceremony was "long planned," according to
White House spokesman Larry Speakes, and
his appearance was not scheduled to show
his support for Mr. Casey.
Mr. Speakes said the president continues
to have "full confidence" in Mr. Casey and is
pleased with the director's leadership.
Commenting on the Post Office and Civil
Service subcommittee report that alleges
wrongdoing on Mr. Casey's part, Mr. Speakes
said, "The matter, as far as the president is
concerned, still rests with the Justice
Department. . . and decisions will be made
by the Justice Department without White
House interference."
Mr. Speakes said President Reagan has
not read the report, prepared by subcommit-
tee Chairman Donald Albosta, D-Mich., but
will be briefed on its contents by White
House Counsel Fred Fielding.
Mr. Casey, when asked by reporters yes-
terday if he had read the Albosta report,
gestured with his hands estimating the
height of the 2,400-page report.
Mr. Reagan told several hundred CIA
employees gathered on a sloping lawn sur-
rounding the ground-breaking site that sig-
nificant changes have occurred in the CIA
since Mr. Casey was sworn in as director in
January 1981.
"New and vitally important missions are
being performed that a few years ago many
would have said were impractical or una-
chievable," he said.
? Declaring that the chariges under way at
the CIA are a "reflection of a larger renewal
among the forces of freedom throughout the
, world," Mr. Reagan said adversaries who had
; grown used to disunity or weakness are "not
enthusiastic about the success of our poli-
cies."
"The work you do each day is essential to
the survival and to the spread of human free-
dom. You rem&n the eyes and the ears of the
free world," Mr. Reagan said, adding that the
CIA is the "trip wire" over which totalitarian
rulers must stumble in their quest for global
domination.
President Reagan, left, Vice President George Bush, center, and CIA
Director William Casey at yesterday's ground-breaking ceremony.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
nTr r
?
BOSTON GLOBE
24 October 1984
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
An easy preference
The vice presidential debate
was unfair, a mismatch.
? Ferraro is smarter than Push,
and more commanding. Her ex-
perience is not flawed by associ-
ation with some of the shadier for-
eign affairs of our government.
She was neither a ranking
member 'of the Nixon team nor di-
rector of the .CIA. She demon-
strates a greater commitment to
an ethical society and to the val-
ues we profess to honor and re-
spect.
Bush was dismayed overtly
during the debate by Ferraro's op-
position to aggressive action co-
vertly conducted. Bush is a strong
advocate of covert action, or "gov-
ernment engineering" as a high-
ranking member of the military
once called it.
Such actions are conducted co-
vertly because they are unlawful
and must be kept secret from the
people of the United States.
The reasoning is pragmatic;
most successful lawbreakers pre-
fer covert action.
STUART CHAMBERLIN
Swampscott
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
TflT-ti
- r
? "
BOSTON GLOBE
24 October 1984
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
\
An easy preference
The vice presidential debate
was unfair, a mismatch.
? Ferraro is smarter than gush,
? and more commanding. Her ex-
perience is not flawed by associ-
ation with some of the shadier for-
eign affairs of our government.
She was neither a ranking
member of the Nixon team nor di-
rector of the .CIA. She demon-
strates a greater commitment to
an ethical society and to the val-
ues we profess to honor and re-
spect.
Bush was dismayed overtly
during the debate by Ferraro's op-
position to aggressive action co-
vertly conducted. Bush is a strong
advocate of covert action, or "gov-
ernment engineering" as a high-
ranking member of the military
once called it. ,
Such actions are conducted co-
vertly because they are unlawful
and must be kept secret from the
people of,the United States.
The reasoning is pragmatic;
most successful lawbreakers pre-
fer covert action.
STUART CHAMBERLIN
Swampscott
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
T:.(71
WASHINGTON POST
18 October 1984
-:Joseph Kraft
The Real George Bush
This candidate must be someone else.
Many who asked the real Fritz Mondale
to stand up have a similar obligation to-
/"A- aaard-George Bush. For the vice president._
is a serious man, one of the few at the top.,
of the administration concerned with the
substance of issues.
But in the campaign, the patrician has
tried to be a populist. He comes across, in
consequence, as puerile..
The
The patrician stamp is all over Bush. He
hails from an old New England family, and
his father was a prominent banker and Re-
publican senator from Connecticut. Bush
himself went to Andover and Yale, and then
served, heroically, as a Naval Air pilot in
World War II. He married Barbara Pierce, a
proper Smith girl from a fashionable New
York suburb.
He entered public service in 1966 as a
congressman from a silk-stocking district of
Houston where he had made his fortune in
the oil business. After losing a race for the
Senate (to Lloyd Bentsen) in 1970, he be-
came, in succession, ambassador to the
United Nations, ambassador to China, direc-
tor of central intelligence and vice presi-
dent.
While not brilliant or singularly percep-
tive, Bush has been distinguished in public
service by a sense of noblesse oblige. He
carried the ball for a losing effort to save a
U.N. seat for Taiwan even while Richard
Nixon and Henry Kissinger were arrang-
ing the entry of mainland China. He took
the CIA job out of a sense of duty, at a
time when it meant cutting himself out as
a vice presidential candidate in 1976.
At the CIA, Bush quickly discerned that
the major problem was with Congress. He
began rebuilding ties with the Hill, using
all his connections and charm. Unlike
some of his predecessors, he didn't dump
on past CIA failures. When he left, in
1976, the stage was set for the steady
buildup of the agency that followed.
"As an analyst," one CIA veteran says,
"I'd give him a gentleman's C. But he gets
an A-plus for morale." -
During his unsuccessful run for the
presidency in 1980, Bush made against
Reagan most of the points subsequently
advanced by the Democrats. He called the
Reagan approach "voodoo economics"
and predicted the record deficits. He dif-
fered with Reagan on the highly emotional
issue of federal financing of abortions.
The sense of duty has marked Bush's
performance in the Reagan administra-
tion. He has tried conscientiously to grasp
the serious issues that confront the coun-
try. Compared with most of the rest of the
president's entourage, with their empha-
sis on the appearance of things, he stands
out as a veritable Gladstone.
Bush was the man sent to calm the
Europeans after Ronald Reagan panicked
them with a series of wild asstrtions that
unless new American missiles were de-
ployed there would be no U.S. deterrent
force for the continent On his trip he was
so adroit at conveying American flexibility
that both opponents in the forthcoming
West German election?Chancellor Hel-
mut Kohl and his Social Democratic foe,
Hans-Jochen Vogel---applauded him.
After the terrorist attack on the Marines
in Beirut, Bush led the way for the decision
that pulled out the American force. He
pushed strongly within the administration
for the improvement of ties with China.
Such congressional leaders as Rep. Barber
Conable of New York regarded Bush as
their man in the White House on measures
to dose the budget deficits.
But nobody would know any of this judg-
ing by his performance in the debate with
Geraldine Ferraro. During the debate itself,.
Bush indulged in sweeping judgments and
blatant appeals to the far right. He said his
views on abortion had been changed by the
fact that there were 1.5 million abortions in
the past three years. In fact, that large num-
ber tells against the Reagan position that
would make the millions privy to those abor-
tions either murderers or accomplices to
murder.
He justified terrorist actions against gov-
ernments that do not "believe in all the
values that we believe in." He strongly im-
plied that because of differences on human
rights, there could be no accommodation
between this country and Nicaragua.
Far worse was the deliberate effort by
Bush to put down Ferraro. In a dialogue
with a longshoreman after the debate,
Bush said of the encounter: "We tried to
kick a little ass last night." When ques-
tioned, he said the phrase was an "old
Texas football expresssion . . a way of.
expressing victory."
That attack on Ferraro is clearly_cieliber-
ate, It follows a comment by Mrs. Bush
about that "84 million . . . ritymes with
witch," and a flat assertion by press secre-
tary Pete Teeley that Ferraro is 'bitchy."
The point, plainly, is to show Bush as a
tough gut-fighter amenable to the Republi-
can right. But the pose won't fool the right-
wingers. They know that Bush comes from
the wrong part of the country, went to the
wrong schools and practices the wrong
brand of religion. But the rest of the country
knows what it sees and hears. So unless the
real George stands up, the general impres-
sion will be of a foolish fellow unfit to be
president
(e 1964 Los Angeles Timm Syndlcate
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Sioseph Kraft
WASHINGTON POST
18 October 1984
The Real George Bush
This candidate must be someone else.
Many who asked the real Fritz Mondale
to stand up have a similar obligation to-
erard.George Bush. For the vice president_
is a serious man, one of the few at the
of the administration Concerned with the
substance of Issues.
But in the campaign, the patrician has
tried to be a populist. He comes across, in
consequence, as puerile.. - ?
The patrician stamp is all over Bush. He
hails from an old New England family, and
his father was a prominent banker and Re-
publican senator from Connecticut. Bush
himself went to Andover and Yale, and then
served, heroically, as a Naval Air pilot in
World War IL He married Barbara Pierce, a
proper Smith girl from a fashionable New
York suburb.'
He entered public service in 1966 as a
congressman from a silk-stocking district of
Houston where he had made his fortune in
the oil business. After losing a race for the
Senate (to Lloyd Bentsen) in 1970, he be-
came, in succession, ambassador to the
United Nations, ambassador to China, direc-
tor of central intelligence and vice presi-
dent.
While not brilliant or singularly percep-
tive, Bush has been distinguished in public
service by a sense of noblesse oblige. He
carried the ball for a losing effort to save a
U.N. seat for Taiwan even while Richard
Nixon and Henry Kissinger were arrang-
ing the entry of mainland China. He took
the CIA job out of a sense of duty, at a
time when it meant cutting himself out as
a vice presidential candidate in 1976.
At the CIA, Bush quickly discerned that
the major problem was with Congress. He
began rebuilding ties with the Hill, using
all his connections and charm. Unlike
some of his predecessors, he didn't dump
on past CIA failures. When he left, in
1976, the stage was set for the steady
buildup of the agency that followed.
"As an analyst," one CIA veteran says,
"I'd give him a gentleman's C. But he gets
an A-plus for morale." -
During his unsuccessful run for the
presidency. in 1980, Bush made against
Reagan most of the points subsequently
advanced by the Democrats. He called the
Reagan approach "voodoo economics"
and predicted the record deficits. He dif-
fered with Reagan on the highly emotional
issue of federal financing of abortions.
The sense of duty has marked Bush's
performance in the Reagan administra-
tion. He has tried conscientiously to grasp
the serious issues that confront the coun-
try. Compared with most of the rest of the
president's entourage, with their empha-
sis on the appearance of things, he stands
out as a veritable Gladstone.
Bush was the man sent to calm the _
Europeans after Ronald Reagan panicked
them with a series of wild assertions that
unless new American missiles were de-
ployed there would be no U.S. deterrent
force for the continent. On his trip he was
SO adroit at conveying American flexibility
that both opponents in the forthcoming
West German election?Chancellor Hel-
mut Kohl and his Social Democratic foe,
Hans-Jochen Vogel?applauded him.
