CONVERSATIONS WITH CONGRESSMEN

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90G01353R000600060002-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: T
• Document Page Count: 61
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 28, 2013
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: April 6, 1988
• Content Type: MEMO

STAT
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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT: (Optional)
Breakfast with Representative Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA) on
12 April 1988, 8:00 a.m., Director's Dining Room
FROM:
John L.Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
EXTENSION
NO.
OCA 88-1076
DATE
TO: (Officer designation, room number, and
building)
DATE
OFFICER'S
INITIALS
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom. Draw o line across column after each comment.)
RECEIVED
FORWARDED
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FORM 61 USE PREVIOUS
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OCA 88-1076
01 APR 1988
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Your Breakfast Meeting on 12 April with
Representative Mavroules
1. You are scheduled to host a breakfast for
Representative Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA), a new Member of
the House Intelligence Committee, on 12 April at 8:00 a.m. in
your Dining Room. Also in attendance will be
Evan Hineman, and John Helgerson.
2. Mr. Mavroules is one of the two new Democrats
appointed to the House Intelligence Committee by Speaker Wright
on 1 February 1988. We have extended an invitation for him to
meet with you at breakfast and then have an orientation tour
of the Agency.
3. Mr. Mavroules was born in 1929 in Peabody,
Massachusetts. He has been a Member of Congress since 1978
and ran unopposed in the 1986 general election. He is a
fairly powerful Member of the House Armed Services Committee,
and he has clashed with Chairman Les Aspin over the MX missile
issue. He voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance
earlier this year, although he did vote for humanitarian aid
in late March.
4. Possible discussion topics include:
Strategic Arms Issues: Mr. Mavroules is a
Congressional Observer to the Geneva Arms Talks. He
also has been a critic of the MX missile and in 1984
he offered an amendment to the Defense Authorization
Bill blocking any production of the MX missile.
After initial parliamentary skirmishing, he forced
the House to vote on his measure; however his amend-
ment was defeated by three votes. In mid-1985,
Mavroules joined the more conservative Democrat,
Representative Dave McCurdy of Oklahoma, and won a
permanent cap of 50 MX missiles.
All Portione SECRET
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DCI Priorities: As a new Member of the Intelligence
Committee, Mr. Mavroules presumably would value
hearing about how you work with the Committee and
about your own priorities, e.g., the recent reorgani-
zation of the Community's and CIA's counterintelligence
units.
Breakfast on 21 April: You may wish to mention your
breakfast for all House Intelligence Committee Members
on 21 April. Mr. Mavroules should be encouraged to
attend that, too. We wanted to get him out alone this
time to get to know him and allow senior officers to
brief him on Agency activities.
Attachments:
Biography
Tour Schedule
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1 - ExDir
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1 - Cong. bio file (w/atts)
1 - OCARead (w/o atts)
HA/OCA (7 Apr 88)
2
SECRET
CM1DuQw
John L. Helgerson
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6 Nicholas Mavroules (D)
Of Peabody ? Elected 1978
Born: Nov. 1, 1929, Peabody. Mass.
Education: Graduated from Peabody High School,
1947.
Occupation: Personnel supervisor.
Family: Wife, Mary Silva; three children.
Religion: Greek Orthodox.
Political Career Peabody City Council, 1958-61 and
1964-65; mayor of Peabody, 1968-79; candidate for
Peabody City Council, 1955; candidate for mayor of
Peabody. 1961.
Capitol Office: 2432 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-8020.
In Washington: When Mavroules first
arrived in Washington, a small-town Massa-
chusetts mayor with a parochial set of con-
cerns, nobody would have singled him out as a
future activist in national defense policy. But
he has grown into an important player on major
issues, one who has left the Peabody City Hall
far behind.
Mavroules' presence on the Armed Serv-
ices Committee is essentially an accident. His
state delegation wanted someone on the com-
mittee to protect its defense contracting inter-
ests, and Mavroules, as a freshman, drew the
assignment. It was not his first choice, but he
accepted it with the cooperative spirit of a man
who plays by the rules.
In his second term. though, after enduring
some complaints at home that he was too pliant
a leadership loyalist, Mavroules began striking
out on his own. His target was the MX missile.
Over a period of four years. allied with
arms control activists, he negotiated with the
House leadership, sponsored key amendments
and held strategy sessions in his office. He
could claim much of the credit for the cap on
MX development that became law in 1985.
After his high profile on the MX missile.
Mavroules saw himself as an alternative to Les
Aspin as chairman of Armed Services. As early
as July 1986. Mavroules said his candidacy was
"very possible" if the Democratic Caucus did
not re-elect Aspin. Mavroules had been hurt by
Aspin's opposition to him on the MX. "In the
very long run." a dejected Mavroules said after
the vote. "Aspin's position will serve to damage
his credibility on the Democratic side."
But he never campaigned actively, insist-
ing he was not out to oust Aspin; only when the
caucus gave Aspin a no-confidence vote early in
1987, did he became a candidate. By then. it
Mossochus?tts - 6th Del Wet
was too late for him to emerge as the leading
challenger. Mavroules was eliminated on the
first ballot; eventually Aspin defeated all chair-
manship challengers and won a second term.
The MX battle began in the 98th Con-
gress, with anti-nuclear pressure building from
a burgeoning grass-roots lobbying campaign.
Mavroules and other MX critics made a major
effort to kill the missile once and for all. Their
1984 vehicle was the defense authorization bill,
to which Mavroules offered an amendment
blocking any production of the MX.
After several hours of intricate parliamen-
tary skirmishing, he won a major victory by
forcing the House to vote on his measure. But
when the roll call was held, he lost the war ?
his amendment was defeated by three votes.
"We have raised the public awareness of
this issue." Mavroules said. "We have millions
of people watching it and they deserve an up-
or-down vote."
Early in 1985, the issue came up again, and
again Mavroules' side lost. 219-213. But each
new consideration of the MX seemed to place
him in a more central position. In 1985. he
shared leadership duties on the anti-MX side
with fellow-Democrats Les AuCoin of Oregon
and Thomas J. Downey of Nev. York. Mavrou-
les lacked their glibness and knowledge of
overall defense policy. But he also was less
burdened by identification as an unyielding
liberal, and during much of the debate, he
seemed to be the one coordinating strategy as
the MX opponents lobbied to the last vote.
By mid-1985 both sides were weary from
the protracted battle, and appeared ready to
compromise. Mavroules joined the more con-
servative Democratic Rep. Dave McCurdy of
Oklahoma and won a permanent cap of 50 MX
missiles.
693
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A
S
Nkholas Mavroules, 0-Mass.
Massachusetts 6
The 6th offers chronically depressed
mill towns, workaday factory cities, com-
fortable suburbs, pockets of aristocratic
wealth and scenic ocean-front villages. Its
vote-heavy areas are at the southern end of
Essex County and are strongly Democratic.
Lynn, historically a shoe-manufactur-
ing center but now home of a large General
Electric Co. aircraft engine plant. is the
6th's largest city. Lynn and nearby Pea-
body, which was once the largest leather-
processing city in the world, are conserva-
tive Democratic territory. They were crucial
to former Democratic Gov. Edward J. King
in his two Democratic primary battles
against the more liberal Michael S. Dukakis.
Both cities voted for Democrat John Kerry
in the 1984 U.S. Senate contest. but Pea-
body narrowly backed Reagan for president.
East of Peabody is Salem, which resem-
bles it in its Democratic roots and depen-
dence on the electronics industry. Salem's
image, however, is inextricably bound up
with colonial New England's history. It was
the scene of the famous witch trials of the
1690s and later a prosperous port from
which Yankee traders set sail for the Orient
and Europe. Its narrow streets were the
setting for Nathaniel Hawthorne's dark ex-
plorations of the New England psyche.
North of Salem in Essex County, the
aristocratic Yankee tradition provides GOP
votes, although they have tended to be
North Shore
Lynn; Peabody
liberal votes. Suburban Wenham was one of
only three towns in the state where John B.
Anderson outpolled Jimmy Carter in 1980.
In 1984, there was a dramatic change.
Wenham gave about two-thirds of its vote
to both Reagan and Republican Senate can-
didate Ray Shamie.
On the northern coast, maritime inter-
ests are central to Gloucester, home of the
Fisherman's Memorial landmark, and Rock-
port, a historic fishing village deluged with
tourists and artists in the summer. New-
buryport, whose 19th-century clipper ship
economy gave way to light manufacturing, is
the "Yankee City" singled out for study by
sociologists in the 1920s. In recent years it
has attracted some urban emigrants.
Haverhill, on the New Hampshire bor-
der, won the dubious distinction in a 1981
survey of being named the nation's metro-
politan area with the least desirable "qual-
ity of life." The town's economic base in the
shoe industry long ago disappeared, but
there has been recent growth in the avail-
ability of high-technology jobs, and the
city's comparatively low living costs are
beginning to lure younger professionals who
cannot afford to live in Boston.
Population: 518.801. White 508.101 (98%), Black
5.084 (1%). Spanish origin 5,898 (1%). 18 and over
383.191 (74%), 65 and over 68,157 (13%). Median age:
33.
Mavroules has had his failures. After
chairing a special Armed Services panel on
military procurement reform and steering some
of its recommendations through the House. he
had to struggle with skeptical Senate conferees
to salvage any important changes. When his
colleagues objected that he had given away too
much. Mavroules became defensive and argued
that he had done as well as could be expected.
A second disappointment came as critics of
Reagan's defense buildup focused on reducing
funding for the strategic defense initiative.
Mavroules expected to offer the key floor
amendment, but seniority gave the honor to
Charles E. Bennett of Florida.
Mavroules remains an old-style Massachu-
setts politician. He looks after constituents
personally, holding office hours Mondays and
Fridays back home.
694
He has been able to use his Armed Services
seal to benefit his district's largest defense
contractor. General Electric Co.. whose plant in
Lynn makes engines for the Navy's F-18 attack
fighters. He also pushed through a bill direct-
ing the Defense Department to use more re-
newable energy technologies, including solar
energy. The city of Beverly, in his district, has
been the site of a photovoltaic demonstration
project.
At Home: It took Mavroules a while to get
settled in his seat. But in 1984. when he won 70
percent of the vote, Mavroules joined the
league of Massachusetts Democrats who rou-
tinely win by hefty margins. In 1986, he ran
without Republican opposition.
As a traditional urban ethnic Democrat.
Mavroules has little in common with the Yan-
kee elite that populates so much of his district.
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He learned his politics in Peabody's City Hall,
where he served a total of 16 years, first on the
City Council and later as mayor.
In 1978, Mavroules sensed that Democratic
Rep. Michael J. Harrington had lost his rap-
port with working-class Democrats. There was
a feeling Harrington had spent too much of his
career on human rights in Chile rather than on
unemployment in Lynn. So Mavroules entered
the primary.
