AMERICA NEEDS TO GET DOWN AND FIGHT DIRTY WITH TERRORISTS

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP91-00587R000100060001-6
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 24, 2011
Sequence Number: 
1
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
September 18, 1986
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP91-00587R000100060001-6.pdf95.92 KB
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Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/02/24: CIA-RDP91-00587R000100060001-6 LOS ANGELES TIMES 18 September 1986 America Needs to Get Down and Fight Dirty With Terrorists By MIKE ACKERMAN We are reluctant to acknowledge it, we who have made such comfortable lives for ourselves, but America is in the midst of a prolonged struggle with Palestinian terrorism. The terrorists for the most part are focusing on commercial aviation, which they have identified correctly as a vulner- able pressure point of the Western eco- nomic system. They also strike at U.S. government targets, American businesses overseas and random groups of our citizens. The Abu Nidal apparatus, the same group that carried out the recent Pam Am hijacking in Karachi, staged a September, 1985, grenade attack on Rome's Cafe de Paris that injured 39, including nine Ameri- cans. The attackers proclaimed preposter- ously that the famous tourist spot was a "den of U.S. intelligence." For the moment the Palestinian extrem- ists are operating mainly in Western Europe, the Middle East and Southwestern Asia, but eventually they will expand into the Far East, Africa and Latin America, and perhaps into the United States. They have taken their toll not only in lives but also in altered travel plans, canceled overseas projects and lost marketing op- portunities. Terrorism's effect on our woe- ful trade balance has yet to be measured, but it plainly is substantial and is certain to grow. The Palestinians' strategy is remarkably simple: to test the depth of American support for Israel, the willing- ness of the United States to shed the blood of its citizens "for Israel's sake." Their indiscriminate slaughter has gen- erated a revulsion among Americans that appears, at first blush, to have hurt their cause. But it is far too soon to assess the underlying soundness of their doctrine. Just how many casualties and how much economic hardship is the United States willing to bear in support of Israel? Just how long will it be before we begin chafing under the pressure and feel forced to acknowledge the "reasonableness" of Yasser Arafat if not Abu Nidal? We had best look deep within ourselves in ponder- ing a reply. What is to be done? The route networks of American carriers are too vast and their resources, both human and financial, too thin to fully protect their aircraft. The terrorists' technology and their increasing operational competence and inherent abil- ity to dictate the time and place of their attacks combine to give them tremendous advantage. Clearly we must carry the struggle to the terrorists, but how? Militarily? Repeated Israeli bombings of suspected terrorists' strongholds hale accomplished little. April's bombing raid against Libya, a notorious supporter of Palestinian terror- ism, made us feel good but was equally ineffective. Such aerial attacks are akin to firing a mortar at widely dispersed and well camouflaged swarms of insects. Insects are suppressed by disrupting their breeding cycle; so, too, with terror- ists. We should focus not on dispersed hit men but on their trainers, suppliers and commanders. We should descend into their nether world, get as close as we can, then neutralize them through capture or elimi- nation. We should fight covert operatives with covert operatives. Our problem, and it is a serious one, is that a dozen years ago, with astounding absence of foresight, we largely did away with the covert arm of our government, the Central Intelligence Agency's clandestine services. While the Reagan Administration has done its best to revitalize the service, it unwisely has chosen to expend a good deal of its effort and credibility in a most uncovert manner in Nicaragua. The agency has suffered as much from its supporters as it has from its critics. It isn't too late to develop a response to terrorism, but we had best do it quickly. We should rationalize a tangle of laws and regulations that allow the President to order bombing runs against urban centers, with numerous civilian casualties, b%t forbid the surgical elimination of an iden= tifled terrorist known to have murdered American citizens. We should instruct congressmen, now spoiling for action, on the meaning of discreet supervision of ap intelligence service, and advise the Admin. istration on the fine distinction between t f* words overt and covert. Many people warn that unleashing the clandestine services against terrorists would undermine our legal system, ii.. .. peril our rights, erode our moral fibet Nonsense! Our political system has sur- vived the strains of full-scale war. SureW it can withstand covert engagement. There will in fact be no more crucial test of our political system in the remaining years of this century than our response to terrorism. If we fail to meet the chal- lenge, we have but two alternatives: We can forfeit to barbarians the determination of our foreign policy-which, incidentally, won't do much for our moral fiber. Or we can oblige our citizens to travel and conduct business within an ever-shrinking cocoon. Mike Ackerman, a p in the Miami- based security firm c n F@umTo, Inc.. spent 11 years in the CIA's services. He resigned in 1975 to protest the congressional investigation of the agency. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/02/24: CIA-RDP91-00587R000100060001-6