After the terrorist attack on the Marines
in Beirut, Bush led the way for the decision
that pulled out the American force. He
pushed strongly within the administration
for the improvement of ties with China.
Such congressional leaders as Rep. Barber
Conable of New York regarded Bush as
their man in the White House on measures
to dose the budget deficits.
But nobody would know any of this judg-
ing by his performance in the debate with
Geraldine Ferraro. During the debate itself,.
Bush indulged in sweeping judgments and
blatant appeals to the far right. He said his
views on abortion had been changed by the
fact that there were 1.5 million abortions in
the past three years. In fact, that large num-
ber tells against the Reagan position that
would make the millions privy to those abor-
tions either murderers or accomplices to
murder.
He justified terrorist actions against gov-
ernments that do not "believe in all the
values that we believe in." He strongly im-
plied that because of differences on human
rights, there could be no accommodation
between this country and Nicaragua.
Far worse was the deliberate effort by
Bush to put down Ferraro. In a dialogue
with a longshoreman after the debate,
Bush said of the encounter: "We tried to
kick a little ass last night." When ques-
tioned, he said the phrase was an "old
_ .
Texas football expresssion . . a way of.
expressing victory."
That attack on Ferraro is c.learly_deliber-
ate. It follows a comment by Mrs. Bush
about that "$.4 million . . . ritymes with
witch," and a flat assertion by press secre-
tary Pete Teeley that Ferraro is 'bitchy."
The point, plainly, is to show Bush as a
tough gut-fighter amenable to the Republi-
can right. But the pose won't fool the right-
wingers. They know that Bush comes from
the wrong part of the country, went to the
wrong schools and practices the wrong
brand of religion. But the rest of the country
knows what it sees and hears. So unless the
real George stands up, the general impres-
sion will be of a foolish fellow unfit to be
president.
conk Los Angeles Times Syndicate
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE APPEARED WASHINGTON TIKES
ON PAGE ---/ 17 October 19814 j" MORTON KONDRACIPE
Pea()
I
., .
..LIc
.L. h %Wel
rhe polls and a majority of
pundits have declared
George Bush the winner of
last week's vice pres-
idential debate; but I sat through
his performance cringing.
At times, Mr. Bush was frenetic,
almost out of control. At other
times his behavior was just weirdly
inappropriate. And throughout, he
was so sycophantic toward his boss,
the president, as to be laughable.
Geraldine Ferraro's perform-
ance was far from perfect. She got
unnecessarily testy when asked
about her lack of experience with
' military matters and she distracted ?
her audience by constantly looking
down at her notes.
More important, the substance
of her answers on Central America
and U.S.-Soviet relations suggested
that she has thoughtlessly adopted
the refleXive "blame-America'.'
bias that prevails among many
House Democrats.
But, what are we to make of
George Bush? '
Besides having been a member
of Congress, as Rep. Ferraro
now is, he has been vice pres-
ident, CIA director, and ambassa-
dor to the United Nations and
China, and yet he utterly lacks
gravitas, the seriousness of spirit
that it takes to lead a great nation.
Instead of a world leader, Mr.
Bush comes across like a Boy Scout,
a cheerleader, or a water boy ?
someone who jumps to salute when
someone else commands. . .
He seemed so unsure of his own
inner strength in the debate that he
kept ? hammering at points long
after they had been made. His high-
pitched voice and blurting-out of
strange interjections ("Whine on,
harvest moon!") made him sound
frantic.
His patronizing condescension
toward Rep. Ferraro and constant
fawning praise for President Rea-
gan made Mr. Bush seem, in the
end, pathetic.
And it was also pathetic to see Mr.
Bush, the Brahminic preppy from
Yale; try to be one of the boys with
a Longshoreman's union official on
the day after the debate by joshing,
We tried to kick a little ass last
night."
showainsto
Or sides
Aides to Rep. Ferraro suspect
that Mr. Bush's remark was no acci-
dent; but the extension of a pattern
begun when Mr. Bush's press secre-
tary called Rep. Ferraro "bitchy"
and Mr. Bush's wife called her an "I
can't say it, but it rhymes with rich."
The Ferraro aides charge that
Mr. Bush either is reacting to Rep.
F arrato's being a woman, to her
being an Italian-American, or to her
being of less lofty socioeconomic
origins than Mr. Bush. "In any
event:' one aide said, "the Bush atti-
tude iS 'How dare she oppose us?'"
Another theory is that Mr. Bush
is indulging in displays of macho to
build up his image for the 1988
Republican presidential race
against Rep. Jack Kemp, a former
professional football quarterback.
Whichever is correct, Mr. Bush
does. not come out of all this as
insPiring confidence or demon-
strating the self-confidence it takes
to lead:
In the debate, too, he seemed so
lacking in confidence in his ability
to make points forcefully that he
began attributing false motives to
the -Democrats.
One example was the allegation
that Walter Mondale somehow had
slurred the Secret Service, the peo-
ple who "saved the life of the pres-
ident:' when in fact, Mr. Mondale
only said that Mr. Bush pays a lower
tax rate than Mr. Bush's chauffeur,
who is a'Secret Service man.
? An e'en more Nixonian trick was
Mr. Bush's statement that "for
somebody to suggest, as our two
opponents have, that these men (the
265 servicemen killed in Lebanon)
died in shame, they better not. tell
the parents of those Marines!'
Rep. Ferraro responded by giv-
ing Mr. Bush the spanking he
deserved.
"No one has ever said that those
young men who were killed through
the negligence of this administra-
tion ... died in shame," she said.
"No one who has a child, a son,
who's 19 or 20, would ever say that
about the loss of anybody else's
child."
lance:
Cr
ow?
Mr. Bush also accused Rep. Fer-
raro of opposing all covert CIA
operations, though in fact she
opposes (mistakenly, I think) only
aid to anti-government guerrillas in
Nicaragua.
These low blows and the rest of
Mr. Bush's performance suggest
that he rattles under pressure.
He couldn't calmly praise Mr.
Reagan's record. Instead, he
heaped it on, as in the statement on
Lebanon: "I don't think you can go
assigning blame. The president, of
course, is the best I've ever seen at
accepting that. He's been wonder-
ful about it in absolutely everything
that happens."
And then there was Mr. Bush
talking about the president meet-
ing with Soviet Foreign Minister
Andrei Gromyko: "I wish
everybody could have seen that one
... excellent, right on top of that
subject matter and I'll bet Gromyko
went back to the Soviet Union say-
ing, 'Hey, listen, this president is
calling the shots, we'd better
move.' "
The conventional wisdom about
Mr. Bush's performance is that it
means nothing important for 1984,'
but only for 1988. I disagree. In the
presidential debate with Walter
Mondale, Mr. Reagan showed signs
of age, intimations of mortality.
Ghoulish though it may be to
think about, the fact is that Mr.
Bush has to be looked at as someone
who might be president before
1988.
Since the polls indicate that the
Republicans still are likely to win
the election, Mr. Bush's debate per-
formance makes me want to pray
for President Reagan's continued
good health. -
Morton Kondracke is executive
editor of The New Republic and a
nationally syndicated columnist.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
vroved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE e--/ WASHINGTON TINIES,i_
17 October 1984 MORTON KONIDRACEIE
1.?-' 11C US
he polls and a majoritr of
S
ow INNS tO
pundits have declared
George Bush the winner of
last week's vice pres-
idential debate; but I sat through
his performance cringing.
At times, Mr. Bush was frenetic,
almost out of control. At other
times his behavior was just weirdly
inappropriate. And throughout, he
was so sycophantic toward his boss,
the president, as to be laughable.
Geraldine Ferraro's perform-
ance was far from perfect. She got
unnecessarily testy when asked
about her lack of experience with
' military matters and she distracted ?
her audience by constantly looking
down at her notes.
More important, the substance
of her answers on Central America
and U.S.-Soviet relations suggested
that she has thoughtlessly adopted t
the reflexive "blame-America".,
bias that prevails among many .
House Democrats. .
But, what are we .to make of
George Bush? '
perfo
ance:
per
r sides ow?
Aides to Rep. Ferraro suspect
that Mr. Bush's remark was no acci-
dent; but the extension of a pattern
begun when Mr. Bush's press secre-
tary called Rep. Ferraro "bitchy"
and Mn Bush's wife called her an "I
cant say it, but it rhymes with rich."
:The Ferraro aides charge that
Mr. Bush either is reacting to Rep.
Ferraro's being a woman, to her
being an Italian-American, or to her
being of less lofty socioeconomic
origins than Mr. Bush. "In any
event:' one aide said, "the Bush atti-
udeis 'How dare she oppose us?'"
Another theory is that Mr. Bush
s indulging in displays of macho to
build up his image for the 1988
Republican presidential race
gamst Rep. Jack Kemp, a former
professional football quarterback. '
Whichever is correct, Mr. Bush
does. not come out of all this as
inspiring confidence or demon-
strating the self-confidence it takes
to lead:
' In the debate, too, he seemed so
lacking in confidence in his ability
to make points forcefully that he
began attributing false motives to
the-Democrats.
One example was the allegation
thdt Walter Mondale somehow had
sluerdd the Secret Service, the peo-
le yho."saved the life of the pres-
ent," when in fact, Mr. Mondale
plSrstiid that Mr. Bush pays a lower
x rate than Mr. Bush's chauffeur,
ho is a'Secret Service man.
An e'en more Nixonian trick was
r. Bush's statement that "for
omebody to suggest, as our two
pponents have, that these men (the
65 servicemen killed in Lebanon)
ied in shame, they better not. tell
e parents of those Marines!'
Rep. Ferraro responded by giv-
g Mr. Bush the spanking he
eserved.
"No one has ever said that those
ung men who were killed through
e negligence of this administra-
on .. . died in shame," she said.
No one who has a child, a son,
who's 19 or 20, would ever say that
about the loss of anybody else's
child."
. .
Besides having been a member
of Congress, as Rep. Ferraro
now is, he has been vice pres-
ident, CIA director, and ambassa-
dor to the United Nations and
China, and yet he utterly lacks ,
gravitas, the seriousness of spirit ;
that it takes to lead a great nation.
Instead of a world leader, Mr.
Bush comes across like a Boy Scout,
a cheerleader, or a water boy ?
someone who jumps to salute when :
someone else commands. -
He seemed so unsure of his own ; P,_,
inner strength in the debate that he ta
kept. hammering at points long
after they had been made. His high- ta
. pitched voice and blurting-out of 1,
strange interjections ("Whine on, '
harvest moon!") made him sound M
. frantic. s
His patronizing condescension n?
toward Rep. Ferraro and constant ' ',
fawning praise for President Rea- a
gan made Mr Bush seem, in the th
end, pathetic.
And it was also pathetic to see Mr. ' i,n
Bush, the Brahminic preppy from a
Yale; try to be one of the boys with
a Longshoreman's union official on Ya
the day after the debate by joshing, . th
"We tried to kick a little ass last ti
night.", 61
a
Mr. Bush also accused Rep. Fer-
raro of opposing all covert CIA
operations, though in fact she
opposes (mistakenly, I think) only
aid to anti-government guerrillas in
Nicaragua.