Harrington, however, decided to retire
rather than fight for a fifth full term. Mavrou-
les went on to win the Democratic nomination
against a state representative from Lynn and
an Essex County commissioner who had Har-
rington's endorsement, but little else. Mavrou-
les' victory margin was nearly equal to the
plurality he won in his hometown of Peabody.
In the 1978 general election. Mavroules
faced William E. Bronson, a conservative air-
line pilot who was eager for a second try after
holding Harrington under 55 percent in 1976.
With stronger party backing, Bronson reduced
his 1976 deficit of 30,000 votes to fewer than
14,000. But the seat went to Mavroules.
Although Bronson wanted still another
chance in 1980, he lost the Republican primary
narrowly to Tom Trimarco, a moderate lawyer
Afessochusefts - 6th District
with Italian ethnic support.
Viewed as the strongest candidate Repub-
licans had put up in a decade, Trimarco worked
hard to tie Mavroules to the Carter administra-
tion. He made clear inroads in the district,
holding Mavroules' margins down everywhere
outside the old factory towns ? Peabody,
Salem and Lynn ? that were responsible for
the Democrat's initial election. Only a 20,000-
vote plurality in those three cities allowed
Mavroules to win.
Trimarco decided to try again in 1982, and
he put together a better-funded and more sol-
idly organized campaign than his first. He
geared his pitch to the blue-collar cities that
had helped Mavroules hang on in 1980.
Trimarco stressed his working-class origins and
tried to put some distance between himself and
the Reagan administration.
But Mavroules was stronger than before.
His work in the House against the MX missile
system had helped him shake his reputation as
an old-fashioned party loyalist who initiated
little on his own, and gave him appeal along the
moderate Republican North Shore. He also
used GOP economic policies effectively against
Trimarco, winning back Democrats who had
defected or sat out the 1980 election.
Committees
armed Services (11th 01 31 Democrats)
Investigations; Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems.
Small Business (7th 01 27 Democrats)
Procurement, Innovation and Minority Enterprise Development
(chairman).
Elections
IN. GOMM,
Nicholas Mavroules (D)
1884 General
Nicholas Mavroules (0)
Frederick S. Leber (R)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1878 (54%)
District Vote For
11114 111110
D 110,771 (45%) I)
R 137.258 (55%) R
19103
Marvoules (D)
1964
Maryoules (0)
Leber (R)
94,549
109,933
41.896
131,051 (100%)
168.662 (70%)
63.363 (26%)
1982 (sev.) 1910 (51%)
President
1976
(38%) D 132,384 (53%)
(44%) R 109.094 (44%)
(17%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts horn PACs Runes
$235,761 $91,250 (39%1 $184,485
$282,105 $107,568 (38%) 5242,841
$10,946 0 $10,897
Voting Studies
Presidential
SuPPort
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Yew
S
0
II
0
S 0
111111
19
80
87
5
18
80
MI5
20
76
87
6
13
87
1164
33
62
87
8
25
75
1983
21
76
87
7
18
80
1182
40
56
85
7
25
70
1181
36
63
84
14
28
72
S = Support 0 ? Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1986)
Cut back public housing construction (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986)
Block chemical weapons production (1986)
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986)
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACU
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1986
85
5
93
24
1915
85
10
94
27
1984
75
4
92
38
1983
85
9
100
20
1982
80
9
100
19
1981
80
7
87
16
695
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HEADQUARTERS TOUR
FOR
REPRESENTATIVE NICHOLAS MAVROULES (D., MA)
(HPSCI MEMBER)
Tuesday, 12 April 1988
0800
Arrive in DCI's Office for Breakfast (7D60)
0815
Breakfast with DCI, ExDir,
ADDI, and D/OCA
DDS&T,
(DCI D/R)
0900
IntrOduction to the DI -
(7E44)
STAT
0930
Introduction to the DO -
(7E22)
1000
Ops Center Briefing
(7F16)
1030
Introduction to the DS&T
- Evan Hineman
(6E60)
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OCA 88-0930
1 April 1988
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Deputy Directol
FROM: John Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Breakfast with Frank Wolf (R., VA)
1. You will host Representative Wolf for breakfast at 8:00
a.m. on 5 April. He will be accompanied by his administrative
assistant, Charles White. Rae Huffstutler, Hank Mahoney,
, and I will join you. The breakfast 25X1
Following breakfast you will introduce
is at our initiative.
Mr. Wolf to the DCI.
2. Mr. Wolf's staff has discussed this breakfast with him
and indicates that he would be interested in the following
topics:
McLean Citizen Complaints. Mr. Wolf will want to know
what the Agency has done to reach some accommodation
with residents adjoining Agency property along Savile
Lane. He called Congressional Affairs on Wednesday of
this week to say that local citizens had called him to
complain about the installation of a fence, the
location of a jogging path, and the rumored siting of
the Agency day care center in proximity of Savile Lane.
He asked that the Agency meet with Mr. Richard Tierney,
a local representative, prior to Tuesday evening,
4 April, when the McLean Citizens Association will
hold a meeting during which Agency plans along Savile
Lane will be raised. Mr. Wolf has been informed that
such a meeting will be arranged with Mr. Tierney
before Tuesday and that the Agency is "prepared to
discuss the issues." A briefing has been arranged for
you on Monday, 4 April, at 5:00 p.m. to go over how
the Agency intends to respond to Mr. Wolf at breakfast
the next morning.
New Building Project. Mr. Wolf will be looking for a
general update on the status of the new headquarters
building. He will be particularly interested in the
plans for occupancy and how traffic will be affected
on Routes 123, 193, and the George Washington Parkway.
All Portions CONFIDENTIAL
CONFI IAL
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If
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You should offer him a tour of the new building even
though his staff does not think his schedule will
allow it. He may, however, accept a guided drive
around the compound before he departs.
Employee Morale. During several meetings and
briefings, Mr. Wolf has expressed interest in the
morale of Agency employees. His interest is sparked
by his perception that, in the aftermath of the Iran-
Contra affair, employee attitudes and morale have been
adversely affected. He is a strong supporter of the
Agency and holds the view that the morale of its
people is an important ingredient affecting the
quality of the work.
Leave Donation Act (HR 3757). Mr. Wolf has been an
active supporter and sponsor of efforts to legislate a
leave donation program whereby Federal employees would
be permitted to transfer annual leave to those
employees who are experiencing a medical emergency but
who have used all available sick and annual leave.
The Agency has obtained an exemption from the House
version (HR 3757) which will permit the Director to
establish a leave donation program without the
oversight of the Office of Personnel Management and
the concomitant required reporting. Mr. wolf wrote to
the DCI in February to express his hope that the
Agency would institute a program which would be "the
envy of the Federal sector." A discussion of the
Agency plans for instituting a leave donation program
would be appropriate.
Early Retirement. Mr. Wolf supports legislation which
would permit Federal employees to retire early in
order to alleviate potentially damaging personnel cuts
which could occur under the provisions of Gramm-
Rudman. He may ask for Agency views on the two
pending Optional Early Retirement Bills (HR 818 and
S 42). Under the provisions of both, employees would
2
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be eligible to retire at any age with 25 years of
service, age 50 with 20 years, age 55 with 15 years or
age 57 with five years. The Agency is on record as
opposing the legislation because those employees who
would become eligible for retirement possess key and
irreplaceable intelligence skills by reason of their
years of experience.
Human Rights. While Mr. Wolf is generally interested
in the area of human rights and religious freedom in
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, he is keenly
interested in Rumanian discrimination against
Christian groups. He would like an update on the
plight of religious sects in Rumania. After attending
a conference on Human Rights and International
Cooperation in the Netherlands during January, he
traveled to Rumania where he discussed human rights
with religious leaders of that country. He has
actively sought to deny Rumania a "Most Favored
Nation" status until the Rumanian government ceases
anti-church activities.
Attachments
cc: DDA
ADDA
D/OP
DD/ OL
Distribution:
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1 - DDA
1 - ADDA
1 - D/OP
1 - DD/OL
1 - ER
1 - D OCA
(w/atts)
John
DCI (Watts)
- OCA Record (w/atts)
1 - JE,B Chrono "
. Helgerson
3
OCA (31 Mar 88) CONFIDENTIAL
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Virginia - 10th District
10 Frank R. Wolf (R)
Of Vienna ? Elected 1980
Born: Jan. 30. 1939. Philadelphia. Pa.
Education: Pennsylvania State U.. B.A. 1961; George-
town U., LL.B. 1965.
Military Career Army, 1962-63. Reserve. 1963-67.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Carolyn Stover; five children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career Sought Republican nomination for
U.S. House. 1976; Republican nominee for U.S.
House, 1978.
Capitol Office: 130 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5136.
In Washington: One might think that
anybody representing one of the nation's most
affluent, highly educated, politically sophisti-
cated districts would try to impress his curious
constituents with a flood of information and
opinions about important national issues.
That is not the way Frank Wolf works.
Perfectly positioned as a member of the Appro-
priations Subcommittee on Transportation to
deal with the auto, air, and rail transit prob-
lems of his suburban constituents. Wolf is the
ultimate House practitioner of local politics.
Considerably to the right of his district on
most major issues, he essentially avoids them
except to cast quiet conservative votes on the
House floor. Instead, he pursues local causes
with a zeal bordering on fanaticism. Listening
to his speeches or reading his literature, it is
hard to tell whether he is running for Congress
or a county board.
Every House member tries to obtain high-
way funding for his district. But none plays a
more personal role in trying to unravel traffic
tie-ups than Wolf. He promotes himself as a
sort of ombudsman for Northern Virginia com-
muters.
No traffic problem is too small for his
attention. Early' in 1987. Wolf wrote to the
commissioner of the Virginia Department of
Transportation, asking him to look for ways to
ease backups at the tollgates on a highway in
western Fairfax County. In the 99th Congress,
Wolf helped negotiate an agreement with the
National Park Service, which had raised envi-
ronmental objections to widening a parkway
and bridge connecting his district with Wash-
ington.
Wolf also was a leader in the effort to turn
control of his district's two large airports ?
National and Dulles International ? from fed-
1576
eral to local authorities. Working with Dena>
crat Norman Y. Mineta, the chairman of the
Public Works Subcommittee on Aviation, Wolf
helped craft the 1986 law authorizing the cre-
ation of a regional panel that will hold lose.
term leases on the airports. He has worked
hard during his career to cap passenger levels
at National, which is overcrowded, noisy. and
unpopular with those living around it, and
encourage use of Dulles, which is enjoying a
boom after years of under-utilization.
Unlike Stan Parris, the other Republican
from D.C.'s Virginia suburbs, Wolf shows link
interest in partisan confrontation. He has
worked well for example, with Maryland Demo
crat Steny H. Hoyer, a fellow-member of
Appropriations. The two have lobbied jointly
for D.C.'s Metro rapid transit system, and
fought with the U.S. Office of Personnel Man-
agement over work rules for federal employees
Wolf speaks up occasionally on an issue of
national importance ? he was one of the first
members of Congress to travel to Ethiopia and
to focus attention on the continuing famine
there. For the most part, though, he sticks to
subjects on which there is a clear consensus and
the political risks at home are small.
