BREAKFAST FOR REPRESENTATIVES HAMILTON AND STUMP ON 10 MAY 1988

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90G01353R000600070018-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: T
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 30, 2013
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: May 9, 1988
• Content Type: MEMO

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Lenin' 11111831Ce
Washinsion.DC20505
OCA 88-2059
2 1 JUN 1988
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton
House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Mr. Hamilton:
Enclosed are pictures from your 10 May
ceremony with Judge Webster.
Once again, we at the Agency send our
thanks and congratulations.
Enclosures
as stated
Sincerely,
STAT
II DirecI John L. Helgerson
of Congressional Affairs
Distribution
Original - Addressee
D/OCA
(1)- ER
1 - OCA Record
1 - =2hrono
OCA (20 June 88)
STAT
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Central Intelligence Agency
mshingmDc20935
OCA 88-2058
21 June 1988
The Honorable Bob Stump
House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Mr. Stump:
Enclosed are pictures from your 10 May
ceremony with Judge Webster.
Once again, we at the Agency send our
thanks and congratulations.
Sincerely,
/ 5 1(
John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
Enclosures
as stated
DISTRIBUTION:
Original - Addressee
1 - D/OCA
1 - ER
1 - OCA Record
1 - Chrono
OCA
(20 Jun 88)
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['CUL= neguy
88-1979X
,LEE H. HAMILTON
9TH DISTRICT, INDIANA
COMMITTEES:
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
JOINT ECONOMIC
SCIENCE, SPACE
AND TECHNOLOGY
Congreco of tbe 71Initeb fi'tateci
*woe of Represientatibto
atngton,31:se 20515
May 10, 1988
The Honorable William H. Webster
Director, Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Judge Webster:
2187 RAYBURN BUILDING
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
TELEPHONE: [phone]
DISTRICT OFFICES:
107 FEDERAL CENTER
BUILDING 88
1201 EAST 10m Swim
J EEEEE SONVILLE. IN 47130
TELEPHONE: [phone]
Just a note to express my appreciation to you and your colleagues
at the Central Intelligence Agency for the award of the Agency Seal
Medallion this morning.
The Medallion, and the inscription on the citation, mean a great
deal to me. I hope I was able to contribute in some small way to
strengthening the effectiveness of our intelligence system.
I continue to appreciate your leadership in the Intelligence
Community and the marvelous record of public service that you continue
to build upon.
Please convey to your colleagues mygmteful appreciation. With
warm regards, I am
LHH/nvc
LEE H. HAMILTON, N.C.
CALL TOLL FREE
[phone]
a
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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT: (Optional)
Breakfast for Representatives Hamilton andStump on
Tuesday, 10 May 1988
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
EXTENSION
Na OCA 88-1380 &
0 9 MAY ise8
TO: (Officer designation, room number, and
building)
Executive Registry
Executive Director
Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence
Director of Central
Intelligence
eturn to Director of
Congressional Affairs
10.
11.
12.
13.
1 4 .
15.
FORM Ai n USE PREMISS
1-79 ' U EDITIONS
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DATE
RECEIVED
0 9 MA
0 9 MAY
FORWARDED
1988
1968
/
OFFICER'S
INITIALS
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom. Draw a line across column after each comment.)
STAT
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? . y
Indiana - 9th District
9 Lee H. Hamilton (D)
Of Nashville ? Elected 1964
Born: April 20, 1931, Daytona Beach, Fla.
Education: DePauw U., B.A. 1952; attended Goethe U.,
Frankfurt, West Germany, 1952-53; Indiana U., J.D.
1956.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Nancy Nelson; three children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2187 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5315.
In Washington: A man who chooses his
issues carefully and times his few speeches for
maximum impact, Hamilton in the course of 22
years' service has built a reservoir of respect
few members can match.
In the coming months, he may need to dip
into that reservoir at least a little bit, as he
finds himself embroiled in the sort of public
controversy he has preferred to avoid in the
past. Already a crucial player in foreign policy
through his role on the Foreign Affairs and
Intelligence committees, Hamilton now is in
charge of the special committee investigating
the Iran-contra affair.