These low blows and the rest of
Mr. Bush's performance suggest
that he rattles under pressure.
He couldn't calmly praise Mr.
Reagan's record. Instead, he
heaped it on, as in the statement on
Lebanon: "I don't think you can go
assigning blame. The president, of
course, is the best I've ever seen at
accepting that. He's been wonder-
ful about it in absolutely everything
that happens."
And then there was Mr. Bush
talking about the president meet-
ing with Soviet Foreign Minister
Andrei Gromyko: "I wish
everybody could have seen that one
... excellent, right on top of that
subject matter and I'll bet Gromyko
went back to the Soviet Union say-
ing, 'Hey, listen, this president is
calling the shots, we'd better
move.'"
The conventional wisdom about
Mr. Bush's performance is that it
means nothing important for 1984,'
but only -for 1988. I disagree. In the
presidential debate with Walter
Mondale, Mr. Reagan showed signs
of age, intimations of mortality.
Ghoulish though it may be to
think about, the fact is that Mr.
Bush has to be looked at as someone
who might be president before
1988.
Since the polls indicate that the
Republicans still are likely to win
the election, Mr. Bush's debate per-
formance makes me want to pray
for President Reagan's continued
good health. ?
Morton Kondracke is executive
editor of The New Republic and a
nationally syndicated columnist.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE AP EARED
/ ON PAGE ?//
NEW YORK TIlliES
13 October 1984
Transcript of Philadelphia Debate
etween Bush and Ferraro
* * * * * * * * * *
Coping With Terrorism__
Q. Vice President Bush, since your
Administration came to power the
President has threatened a stern re-
sponse against terrorism, yet mur-
derous attacks have continued in
Lebanon and the Middle East. Who's
to blame, and you've been director of
the Central Intelligence Agency.
What can be done to stop it?
/-; BUSH: Terrorism is very, very dif-
ficult to stop. And I think everybody
knows that. We had ambassadors
killed in Sudan and the Lebanon some
time ago, a long time ago. When you
see the Israeli building in Lebanon
after the death of our marines you see
that, hit by terrorism, the Israelis,
with all their experience fighting ter-
rorism, you know it's difficult. When
you see Khomeini with his radical
Islam resorting to government-spon-
sored terrorism, it's very difficult.
The intelligence business can do a
good job, and I'm always one that de-
fends the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy. I believe we ought to strengthen it
and I believe we still have the best
foreign intelligence business in the ,
world. But it is very difficult to get
the source information that you need '
to go after something as shadowy as
international terror.
There was a difference between
Iran and what happened in Lebanon.
In Iran you had a government holding
a U.S. Embassy; the Government
sanctioning the takeover of that em-
bassy by those students; the govern-
ment negotiating with the United
States Government for their release.
In Lebanon, in the terror that hap-
pened at the embassy, you have the
government there, Mr. Gemayel, that
wants to help fight against terrorism.
But because of the melee in the Mid-
dle East, it's there today and has been
there yesterday and the day before,
and everyone that's had experience in
that area knows, it is a very different ,
thing. So what we've got to do is use I
absolutely the best security possible. '
I don't think you can go assigning
blame. The President, of course, is
the best I've ever seen at accepting
that. He's been wonderful about it in
absolutely everything that happens. ,
But I think fair-minded people that
really understand international ter-
Approved Fo
ror knows that it's very hard to guard., to to stand tall and if this ever happens
against. And the answer then really again, there's going to be swift and
lies in the Middle East and terrorism immediate steps taken to address the
happening all over the world, is a wrong that our country has founded
solution to the Palestine question, the ? has suffered.
follow-on to Camp David under the In April of 1933 I was in Beirut and
umbrella of the Reagan September of visited the ambassador at the embas-
1982 initiatve. That will reduce terror, sy. Two weeks later, that embassy
it won't eliminate it. was bombed. At that time ? take a
Q. You mention Khomeini, some look at the crazy activities of terror-
Republicans charge the previous Ad. ists, you can't blame that on anybody.
ministration with being almost help- They're going to do crazy things and
less against Khoemini and Libya's you just don't know what's going to
Quaddafi. Why hasn't your Adminis- happen. The following October, there
tration done something to take action , was another bombing and that bomb.
against Arab states that foment this ing took place at the Marine bar.
kind of terrorism? , racks, where there were 242 young
' men who were killed.
BUSH: What we've done is to sup-
port Arab states that want to stand up Study by Commission
against international terror, quitedif- Right after that bombing occurred,
ferent. We believe in supporting, there was a commission set up called
without jeopardizing the security of the Long Commission. That commis-
Israel in any way, because they are sion did a study of the security ar-
our one strategic ally in the area, they rangements around where the Ma-
are the one democracy in the area rifles were sleeping and found that
and our relations with them has never there was negligence, that they did
been better. But we do believe in not have proper gates up, proper
reaching out to the, what they call the precautions to stop those trucks from
G.C.C., those Gulf Cooperative Coun- coming in. And so the Long Commis-
cil states, those moderate Arab states sion issued a report, and President
in that world, and helping them with Reagan got up and he said: I'm Corn-
defensive weapons to guard against mander in Chief. I take responsibil-
international terror or radical Islam ity.
perpetuated by Khomeini. And be- And we all waited for something to
cause we've done that and because be done when he took responsibility.
the Saudis chopped down a couple of Well, last month we had our third
those intruding airplanes a while ? bombing. The first time, the first em-
back, I think we have helped keep the bassy, there was no gate up. The sec.
peace in the Persian Gulf. ond time, with our Marines, the gate
Q: Congresswoman Ferraro, you was open. The third time, the gate
and former Vice President Mondale was there but it had not been in-
have criticized the President over the stalled. And what was the President's
bombings in Lebanon, but what would reaction? Well, the security arrange-
you do to prevent such attacks? ments were not in, our people were
FERRARO: Let me first say that placed in that embassy in an unse.
terrorism is a global problem, and let cured time, and the Marines who
me say secondly that the ? Mr. Bush were guarding it were left to go away
has referred to the embassy that was and there were other people guarding
held in Iran. Well, I was at the White the embassy.
House in January, I guess it was, in Again, the President said: I as-
'81, when those hostages, all 52 of sume responsibility. I'd like to know
them, came home alive. It was at that what that means. Are we going to
time that President Reagan gave a take proper precautions before we
speech welcoming them home ? asput Americans in situations where
America did, we were so excited to they're in danger, or are we just
see them back. But what he said Was: going to walk away, throwing our
The United States has been embar- arms up in the air now ? quite a re-
rassed for the last time We'm
r Release 2001/12/65 : CIA-RDP91-00901FMAN020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
versal from the first time, from the
first time when he said he was going
to do something? Or is this President
going to take some action?
Q. Some Democrats cringe at the
words "spying" and "covert activi-
ty." Do you believe both of them have
a legitimate role in countering terror-
ist activity arotuid the world.
FERRARO: I think they have a le-
gitimate role in gathering informa-
tion. And what had happened was the
C.I.A., in the last bombing, had given
information to our Administration
with reference to the actual threats
that that embassy was going to be
bombed. So it wasn't the C.I.A. that
was at fault. There's legitimate rea-
son for the C.I.A. to be in existence,
and that's to gather intelligence infor-
mation for our security. Bin when I
see the C.I.A. doing things like
they're doing down in Central Amer-
ica ? supporting a covert war? no, I
don's- support that kind of activity.
The C.I.A. is there, it's meant to pro-
tect our government; not there to sub-
vert other governments.
MODERATOR: Vice President
Bush.
BUSH: Well, I'm surprised. I think
I just heard Mrs. Ferraro say that she
would do away with all covert ac-
tions, and if so, that has very serious
ramifications, as the intelligence
community knows. This is serious
business. And sometimes it's quiet
support for a friend, and so I'll leave
that one there.
But let me help you with the differ-
ence, Mrs. Ferraro, between Iran and
the Embassy in Lebanon. Iran ? we
were held by a foreign government.
In Lebanon you had a wanton, terror-
ist action where the Government op-
posed it. We went to Lebanon to give
peace a chance, to stop the bombing
of civilians in Beirut, to remove 13,000
terrorists from Lebanon ? and we
did.
We saw the formation of a govern-
ment of reconciliation and for some-
body to suggest, as our two opponents
have, that these men died in shame ?
they better not tell the parents of
those young marines. They gave
peace a chance. And our allies were
with us ? the British, the French and
the Italians.
MODERATOR: Congresswoman
Ferraro.
FERRARO; Let me just say, first
of all, that I almost resent, Vice
President Bush, your patronizing at-
titude that you have to. teach me
about foreign policy. I've been a
member of Congress for six years; I
was there when the Embassy was
held hostage in Iran, and I have been
there and I've seen what has hap-
pened in the past several months; 17
months of your Administration.
Secondly, please don't categorize
my answers, either. Leave the inter-
pretation of my answers to the Amer-
:can people who are watching this de-
bate. And let me say further that no
one has ever said that those young
men who were killed through the
negligence of this Administration and
others ever died in shame. No one
who has a child who is 19 or 20 years
old, a son, would ever say that at the
loss of anybody else's child.
MODERATOR: Mr. White.
Q: Congresswoman Ferraro,
you've repeatedly said that you would
not want your son to die in an unde-
clared war for an uncertain cause.
But recently your running mate, Mr.
Mondale, has suggested that it may
become necessary to erect a military
quarantine or blockade of Nicaragua.
Under what circumstances would you
advocate the use of military force,
American combat forces, in Central
America?
FERRARO: I would advocate the
use of force when it was necessary to
protect the security of our country,
protect our security interest or pro-
tect our people or protect the inter-
ests of our friends and neighbors.
When President ? I'm jumping the
gun a bit, aren't I? ? when Mr. Mon-
dale, Mr. Mondale referred to the
quarantine of Central America, a
country in Central America, what he
is referring to is a last resort after all
other means of attempting to settle
the situation down in that region of
the world had been exhausted.
Quite frankly now what is being
done by this Administration is an
Americanizing of a regional conflict.
They're moving in militarily instead
of promoting the Contadora process,
which, as you know, is the process
that is in place with the suplfort of
Mexico and Colombia and Panama
and Venezuela.
Instead of supporting the process,
our Administration has in Nicaragua
been supporting covert activities to
keep that revolution going in order to
overthrow , the Sandinista Govern-
ment; in El Salvador was not pushing
the head of the Government to move ,
toward correction of the civil rights,
human rights problems that existed
there, and now this Administration
seems almost befuddled by the fact
that Nicaragua is moving to partici-
pate in the Contadora process, and El
Salvador is, through its President
Duarte, is reaching out to the guerril-
las in order to negotiate a peace.
What Fritz Mondale and I feel ,
about the situation down there is that
what you do is you deal first through:
negotiation. That force is not a first
resort, but certainly a last resort in
any instance.