Some critics grouse about Wolfs willingness to support most of President Reagan's
domestic budget-cutting efforts, while except-
ing those that pertain to federal workers. Dur-
ing budget deliberations in 1985, Wolf said be
could support cuts in a number of program
areas, but turned a cold shoulder to proposals
to freeze pensions for federal employees and
veterans. "I just could not support that." Wolf
said. Many of his most vocal constituents
would not support it either.
At Home: Democrats have derisively re-
ferred to Wolf as a "pothole" politician. But
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Virginia 10
The 10th is one of the most affluent
districts in any Southern state, but it is
hardly fair to identify it with the South. It is
basically a set of bedroom communities for
civil servants, people who work in the Pen-
tagon, and others whose livelihoods are con-
nected with the federal government. It is
one of the most transient areas of the coun-
try, with an estimated 20 percent of the
registered voters new each year.
Arlington County, just outside Wash-
ington, D.C., grew rapidly in the 1950s and
1960s as the work force of the federal gov-
ernment expanded. Home for more than
one out of every four residents in the dis-
trict, Arlington is the prime source of Dem-
ocratic votes in the 10th. President Reagan
won the county in 1980, but Walter F.
Mondale reclaimed it for the Democrats
four years later. Democratic Lt. Gov. Rich-
ard J. Davis took it with 60 percent of the
vote in his losing 1982 U.S. Senate bid.
Although suburban sprawl has peaked
in Arlington ? the county lost 12 percent of
its population in the 1970s ? there has
been some movement of younger, affluent
professionals into condominiums and rental
housing. These people are more liberal than
the average Virginian, but they are tran-
sient and hard to rely on politically.
There are relatively few blacks in Ar-
lington, but the county is becoming a melt-
ing pot for other minorities. Asians, Hispan-
ics and other minority groups together
make up roughly one-quarter of the popula-
Frank R. Wolf, R-Vo.
D.C. Suburbs;
Arlington County
tion. Arlington has the second-highest con-
centration of Vietnamese in the country,
and its "Little Saigon" area is a magnet for
Vietnamese-owned businesses.
Moving west from Arlington into the
northern part of Fairfax County, the GOP
vote increases. Like southern Fairfax, which
is in the 8th District, this part of the county
is filling up rapidly with commuters and
new white-collar industries. Traffic conges-
tion is the top concern of many Fairfax
residents; local government bodies fre-
quently are the stage for pitched battles
between pro-growth and slow-growth forces.
Getting around by car is such a hassle
nowadays that some businesses are turning
sour on the county. The American Automo-
bile Association recently announced it
would move its national headquarters from
Fairfax County to central Florida.
Reagan took 62 percent in the Fairfax
County portion of the 10th in 1984, but, as
elsewhere in the district, he ran behind
Wolf.
Farther northwest is Loudoun County,
home base of long-distance commuters, but
also part of Northern Virginia's "hunt"
country, a rolling landscape dotted with
sprawling country houses, horse farms and
an occasional vineyard. Wolf and Reagan
got nearly 70 percent in Loudoun in 1984.
Population: 535.125. White 466,595 (87%). Stack
35,259 (7%), Other 21,974 (4%). Spanish origin 21,573
(4%). 18 and over 401,286 (75%), 65 and over 40,208
(8%). Median age: 31.
wearing the label of localist as a badge of honor,
be has built a secure political base in the
Northern Virginia suburbs.
Democrats have long been hopeful about
ousting Wolf. Never were their hopes higher
than in 1986, when they ran John G. Milliken, a
member and past chairman of the Arlington
County Board of Supervisors.
Unlike previous challengers, who had to
fend off either a liberal reputation or a carpet-
bagger stigma, Milliken had long experience in
local government and a reputation as a moder-
ate Democrat in the mold of the state's recent
governor, Charles S. Robb.
As chairman of the Washington Metropoli-
tan Area Transit Authority and the Northern
Virginia Transportation Commission, Milliken
had been involved in many of the same trans-
portation questions that Wolf had. As a result,
Milliken argued, he could match Wolf's exper-
tise on suburban issues while providing a more
forceful voice on national issues.
But while Milliken seemed to have the
political image, the local roots and the money
? nearly $750,000 ? needed to challenge Wolf,
he had trouble framing an argument as to why
the hard-working, if undynamic, incumbent
should be replaced. Viewed widely as a diligent
plodder rather than a conservative ideologue,
Wolf had never been a lightning rod for contro-
versy.
Milliken tried to make him one, running
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Frank R. Waif, R-Va.
TV ads that criticized Wolf's 1984 vote to cut
federal aid to schools that barred voluntary
prayers, spoken or silent. In the ad, Milliken
remarked that he would rather fight to place
good teachers in the schools than "to spin my
wheels pushing a government-written prayer."
Wolf angrily responded that while he sup-
ported voluntary school prayers, he opposed
mandatory government-written prayers. Wolf
ran his own ad featuring GOP Sen. John W.
Warner saying that he had never seen a "worse
distortion of the truth" than the Milliken ad.
The episode seemed to slow any momen-
tum that Milliken might have had. On Election
Day, Wolf swamped Milliken in the populous
outer suburbs of Fairfax and Loudoun counties,
while running virtually even with his challenger
in Democratic Arlington, where Milliken had
won re-election to the county board in 1984
with 70 percent of the vote. Wolf's impressive
victory may not have made the seat secure, but
it is almost certain to give Democrats pause as
they draw up their list of target races for 1988.
From its beginning, Wolf's career has been
a testament to persistence. Barely a year after
Democrat Joseph L. Fisher first won this
House seat in 1974, Wolf began can1paj.j11 la
defeat him. His 1976 effort had the backing w
local Reagan activists, but did not survive ga,
primary. Two years later, with more
recognition and better financing, he woo se
GOP nomination, but lost to Fisher by ablest
9,000 votes. His reward came in 1980. Backus
by a huge budget, Wolf ended five yaws of
effort with a narrow victory.
Wolf is neither eloquent nor colorful, al
though he is occasionally accompanied by as
aide dressed in a wolfs suit. But he has mess
adept at organization and fund raising, easec$.
ing nearly $3 million since 1979 to &nom
meticulous campaigns that feature direct-1w
appeals written in Spanish and Vietnanis. ea
well as English. Wolf has gone from a prime,
defeat in 1976 to comfortable back-to-ha
general election wins a decade later.
In the early campaigns, Fisher chided Wei
for his lack of government experience. But
having been a lobbyist, an aide to Republica&
Rep. Edward G. Biester of Pennsylvania, abd
deputy assistant secretary of the interior, Wolf
could claim he knew his way around the Capi
tol. That issue turned out not to be a probleia
Committees
Appropriations (18th 01 22 Republicans)
Transportation and Related Agencies; Treasury, Postal Service
and General Government.
Select Children, Youth and Families (3rd 01 12 Republicans)
Economic Security (ranking).
Elections
INS General
Frank R. Wolf (R) 95,724 (60%)
John G. Milliken (D) 63,292 (40%)
1884 General
Frank R. Wolf (R) 158.528 (63%)
John P. Flannery 11(D) 95,074 (37%)
Previous Winning Percentage.: 1982 (53%) 1180 (51%)
District Vole For President
1884 1880 1176
D 106.911 (41%) D 76,676 (34%) D 95,532 (47%)
R 154,507 (59%) R 120,328 (53%) R 104,815 (51%)
I 23,999 (11%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend'
Receipts from PACs flutes
1166
Wolf (R) $1,097,358 $310,833 (28%) $1,124,866
Milliken (D) $746,532 8200.666 (27%) $748,918
1884
Wolf (R) $659,591 $230,729 (35%) $625,857
Flannery (D) $426838 $120,010 (28%) $427,297
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Gassman
Support unity Cams
Year 8 0 8 0 8 0
1516 67 33 74 25 re 82
11115 70 30 72 25 75 Is
64 33 71 27 86 U
1883 77 23 79 19 87 18
56 39 69 28 78 1$
18111 761 241 83 17 e81 111
S = Support 0 - Opposition
Not eagible for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1986)
Cut back public housing construction (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986) ?
Block chemical weapons production (1986) ?
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-C10 CM
1166 5 86 21 17
1985 15 71 24 73
1884 10 63 25 II
1913 5 96 6 n
11/12 10 67 20 IC
11181 10 93 o in
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OCA 88-0935
29 March 1988
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
The Deputy Director
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Your Meeting with Representatives Chappell
(D., FL) and McDade (R., PA)
1. On 30 March 1988 at 1630 you will be attending a
meeting with Chairman Bill Chappell (D., FL) and Ranking
Minority Member Joe McDade (R., PA) of the Defense Subcom-
mittee of House Appropriations in Room H-401 The Capitol. You
last met with them on 5 August 1987.
2. I suggest you may wish to discuss the following
subjects, for which talking points are attached:
-- Situation in Nicaragua. What do Chappell/McDade
think Congress will do on overall aid to Contras?
Arms Control and new overhead systems.
Chappell/McDade wonder what we are dping and
thinking as a result of Senator Boren's initia-
tives.
3. FYI, Evan Heinman briefed McDade
on 28 March. The briefing went
very well; you may wish to offer it to Chappell.
John r He gerson
Attachments
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(28 Mar 88)
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Nicaragua Situation
The agreement signed at Sapoa on 23 March entails signifi-
cant concessions from both sides and reflects the pressure
both are under to end the war. The insurgents, in particular,
face immediate constraints We expect
continued efforts toward achieving a final settlement by the
two sides, although major issues remain outstanding. Key
issues not yet resolved are: (1) the size and locations of
the cease-fire zones; (2) who will deliver humanitarian
supplies; (3) whether the rebels will actually turn in all
arms under a permanent cease-fire. agreement. In addition,
some insurgent military and political leaders dislike the
Sapoa agreement, raising the possibility that a small cadre
hardcore combatants might keep fighting.
of
On balance, the insurgents are in a much weaker position
than Managua. Managua may make some additional concessions to
ensure an end to the fighting, but it will not give up its
control over the political and military system. Once rebel
forces are demobilized they would have great difficulty
reviving the insurgency should the Sandinistas renege on the
agreement.
On the military side, the Sandinistas are maintaining some
troops inside Nicaragua oppOsite the rebel base at San Andres
de Bocay following their 11-18 March incursion, but they are
withdrawing most of their remaining combat and combat-support
forces from northeastern Nicaragua. The border area has been
quiet since early last week, although the Sandinistas have
kept from 950 to 1500 troops in the area
Other Sandinista ground forces and air assets
are steadily being withdrawn from the border area.
During this past month we have been very active on the
Hill providing briefings -- at least 25 to date -- to numerous
Members of Congress on the Nicaragua situation. Our briefings
and analyses appear to be well appreciated, both for their
depth and impartiality. You will want to express your
interest in their views as to how Congress will treat the
Administration's request for more aid to the Resistance.