Hamilton's two years as Intelligence chair-
man in the 99th Congress marked perhaps the
first effort of his long career that did not meet
with universal praise from all sides. He handled
the work with his customary fairness and grace,
and maintained the independent approach to
the CIA that had established the committee's
reputation. But in his reluctance to engage in
partisan warfare, Hamilton held back from
investigating early reports of illegal White
House links to a private network dispatching
funds to the Nicaraguan contras.
In September of 1985, then-national secu-
rity adviser Robert C. McFarlane appeared
before the Intelligence panel at an informal
hearing. There was little evidence available to
contradict McFarlane's denials of administra-
tion involvement in illegal contra aid. Hamilton
said at the time, "How could we take the word
of nothing on the one hand against the very
specific word of the U.S. national security ad-
viser on the other?"
More than a year later, as the Iran-contra
scandal unfolded, Hamilton admitted that he
might have done more to investigate the situa-
tion. "One of the emerging lessons from these
events," he said, "is that we did not have
sufficient oversight...." Hamilton conceded
514
that the committees involved, including his
own, "did not do as good a job as we should
have done."
Hamilton's reputation for evenhandedness
is one that does not preclude strongly held
views; Hamilton has in fact been a leader in
efforts to force Reagan to change his policy of
aiding the contras. "I still don't think the
policy is working," Hamilton said in early 1986.
"The Sandinistas are more repressive, the war
is continuing, the peace process hasn't moved
anywhere. What have we gotten?"
Hamilton drafted a compromise in the
spring of 1985 designed to aid Nicaraguan
refugees and promote a Central American re-
gional peace treaty. Hamilton called his pro-
posal "tough-minded diplomacy" with a better
chance of success than trying to force the
Nicaraguan government to negotiate "with a
gun to its head." In June of 1985, the House
voted for humanitarian aid to the contras, but
no direct military assistance. Hamilton op-
posed that move. A year later, he again was on
the losing side as the House agreed to give the
contras an additional $100 million.
Behind Hamilton's feelings against U.S.
aid to the Nicaraguan rebels is a fundamental
discomfort with the American military pres-
ence in Central America. "There seems to be a
disproportionate emphasis on the military as-
pect of our policy," he said in 1984, criticizing
the buildup of U.S. troops and equipment in
Honduras. "The problems there are funda-
mentally economic and social, and we're re-
sponding with military might."
Hamilton's policy views and his low-key
style have evolved over 20 years on Foreign
Affairs, which he joined as a freshman in 1965,
and on the Europe and Middle East Subcom-
mittee, which he chairs. He is one of a handful
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r-
Lao H. Hamilton, D-Ind.
Indiana 9
This is the largest and least urbanized
district in the state. The hilly forests and
farm lands are more akin to Kentucky and
parts of southern Ohio and Illinois than to
the flat Hoosier farm lands farther north.
Many of those who settled here came from
the South and brought with them their
Democratic allegiances.
Poultry and cattle are the major agri-
cultural commodities of the area, which is
also the center of some of the nation's finest
and most abundant limestone quarries.
Stone cutters, like those portrayed in the
movie "Breaking Away," regularly excavate
rock that is used for building material
throughout the country.
The Indiana suburbs of Louisville, Ky.,
along the Ohio River, make up the district's
largest concentration of voters. The focal
point of this mostly middle-income area is
New Albany, which lies just across the Ohio
River from Louisville and is the district's
largest city, with 37,000 people. Population
expansion in the river counties during the
1970s was the main reason the 9th grew
Southeast ?
Bloomington; New Albany
faster than any other Indiana district dur-
ing the decade.
In the days of the steamboats, when
Indiana's economy depended upon the car-
goes that came up the Ohio River, New
Albany was the state's largest city. Although
the river's contribution to the local liveli-
hood has dropped off considerably in the
last hundred years, the 9th still depends
upon river traffic and industries located
along the river bank for many jobs.