MODERATOR: A follow-up,
pleaqe.
Q: Many times in its history the
United States has gone to war in order
to defend freedom in other lands.'
Does your answer mean that you
would be willing to forgo the use of,
military force even if it meant the es-
tablishment of a Soviet-backed dicta-
torship so close to our own borders?
FEkRARO: No, I think what yout
have to do is work with the Govern-
ment ? I assume you're speaking
about the Government of Nicaragua
? work with that Government to
achieve a pluralistic society. I mean
they do have elections that are corn-
ing up on Nov. 4. I think we have to
work with them to achieve a peaceful
solution to bring about a pluralistic
country.
No, I'm not willing to live with a
force that could be a danger to our
country. Certainly, I would see that
our country would be there putting all
kinds of pressure on the neighboring
countries of Honduras, of Costa Rica,
, of El Salvador, to promote the kind of
society that we can all live with and
security in this country.
Q: Vice President Bush, both Cuba
and Nicaragua are reported to be
making extensive preparations to de-
fend themselves against an American
invasion, which they claim could
come this fall. And even some of your
Democratic opponents in Congress
have suggested that the Administra-
tion may be planning a December
surprise invasion. Can you tell us
under what circumstances a re-
elected Reagan Administration
would consider the use of force in
Central America or the Caribbean?
BUSH: We don't think we're to be
required to use force. Let me point
out that there are 2,000 Cuban mili-
tary and 7,500 so-called Cuban advis-
ers in Nicaragua. There are 55 Amer-
ican military in El Salvador.
I went down, on the instructions of
the President, to speak to the com-
mandants in El Salvador and told
them that they had to move with Mr.
Magana, then the President of El Sal-
vador, to respect human rights. They
have done that. They're moving well.
I'm not saying it's perfect, but the dif-
ference between El Salvador and
Nicaragua is like the difference be-
tween night and day.
El Salvador went to the polls. Mr.
Duarte was elected by 70 percent of
the people in 70 percent voting in a
certifiably free election. In Nicara-
gua, you have something very differ-
ent. You have a Marxist-Leninist ?
group, the Sandinistas, that came into
power talking democracy. They have
aborted their democracy. They have
humiliated the Holy Father. They
have cracked down on the only press
organ there, La Prensa, censoring the
press, something that should concern
every American.
They have not had any human
rights at all. They will not permit free
elections. Mr. Cruz, who was to be the
only viable challenger to Nicaragua,
the Sandinistas, to the junta, to Mr.
Ortega, went down there and found
that the ground rules were so unfair
that he couldn't even wage a cam-
paign. One country is devoid of
human rights. The other is struggling
to perfect their democracy.
Continued
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
2.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
We don't like it, frankly, when
Nicaragua exports its revolution or
serves as a conduit for supplies com-
ing in from such "democracies" as
North Korea, Bulgaria the Soviet
Union and Cuba, to try to destabilize
El Salvador.
Yes, we're concerned about that.
Because we want to see this trend to-
ward democracy continue. There
have been something like 13 countries
since we've come in move toward the
democratic route, and let me say that
Grenada is not unrelated. And I have
a big difference with Mrs. Ferraro on
that one. We gave those four tiny
Caribbean countries a chance. We
saved the lives, and most of those
thousand students said that they were
in jeopardy. Grenada was a proud
moment because we did stand up for
democracy.
But in terms of threat of these coun-
tries, nuclear, I mean, weapons, no.
There's not that kind of a threat. It's
Mr. Mondale that proposed the quar-
antine, not Ronald Reagan.
Mining Nicaragua's Harbors
Q Considering this country's long
respect for the rule of international
law, was it right for the United States
to be involved in mining the harbors
? of Nicaragua, a country we're not at
war with, and to subsequently refuse
to allow the World Court to adjudicate
that dispute and the complaint from
Nicaragua?
BUSH: I support what we're doing.
It was supported to the Congress and
under the law. I support it. My only
regret is that the aid for the contras,
those people that are fighting, we call
them freedom fighters. They want to
see the democracy perfected in Nica-
ragua. Am I to understand from this
assault on covert action that nowhere
in the world would we do something
that was considered just off base
when Mrs. Ferraro said she'd never
support it? Would she never support it
if the violation of human rights was so
great and quiet support was neces-
sary for freedom fighters?
Yes, we're for the contras. And let
me tell you another fact about the
contras. Everyone that's not for this,
everyone who wants to let that San-
dinista Government prevail, just like
that Castro did, all of that, the contras
are not Somozistas. Less than 5 per-
cent of the contras supported Somoza.
These were people that wanted a
revolution. These are people that felt
the revolution was betrayed. These
are people that support human rights.
yes, we should support them.
:MODERATOR: Congresswoman
Ferraro.
FERRARO: I spent time in Central
America in January and had an op-
portunity to speak to the contras after
the incident in Nicaragua and in El
Salvador. Let me just say that the
situation as it exists now, because of
this Administration's policies, are not
getting better. We're not moving to-
wards a more secure area of the
world. As a matter of fact the number
of troops that the Sandinistas have ac-
cumulated since the Administration '
started its covert activities has risen
from 12,000 to 50,000, and of course the I
number of Soviet and Cuban advisors
has also increased. I did not support
the mining of the harbors in Nicara-
gua; it is a violation of international
law. Congress did not support it and
I ass matter of fact, just this week, the
I Congress voted to cut off covert aid to 1
I Nicaragua unless and until a request '
is made and there is evidence of need
for it, and the Congress approves it
again in March. So if Congress does-
n't get laid on. the covert activities
which I opposed in Nicaragua, those
C.I.A. covert activities in that spe-
cific country, are not supported by
the Congress. And believe it or not,
not supported by the majority of peo-
ple throughout the country.
MODERATOR: Vice President
Bush.
BUSH: Well, I would simply like to
make the distinction again between
those countries that are searching for
democracy and the handful of coun-
tries that have totally violated human
rights and are going the Marxist
, route. Ortega, the commandante who
? is head of the Nicaraguan Sandinis-
tas, is an avowed Marxist. They don't
believe in the church. They don't be-
lieve in free elections. They don't be-
lieve in all of the values that we be-
lieve in. So it is our policy to support
the democracy there, and when you
have freedom fighters that want to
protect that revolution, and go the
democratic route, we believe in giv-
ing them support. We are for democ-
racy in the hemisphere. We are for
negotiations. $3 out of every $4 that
we sent down there has been for eco-
nomic aid to support the people's
chance to eat and live and be happy
and enjoy life. And one-fourth only
was military. You wouldn't get that
from listening to Mr. Mondale.
* * * * * * * *
EXCFRPTE3
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE 1,goiyald For Release 2001/1 NE a7 :TgE-ARDP91-0_0,901R00a0100020001-7
/ ON PAGE l4-11 13 October 1984 .16-11 OR.
Transcript of Philadelphia Debate
Between Bush and Ferraro
Coping With Terrorisnl_ ?
. ror knows that it's very hard to guard1 to stand tall and if this ever happens
e against. And the answer then really ' again, there's going to be swift and
lies in the Middle East and terrorism immediate steps taken to address the
? happening all over the world, is a wrong that our country has founded
solution to the Palestine question, the ? has suffered.
follow-on to Camp David under the In April of 1933 I was in Beirut and
f umbrella of the Reagan September of visited the ambassador at the embas-
. l.982 initiatve. That will reduce terror, sy. Two weeks later, that embassy
it won't eliminate it, was bombed. At that time ? take a
Q. You mention Khomeini, some look at the crazy activities of terror-
Republicans charge the previous Ad-? ists, you can't blame that on anybody.
ministration with being almost help- They're going to do crazy things and
less against Khoemini and Libya's you just don't know what's going to
Quaddafi. Why hasn't your Adminis- i happen. The following October, there
tration done something to take action i was another bombing and that bomb
against Arab states that foment this ing took place at the Marine bar-
kind of terrorism? racks, where there were 242 young
'
BUSH: What we've done is to sup-
men who were killed.
port Arab states that want to stand up Study by Commission
ferent. We believe in supporting,
, without jeopardizing the security of
Israel in any way, because they are
our one strategic ally in the area, they
are the one democracy in the area
and our relations with them has never
been better. But we do believe in
reaching out to the, what they call the
G.C.C., those Gulf Cooperative Coun-
cil states, those moderate Arab states
in that world, and helping them with
defensive weapons to guard against
international terror or radical Islam
perpetuated by Khomeini.-meini. And be-
cause we've done that and because
Q. Vice President Bush, since your
Administration came to power th
President has threatened a stern re-
sponse against terrorism, yet' mur
'derous attacks have continued in
Lebanon and the Middle East. Who's
to blame, and you've been director o
the Central Intelligence Agency
What can be done to stop it?
frt. BUSH: Terrorism is very, very dif-
ficult to stop. And I think everybody
knows that. We had ambassadors
killed in Sudan and the Lebanon some
time ago, a long time ago. When you
see the Israeli building in Lebanon
after the death of our marines you see
that, hit by terrorism, the Israelis,
with all their experience fighting ter-
. rorism, you know it's difficult. When
you see Khomeini with his radical
Islam resorting to governrnent-spon-
sored terrorism, it's very difficult.
The intelligence business can do a
good job, and I'm always one that de-
fends the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy. I believe we ought to strengthen it
and I believe we still have the best
foreign intelligence business in the
world. But it is very difficult to get
the source information that you need
to go after something as shadowy as
international terror.
There was a difference between
Iran and what happened in Lebanon.
In Iran you had a government holding
a U.S. Embassy; the Government
sanctioning the takeover of that em-
bassy by those students; the govern-
ment negotiating with the United
States Government for their release.
In Lebanon, in the terror that hap-
pened at the embassy, you have the
government there, Mr. Gemayel, that
wants to help fight against terrorism.
But because of the melee in the Mid-
dle East, it's there today and has been
there yesterday and the day before,
and everyone that's had experience in
that area knows, it is a very different
thing. So what we've got to do is use
absolutely the hest security possible.
I don't think you can go assigning
blame. The President, of course, is
the best I've ever seen at accepting
that. He's been wonderful about it in
absolutely everything that happens.,
But I think fair-minded people that
really understand international ter-
ainst international, q -
Right after that bombing occurred,
there was a commission set up called
the Long Commission. That commis-
sion did a study of the security ar-
rangements around where the Ma-
rines were sleeping and found that
there was negligence, that they did
not have proper gates up, proper
precautions to stop those trucks from
coming in. And so the Long Commis-
sion issued a report, and President
Reagan got up and he said: I'm Com-
mander in Chief. I take responsibil-
ity.