TOP,84/RET
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UNDSAY THOMAS. GEORGIA
ER 0982X-88
Congress of the United States
%oust of Ittpresentatints
Committet on Zppropriations
ilDashington, um
March 2, 1988
CLERK A/40 STAPP DIRECTOR
PREDENCK G 100141111AASO
TELEPHONE
12021 225-2171
Honorable William Webster
Director
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Judge Webster:
Under the Rules of the U.S. House of Representatives and the
rules of the Committee on Appropriations, each Congress the
Committee determines the jurisdiction of each of its subcommittees.
Last July the Committee assigned jurisdiction for assistance
to the Nicaraguan Democratic Resistance to the Subcommittee on
Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs. This
action removed this program from the jurisdiction of the Defense
Subcommittee, although this subcommittee, of course, continues to
have overall responsibility for the Central Intelligence Agency
and its funding.
In the future, matters involving the Contras should be
coordinated through the Foreign Operations Subcommittee, with the
Defense Subcommittee kept informed in view of its overall
responsibility.
I appreciate your help in this matter.
Sincerely,
1(
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2 1 MAR M3
OCA 88-0841
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
FROM: John Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Breakfast with Senator Bentsen (D., TX)
You will host Senator Bentsen for breakfast at 8:00 on
24 March. Bob Gates, and I will join
you. This breakfast is at our initiative. Senator Bentsen has
served on the Senate Intelligence Committee since 1981.
Senator Bentsen's staff has discussed this breakfast with
him and indicates that he would be interested in the following
topics:
Nicaragua/Honduras-Border Clashes. On a closely related topic,
an update on the current status of the Sandinista offensive
would be of interest to Senator Bentsen.
can provide the latest information.
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OCA/Senate
John L. Helgerson
(21 Mar 88)
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Lloyd Bentsen (D)
Of Houston ? Elected 1970
Born: Feb. 11. 1921. Mission. Texas.
Education: U. of Texa,-. LL.B. 1942.
Military Career: Army Air Corps, 1942-45; Air Force
Reserve. 1950-59.
Occupation: Lawyer, financial executive
Family: Wife, Beryl Ann "B A Longino; three chi!.
dren.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career: Hidalgo County judge. 1946-48. U.S
House, 1948?55.
Capitol Office: 703 Hart Bldg 20500. 224-5922
In Washington: The chairman of the Sen-
ate Finance Committee, Bentsen may strike
some observers as resembling a senior corpo-
rate executive more than a politician He is all
business, both in the way he operates and in
the legislative goals he pursues.
There is a gray quality about Bentsen. and
it comes not only from the elegant suits he
wears and the silver in his hair, but from his
record ? midway between the poles on nearly
any important issue ? and his temperament.
Bentsen is not a dour or cheerless man, but
he strikes people as aloof and rather formal. He
seems happiest working within a structured
environment similar to that of a corporation.
where written memos are preferred to informal
communications and lines of authority are
clear.
Bentsen is not the kind of senator seen
naturally slapping another on the back or trad-
ing funny stories. One would not pick him out
of a crowd as a Texan. or a man who has spent
more than 25 years in public office.
He has devoted much of his career in the
Senate to promoting American business and
trying to bring it back from the doldrums.
While his most intense efforts in recent years
have been directed toward aiding the hard-
pressed domestic oil and gas industries, they
are hardly his only interests. he can be ex-
pected as Finance chairman to be responsive to
the- needs of a wide range of businesses on tax
and trade issues.
Bentsen laid out a long-term business
agenda more than a decade ago. in his 1976
presidential campaign. Running on a platform
of economic revival through tax cuts and reduc-
tions in the tax on capital gains, he put to-
gether a smooth campaign operation that func-
tioned like an efficient medium-sized company.
He attracted little public support. but his ideas
Texas - Senior Senator
caught on: within five years. the basics of his
proposal, had become law, albeit under a Re-
publican president.
Bentsen also combined business and poli-
tics successfully- in 1984. when he headed the
Senate Denuicrats' campaign committee Using
his business contacts and fund-raising ability.
he presided over an operation that raised more
than $9 million during the two-year cycle and
gave twice as much to the party's Senate candi-
dates as the committee had ever given before.
Despite President Reagan's landslide re-elec-
tion, the party managed a credible showing.
scoring a net gain of two seats and paving the
way for its 1986 Senate takeover.
Bentsen's close business ties are not always
without potential political costs. though. espe-
cially for a leader of the Democratic Party.
There are liberals in Washington who like to
watch Bentsen for signs that he is carrying his
business loyalties too far. Sometimes he makes
their job easy. Soon after taking over the Fi-
nance chairmanship. Bentsen informed lobby-
ists in the capital that they could purchase the
right to have breakfast with him once a month
for 8'10.000. Even though his predecessor. Ore-
gon Republican Bob Packwood, had done a
similar thing on a smaller scale, the amount
sought by Bentsen was so large ? and the sale
of access seemingly so blatant ? that the idea
provoked a flurry of criticism. Bentsen soon
withdreYY the idea.
To some cynical observers. Bentsen's rela-
tively passive performance during action on the
1986 tax overhaul seemed like a calculated
move to increase his influence if he- became
chairman. By sitting on the sidelines while all
sorts ot business breaks were stripped from the-
tax code, he created a host of opportunities to
put new ones back in during the years to come.
There is no evidence that Bentsen was
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Lloyd Bentsen, D-Texos
doing anything that devious. He left no doubts
abut his skepticism toward restructuring the
tax system throughout the 99th Congress. The
-so-cal!ed ref?rm he was calling the mea?
sure even after it became law. But Bentsen did
not go all out to block the bill, despite his belief
that the legislation could undermine long-range
investment in the economy.
He fought hard to aid certain industries.
Along with Oklahoma Democrat David L. Bo-
ren. he YY. irked successfully to preserve benefits
for the oil and gas industry-. He had less success
in protecting real estate investors from the
bill's crackdown on "passive loss" tax shelters.
Even then. however, he did not give up easily;
he was still trying to soften the anti-tax shelter
provisions during the conference on the bill.
Bentsen's tax-revision efforts on behalf of
the oil and gas industries ? particularly the
independent producers ? sounded a familiar
theme that has run through his career. During
the original debate in 1979 and 1980 over a
windfall profits tax on the oil industry. Bent-
sen's first priority was a full exemption for the
smaller independent producers. That passed
the Senate. but did not end up in the final law.
Still. Bentsen and his allies did manage to keep
the tax on smaller producers lower than the
basic rate.
Earlier in his Senate career. Bentsen made
repeated efforts to deregulate the price of natu-
ral gas. He managed to get a deregulation
amendment through the Senate in 1975, on a
50-41 vote, but that language never passed the
House. In 1977 he persuaded the Senate to add
gas deregulation to President Carter's energy
package, but the House did not include it. and
when a conference committee compromised on
gradual deregulation over seven years. Bentsen
voted against the conference report.
If Bentsen decides to wait a while before
tackling the tax code again, he can always keep
his committee busy by working on trade legisla-
tion. He is sure to be a key player as Congress
considers legislation aimed at reducing the
massive foreign-trade deficit and improving the
ability of U.S. producers to compete on world
markets.
Bentsen's middle-of-the-road approach to
trade issues may represent the views of a broad
cross-section of .American business. The I. nitd
States has. allowed itself to he taken advantage
of by its foreign competitors. he feels, and
needs to take a stronger stand against unfair
trading practices by other countries. But he
also seems wary of the kind of protectionist
trade war that some of the more hard-line trade
proposals might unleash.
Bentsen joined in1981 with Missouri Re-
1432
publican John C. Danforth to limit the number
of Japanese cars allowed to enter the United
States He later dropped his bil:. however, after
the 'Japanese agreed to voluntary restraints. In
1984. he backed legislation to provide a strong-
er retaliation against unfair trading practices.
sponsoring language to allow American compa-
nies to file petitions against alleged unfair
foreign trade practices without revealing their
own trade secrets.
Bentsen got out in front of the surge of
tough trade sentiment in 19!s',_ -it-ling with key.
House Democrats to sponsor a bill threatening
a 25 percent surcharge on imports from Japan
and other key trading partners. When support
for that idea faded, he helped develop a Senate
Democratic trade proposal that stressed
strengthening of the procedures for setting
trade policy.
Although partisan differtnes and opposi-
tion from the Reagan adminis:ration kept that
and other trade legislation from moving
through the Finance panel 1:-. the 99th Con-
gress, it helped lay the gro.Indwork for the
omnibus trade package Bentsen introduced in
1987. Enjoying broad bipartisan support in its
initial stages. the measure stressed retaliation
against unfair trading practices. additional help
for workers and business hurt N foreign com-
petition and increased congressional authority
in trade matters.
Bentsen generally plays a less prominent
role on the Environment and Public Works
Committee. He had a chance 1.,r the chairman-
ship of the important Environmental Pollution
Subcommittee, vacated in 198. when Edmund
S. Muskie left to become secretary of state, but
did not try for it.
Until 1981. however. Ber:sen was chair-
man of the Environment Public Works
Subcommittee on Transporta:--n. In that ca-
pacity, he 'corked on the compex formulas that
govern distribution of money from the High-
way Trust Fund. In the earlv 1970s, he allied
himself with highway users aga:nst attempts to
break off trust fund money mass transit
But he voted for the 1982 gas tax bill, which
diverted trust funds for mass transit, after
working to ensure that money -was available for
Houston and other cities wift new systems.
Seeking to score for Texas on another
environmental front in 196 Bentsen led the
congressional opposition to Se,t ion 404 of the
Clean Water Act that has served to block
development of the nation's wetlands. Re-
sponding to the state's oil and gas industries
and to farmers. Bentsen sought to loosen up
the tough wetlands restrictions that required
permits for drilling, dredging and filling. De-
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spite the large numbers of legislators who were
against the regulations. no action was taken.
Bentsen also played a major role in creat-
ing the expanded "superfund" hazardous-waste
cleanup program approved by Congress in
ose. His chief goal was to protect the oil
industry from having to bear the brunt of the
new taxes that were needed to finance the
enlarged program. He succeeded to a great
extent by winning passage of a broad-based tax
on corporate earnings as the main revenue
iurce.
He was even able to use the superfund tax
to impose a small-scale version of an oil-import
fee ? something he thinks is essential to pre-
serving the domestic oil industry. The legisla-
tion as passed mandated higher charges on
imported than on domestic oil.
At Home: Bentsen is part of the Texas
Democratic establishment that included Lyn-
don B. Johnson and John B. Connally. but his
route into it was unique. He was elected to
Congress at 27 from a rural district in South
Texas', retired after three terms. moved to
Houston. made a fortune in insurance, then re-
emerged in politics 15 years later as a conserva-
tive Democratic candidate for the Senate.
The Bentsen family, which is of Danish
stock, has been among the conservative gentry
of the lower Rio Grande Valley for most of this
century. The senator's father, Lloyd Sr.. was
known as "Big Lloyd" around their hometown
of McAllen, where he became a millionaire
landowner and gave his son a lift into local
politics.