In its northwest corner, the 9th takes in
most of the Democratic parts of Blooming-
ton, the home of Indiana University. The
district boundary runs along 3rd Street in
Bloomington, placing the northern two-
thirds of the city's 52,000 residents in the
9th. Included in that area is all of Indiana
University's campus as well as most of the
off-campus housing and faculty neighbor-
hoods.
Population: 544,873. White 530,291 (97%), Black
10,205 (2%). Spanish origin 3,190 (1%). 18 and over
383,018(70%). 65 and over 56,470 (10%). Malmo sae:
28.
of members who have made the once-passive
Foreign Affairs Committee closer in stature to
its traditionally dominant Senate counterpart.
Now second in line on the full committee
behind Chairman Dante B. Fascell of Florida,
Hamilton seems almost certain to inherit the
committee at some point in the next few years.
In 1972, Hamilton sponsored the first end-
the-Vietnam-War measure ever adopted by the
Foreign Affairs Committee. His amendment to
a foreign aid bill called for withdrawal of U.S.
forces from Vietnam. contingent on release of
all prisoners of war and agreement with North
Vietnam on a cease-fire plan. The amendment
was killed on the House floor in August 1972,
but it helped set the stage for later congres-
sional actions to end the war.
That perspective was a factor in 1986,
when Hamilton rebelled against the Reagan
administration's "covert" aid to guerrillas in
Angola. He argued that the secret aid
amounted to a major foreign policy shift that
should be publicly discussed. The president,
Hamilton said, "cannot expect sustained sup-
port for foreign policy initiatives, including
covert action operations, that are generally
unpopular or where a covert action mechanism
can be viewed as having been chosen to avoid
public debate or a congressional vote on the
matter." But Congress approved aid to the
Angolan guerrillas.
As chairman of the Europe and the Middle
East Subcommittee, Hamilton has sought to
steer a middle course between the panel's mili-
tant pro-Israel faction and those who want to
pay serious attention to Arab and Palestinian
demands. He has the respect of the American
Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the
dominant lobbying presence on his panel, but
he is far from an automatic AIPAC vote. Ham-
ilton sharply criticized Israeli handling of the
raids on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. In the
98th Congress, Hamilton was one of only four
committee members who voted against a House
resolution seeking to move the U.S. Embassy in
Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem ? a high
priority for many supporters of Israel, although
not so much for AIPAC.
Hamilton also has been one of the more
skeptical members in his approach toward Rea-
gan administration plans for new arms sales to
Jordan. He has questioned the link between
515
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Indiana - 9th District
arms sales and the peace process, calling it
"more of a negative than a positive one." Rejec-
tion of the Jordan sale by the 99th Congress, he
said, "may complicate diplomacy; it may cause
the king to have some doubts. I don't know that
approval of the sale will help push the process
forward."
When the Reagan administration first pro-
posed the sale of 400 shoulder-fired Stinger
missiles to Saudi Arabia. Israel complained
that the weapon might fall into the hands of
Arab terrorists. Hamilton essentially stayed out
of the dispute at that time. He chose not to sign
a "Dear Colleague" letter opposing the sale, but
never endorsed it either. In the end, the admin.
istration went through with the sale, and Con-
gress did not block it.
In 1986. when the administration again
proposed arms sales to Saudi Arabia. Hamilton
took a different approach. He told critics their
opposition would "reinforce a lot of anti-Amer-
ican feelings in the area." He was one of only 17
Democrats who did not vote with the majority
to block the sale, which eventually took place.
In his subcommittee's sensitive debates
over aid to Greece and Turkey, Hamilton has
played what amounts to a referee's role. He has
been willing to back increased arms sales to
Turkey, but has insisted on imposing condi-
tions and considering arms for Greece at the
same time.
Hamilton began to build his favorable
reputation early in his House career, winning
election in 1965 as president of the huge fresh-
man Democratic class in the 89th Congress.