And we all waited for something to
be done when he took responsibility.
e Saudis chopped down a couple of Well, last month we had our third
those intruding airplanes a while ? bombing. The first time, the first em-
back, I think we have helped keep the bassy, there was no gate up. The sec-
peace in the Persian Gulf. ond time, with our Marines, the gate
Q: Congresswoman Ferraro, you was open. The third time, the gate
and former Vice President Mondale was there but it had not been in-
have criticized the President over the stalled. And what was the President's
bombings in Lebanon, but what would reaction? Well, the security arrange-
you do to prevent such attacks? ments were not in, our people were
FERRARO: Let me first say that placed in that embassy in an unse-
terrorism is a global problem, and let cured time, and the Marines who
me say secondly that the ? Mr. Bush were guarding it were left to go away
has referred to the embassy that was and there were other people guarding
held in Iran. Well, I was at the White the embassy.
House in January, I guess it was in Again, the President said: I as-
81, when those hostages, all 52 of sume responsibility. I'd like to know
them, came home alive. It was at that what that means. Are we going to
time that President Reagan gave a take proper precautions before we
speech welcoming them home ? as put Americans in situations where
America did, we were so excited to they're in danger, or are we just
see them back. But what he said Was: going to walk away, throwing our
The United States has been ember- arms up in the air now ? quite a re-
rassed for the last time. We're going
or Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-009013100M0020001-7
Approved F
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
versal from the first time, from the
first time when he said he was going
to do something? Or is this President
going to take some action?
Q. Some Democrats cringe at the
words "spying" and "covert activi
ty." Do you believe both of them have
a legitimate role in countering terror
1st activity around the world.
FERRARO: I think they have a le-
gitimate role in gathering informa-
tion. And what had happened was the
C.I.A., in the last bombing, had given
information to our Administration
with reference to the actual threats
that that embassy was going to be
bombed. So it wasn't the C.I.A. that
was at fault. There's legitimate rea-
son for the C.I.A. to be in existence,
and that's to gather intelligence infor-
mation for our security. But when I
see the C.I.A. doing things like
they're doing down in Central Amer-
ica ? supporting a covert war ?no, I
don's- support that kind of activity.
The C.I.A. is there, it's meant to pro-
tect our government; not there to sub-
vert other goverrunents.
MODERATOR: Vice President
Bush.
BUSH: Well, I'm surprised. I think
I just heard Mrs. Ferraro say that she
would do away with all covert ac-
tions, and if so, that has very serious
ramifications, as the intelligence
communityknows. This is serious
business. And sometimes it's quiet
support for a friend, and so I'll leave
that oneethere.
But let me help you with the differ-
ence, Mrs. Ferraro, between Iran and
the Embassy in Lebanon. Iran ? we
were held by a foreign government.
In Lebanon you had a wanton, terror-
ist action where the Government op-
posed it. We went to Lebanon to give
peace a chance, to stop the bombing
of civilians in Beirut, to remove 13,000
terrorists from Lebanon ? and we
did.
We saw the formation of a govern-
ment of reconciliation and for some-
body to suggest, as our two opponents
have, that these men died in shame?
they better not tell the parents of
those young marines. They gave
peace a chance. And our allies were
with us ? the British, the French and
the Italians.
MODERATOR: Congresswoman
Ferraro.
FERRARO: Let me just say, first
of all, that I almost resent, Vice
President Bush, your patronizing at-
titude that you have to teach me
about foreign policy. I've been a
member of Congress for six years; I
was there when the Embassy was
held hostage in Iran, and I have been
there and I've seen what has hap-
pened in the past several months; 17
months of your Administration.
Secondly, please don't categorize
my answers, either. Leave the inter-
pretation of my answers to the Amer-
ican people who are watching this de-
bate. And let me say further that no
one has ever said that those young
Approved Fo
men who were killed through the
negligence of this Administration and
others ever died in shame. No one
who has a child who is 19 or 20 years
old, a son, would ever say that at the
- loss of anybody else's child.
MODERATOR: Mr. White.
- Q: Congresswoman Ferraro,
_ you've repeatedly said that you would
not want your son to die in an unde-
clared war for an uncertain cause.
. But recently your running mate, Mr.
Mondale, has suggested that it may
become necessary to erect a military
? quarantine or blockade of Nicaragua.
Under what circumstances would you
.advocate the use of military force,
American combat forces, in Central
America?
FERRARO: I would advocate the
use of force when it was necessary to
protect the security of our country,
protect our security interest or pro-
tect our people or protect the inter-
ests of our friends and neighbors.
When President ? I'm jumping the
gun a bit, aren't I? ? when Mr. Mon-
dale, Mr. Mondale referred to the
quarantine of Central America, a
country in Central America, what he
is referring to is a last resort after all
other means of attempting to settle
the situation down in that region of
the world had been exhausted.
? Quite frankly now what is being
done by this Administration is an
Americanizing of a regional conflict.
They're moving in militarily instead
of promoting the Contadora process,
which, as you know, is the process
that is in place with the support of
Mexico and Colombia and Panama
? and Venezuela.
Instead of supporting the process,
our Administration has in Nicaragua'
been supporting covert activities to.
keep that revolution going in order to:
overthrow ? the. Sandinista Govern-
ment; in El Salvador was not pushing
the head of the Government to move ,?
toward correction of the civil rights,
human rights problems that existed
there, and now this Administration
seems almost befuddled by the fact
that Nicaragua is moving to partici-
pate in the Contadora process, and El
Salvador is, through its President
Duarte, is reaching out to the guerril-
las in order to negotiate a peace.
What Fritz Mondale and I feel
about the situation down there is that
what you do is you deal first through:.
negotiation. That force is not a first
resort, but certainly a last resort in
any instance.
MODERATOR: A follow-up,
please.
Q: Many times in its history the
United States has gone to war in order
to defend freedom in other lands.',
Does your answer mean that you
would be willing to forgo the use of
military force even if it meant the es-
tablishment of a Soviet-backed dicta-
torship so close to our own borders?
FERRARO: No, I think what you
have to do is work with the Govern-
ment ? I assume you're speaking
about the Government of Nicaragua
? work with that Government to?
achieve a pluralistic society. I mean
they do have elections that are corn-
ing up on Nov. 4. I think we have to
work with them to achieve a peaceful
solution to bring about a pluralistic
country.
No, I'm not willing to live with a
force that could be a danger to our
country. Certainly, I would see that
our country would be there putting all '
kinds of pressure on the neighboring
countries of Honduras, of Costa Rica,
, of El Salvador, to promote the kind of
society that we can all live with and
security in this country.
Q: Vice President Bush, both Cuba
and Nicaragua are reported to be
making extensive preparations to de-
? fend themselves against an American
invasion, which they claim could
come this fall. And even some of your
Democratic opponents in Congress
have suggested that the Administra-
tion may be planning a December
surprise invasion. Can you tell us
under what circumstances a re-
elected Reagan Administration
would consider the use of force in
Central America or the Caribbean?
BUSH: We don't think we're to be
required to use force. Let me point
out that there are 2,000 Cuban mili-
tary and 7,500 so-called Cuban advis-
ers in Nicaragua. There are 55 Amer-
ican military in El Salvador.
Iment down, on the instructions of
the President, to speak to the com-
? mandants in El Salvador and told
them that they had to move with Mr.
Magafia, then the President of El Sal-
vador, to respect human rights. They
have done that. They're moving well.
I'm not saying it's perfect, but the dif-
ference between El Salvador and
Nicaragua is like the difference be-
tween night and y.
El Salvador went to the polls. Mr.
Duarte was elected by 70 percent of
the people in 70 percent voting in _a
certifiably free election, In Nicara-
gua, you have something very differ-
ent. You have a Marxist-Leninist '
group, the Sandinistas, that came into
power talking democracy. They have
aborted their democracy. They have
humiliated the Holy Father. They
have cracked down on the only press
organ there, La Prensa, censoring the
press, something that should concern
every American.
They have not had any human.
rights at all. They will not permit free
elections. Mr. Cruz, who was to be the
only viable challenger to Nicaragua,
the Sandinistas, to the junta, to Mr.
Ortega, went down there and found
that the ground rules were so unfair
that he couldn't even wage a cam-
paign. One country is devoid of
human rights. The other is struggling
to perfect their democracy.
Continued
r Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
We don't like it, frankly, when
Nicaragua exports its revolution or
serves as a cOnduit for supplies corn-
ing in from such "democracies" as
North Korea, Bulgaria the Soviet
Union and Cuba, to try to destabilize
El Salvador.
Yes, we're concerned about that.
Because we want to see this trend to-
ward democracy continue. There
have been something like 13 countries
since we've come in move toward the
democratic route, and let me say that
Grenada is not unrelated. And I have
a big difference with Mrs. Ferraro on
that one. We gave those four tiny
Caribbean countries a chance. We
saved the lives, and most of those
thousand students said that they were
In jeopardy. Grenada was a proud
moment because we did stand up for
democracy. - ?
But in terms of threat of these coun-
tries, nuclear, I mean, weapons, no.
There's not that kind of a threat. It's
Mr. Mondale that proposed the quar-
antine, not Ronald Reagan.
Mining Nicaragua's Harbors
Q: Considering this country's long
respect for the rule of international
law, was it right for the United States
to be involved in mining the harbors
? of Nicaragua, a country we're not at
war with, and to subsequently refuse
to allow the World Court to adjudicate
that dispute and the complaint from !
Nicaragua?
BUSH: I support what we're doing.
It was supported to the Congress and
under the law. I support it. My only
regret is that the aid for the contras,
those people that are fighting, we call
them freedom fighters. They want to
see the democracy perfected in Nica-
ragua. Am I to understand from this
assault on covert action that nowhere
In the world would we do something
that was considered just off base
when Mrs. Ferraro said she'd never
support it? Would she never support it
if the violation of human rights was so
great and quiet support was neces-
sary for freedom fighters?
Yes, we're for the contras. And let
me tell you another fact about the
contras. Everyone that's not for this,
everyone who wants to let that San-
dinista Government prevail, just like
that Castro did, all of that, the contras
are not Somozistas. Less than 5 per-
cent of the contras supported Somoza.
These were people that wanted a
ivolution. These are people that felt
the revolution was betrayed. These
are people that support human rights.
Yes, we should support them.
' 7MODEFtATOR Congresswoman
Ferraro.
! FERRARO: I spent time in Central
America in January and had an op- .
?
? portunity to speak to the contras after
the incident in Nicaragua and in El
Salvador, Let me just say that the
situation as it exists now, because of
this Administration's policies, are not
getting better. We're not moving to.. !
wards a more secure area of the
world. As a matter of fact the number '
of troops that the Sandinistas have ac-
cumulated since the Administration
started its covert activities has risen
from 12,000 to 50,000, and of course the
number of Soviet and Cuban advisors
Has, also increased. I did not support '
the mining of the harbors in Nicara-
gua; it is a violation of international '
law. Congress did not support it and
ass matter of fact, just this week, the
Congress voted to cut off covert aid to
Nicaragua unless and until a request
is made and there is evidence of need
for it, and the Congress approves it
again in March. So if Congress does-
n't get laid on, the covert activities
which I opposed in Nicaragua, those
C.I.A. covert activities in that spe-
cific country, are not supported by
the Congress. And believe it or not,
not supported by the majority of peo-
ple throughout the country.