Returning home from World War II. in
which he had flown bombers over Europe. the
younger Bentsen was elected judge in Hidalgo
County at age 25. In 1948, taking advantage of
family money and connections among the small
group of Anglo Democrats that controlled poli-
tics in his heavily Hispanic South Texas dis-
trict. he became the youngest member of the
U.S. House.
As a representative. Bentsen pleased Texas
conservatives with his hard-line anti-commu-
nism. In 1950 he advocated ending the Korean
War by using the atomic bomb. He represented
a one-party district and was politically secure:
after his first primary. he faced no opposition
at all.
But by 1954, the House did not seem as
attractive to Bentsen as a career in the upper
echelons of the Houston business community.
He retired from Congress at the age of 33 and
became president of Lincoln Consolidated, a
holding company. By the time Bentsen was
ready for politics again in 1970, he was a
millionaire.
Texas - Senior Senator
Bentsen ran on the Democratic right in
1970 as primary challenger to veteran Sen.
Ralph Yarborough. the East Texas populist
who had been an enemy to the conservative
wing f the party for years.
Bentsen ran against both Yarborough and
the national Democratic Party. When Demo-
cratic Sens. Edmund S. Muskie of Maine and
Harold Hughes of Iowa came to Texas to cam-
paign for Yarborough. Bentsen labeled them
"ultraliberal" outsiders. He ran television com-
mercials linking Yarborough to violent anti-war
protests and said the senator's vote against the
Supreme Court nomination of G. Harrold
Carswell showed he was anti-Southern.
Yarborough punched back by attacking
Bentsen and his allies as "fat cats" and "reac-
tionaries." Emphasizing his role in passing
Great Society legislation, Yarborough cam-
paigned hard to put together his old populist
coalition of blacks. Hispanics. union members
and rural East Texans. It was not enough to
stop Bentsen. who won with almost 100,000
votes to spare.
After the primary. Bentsen moved to the
center against GOP nominee George Bush.
then a Houston representative. The Bush-
Bentsen campaign. a battle between a Houston
insurance millionaire and a Houston oil mil-
lionaire. was gentle by comparison with the
primary. There was little to argue about.
In the end, that helped Bentsen. He con-
tinued to promote the conservative image he
had fostered in the spring, but campaigned
against President Nixon's economic policies in
the hope of winning back as many Yarborough
supporters as possible. Texas was still unques-
tionably a Democratic state in 1970 and, given
a choice between two conservatives, a majority
of voters preferred the Democrat.
When Bentsen won, Nixon tried to claim
the outcome as a "philosophical victory" for
the Republican administration. But things did
not work out that way. Over the next few years,
Bentsen sought to moderate his image, looking
toward a presidential campaign in 1976. Some
of that moderation, such as his vote in favor of
common-site picketing in 1975, outraged his
more conservative 1970 supporters.
The result was a Democratic primary chal-
lenge in 1976 from Texas A&M economist Phil
Gramm. Gramm accused Bentsen of abandon-
ing his conservative heritage in a vain bid for
national office. Bentsen retained the loyalty of
the party establishment and beat Gramm by
more than 2-to-1, but the challenger drew over
900,000 votes (Gramm went on to become an
influential member of the House, and won
election to the Senate in 1989).
1433
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Lloyd Bentsen, 0-Texas
Meanwhile. Bentsen was seeking the Dem-
ocratic presidential nomination. calling himself
a "Harry Truman Democrat" and hoping to
establish a base of support in an early Southern
primary. It was a waste of effort. The combined
opposition of Jimmy Carter and George C.
Wallace limited Bentsen to only six delegates
in his own home state. and Bentsen quickly
dropped out of national politics to concentrate
on his fall campaign against Republican Rep.
Alan Steelman.
That campaign turned out to be easy.
Steelman reversed Gramm's strategy. hoping to
woo Yarborough liberals by calling Bentsen the
captive of special interests. But Steelman
ended up without a firm base in his own party,
and he never had the money to compete with
Bentsen on an equal footing. Bentsen had a
mailing list of 700,000 names and an organiza-
tion in each of the state's counties. He defeated
Steelman easily.
In 1982 Bentsen brushed aside Republican
Rep James M. Collins. who crusaded tirele,..sly
across Texas trying to persuade voters to un-
seat -Liberal Lloyd.-
Collins had difficulty providing specifics to
document his portrayal of Bentsen as a liberal
He faulted the senator's votes to increase the
national debt and to approve the Panama Ca-
nal treaties, but those examples won Collins
few converts from the Democratic Party.
Bentsen paid little attention to Collins
When he did he told voters they were being
offered a choice between "effectiveness and
incompetence." He criticized Collins for not
passing a single piece of legislation during his
14 years as the occupant of a safe House seat in
Dallas. To counter negative advertising by Col-
lins and the National Conservative Political
Action Committee, Bentsen talked about un-
employment, Social Security and other issues
on which the Republican Party was vulnerable.
Collins did put together a well-organized
campaign network that mobilized the hard-core
conservative vote. He won 41 percent, but
Bentsen's 1.8 million votes led the statewide
ticket to a smashing victory as the party cap-
tured the governorship, retained all its U.S.
House seats and picked up all three newly
created districts.
Committees
Finance (Chairman)
Health. International Trade. Private Retirement Plans arid Over-
sight of the Internal Revenue Service.
Commerce. Science and Transportation (8th of 11 Democrats)
Foreign Commerce and Tourism. Merchant Marine; Science.
Technology and Space: National Ocean Policy Study.
Select Intelligence (2nd oft Democrats)
Joint Economic
Economic Growth. Trade and Taxes (chairman). Economic
Goals and Intergovernmental Policy; Education and Health.
Joint Taxation (Vice Chairman)
Elections
so General
Lloyd Bentsen (D)
James Collins (R)
1882 Primary
Uoyil Bentsen (D) 987.153
Joe Sullivan (D) 276.314
Previous Winning Percentages: lin - (57%) 1170
1952* (100%) MO* (100%) IlMet (100%)
? House erections
fovea to a lull House term On0 to fill a raCancy at the same
Om*
1,818.223 (59%)
1256,759 (4 1%)
(78%)
(22%)
(54%)
1182
Bentsen (D)
Collins (R)
1434
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts horn PACs
$4,520353
$4.136.743
Expend-
items
$800.443 (18%) $4971342
$117,182 ( 3%) 14.138.736
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
SuPPNI Unity Coalition
Yew $ 0 8 0 8 0
MI 60 37 46 50 87 9
1815 50 46 54 40 75 23
1184 52 34 46 28 53 17
1983 51 45 63 31 64 34
18112 61 33 54 41 88 10
1081 70 24 55 42 83 11
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1983)
Reject school prayer (1985)
Limit textile imports (1985)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Block chemical weapons production (1986)
Impose sanctions on South Africa (1986)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-CIO CCU.
1188 45 50 33 se
Isis 35 62 53 46
1184 55 25 67 a
1983 40 25 71 53
1882 40 74 75 70
1181 25 53 39 71
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,
ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT: (optional)
Talking points for breakfast
?????:?,_ - ?.?
with
,.- . .
Rep. Michel
,
on
EXTENSION
18 February.
NO
OCA 88-0415
,_ ,..?....,--
FROM:
J . Helgerson
irector of Congressional Affairs
DATE
12 rEB lgeg
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom. Draw o line across column after each comment.)
. , . LILAILfERInts,..R.91,,,,....sss.isssir..00t,",
ikling)
OFFICER'S
INITIALS
umg
RECEIVED
FORWARDED
1 .
Executive Registry
12 FEB
19: :
41
.
I
2.
7
Executive Director /AI
4.
?
Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence
Y(...itta
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Director of Central1.-------'....--
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FORM Ll fl USE PREVIOUS
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OCA 88-0415
1 2 FEB igeg
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Your Breakfast Meeting with Representative
Robert H. Michel (R., IL 25X1
You are scheduled to host
Robert Michel at 0800 in your
18 February. Other attendees
Dick Kerr, and myself.
a breakfast for Representative
dining room on Thursday,
will be Bob Gates, Dick Stoltz,
Mr. Michel was born in 1923 in Peoria, Illinois and was
first elected to Congress in 1956. While closely identified
with the Republican right in the early stages of his political
career, he has adopted a more moderate stance in recent years.
He retain the traditional conservative emphasis on reducing
deficits.
Through his length of service on the Hill and his position
as Minority Leader, Mr. Michel has emerged as a prominent
Congressional figure. Moreover, he has accomplished this
despite the fact that he has never chaired a major committee or
subcommittee or developed a substantive legislative expertise.
The President's Contra aid package was defeated last week; on
prior occasions, Mr. Michel had successfully delivered the vote
on this issue.
Minority Leader he is an ex-officio Member of the House
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. He attended a
series of Congressional breakfasts hosted by DCI Casey in
1983.
Mr. Michel will probably want to discuss with you:
-- A general overview of world hotspots
6/ John L. Helgerson
25X1
25X1
25X1
25X1
25X1
25X1
STAT
crj:cE
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DISTRIBUTION:
Original
- Addressee
1
- DDCI
1
- DDO
1
- DDI
1
- D/OCA
1
- Ex Dir
1
- ER
1
_ OCA Record
1
- Chrono
STAT
STAT
OCA/HA,
sgb (11 Feb 88)
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18 Robert H. Michel (R)
Of Peoria ? Elected 1956
Born: March 2, 1923, Peoria. Ill.
Education: Bradley U.. B.S. 1948.
Military Career Army, 1942-46.
Occupation: Congressional aide.
Family: Wife, Corinne Woodruff; four children.
Religion: Apostolic Christian.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2112 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6201.
In Washington: Sometimes it is hard to
say just what has made Michel an outstanding
congressional leader. He is not one of the best
orators in the House, and his parliamentary
skills are good, but not unusual. He possesses
no particular area of substantive expertise. He
is neither charismatic nor intimidating.
And yet many would agree with the judg-
ment that he has been the most impressive
House leader of either party since Sam Ray-
burn. He has an instinct for House politics that
has enabled him ? for six years. at least ? to
maintain legislative unity in a Republican bloc
driven frequently to quarreling by its semi-
permanent minority status.
More often than he has been given credit
for, he has steered his party to victories it had
no numerical reason to win. Some of those
victories were due in part to President Rea-
gan's popularity, but Michel knew how to work
the Reagan factor for every vote it could pro-
duce. The package of anti-crime bills that be-
came law in the 98th Congress and the continu-
ation of aid to the Nicaraguan contras in the
99th owed their passage to Michel's quiet inter-
vention at key moments.
Through months of bargaining and lobby-
ing in 1981 over President Reagan's budget and
tax bills, Bob Michel was the man the White
House depended on for a sense of strategy and
timing in the House. In steering the measures
through his party's factional problems. Michel
had a different approach for every camp.