Later the same year, Hamilton received wide-
spread press attention with a letter to Presi-
dent Johnson saving it was "time to pause" in
action on Great Society social programs.
For several years, Hamilton spent much of
his time on ethics issues as a member of the
Committee on Standards of Official Conduct.
In 1977 he chaired a task force that recom-
mended new rules limiting members' outside
earned income and honoraria. Most of the
recommendations were adopted by the House.
although in 1981 the outside income limit was
doubled. to 30 percent of a member's salary.
In the 96th Congress. Hamilton was the
dominant Democrat on the ethics committee,
performing many of the behind-the-scenes
chores for its mercurial chairman, Charles E.
Bennett of Florida.
Hamilton persuaded the panel to revise
the ethics rules to clarify the differences among
various punishments meted out in ethics cases.
He worked on the committee's recommenda-
tion of censure for Michigan Democrat Charles
516
C. Diggs Jr.. convicted in a kickback scheme, as
well as on the Abscam bribery investigations
On Abscam, however. Hamilton broke with
Bennett and most of the committee. The panel
recommended that Rep. Michael -Ozzie" M%
ers. D-Pa., be expelled following his conviction
in federal court for accepting bribes. The ex-
pulsion came to the floor on the day the House
was scheduled to recess for the 1980 election....
and Hamilton said the rushed atmosphere was
denying Myers due process. But the majority
was on the other side, and Myers was expelled.
Hamilton left the panel at the end of 1980.
At Home: The son and brother of minis-
ters, Hamilton has a devotion to work that
comes out of his traditional Methodist family
From his days in Evansville High School in
1948. when he helped propel the basketball
team to the state finals, to his race for Congress
in 1964. he displayed a quiet, consistent deter-
mination.
When he graduated from DePauw Univer-
sity in 1952, he received an award as the
outstanding senior. He accepted a scholarship
to Goethe University in Germany for further
study.
Hamilton practiced law for a while in Chi-
cago. but soon decided to settle in Columbus.
Indiana, where his interest in politics led him
into the local Democratic Party. In 1960 he was
chairman of the Bartholomew County (Colum-
bus) Citizens for Kennedy. Two years later he
managed Birch Bayh's Senate campaign in
Columbus.
He was the consensus choice of the local
Democratic organization for the 9th District
House nomination in 1964. and won the pri-
mary with 46 percent of the vote in a field of
five candidates. He went on to defeat longtime
Republican Rep. Earl Wilson, a crusty fiscal
watchdog who had represented the district for
almost a quarter of a century.
With his widespread personal respect.
Hamilton has been re-elected easily ever since.
After a few years. Republicans gave up on
defeating him and added Democrats to his
district to give GOP candidates a better chance
elsewhere in the state. In 1976. for the first
time in the history of the district. the Republi-
cans put up no candidate at all. In 1980 and
1984. Reagan's popularity in Indiana caused
Hamilton no trouble.
Conceding that Hamilton was unbeatable,
the GOP Legislature made no effort to weaken
him in 1981 redistricting, although they re-
moved Hamilton's home town of Columbus
from the district. He moved to the next county
and was re-elected with 67 percent
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Lott H. Hamilton, 0-Ind.
Committees
Select Casenilltse to kriestigate Covert Arms Tiensectiens
vI ken (Chairmen)
Foreign Albin (2nd of 25 Democrats)
Europe and the Middle East Oakmont Arms Control, Interna-
tional Security and Science.
Science. Space and TerimMagy (20th of 27 Democrats)
Science. Research and Technology
&Mt EceemMc (Vice Chairman)
Economic Goals end IMergovernmental Policy Icheirmany. Eco-
iconic Growth. Trade and Taxes: International Economic Policy.