MODERATOR: Vice President
Bush.
BUSH: Well, I would simply like to
make the distinction again between
those countries that are searching for
democracy and the handful of coun-
tries that have totally violated human
rights and are going the Marxist
route. Ortega, the conunandante who
is head of the Nicaraguan Sandinis-
tas, is an avowed Marxist. They don't
believe in the church. They don't be-
lieve in free elections. They don't be-
lieve in all of the values that we be-
lieve in. So it is our policy to support ?
the democracy there, and when you ?
have freedom fighters that want to
protect that revolution, and go the
democratic route, we believe in giv-
ing them support. We are for democ-
racy in the hemisphere. We are for ;
negotiations. $3 out of every $4 that
we sent down there has been for eco-
nomic aid to support the people's
chance to eat and live and be happy
and enjoy life. And one-fourth only
was military. You. wouldn't get that
from listening to Mr. Mondale.
* * * * * * * *
EXCFRPTED
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
A Vice President Bush, since your adrninistra?
tion came to power, the president has threat-
ened a stern response against terrorism. Yet,
murderous attacks have continued In Lebanon
and the Middle East. Who's to blame and--
you've been director of the Central Intelligence
Agsncy?what can be done to stop it?
BUSH: Terrorism is very, very difficult to stop. And I
think everybody knows that. We had ambassadors killed
in Sudan and Lebanon some time ago, a long time ago.
When you see the Israeli building in Lebanon after the
death of our Marines, you see that hit by te.Torism?
the Israelis, with all their experience, fighting terror-
ism?you know it's difficult. When you see [Ayatollah
Ruhollahj Khomeini, with his radical Islam, resorting to
?government-sponsored terrorism, it's very difficult.
The intelligence business can do a good job and I'm
always one that defends the Central Intelligence Agen-
? cy. I believe we ought to strengthen it and I believe we
still have the best foreign intelligence business in the
world. But it is very difficult to get the source informa-
tion that you need to go after something as shadowy as
international terror.
There was difference between Iran and whit hap-
pened in Lebanon. In Iran, you had a governnient, hold-
ing a U.S. Embassy, the government sanctioning the
takeover of that embassy by those students, the goy.,
ernment negotiating with the United States govern-
ment for their release. In Lebanon, in the terror that
happened at the embassy, you have the government
there, Mr. [Amin] Gemayel, that wants to? help fight
against terrorism. But because of the melee in the Mid-
dle East?it's there today and has been there yesterday
and the day before, as anyone that's had experience in
that area knows?it is a very different thing. So, what
pos-
sible.
we've got to do use absolutely the best security pos-
1 don't think you can go assigning blame. The pres-
ident, of course, is the best I've ever seen at accepting
that. He's been wonderful about it in absolutely every-
thing that happens. But I think fair-minded thai
really understand international terror; knows that it's
very hard to guard against. And the ansWei,then, real);
lies in the Middle East?and terroi'ii happening' an
over the world?is a solution to the PalestMe questiOrt.
The follow on the Camp David under the umbrella or
the Reagan September of 1982 initiative. That will
duce terror. It won't eliminate it.
You mention Khomeini. Some Republicans
charge the previous administration with being,
almost helpless against Khomeini and Libya s
(Muammar) Qaddafi. Why hasn't your adminie"
tration done something to take action against
Arab states that foment this kind of terrorism.
Approved For Relea's 2001/
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
OctoberGTonr T
4
TEXT OF THE BUSH-FERRARO DE3ATE
SECURITY PROBLEMS
BUSH: What we've done .is to support Arab states !
that want to stand up against international terror. Quite,' !
different. We believe in supporting, without jeopardia-
ing the security of Israel in any way, because they are:
, our one strategic ally in the area. 'They are the one do-
mocracy in the area, and our relations with them''' hat'
never been better. But we do belieVe in reaching out th7
what they call the GCC, those Gulf CooperatiVe Council
states, those moderate -Arab states In the world, arid'
helping them with defeaive-weaponS to?-guard against
international terror or radical Islam' perpetuated by
Khomeini. And because we've done:that, and because
the Saudis chopped a couple of thdie intruding airplanes
a while back, I think we have helped keep the P?aCe
the Persian Gulf.
-
Congresswoman Ferrara, you tired former Vici
President Mondale have criticized the presidoift
over the bombings in Lebanon. Well, what
would you do to prevent stkch attacks?'
'
FERRARO: Let me first say:that,tertorisin is 2 global
problem, and let me say, secondly, that Mr. Bush has
referred to the embassy that was held in Iran. Now '4
was at the White House in January ; I guess it was,-'i
1981, when those hostages, all 52 of them; came hoine' ?
alive. It was at that time that President Reagan, gave a
speech .welcoming them, home, as .America did We
were so excited to, see them back.:_i " ? '
But What he said was,. the 'United. Stites has. b4n
embarrassed for the last time, We're going to stand tall
and if this ever happens again'therei/going to be swift
.and immediate steps taken to address. 'the, wrong that
our country has . . . suffered.
In April-of 1983 I was in Beirut and visited the am.
bassador at the embassy. Two weeks later, that embas.
sy was bombed. At that time, take a look at the crazy
activities of terrorists?you can't: blame that on ? any-
body, and they're going to do crazy-things, and you just
don't know what's going to happen:
The following October there Was:another bombing,
and that bmbing took plate-at the Marine barracks
where there were 242 yourilt Inen who Were killed'.
Right after that bombing occurred, 'there was a corn-%
mission set up, called the Long Commission, and that
commission did a study of the SeCtitity ;iiiangements
around where the Marines were sleeping and found that
there was negligence, that they did .Mit,"have propel.
gates up, proper precautions to stOp gti*.trucks froth
coming in. And so the Long ComniiStion ;slued a repoit.
and President Reagan got up. and corn;
mander in chief I take responsibilitir,..%And- we 41
waited for something to be done when ,he ook respond.
,
12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100,IN0My
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
7799)
Bush, Ferraro
Clash in Debate
r
WASHINGTON POST
12 October 1984
The panelists for the debate,
which was sponsored by the League
Of Women Voters and held in the
Civic Center, were Robert Boyd of
' Knight-Ridder, John Mashek of U.S.
News & World Report, Norma
, Quarles of NBC News and Jack
White of Time magazine. Sander
Vanocur of ABC News was the
moderator.
; It was clear from the outset that
both. candidates arrived with agen-
4as in mind, and neither appeared
inclined to allow the questions to di- ,
ert them. Bush used every oppor-
tunity to praise the Reagan admin-
tstration's record and to chastise
what he called "those liberals in that
house."
: For her part, Ferraro brushed
Past a question about Bush's exten-
sive government service to ex-
pound on her favorite campaign
message, that the Reagan admin-
istration is insensitive to those who
have not shared in the economic re-
Overy.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
cut that Ferraro has disagreedviith
Walter F. Mondale on some issues.
Ferraroi._askeAlLompprgket
six yeiis an Confagait.th_aus)a.
extensive euerience as ambala:
dor, congressrCld Ird?irector,
Fe-2ER It is not 9j it what:Aix_
your resume . that.r.nako you,qualz
thee She nLoted that she_stsA,Jaarl
worked as a_tfichgr_qml_amjagnt
prosecutor in Queer's.
Ferraro then turned the question
into an attack on Reagan's policies,
recalling that Bush had coined the
phrase "voodoo economics" during
the 1980 primary campaign to de-
scribe Reagan's policies. ?
"It was, and it is," Ferraro said.
Questioned about civil rights,
Ferraro delivered a harsh attack on
what she called the "failures of this
administration" and "those very ter-
ribly unfair cuts for poor people in.
this country."
"There is a real difference be-
tween how the Mondale-Ferraro
administration will address civil
rights and the failures of this admin-
istration," she said, reciting the ad-
ministration's support of tax breaks
for segregated colleges and its op-
position in the Grove City (Pa.) Col-
lege case to equal funding for wo-
men's programs in_colleges receiv-
ing federal funds.
Bush denied that the Reagan ad-
ministration had cut funding for the
poor, saying spending on food
stamps and welfare had increased.
He previously has acknowledged
that these increases result largely
from a rise in the number of people
below the poverty line.
"We have some problems in at-
tracting the black voter, and I think
our record deserves better," Bush
said. He cited support for black col.-
leges, enterprise zones and a low-
ered minimum wage that he said.
would help black youth.
On the issue of separation of
church and state, Bush and Ferraro
agreed in principle but clashed on
some particulars.....
Bush repeated the administra-
tion's support for prayer in public
schools, while Ferraro argued that
our "country is founded on the prin-
ciple that the government should be
neutral" on religious issues.
When Ferraro charged that the
Rev. Jerry Falwell," leader of the
Moral Majority, has promised to
pick the next two Supreme Court
justices to fill any vacancies arising
in a second Reagan administration,
Bush called it a "canard" and "slan-
der against the president." He not-
ed that Reagan's only appointment
to the high court has been that of
Sandra Day O'Connor.
Bush and Ferraro defended their
complex finances, which have been
the subject of controversy. Ferraro
drew laughter when she said she
had hired a "marvelous accountant
[who] will be doing my taxes for the
' next eight years"?presumably for 1
her two terms as Vice president. '
Ferraro' said she had urged the
House ethics committee to move
. swiftly to investigate her claim to
an exemption from disclosing in-
come from a firm in which she is a
partner with her husband. She said
that during the controversy over
this claim, "I filed more financial in- .
formation than any candidate in the
history of this country."
Bush, whose payment of less than
13 percent of his income in federal
taxes last year has stirred com-
ment, also said he has made the
greatest financial disclosure of any
vice president.
Bush said Mondale made a "cheap
shot" in criticizing his federal tax
rate. He said he paid 42 percent of
his gross income in state, local and
federal taxes. He presumably was
referring to the entire three-year
period for which. he recently re-
leased figures.
-__- -
In the sharpest exchange be-
tween the two candidates, Ferraro
turned to Bush and said in a frosty
tone, "I almost resent, Vice Pres-
ident Bush, your patronizing atti-
tude that you have to teach me
about foreign policy."
Bush had suggested that Fer-
raro's opposition to covert CIA op-
erations in Central America meant
that she was inclined to abolish all,
such o rations. He also imPlied
t-hirs-h?e did not understand the dif-
feTer?Ice between terrorism in Bei-
rut and the hostage crisis in Iran.
?F011owing up her rebuke, Ferraro
added, "Please don't categorize my
answers either. Leave the interpre-
tation to the American people
watching this debate."
She said there is a "legitimate"
. role for covert operations by the ,
U.S. government.
The two differed sharply on the
Approved For Releaseu200f1illitY05 PdIW-Kb/299-TE16901R000100020001-7
2,
diplomatic ends in Central America.
Bush forcefully defended the,
Grenada invasion and the "covert
war against the Sandinista_govern-
ment_ in Nicarapa. Citing his ex-
tensive -clearings with officials in
Central America, he suggested that
Ferraro was naive to criticize the
policies.