"You can't treat two alike." he explained
later. -I know what I can get and what I can't,
when to back off and when to push harder. It's
not a matter of twisting arms. It's bringing
them along by gentle persuasion."
The real tribute to his skill was the virtual
unanimity of the GOP vote: a combined 568-3
on the trio of decisive tax and budget decisions
during 1981.
But as the Reagan political agenda has run
Illinois- Itth District
out of steam, House Republicans have become
harder to lead, even for a man of Michel's skill.
Without White House clout behind him and no
end in sight to GOP minority status, Michel
has sometimes appeared tentative about which
way to steer his troops.
Sometimes he leaves broad hints that be-
fore too long, staying on as leader of the minor-
ity will begin to seem less attractive than
retirement. "I haven't chaired a subcommittee
or full committee in my 30 years in Congress,"
he laments. "It's a pretty doggone discouraging
and debilitating thing." In 1986, for the first
time, ambitious Republicans began to talk
openly about a future leadership vacancy, al-
though it was not clear whether that vacancy
would come up in 1988 or sometime later.
Even before President Reagan's influence
was weakened by the Iran arms scandal, the
President's flagging legislatiire interest left
House Republicans groping in the 99th Con-
gress for a role to play on major issues.
In some cases, Michel has had to make his
strategic moves within an overall framework of
GOP non-participation. Republican leaders in
1985 orchestrated a vote to block initial floor
consideration of Reagan's No. 1 second-term
domestic priority ? legislation overhauling the
tax code. Republicans who opposed the tax
revision bill reported by the Ways and Means
Committee complained about various provi-
sions; but the move to derail it seemed to be, at
its core, an awkward protest by Republicans
who felt frozen out by a legislative process in
which Reagan made common cause with Ways
and Means Democrats.
In another move that looked, at the time,
like minority psychology run amok, Michel in
1986 resorted to a high-risk strategy to abort a
Democratic proposal that would have given
Reagan some of the Nicaraguan contra aid he
467
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Robort H. Michel, LW.
Illinois 18
The 18th zigs and zags from Peoria
south to the outskirts of Decatur and
Springfield and west to Hancock County on
the Mississippi. A mostly rural area. it is
linked by the broad Illinois River basin.
ideal for growing corn. The only major ur-
ban area is made up of Peoria. with 117.0oo
residents, and neighboring Pekin. Everett
McKinley Dirksen's home town. with
33.000.
Despite signs of recovery. Michel's
home town of Peoria is still a troubled
industrial city. It is dominated by the Cater-
pillar Tractor Co.. which makes its interna-
tional headquarters there and employs
thousands at several plants in the district.
But Peoria has lost much of its other
industry in the past decade, including a
once thriving brewery. Pekin is a grain
processing and shipping center: it produces
ethanol, both for fuel and for drink
In the 1960s Peoria anchored the south-
ern end of the district: in the 1970s it was in
Central ? Peoria
the center. For the 198os it is perched at the-
northern tip. Peoria and Tazewell counties
art- the only territory remaining from the
district that elected Michel in 197o. The
18th now is a particularly fragmented con-
stituency.. Michel once represented eight ?
counties and most of a ninth. now he
responsible not only. for eight complete'-
counties but also parts of eight more.
The district still lean, Republican. hut
hard times on the farm and in the cit ie' s may
be taking their toll of Republican loyalties.
Five of the eight entire counties included in
the district gave Reagan at least fit' percent
of the vote in the 1984 presidential election.
compared with seven in 19$o. In the 19*4
Senate contest. GOP incumbent Charles H.
Percy carried six of the eight. but not by
especially impressive margins.
Population: 519.026 White 490 556 (95%, Black
23.919 (5%). Other 2.764 (1%1 Spanish origin 3.728
M.) 18 and over 368.659 (71%) 65 and over 62.341
(12%) Median age 30
wanted ? but with many strings attached. In a
complex parliamentary maneuver. Republicans
voted en bloc with liberal Democrats for an
amendment that withheld aid to the contras.
That had the effect of blocking consideration of
the Democratic leadership's compromise alter-
native, and forced a halt to action on the bill.
"There was no way around it except simply
to throw a monkey wrench into the machinery
and try to upset the apple cart for the mo-
ment," Michel said after the vote.
Democrats claimed the maneuver gained
Republicans a bit of attention and nothing
more. To Michel's credit, though, the delaying
tactic did open the way for Reagan to win a
clear-cut House victory on contra aid, albeit
several months later.
Michel's go-for-broke strategy in the fight
over contra aid warmed the hearts of junior
conservative militants within his party who
wanted to abandon his more-or-less concilia-
tory approach to Democrats and practice con-
frontation at every turn.
Michel has always known how to give a
rousing floor speech lambasting the Democrats.
but he has always separated public posturing
from personal relations. He has never let the
sins of the majority interfere with the prospects
468
for a good golf game, and he used his personal
ties to Speaker O'Neill and other Democrats to
gain whatever legislative help he could.
However. Michel's half-a-loaf politics has
not been sufficient for the junior GOP fire-
brands. who enjoyed a spate of national media
attention under the banner of the study group
known as the Conservative Opportunity Soci-
ety (COS). COS leaders Newt Gingrich of Geor-
gia and Vin Weber of Minnesota argued that
Republicans should turn the House floor into a
theater for all-out partisan warfare. "I'm hard-
pressed to see where compromise has advanced
the Republican agenda.- Weber said.
For most of the 98th Congress. Michel's
advice to the militants was generally to calm
down. "It's one thing to be out there on the
stump. flapping your gums,- he said at one
point. "and it is another thing to put something
together. Some of the greatest talkers around
here can't legislate their way out of a paper
bag." In 1984. when Gingrich launched a tirade
against 10 Democrats advocating negotiation
with Nicaragua's leftist government. and
O'Neill responded with an intemperate out-
burst that brought a rebuke from the presiding
officer. many House Republicans gave Gingrich
a standing ovation. Michel kept his seat.
While Michel seemed more inclined to
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?
strike a confrontational pose in the 99th Con-
gress. he was not a committed convert to mili-
tancy.. He. like virtually every GOP member.
was outraged in January 1985 by the refusal of
Democratic leaders to seat Richard D. McIn-
tyre. an Indiana Republican who had been
declared the winner in his district by state
officials. After seeming hesitant at first. Michel
joined the protest by trying to force the seating
of McIntyre on a day when there was supposed
to be no legislative business.
But a few weeks later, when the Democrats
insisted on seating Democrat Frank McClos-
key. Michel went to shake McCloskey's hand
after his swearing in, something other GOP
members pointedly did not do.
The current image of Michel as a moderate
seeking to come to terms with militant conser-
vatism would surprise anybody familiar with
the House in the 1960s. when he was clearly
identified with the Republican right, an ortho-
dox Midwestern Republican decrying the evils
t)f wasteful government. A few things have
happened since then.
Twenty years ago, the split among House
Republicans was between conservatives of Mi-
chel's stripe and a moderate party faction
based in the Northeast. Today. the Northeast-
ern moderates are not a large group. The com-
peting power bloc is a Sun Belt-based Republi-
can faction interested in a New Right social
agenda and committed to supply-side econom-
ics. Michel votes with this group on social
issues. but he has never felt comfortable
emphasizing them, and he retains the tradi-
tional conservative view that reducing deficits
is a higher economic priority than reducing
taxes.
Beyond that, Michel's Peoria-based dis-
trict has changed. It has moved beyond its
earlier Corn Belt conservatism and developed
the problems of a declining Frost Belt indus-
trial area. Some of the Reaganomics votes that
were popular for Southern and Western Re-
publicans did not play very well in Peoria. as
Michel's brush with defeat in 1982 was to
prove.
And within the chamber. Michel has devel-
oped strong personal ties to the small group of
moderate Gypsy Moth Republicans. They had
been an important constituency in his cam-
paign for party leader in 1981: most of the
hard-line Reaganites had backed Guy Vander
Jagt of Michigan. Gypsy Moth leaders such as
Carl D. Purse11. of Michigan had swallowed
hard and backed the Reagan budget partly as a
favor to Michel in 1981.
Late in 1981, when several conservative
Illinois - 18th District
Republicans said they wanted to form a pro-
Reagan pressure group to counter the Gypsy
Moths. Michel talked them out of it. "They're
too good as people to dismiss." he said of the
Gypsy Moths at that time. "I love those guys.
even if we've been voting on opposite sides for
years."
Michel won his position as Republican
leader in 1981 on the same qualities that have
traditionally won House GOP elections ?
cloakroom companionship. homespun Midwes-
tern conservatism, an appetite for legislative
detail and a working knowledge of the rules.
When Republicans chose him over Vander
Jagt by a 103-87 vote, they opted for Michel's
"workhorse" campaign arguments against Van-
der Jagt's oratorical flourishes. Michel has as
good a baritone voice as there is in the House.
but he is not exactly eloquent; his sentences
often begin with volume and emphasis and end
in a trail of prepositions. But Michel is at home
on the House floor, where Vander Jagt has
been a stranger most of his career, and in a
newly conservative House, most Republicans
decided strategy was preferable to speeches.
Republican leader John J. Rhodes of Ari-
zona announced his impending retirement as
party leader in December 1979, and from that
time on Michel and Vander Jagt were open
competitors for the leadership job.
Michel started out with a big advantage
among senior members, who knew him well,
and among most moderates, who found him
less strident than Vander Jagt. But Vander
Jagt, as chairman of the campaign committee
that donated money to GOP challengers, had
the edge among those recently elected.
The sparring between the two candidates
extended to the 1980 Republican convention in
Detroit. When Vander Jagt was selected as
keynote speaker, Michel's forces complained,
and their man was made floor manager for
Ronald Reagan.
In the weeks before the November elec-
tion, it was clear that Michel had an edge.
Vander Jagt needed the benefit of an unusually
large new 1980 Republican class to have any
chance.
The returns actually brought 52 new Re-
publicans, more than even Vander Jagt had
hopefully anticipated. But by installing Repub-
lican control in the White House and in the
Senate, the election also helped Michel. It
allowed him to argue successfully that Presi-
dent Reagan needed a tactician, not a fiery
speaker, to help him move his program through
the House. Vander Jagt got his majority of the
newcomers, but it was not a large enough
majority to deny Michel the leadership.
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?
????
Rebort H. Mkhot 1-111.
Like his two immediate predecessors as
Republican leader, John J. Rhodes and Gerald
R. Ford, Michel is a product of the Appropria-
tions Committee. Like them, he has spent most
of his career arguing over money and detail
rather than broad policy questions. But a quar-
ter-century on that committee made Michel a
top-flight negotiator, skilled in the trade-offs
and compromises that are the hallmark of the
appropriations process.
Concentrating on the Labor-Health. Edu-
cation and Welfare Subcommittee at Appropri-
ations, he was in a minority for years against a
working majority of liberal Democrats and Re-
publicans. Every year, when the subcommittee
reported its spending bill, he took the House
floor to say that it cost too much and wasted
too much. But his efforts to scale back spend-
ing rarely succeeded.