Campaign Finance
Receipb Upend-
Receipts kern PACs limes
Hamilton (D) $216,915 $124,400 (43%) 6306.485
Kilroy (R) $17276 $100 (0.6) 616.610
16114
Hamilton (D) $243.432 $104.157 (43%) $206456
Coates (A) $11,007 $1.650 (15%) $11.702
Elections
1166 General
Lee H. Hamilton (D) 120.586 (72%)
Robert Waiter Kilroy (R) 46,398 (28%)
11166 Prinery
Lee H. Hamilton (D)
Robert L Murphy (D)
Ronald R Bettag (0)
1964 General
Lee H. Hamilton (D) 137.018 (65%)
Floyd E Coates (R) 72.652 (35%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1912 (67%) 1680 (64%)
11711 (66%) 1976 (100%) 1974 (71%) 1672 (63%)
1970 (63%) 1115 (54%) use (54%) 1964 (54%)
69,591 (92%)
3,248 ( 4%)
2.648 ( 4%)
District You For President
111111 1990 1979
D 93.283 (40%) D 92.931 (43%) 0 109.023 02%)
11 139.901 (60%) N 112.568 (52%) N 116.908 (47%)
$.747 ( 4%)
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Censereative
SIIPP0r1 Unity Cesitien
Teer 6 0 S 0 $ 0
illell 33 67 63 17 48 52
11115 38 63 82 16 42 56
1994 -49 51 71 29 54 46
1613 35 65 82 17 42 58
WV 47 52 66 33 58 42
19111 47 51 71 27 56 44
S = Support 0 Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985) N
Cut federal subsidy for water Protects (1985) N
Weaken gun control laws (1986) r
Cut back public housing construction (1986) r
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986) N
Impose textile import emits over Reagan veto (1986) N
Block chemical weapons production (1966) N
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AF1-130 CCUS
1696 55 23 57 56
19I5 60 33 69 57
1964 55 42 54 38
1163 75 17 71 45
1912 70 18 80 45
1961 65 20 67 28 '41
li
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Arizona - 3rd District
3 Bob Stump (R)
Of Tolleson ? Elected 1976
Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz.
Education: Arizona State U.. B.S. 1951.
Military Career Navy, 1943-46.
Occupation: Farmer.
Family: Divorced; three children.
Religion: Seventh-day Adventist.
Political Career Ariz. House. 1959-67: Ariz. Senate,
1967-77, Senate president, 1975-77.
Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576.
In Washington: Stump has served in the
House on both sides of the aisle, but he has
stuck to the back benches on each side. In the
course of more than a decade in office, he has
introduced few bills and spoken remarkably
rarely on the floor.
When he does rise in the House. it is nearly
always to make a conservative point on a de-
fense or foreign policy issue.
During 1986 deliberations on an intelli-
gence authorization bill, Stump joined Florida
Democrat Claude Pepper in offering an amend-
ment allowing the CIA to continue providing
covert military aid to rebels fighting the Marx-
ist government of Angola. The original bill
included a requirement that aid for the Angola
rebels be publicly debated and approved by
Congress. "It's a tough world." Stump said,
"and some things must be done in secret to be
successful." His amendment passed, 229-186.
Stump maintains his hard-line views about
other foreign policy matters as a member of the
Armed Services Committee. Even as other
hawks were backing away from a U.S. military
presence in Lebanon in 1983. Stump did not
waver in his support, saying. "We need to raise
the flag ? we've retreated one too many
times."
From 1983 to 1987, Stump also served on
Intelligence; in the 99th Congress, he was rank-
ing Republican on the committee, and proved a
loyal supporter of the government intelligence
community. In 1984. when Congress was decid-
ing whether to exempt the Defense Department
from a bill curbing the federal government's
use of lie detectors. Stump argued that more
agencies should be able to use the tests, specifi-
cally the FBI. because of its counterintelligence
programs. "I don't think we've gone far
enough," he said.
Stump's switch from the Democratic Party
58
to the GOP was easily the most public event of
his House career.
First elected in 1976 and re-elected twice
as a Democrat, Stump was the target of a long
and vigorous recruiting effort by Republican
officials, who urged him to cross the aisle and
run for office the way he voted on the floor ?
in support of the GOP. In 1981, a few months
after he backed President Reagan in the critical
tax and budget decisions, Stump announced he
would finally make the move. He said he had
been a Democrat out of family tradition, but
felt increasingly alienated from his party.