"There is a distinction between
those countries that are searching
for democracy and the handful of
countries that have totally violated
human rights and are going the
Marxist-Leninist route," he said.
Ferraro said the Reagan admin-
istration "is Americanizing a region-
al conflict in Central America," add-
ing, "Fritz Mondale and I feel you
do deal first through, negotiation,
that force is not a .first. resort but
certainly a last resort in any in-
Stance."
As they have on the campaign
trail, Bush and Ferraro disagreed
sharply on the issue of arms con-
trol. Ferraro charged Reagan with
opposing every arms-control agree-
ment "that every other president
has negotiated." .
Bush noted that the Soviet Union
has had three heads of state during
Reagan's term. Despite what he de-
scribed as solid American proposals
on intercontinental and intermedi-
ate-range nuclear missiles, "the So-
viets have not been willing to talk,"
Bush said.
Ferraro said that being a woman
would not interfere with her effec-
tiveness as commander in chief. -
"Are you saying that I would have
t- had to have fought in a war in order
to love peace?" she asked in re-
sponse to a question. "It's about as
valid to say that you have to be
black in order to despise racisin,
that you have to be female in order
to despise sexism."
She pledged to -thove .to reduce
the arms race, which she accused
the Reagan administration of esca-
lating, and said: "I think when we
take a look at the failureS of this ad- ,
ministration, that would be No. 1.",
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
WASHINGTON POST
12 October 1984
'MKT OF TEE BUSH-FERRARO DEN:17E
SECURITY PROBLEMS
A \tic%) President Bush, since your administra-
tion came to power, the president has threat-
ened a stern response against terrorism. Yet,
murderous attacks have continued In Lebanon
lInd the Middle East. Who's to blame and?
you've been director of the Central Intelligence
Agoricy?what can be done to stop it?
BUSH: Terrorism is very, very difficult to stop. And I
think everybody knows that. We had ambassadors killed
in Sudan and Lebanon some time ago, a long time ago.
When you see the Israeli building in Lebanon after the
death of our Marines, you see that hit by te-rorism?
the Israelis, with all their experience, fighting terror-
ism?you know it's difficult. When you see [Ayatollah
Ruhollah] Khomeini, with his radical Islam, resorting to
government-sponsored terrorism, it's very difficult. ?
The intelligence business can do a good job and I'm
always one that defends the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy. I believe we ought to strengthen it and I believe we
still have the best foreign intelligence business in the
world. But it is very difficult to get the source informa-
tion that you need to go after something as shadowy as
international terror.
There was difference between Iran and what hap-
pened in Lebanon. In Iran, you had a government, hold-
ing a U.S. Embassy, the government sanctioning the
takeover of that embassy by those students, the govr
ernment negotiating with the United States govern-
ment for their release. In Lebanon, in the terror that
happened at the embassy, you have the government
there, Mr. [Amin] Gemayel, that wants to help fight
against terrorism. But because of the melee in the Mid-
dle East?it's there today and has been there yesterday
and the day before, as anyone that's had experience in
that area knows?it is a very different thing. So, what
we've got to do is use absolutely the best security pos-
sible.
I don't think you can go assigning blame. The pres-
ident, of course, is the best I've ever seen at accepting
that. He's been wonderful about it in absolutely every-
thing that happens. But I think fair-mirided'lieople' thai
really understand international terror, knows that
very hard to guard against. And the ansWer, then, reall;
lies in the Middle East?and terror happening a
over the world?is a solution to the Palestine questiorL
The follow on the Camp David under the umbrella of
the Reagan September of 1982 initiative. That will
duce terror. It won't eliminate it.
You mention Khomeini. Some Republicans
charge the previous administration with being,
almost helpless against Khomeini and Libya's
[Muammar] Qaddafi. Why hasn't your adminit--"
tration done something to take action against:
Arab states thatinisp8Mt OgyigittitsareS..
-1!"2/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-t
BUSH: What we've done is to support Arab states
that want to stand up against international terror. Quite- ,
different. We believe in supporting, without jeopardiz-
ing the security of Israel in any way, because they are
our one strategic ally in the area. They are the one de-
mocracy in the area, and our relations with them hat*
never been better. But we do believe in reaching out a
what they call the GCC, those Gulf Cooperative Council
states, those moderate-Arab states in the world, and ,
helping them with deferiSiveweapons to guard against I
international terror or radical Islam perpetuated by I
Khomeini. And because we've done. that, and because
the Saudis chopped a couple of thOse intruding airplanes
a while back, I think we have helped keep the peace iri
the Persian Gulf. _ ? ? ?
Congresswoman Ferraro you and former Vico
President Mondale have criticized the presider
over the bombings in Lebanon. Well, what
would you do to prevent stack' attacks? . ' ?
FERRARO: Let me first say thatierrorism is a giobat
problem, and let me say, secondly, that Mr. Bush hae
referred to the embassy that was held in Iran. Now
Was at the White House in January, I guess 'it was,
1981, when those hostages, all 52 of them; came horne
alive. It was at that time that President Reagan gave a
speech welcoming them home, ?ai America ',Old: We'
were so excited to see them back. - ' ?
_ ? ? ?
But what he said was, the United States has beg
embarrassed for the last time, We're going to stand tall
and if this ever happens again theree:going to be swi4
and immediate steps taken to .addiess 'the, wrong that
our country has . . . suffered.
In April- of 1983 I was in Beirut and visited the am-
bassador at the embassy. Two weeks later, that embas.
sy was bombed. At that time, take a look at the craw
activities of terrorists?you can't: blame that on any-
body, and they're going to do crazy things, and you just
don't know what's going to happen:
The following October there Was-another bombing,
and that bmbing took place at the Marine barracks
where there were 242 young' hien who Were killed.
Right after that bombing occurred, 'there was a corn,
mission set up, called the Long Commission, and that
commission did a study of the sepiirity,;ariangements
around where the Marines were sleeping and found that
there was negligence, that they' did .ncit' have proper
gates up, proper precautions to stop tti3OsOrucks froth
coming in. And so the Long Cormnistiori issued a report
and President Reagan got up. and he, gaid;'"I'm corn;
mander in chief. I take responsibilit.,,And- we all
waited for something to be done when he ...t:ook respon;
sibility. , ,
Approved
For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
. .?
r,Vt.?ll, last month we had our third bombing. The first
;ime, the first embassy, there was no gateup. The sec-
ond time, with our Marines, the gate was. open. The
third time, the gate was there but it had not been- irr
staled.
And what was the president's reaction? Well, the se:-
curity arrangements were not in. Our people were
placed in that embassy in an unsecured time. And the
Iarikies who were guarding it were left to go away, and
there were other people guarding the embassy. Again,
the president said; "I assume responsibility."
I'd like to know what that means: Are we going t2
take proper precautions before we put Americans ill
situations where they're in danger? Or are we just go-
ing to walk away, throwing our arms up in the air now,
ouite a reversal from the first time and from .the first
time when he said he was going 'to do' something,'oriS
this president going to take some action.'
Some Democrats cringe at the Words "sPy-
ing" and "covert activity." Do you believe both
of them have a legitimate role in :countering ter'.
mist activity around the world?
FERRARO: I? think they have .ilegitimate roIei
gathering information, and what had happened was, the
CIA in the last bombing had given information to otir
administration with reference to the actual threats that
that embassy was going to be bombed. So it wasn't the
CIA that was at fault. There's a legitirriate reasOn kik
the CIA 'to be in existence, and that's to gather,.infel:-
ligence information for our security. But when I,see the
CIA doing things like they're doing_ down in Central
America, supporting a covert war, no, I don't suppoLt
that kind of activity.:The,CIAjs there to protect.pur
government, not there to subvert other governments::
USE tir-L317:CLIV FORCE
Congreaswornan Ferraro, you've repeatedly I
_said that you would not want your son to die in I
.-An undeclared war for an uncertain cause. But
-recently your-running mate, Mr. Mondale, has
suggested that it may become necessary to
'erect a military quarantine or blockade of Nic.
.(nragua. Under what 'circumstances would you
advocate the use of military force, American
?combat forces, in Central America?
?
,D;;, FERRARO: I would advocate the use of force when it
,:was necessary to protect the security of our country,
.!protect our security interests, or protect our people or
?protect the? interests of Our friends and neighbors.
When President-7well; I'm jumping the gun a bit,
aren't I?--v.then.Mr. Mondale referred to the quaran-
tine of Central America, a country in Central America,
what he's referring 't6 was a last resort, after all other
!irneans of attempting to settle the situation down in that
fegion of the world had been exhausted.
Q it f kl now what is being done by this admin-
u e ran y
istration. is an AmeiiAa.K5FW 142/05 CIAARPt$14 494QAti(Iftliikig19n9Pgrrd day.
2.
'moving in militarily instead of promoting the Contadora
.process, which, as .you know, is the process that is in
place with the support of Niexico and Colombia and Pan-
ama and Venezuela. Instead of supporting the process,
T'eur administration has in Nicaragua been supporting
?covert activities to keep that revolution going in order
-'to overthrow the,. Sandinista government; in El Sal-
,::vador, is not-pushing the head of government to move
..toward correction of the civil rights, human rights prob.
.lems that existed there.:
And now this administration seems almost befuddled
by the fact that Nicaragua is moving to participate in
??, the Ccntadora process, and El Salvador, through its
president, [Jose Napoleon] Duarte, is reaching out to
.,,the guerrillas in order to negotiate a peace. What Fritz
..,;Mondale and I feel about the situation down there is,
what you do is, you deal first through negotiation.
? Force is not a first resort but certainly a last resort in
. any instance.
? Follow-up please:
yler
Many timos in its history, the United States
has gone to war in order to defend freedom in
other lands. Dees your answer moan that you
vould be willing to forgo the use of military
?force even if it mania the establishment of a
7Soviot-backed dictatorship so clout: to our cwn
borders?
FERRARO: No', I think what we have to do is work
..'with the government. I assume you are speaking about.
ii-the goverment of Nicaragua, work with that govern-
Jifient to achieve a pluralistic society. I mean" they do
:have elections that are coming up on Nov. 4. I think we
''have to work with them to achieve a peaceful solution
::to bring about a pluralistic country. No, I'm not willing
'etc, live with a force that could be a danger to our coun-
..,stry. Certainly .I would see that our country would be
.,! there, putting all kinds of pressure on the neighboring
,countries of Honduras, of -Costa. Rica, of El Salvador to
.',promote the kinds of society that we can all live with in
,r,gecurity in this country.
Vice President Bush, both Cuba and Nicara-
gua are reported to be making extensive prep-
.arations to defend themselves against an Amer-
?can invasion which they claim could come this
"fall and even some of your Democratic oppo-
'rients in Congress have suggested that the ad-
orninistration may be planning a December sur-
prise invasion. Can you .tell us what circum-
,stances a re-elected .,Reagan administration
-...would consider use of force in Central America
..or the Caribbean?'