Michel also anticipated Reagan by making
an issue of entitlements ? the programs like
Social Security and Medicare that are not lim-
ited by regular congressional appropriations.
Michel has insisted repeatedly that federal
spending can never be brought under control
unless the rules are changed on entitlements. In
1979, he introduced an amendment that suc-
cessfully blocked the House from making child
welfare payments a new entitlement.
At Home: Michel has never been beyond
challenge in his Peoria district, and in years of
strong national Democratic sentiment, he has
to work to get himself re-elected.
He has never worked as hard as he did in
1982, when his role as Reagan's spokesman in
the House nearly thrust him into the growing
ranks of Peoria's unemployed. Voters in the
18th were so enraged with Reaganomics that
they gave 48 percent of the vote to Democrat G.
Douglas Stephens, a 31-year-old labor lawyer
making his first bid for elective office.
A narrow escape from defeat had been the
furthest thing from Michel's mind at the outset
of 1982. In January his re-election seemed
clinched when the filing deadline for congres-
sional candidates passed without any Demo-
cratic entry in the 18th. But Stephens and
another Democrat, state Rep. Gerald R. Brad-
ley, realized that the Democratic nomination
would be worth having in November if by that
time a substantial number of voters had lost
faith in the restorative powers of GOP eco-
nomic policy.
So Stephens and Bradley launched write-
in efforts in the March primary. With strong
support from labor unions, which he had served
as a lawyer in disability cases, Stephens gener-
ated three times as many write-in ballots as
Bradley.
470
In the fall campaign, Stephens told voters
that Michel's role as chief mover of Reagan
programs in the House put him at odds with
the district's factory workers, farmers, small-
business people, poor and elderly, all of whom
Stephens said had been adversely affected by
Reagan policies.
The Democrat criticized Michel particu-
larly for failing to persuade Reagan to lift U.S.
sanctions on selling natural gas pipeline equip-
ment to the Soviet Union. Those sanctions cost
Caterpillar Tractor Co. and other Illinois heavy
equipment companies lucrative contracts, exac-
erbating already high levels of unemployment
in the 18th.
The national Democratic Party did not
give Stephens a great deal of financial help, but
it did focus attention on the campaign, hoping
to pull off an upset that would be seen as a
resounding rejection of Reaganomics from the
heartland. Michel's task was complicated also
by redistricting, which gave him a territory
where some 45 percent of the people were new
to him.
Initially slow to counterattack, Michel be-
gan to cast Stephens as a puppet of organized
labor and a negativist foe with few constructive
suggestions and a limited record of involvement
in community activities. Michel proved capable
at blending modern-style media appeals with
traditional person-to-person campaigning.
Shortly before the election, Reagan ap-
peared in the district on Michel's behalf and
hinted at the forthcoming removal of sanctions
on the sale of pipeline equipment to the Sovi-
ets.
In the two most populous counties of the
district ? Peoria and Tazeviell ? Michel was
held to 51 percent. Stephens finished first in
four other counties, but Michel's slim margins
in the district's 10 remaining counties pulled
him to victory by a margin of 6,125 votes. In his
victory speech on election night, Michel said he
had come to realize that his constituency ex-
pected some modifications in Reaganomics to
relieve unemployment.
He also made some modifications of his
own. For years a fiscal purist who prided him-
self on resisting pork-barrel temptations, Mi-
chel took a different approach in the 98th
Congress. Housing grants, contracts for Cater-
pillar, construction funds for Greater Peoria
Airport ? all began to flow into the district.
"I'm not altogether proud of it," Michel admit-
ted in 1983. "I never perceived that the mea-
sure of my effectiveness should be how deep I
could get my finger in the federal till." But it
worked. Together with a somewhat rosier eco-
nomic picture, the new pork-barrel emphasis
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buttressed Michels position to the point where
Stephens decided to forgo another challenge.
Bradley won the 1984 nomination in his stead.
but could come up with only 39 percent of the
November vote.
Michel was born in Peoria. the son of a
French immigrant factory worker. Shortly after
graduating from Bradley University in Peoria.
he went to work for the district's newly elected
representative, Republican Harold Velde
Velde became chairman of the old House
Illinois - lath District
Un-American Activities Committee during the
Republican-dominated 83rd Congress (1953-
55) and received much publicity for his hunt
for communist subversives. Michel rose to be-
come Velde's administrative assistant.
In 1956 Velde retired and Michel ran for
the seat Not very well-known in the district.
Michel still had the support of many county
organizations, for whom he had been a political
contact in Washington. He won the primary
with 48 percent against four opponents.
Committee
Minority Loader
Elections
WM General
Robert H Michel (R)
94.308
(63%)
Jim Dawson CD)
56.331
(37%)
19114 General
Robert H. Michel IR)
136 183
(61%)
Gerald A Bradley (1))
86.884
(39%)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1962
(52%) 1960
(62%)
sgys (66%) 1976 (58%)
1974
(55%) 1972
(65%)
trig (66%) 1916 (61%)
1906
(58%) 1964
(54%i
1912 (61%) 1960 (59%)
1958
(60%) 1956
(59%)
District Vote For President
1914 1960
1976
D 89.490 (40%) D 71.861
(32%)
I) 92.613
(44%)
II 135.170 (60%) 6 137.198
(61%)
R 114.120
(55%)
I 12.710
( 6%)
Campaign Finance
1106
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend.
hurls
Michel (R)
$689.849
$456371
(66%)
$639.765
Dawson (D)
$12.208
$2.358
(19%)
$11,949
19114
Michel
$681.434
$390646
(57%)
$707,734
Bradley (DI
$59998
$14,250
(24%)
159.997
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year S 0 8 0 11 0
1166 74 18 73 20 76 18
1185 85 11 78t 151 91 7
1964 75 20 80 11 90 3
11163 84 7 7 It 201 81 15
111112 83 12 81 16 89 10
1961 80 17 821 111 83 13
$ .. Support 0 - Opposition
t Not eligible For all recorded votes
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1986)
Cut back public housing construction (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986)
Block chemical weapons production (1986)
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-C10 CCM;
1966 5 86 ' 8 88
1985 5 86 6 81
mum 5 82 8 81
1963 5 81 12 100
1162 5 82 10 80
tot 10 86 0 100
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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
WORM Prommil Breakfast for Representative Tout Foley on Tuesday, 16 February 1988
at 0800 in your dining roam
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
I EXTENSION Pio.
OCA 88-0426
STAT
DATE
12 February 1988
TO: (dam slesianotion. room number, twel
beildins)
DATE
OffICER'S
INMALS
IIICEPrED 101twAIDED
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
Is whom. Draw line oaoss column after each comment.)
1.
Executive Registry
12 FEB
2.
cp3.
4.
Executive Director/7.;9
S.
Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence
6.
Vuto
Director of
Central Intelligence
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11.
9.
10.
Return to D/OCA
11.
12.
13.
14.
13.
mau Mime
1-79 ?
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r
OCA 88-0426
1 2 FEB Iggg
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
FROM: John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Breakfast for Representative Foley on
Tuesday, 16 February 1988
On 16 February, you are scheduled to host breakfast for
Representative Thomas Foley (D., WA) at 8:00 a.m. in your
dining room. Also attending are Dick Stoltz, Dick Kerr and
myself. Mr. Foley's last visit to Headquarters was for
breakfast on 29 September 1986. As you know, Mr. Foley was
elected Majority Leader in the 100th Congress.
Mr. Foley has been in the House for twenty-four years. He
has earned a reputation on the Hill as a conciliator, negotiator,
and seeker of compromise; he builds bridges among Democrats and
between the parties in the House. Among Mr. Foley's tools are a
broad knowledge of the workings of the House, a prodigious
memory, and a gift for explaining complex issues.
Werner Brandt, Mr. Foley's national security staffer,
indicated recently that Mr. Foley would appreciate an invitation
to meet with you and that he also would welcome discussion on
several topics.
You may wish to discuss the following subjects with
Mr. Foley:
-- Soviet interests: He is an avid reader. He has a
particular interest in Soviet affairs (he did graduate
work in this area) and we might discuss with him develop-
ments in Soviet politics or Arms Control issues, including
INF.
-- Arms shipments to Ireland: He is interested in arms
shipments to Ireland, especially those being shipped to
Northern Ireland by various groups and/or individuals. As
All Portion3 SECRET
SE/ ET
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-- Intelligence realities: We have had very little
contact with Mr. Foley over the years, and we have no
reason to think that he has any detailed knowledge of what
we do. Periodically, he attends briefings we provide for
the House Intelligence Committee. You may wish to provide
him with a short overview of your priorities as DCI.
-- Leaks: Mr. Foley has often raised the question of
controlling leaks of classified information, claiming the
Congress is less to blame than the Executive Branch.
Attachments
Biographic information
cc: DDCI
Distribution:
Orig. - Addressee (w/atts)
1 - DDCI tt
1 - ExDir
g1- ER
- DDO
It
1
DDI
tt
1
- D/OCA
It
1
- OCA Record
t,
1
- DD/HA/OCA
tt
1
- OCARead
DD/HA/OCA (11 Feb 88)
6( John L. Helgerson
SECRET
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5 Thomas S. Foley (D)
Of Spokane ? Elected 1964
Born: March fi. 1929. Spokane. Wash
Education: I; of Washington. BA 19.'0 LL.B. 19:.?7.
Occupation! Lawyer
Family: Wife. Heather Strachan
Religion: Roman Catholic
Political Career No previous office
Capitol Office: 1201 Longworth Bldg 20:il 22.'i-200e;
In Washington: Over the past decade.
Foley has held three of the most important
posts in the HOUSf leadership The one crucial
uncertainty about his career is whether he will
ever serve in the job for which he is uniquely
qualified ? the position of Speaker of the
House.
A cerebral man with a sense of detachment
rare among politicians. Foley is perfectly
matched to a job meant to be above partisan-
ship. He is less obviousk suited to the role of
majority leader. the one he assumed in the
/00th Congress. Foley has little of the hard.
charging partisan drive House Democrats came
to expect cif their majority leader after JO years
of having Jim Wright in that job.
Still. Foley is not without options as he
begins his tenure in the spot just under
Speaker Wright in the leadership hierarch?.
Rather than transform himself into an opposi-
tion-basher. he may end up changing col-
leagues' expectations of the role the majority
leader is supposed to play.
That is especially feasible for Foley be-
cause he is placed between two men who can be
not only partisan but sometimes strident about
it ? Wright and Majority Whip Tony- Coelho
of California Even as majority leader. Foley-
may be most valuable to the leadership doing
what he does best ? acting as a mediator and
building bridges among Democrats and be-
tween the parties in the House.
As the 100th Congress began. Foley some-
times seemed uncomfortable as he sought to
define a role for himself alongside Wright. who
appeared reluctant to give up all the duties of
majority leader upon his accession to the
speakership. At times. Foley seemed to be
trying out a more confrontational style, as
when he concluded debate on aid to the Nicara-
guan contras with a speech delivered at a
decibel level unusual for him. In the end.
though. the odds are Foley will find a way to
continue sounding like Foley most of the time.