Republicans boasted that Stump's switch
was a harbinger, and that other disaffected
Democrats would soon join the GOP. But only
one other Democrat left his party ? Eugene V.
Atkinson of Pennsylvania ? and he lost the
next election.
The party switch resulted in a temporary
setback for Stump. He had won his place on
Veterans' Affairs in 1981, when the Conserva-
tive Democratic Forum pressured Speaker
Thomas P. O'Neill Jr. to give prize assignments
to conservatives. But two years later, new party
ratios in the House altered tie balance on each
committee, reducing the Republican member-
ship of Veterans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump,
then last in seniority, failed to win a place. He
did not regain it until 1987.
Perhaps the most permanent effect of
Stump's switch was a change in party rules.
Stump had been allowed to keep his Demo-
cratic seats on Armed Services and Veterans'
Affairs through the 97th Congress, despite his
declared intention to run as a Republican in
1982. In 1983 Democrats pushed through a rule
providing that any future member who leaves
the party in the middle of a session loses his
Democratic committee assignments immedi-
ately.
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Mob Stump, R-Ariz.
Arizona 3
Once dominated almost entirely by
"pinto Democrats" ranchers and other
conservative rural landowners ? the 3rd
has become prime GOP turf over the years.
The GOP has fared particularly well
here in recent presidential elections. There
was no county anywhere in the district in
which President Reagan did not approach
60 percent of the vote in 1984; four years
earlier, the 3rd was his best district any-
where in the state.
The majority of the vote is cast in the
Maricopa County suburbs west of Phoenix.
Glendale and Sun City, an affluent retire-
ment community, are among the most im-
portant towns politically. Both produce
mammoth Republican majorities. Political
organizations among the retirees in Sun
City contribute to turnouts of 90 percent or
higher in congressional elections.
Moving west, the 3rd takes in northern
Yuma County, a sparsely populated moun-
tainous area whose residents generally take
a Republican point of view. Much of this
portion of the county is occupied by a
national wildlife refuge and an Army prov-
ing ground.
Residents of the northernmost portion
of Yuma County moved to set up their own
local government in June 1982, passing a
ballot initiative that transformed northern
Yuma into brand-new La Paz County. The
La Paz community of Quartzsite swells dur-
ing the winter, as travelers flock to take
advantage of the warm climate and rock and
mineral shows.
Mohave County, occupying the north-
western corner of the state, is home to three
North and West ? Glendale;
Flagstaff; Part of Phoenix
groups in constant political tension ? Indi-
ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re-
publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The
county ? evenly split between Democrats
and Republicans ? has been close in recent
statewide elections.
To the east lies Coconino County,
where partisan sentiments are mixed. The
northern end, near the Utah border, in-
cludes "the Arizona strip," a heavily Mor-
mon region that bears a staunch affinity for
the GOP. Sedona, a city at the county's
southern end, also votes Republican.
But old-time Democratic loyalties per-
sist in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino
County and the commercial center of north-
ern Arizona. Among Flagstaff s leading in-
dustries are lumber, mining and tourism ?
which is spurred by the proximity of ski
resorts as well as the Grand Canyon to the
north and the Oak Creek Canyon to the
south.
A drive through Oak Creek Canyon
brings one to Yavapai County, a mountain-
ous area that includes ancient Indian ruins
and ghost mining towns. The county centers
on Prescott, the former territorial capital
that hosted the first session of the Arizona
Legislature in 1864. Yavapai was the only
county in the state to vote for Republican
Pete Dunn over Democratic Sen. Dennis
DeConcini in the incumbent's race for re-
election in 1982.
Population: 544.870. White 468,924 (86?/.), Black
8.330(2%), American Indian. Eskimo and Aleut 27.538
(5%). Other 3.845(1%). Spanish origin 64.414(12%). 18
and over 389.150 (71%), 65 and over 79.881 (15%).