? ;., ,
BUSH: We don't think we'll be required to Use force.
-let me point out' that there 'are 2,000 Cuban military
rand 7,500 so-called Cuban advisers in Nicaragua. There
.Gare 55 American military' in El Salvador. I went down
on the instructions of the president to speak to the corn-
'm
andantes in El Salvador and told them that they had to
",Thove with Mr. [Alvaro] Magaha, then the president of
El Salvador, to respect human rights. They have done
that. They're moving well. I'm not saying it's perfect,
but the difference between El Salvador and Nicaragua
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
;. El Salvador went to the polls. Mr. Duarte was
elected by 70 percent of the people, M 70 percent of
the voting, in a certifiably free election. In Nicaragua,
you have something very different. You have a Marxist-
Leninist group, the Sandinistas, that came into power,
talking democracy, They have aborted their democra-
cy. They have humiliated the Holy Father. They have
...crackcd down on the only press organ there, La Prensa,
cen,e:.ing the r!ress , something that should concern
every American. They have not land any human rights
at all. They will not "permit free elections. Mr. [Arturo]
Cruz?who Wa$ to be the only viable challenger to Nic-
aragua, to the Sandinistas, to the junta, to Mr, [Daniel]
Ortega?went down there and found that the ground ;
rules were so unfair that he couldn't even wage a cam-
paign.
One country is devoid of human rights. The other is
struggling to perfect their democracy. We don't like it,
frankly, when Nicaragua exports its revolution or
serves as a conduit for supplies coming in from such de-
mocracies as North Korea, Bulgaria, the Soviet Union
and Cuba to try .to destabilize El Salvador. Yes, we're
concerned about that, because we want to see this
trend toward democracy continue. There have been
something like 13 countries since we've come in move
towards the democratic route.
And let me say that Grenada is not unrelated. And I
have big difference with Ms. Ferraro on that one. We
gave those four tiny Caribbean countries a chance. We
saved the lives and most of those, the thousand stu-
dents said that they were in jeopardy. Grenada was a
proud moment, because we did stand up for democracy.
But in terms of threat of these countries, nuclear, I
mean, weapons, no, there's not that kind of a threat.
It's Mr. Mondale that proposed the quarantine,' not
Ronald Reagan.
Considering this country's long respect for
the rule of international law, was It right for the
United States to be involved in mining the har-
bors of Nicaragua, a country we're not at war
with, and to subsequently refuse to allow the
World Court to adjudicate that dispute and the
complaint from Nicaragua?
BUSH: I support what we're doing. It was 'reported
to the Congress under the law. I support it. My only re-
gret is that the aid for the contras, those people that
are fighting, we call them freedom fighters. They want
to see the democracy perfected in Nicaragua. Am I to
understand from this assault on covert action that no-
where in the world would we, do something that was
considered just off-base when Mrs. Ferraro said she'd
never support it? Would she never support it if the vi-
olation of human rights was so great and quiet support
was necessary for freedom fighters? Yes, we're for the
contras.
And let me tell you another fact about the contras.
Everybody that's not for this, everyone that wants to
let that Sandinista government prevail, just like Castro
did, all of that, the contras are not Somocistas. Less
than 5 percent of the contras supported [Nicaragua's
late dictator, Anastasio; SOMOZZ. These were people
that wanted a revolution. These are people that felt the
revolution was betrayed. These are people that support
human rights. Yes, 'pe o
ould suwort.the.m.
rova'r r Kelease 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
VANOCUR: Congresswoman Ferraro.
FERRARO: I spent a good deal of time in Central
America in January and had an opportunity to speak to
the contras after being in Nicaragua and in El Salvador,
and let me just say that the situation as it exists now tit-
cause of this administration's policies, we're not getting
better. We're not moving toward a more secure area of
the world. As a matter of fact, the number of troops
that the Sandinistas have accumulated since the admin-
istration started its covert activities has risen from 12,-
000 to 50,000. And, of course, the number of Soviet
and Cuban advisers has also increased.
I did not support the mining of the harbors in Nica-
ragua. It is a violation of international law. Congress did
not support it and, as a matter of fact, just this week the
Congress voted to cut off covert aid to Nicaragua unless
and until a request is .made and there is evidence of
need for, it, and the Congress approves it again in
March.
So the Congress doesn't get laid on. The covert ac-
tivities which I oppose in Nicaragua, those CIA covert
activities in that specific country, are not supported by
the Congress, and believe it or not, are not supported
by the majority of people throughout this country.
VANOCUR: Vice President Bush.'
BUSH: Well, I would simply like to make the distinc-
tion again between those countries that are searching
for democracy and the handful of countries that have to-
tally violated human rights and are going the Marxist
route. Ortega, the commandant who's head of the Ni-
caraguan Sandinistas, is an avowed Marxist. They don't
believe in the church, they don't believe in free elec-
tions, they don't believe in all the values that we believe
in. So it is our policy to support the democracies there,
and when you have freedom fighters that want to per-
fect that revolution and go the democratic route, we be-
lieve in giving them support. We are for democracy in
the hemisphere. We are for negotiation. Three dollars
out of every four that we've sent down there has been
for economic aid to support the people's chance to eat
and live and be happy and enjoy life. And one-fourth
only was military. You wouldn't get that from listening
to Mr. Mondale.
**********
,
""?:
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
- I . WASHINGTON POST
. 12 October 1984
30th Camps Satisfied
By David S. Broder
W,i-angtra Pair Staff Writer
PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 11?George Bush scored
t.eaciily against the Democratic opposition, while Ger-
aldine A. Ferraro started out shaky and finished strong
in the televised debate here tonight between the vice-
presidential rivals.
Both camps expressed satisfactipn with
NEWS
1 ANALYSIS
their contenders' performance, but neither
]
thought the debate by itself would have a
main: impact on the race.
Democrats had hoped that a powerful performance
by Ferraro would produce further gains, after Walter F.
l',1ondale's besting of President Reagan in the Louisville
debate last Sunday night, but Bush?in the estimates of
kth parties?more than held his own.
Ferraro, the three-term Democratic House member
from Queens, N.Y., was the focus of public interest as
the first woman on a national ticket, and she did nothing
to embarrass herzelf or her party.
She stood toe-to-toe with the incumbent vice pres-
ident in an emotional exchange on terrorism, telling
him, "I almost resent . . . your patronizing attitude that
you have to teach me about foreign policy."
WIth her characteristic fast-paced New York talk
slowed to a comfortable gait, she delivered a closing
statement defining patriotism in Democratic terms that
attained a level of eloquence.
But Ferraro often had her head
buried in her notes, both at the
start of the debate and in the for-
eign policy section, and was guilty
of obvious filibustering .when asked
how she and Mondale thought a
nuclear freeze could be verified.
It seemed questionable to most
observers whether Ferraro had
done much to convince the doubters
that she was qualified tO be a heart-
beat from the presidency. -Former
Carter administrition aide Stuart
Eizenstat said Ferraro "crossed the
threshold of credibility," but Reagan
campaign pollster Richard B. Wirth-
lin said he saw "nothing that will
move the six out of 10 people [in
surveys] who think she was chosen
only because she was a woman." _
Bush spoke directly to .the tele-
vision audience from beginning to
end of the debate, seeming to need
no prompting from his notes.. For
the most part, he brushed Ferraro
aside, while taking the case direct-
ly?and aggressively?to Mondale.
But as he often does... on the
ith Debate
stump, Bush compromised his in-
dependent stature by turning him-
self into a Reagan cheerleader, per-
forming verbal handsprings in his
effort to whip up enthusiasm for
"the leader of the free world."
But his assurance grew as his
decibel level diminished during the
course of the debate, and the im-
pression of viewers here was that
people who knew nothing of the re-
sumes of the two debaters would
have had no difficulty judging Bush
the more experienced.
At the minimum, he appeared to
have avoided the kind of upstaging
by Ferraro that Reagan suffered at
Mondale's hands in Louisville. Such
an event would not only have com-
pounded Republican problems in
holding the lead in the election but
clouded Bush's chances of gaining
the presidential nomination in
1988.
Still, he niust have come away
with greater respect for Ferrar,o as
an opponent, because the one time
he attempted to challenge her di-
rectly, she slapped him down.
It came in a discussion on terror-
ism and the CIA. Bush criticized her
for seeming to "do awayardun co-
vert activity" by the cia...aacLs2f-
fered to "help you Ferl_i___??aror___' !mkt-
stand the difference between the
Iranian and Lebanese situations. He
also said the Democrats had better
not tell the families of the Marines
who died in Lebanon that they had
"died in shame."
Ferraro rebuked him sharply for
his "patronizing attitude" and, with
genuine anger, told him, "Please do
not categorize my answers." She
,denied strongly that there was any
implication of "shame" for the ca-
sualties, and generally left Bush ea-
ger for the topic to change?which
it did before he had to reply.
If that was Ferraro's best mo-
ment, there were many awkward
ones for her. She seemed halting in
her explanation of the Mondale ap-
proach to arms control, and less
than confident in the economic sta-
tistics that appeared to be inscribed
in her notebook.
Predictably, the final 45 minutes
on foreign policy played to Bush'.,s,
strength, as the former ambassador
and CiA----director dirpTiyeciThls
knowledge of Central Americ.a.?.1
Mideast- and ' arms-control issues.
Ferraro fared well in laying out
broad Democratic disagreements
but sagged visibly on several occa-
sions when she attempted to spell
out the details of that policy.
The subject matter of the de-
bate's domestic section kept her
more on the defensive than her run-
ning mate had been in Louisville.
She and Bush had to discuss their .
income tax and financial disclosure
policies and their views on religion.
But Bush was more aggressive on
the first topic than she was and
managed to shift the subject of re-
ligion into a chance to remind view-
ers that Reagan had appointed the
first woman Supreme Court justice.
Though he came here burdened
b a reputation as verbally slow-
f oted, Bush found the words that
{
eluded Reagan on Sunday and de-
livered a thematic closing state-
ent contrasting the "hope and op-
p rtunity" of Reagan's leadership
*th the "weakness and failed p01-
ices" of the Democratic past,,
Ferraro found her way to basic
Democratic themes of economic
fairness and disarmament in her
well-rehearsed closing statement,
but she missed some other targets
her aides had laid out. The subject
of Social Security, where Mondale
had put Reagan totally on the de-
fensive, did not cross her lips; the
deficit issue was also brushed aside.
But both managed to do basically
what they had set out to do. Fer-
raro managed to hold the stage with
Bush and, to that extent at least,
show that she was not out of her
? league. And Bush managed to be
firm and aggressive without ever
beating up on the lady.
With that result, chances are that
the spotlight will shift quickly back
to Mondale and Reagan.
Staff writers Lou Cannon and
James R. Dickenson contributed to
this report.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
tr2t
J.7.--"ZmM-147 ITOEME2EIGGLX.
Approved For Release 2001/12/05 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000100020001-7
ARTICLE APPEARED
ON
7