Median age. 31.
Though he is nearly as conservative on
economic issues as on defense and foreign pol-
icy. Stump bends noticeably when it comes to
protecting his state's water interests. When the
Carter administration tried to impose on West-
ern landowners the stringent federal water con-
trols of a long-ignored 1902 law, Stump simply
introduced a bill to repeal major portions of the
law. That bill never went anywhere; a compro-
mise on the issue was finally reached after
several years of dispute.
Although not generally a supporter of wil-
derness designation for public lands, Stump
introduced the Arizona Strip Wilderness Act in
1983, saying it assured a sufficient role for
development and was "an example of business
interests and environmental concerns working
together." When this bill was folded into the
larger Arizona Wilderness Act in 1983, Stump
unsuccessfully opposed it, arguing that a grow-
ing state could not afford to put "unreasonable
amounts of unsuited lands in wilderness."
At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona
seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had
plenty of time to mull over his long-contem-
plated party switch. When he finally filed on
the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely a
ripple back home.
59
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2013/01/30: CIA-RDP90G01353R000600070018-4
bob Stump, R-Ariz.
Stump said his decision would not cost him
any significant support in either party. He was
right. The middle-class retirees who have
flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent
years brought their Republican voting habits
along, and the conservative rural Democrats
who traditionally have formed the core of
Stump's constituency proved willing to move
across the aisle with him. Stump coasted to
victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only
House incumbent to switch and survive the
fight in 1982.
He has since tightened his grip on the 3rd.
After polling nearly three-quarters of the dis-
trict vote in 1984, Stump was unopposed in
1986.
The ease with which Stump made the
transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto"
Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom-
inated state politics before the postwar popula-
tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural
Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state
Legislature and rose to the presidency of the
state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When
GOP Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the US. Sen-
ate in 1976, Stump ran for his House seat.
In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de-
feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent,
former Assistant State Attorney General Sid
Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25
percent, with the rest scattered among three
others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP
opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the
Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser-
vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice
presidential nominee, Walter F. Mondale. He
was helped in the election by the candidacy of
state Sen. Bill McCune, a Republican who ran
as an independent and drained GOP votes
away from Koory.
Committees
Annul wools (4th of 20 Republicans)
Investigations: Research and Development
Veterans' Affairs (4th of 13 Republicans)
Oversight and Investigations (ranking): Hospitals and Health
Care
Elections
1188 General
Bob Stump (R)
1184 Geiworel
146,462 (100%)
Bob Stump (R) 156.686
Bob Schuster (D) 57,748
Previous Winning Percentages: 1112 (63%) WOO'
1171' (85%) 1178' (48%)
? Stump was elected as a Democrat in 1976410
District Vote For President
1864 1110 1176
D 61.884 (28%) D 48,133 (24%) D 63.232
R 158,767 (71%) R 132.455 (67%) R 95,078
I 13.103 ( 7%)
1916
Stump (R)
1904
Stump (R)
Schuster (D)
60
(72%)
(26%)
(64%)
(39%)
(58%)
Campaign Finance
Remote Expert-
Receipts from PACs Mures
$233.689 $97,050 (42%) $135,636
$260.952 $109.965 (42%) $232,245
$64.847 $13.150 (20%) $64,411
Voting Studies
Presidential
&WW1
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S 0
8
0
0
1116
88 11
92
6
92
6
1185
84 16
93
6
96
4
1184
67 27
84
7
86
7
so
77 18
91
6
92
7
WV
82 13
3
93
96
0
1111
74 18
17
81
97
0
S = Support 0 ? Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1986)
Cut back public housing construction (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Impose textile import Smits over Reagan veto (1986)
Block chemical weapons production (1986)
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986)
Year
Interest Group Ratings
ADA
ACU
AFL-C10 CCUS
111114
0
100
8
100
1985
0
100
0
95
1984
5
86
17
79
1983
0
100
6
79
1182
0
100
0
89
1981
0
93
13
95
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