1596
A. a parliamentarian and negotiator. File,
ranks a- high as an' member of Ctingre in
-
recent year- He grey up want in to be
and sometimto it seem- he still uant- to be Mit
even ir a political setions He does not like 1..
commit hlmsell early or. contrio erstai issue-
and he can he as skillful at making the cast. for
the pp sing side as for his own "I think 1 an,,,
little cursed... he once said. -with seeing qui-
other point of viev and trying to understand
Such caution car, be frustrating to col
leagues. hut is also a valuable countervieight it.
the impulstvenes, to whtch Wright ha- often
been prone Tile nevi Speaker is a legislator
activist who errs or. the side of rashness Foie:,
is a gradualist, skeptical of grand schemes and
inclined at times to ask whether difficult prol.
lems can be solved legislatively at all. As kir
said of the l90.6 farm bill he helped craft
"There is only so much that government policy
can do. An agriculture hill can't turn around
world economic decisions.-
Foley thinks Congress is supposed to make
sure legislation does not create more problem-
than it solves ? a concern that loomed large
while he was working on the Gran-on-Rudmar.
Hollings anti-deficit law in late 196.')
difficult to convey these values to the general
public... he said. "For many people the reaction
is. 'Pass it yesterday. 'ha' 's to think about"
When Speaker O'Neill first announced his
plan to retire at the end of the 99th Congreio
Foley did nit seem to be guaranteed the No
job in the ensuing leaders-hip shake-up Some
members initially seemed to want a more part.
san figure. But no challenger ever emerged and
Foley was elected majority leader by acclama
tion.
He solidified his support with deft han
dling of several major legislative issues in th,
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Thomas S. FaFoy. D-Wash.
???
Washington 5
Though the 5th includes Spokane. a
city of nearly 17.',000 people it is tempera
mentally a rural district. one in which farm
prices art often the deci-ive pc tic-alissue
People here like to refer to eastern W
ingt on as the "Inland Empire." taking pride
in the wheat- and vegetable-groxing pros-
perity that se-is it apart from. Washington
on ? the - Pacific'.
Spokane is the banking and marketing
center of the Inland Empire. which encorn
passes farming counties in Washington. Or
egon, Idaho and Montana. The city's sizable
aluminum industrY takes advantage of the
low-cost hydroelectric power that comes
from Neu Deal darns along the Columbia
Comparatively isolated and marked by
a stable, non-transient population Spokane
is one of the most conservative of America's
large cities. For a time in the early 196(is. its
wariness of government intrusion led it to
refuse federal assistance to fund local
projects. In 1954. Spokane County gave
Reagan almost 60 percent and supported
East ? Spokane
losing GOP Gus. John Spellman Spokane
County. with more their Atro.(tee. resident,.
accounts for about two-third, of the- dis-
trict's ppulaticr
Walla W ails County'. dominated for
generations by a small group of wheat- and
vegetable-growing families. is the most con-
servative part of the district. It gas Reagan
nearly 6.r, percent in 194 The third-largest
county in the 5th is. Whitman site of the
Vi ashington State University campus in
Pullman Republican, usually N 1 r, ?1. h t n-. a n
also, but by lesser margin.- than they carry
Walla Walia and Spokane counties
Popular Democrats such a, Foley can
win the 5th. but as his several brushe, with
defeat demonstrated. n( Democrat can af-
ford to become overconfident about hi, sta-
tus there
Population: 516 719 White 489.609 (95%: BlaC4
5.705 11%) ?the' 13.486 13% Spanish ono, 11.70c
(2?,..; 18 anC ove? 373 789 i72%; 65 arc Dye' 59.889
(12%; Median ape 29
99th Congress. He played a crucial role in
drafting the 1985 farm bill and was active in
House Democrats' fight against providing mili-
tary aid to the contras in Nicaragua.
His consensus-building skills proved essen-
tial to the House leadership's strategy for han-
dling Gramm-Rudman-Hollings after it was
passed by the Senate. Some House Democrats
wished simply to oppose the measure and
wanted no part of making it more palatable.
IL: Foley's head counts showed Gramm-Rud-
man could not be defeated outright.
As chairman of a task force to devise a
Leemocratic alternative. Foley tried to make the
hes: of what he saw( as a bad deal He coaxed a
conse-nsus out of liberal and conservative Dem-
ocrat, about what changes should be made in
the lays ? such as protections for certain anti-
po?frty programs ? and the House alternative
won the support of all but two Democrats
Foley is not renowned as a performer or
turring orator, but in the past few years he has
had his impressive moments of rhetoric, mo-
ments that have called for exactly the skills and
style that he has to offer.
In 1982, President Reagan had been per-
suaded to support $98 billion worth of tax
increases over a three-year period as a means of
bringing the federal deficit down Speaker
O'Neill favored the plan and asked Foley to
make the case for it on national television.
hoping to create a climate in which wavering
Democrats might go along with the legislation.
Foley responded with a masterful televi-
sion speech, quietly urging members of both
parties to summon up "political courage" and
cast a vote in favor of "economic reality." He
seemed far more comfortable delivering that
speech than he had seemed offering more parti-
san rhetoric in other settings Afterward, other
Democrats speculated that he might have influ-
enced 60 votes on their side of the aisle.
Foley's most controversial moments in re-
cent years involved his position on the MX
missile. Along with Wright. he cast a vote for
the weapon in May of .1983. helping President
Reagan win congressional permission to start
conducting MX test flights. That angered
much of the liberal element of the House
Democratic Caucus, and first-term member
Jim Bates of California demanded a caucus
meeting to determine why party leaders were
helping enact the Reagan defense program.
In the first vote after the caucus, Foley
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Washington - 5th District
opposed the MX. and he ha- Continued to do so
ever since He and Vright (who also changed
his mind' insisted they were reacting to nev.
arguments about the merit, of the- weap,n. but
it was also agreed that Foley and ?k righi v,er,
making the- right htual move a, they pr,
pared to run for leadership posts in a predomi-
nantly dovish House Democrat it Party
As majority leader. Foley will have to
abandon the agriculture issues that preoccu-
pied him for much of his career. Foley was
Agriculture Committee chairman from 1975
until 1981. when he gave up the chair to be-
come Democratic whip But he continued to be-
chairman of the Subcommittee or, Wheat. Soy ?
beans and Feed Grains until the 100th Con-
gress. and still managed to have decisive influ-
ence on two major rewrites of federal farm
programs in 1981 and 1985.
In 1985. Agriculture Chairman E "Kika-
de la Garza of Texas willingly deferred to Foley
on the wheat section of the bill. one of the most
delicate parts. Foley wa- at odds with younger
Midwestern Democrat, who. seeking dramatic
changes in the farm programs. backed massive-
controls on grain production a, a means of
raising the market price for farmers Foley did
not fight the issue on the House floor but, in
the end, his work ia as done for him A Republi-
can-led coalition killed the- production-control
proposal during floor debate.
Foley was unable to attend many sessions
of the House-Senate farm bill conference be-
cause Gramm-Rudman-Hollings negotiations
were going on at the same time. But when he
and Republican Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas fi-
nally got together. they hammered out a com-
promise on key sections of the bill within hours
Foley won the Agriculture chairmanship in
unusual circumstances in 3975. The huge bloc
of freshman Democrats was determined that
year to unseat some of the aging. conservative
House chairmen. and the late W. R. Poage of
Texas. while popular within his Agriculture
Committee. was 75 years old and very conser-
vative. The caucus unseated Nage by a vote Of
152-133e Foley opposed the mote. but then
replaced Poage.
As chairman. Foley kept major farm hills
under his control at the full committee level.
rather than parceling them out to subcommit,
tees as most chairmen nov, do. He was openly
bipartisan, usually working out arrangements
in advance with ranking Republican William C.
Wampler of Virginia.
His handling of the 1977 farm bifl was
typical. Major crop support programs and food
stamp legislation were up for renewal in one
package. President Carter repeatedly threat-
1598
ened to %vie, the hill as too costly. Foley pains.
takingly put together a compromise. balancing
farrrostate pro-subsidy Yon-, and urban blew
food stamp support "Sure I want higher price
support- said at one point 'Hut it won't
he lp farmer, tot u, to pas- a bit; the president
IS on't sign
At the last minute. Oklahoma Democrat
Glenn English drafted a floor amendment to
increase supports for wheat beyond what the
committee had approved Foley decided the
amendment probably uould pass. so he went
back to the White House and persuaded Carter
to accept it In the end. Foley offered the
English amendment himself and it went
through easily.
Earlier in hi- career on the Agriculture
Committee. Foley wa, a principal author of the
191.7 Meat Inspection Act providing federal
fund- for states to use in imposing standards or,
the packing industry. He and Iowa Democrat
Neal Smith narrowly failed on the House flOot
in an effort to make the program stronger by
writing in specific federal standards
Over the years. Foley 's intelligence. negoti
ating skill and sense (if detachment have al
lowed him to reach the top levels of the House
leadership without the aggressiveness it some
time, takes to make it that far in the House
When Foley explains the politics of a legislative
situation he is involved in. he often sounds like
a curious outsider. calmly perceiving the entire
situation as a human comedy he happens to
have wandered into.
In some ways. Foley seems a little unusual
for a politician, let alone a majority leader. He
is not comfortable with the backslapping and
small talk of a political campaign. He has never
gone in for news releases or self promotion.
when he became Agriculture chairman in 1975
he called reporters into his office one by one tu
avoid having to hold a press conference.
Foley wa, a strong Agriculture chairman
? one of his best arguments against critic, wh,
said he would be an indecisive- majority. leader
? but he operated almost entirely through
conciliation. When circumstances seemed t?
require confrontation, he was less effective
Chaining a committee meeting he was some
time, reluctant to hang the- gavel even against a
member who seemed to be asking for it.
For 10 years. Foley also sat on the Interior
Committee There he worked on enlarging the
nation's largest power plant. the Grand Coulee
Dam. and protecting Northwest water frorr
raid, by California and Arizona
In 1980 Fole was a major sponsor of th.
Northwest Power bill. which was aimed at
allocating scarce energy resources in the Psi-ire
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Northwest over the rest of this century Foley
via, no longer on Interior, but much of the
strategy was worked out in his office A mini-
filibuster delayed passage- for a month. but
Foles and others ultimately moved it through
on a 284-77 vote
Foley has risen slowly and cautiously in
Democratic ranks, taking advantage of his
reputation as a good legislative manager In
1874 he chaired the Democratic Studs Group
the strategy and research arm of liberal and
moderate Democrats. in 197: the chairmanship
of the Democratic Caucus wa, open and as a
veteran of numerous reform baffle, against
secrecy and seniority in the committee system.
he was a logical choice He defeated Shirley
Chisholm of Nev- )"eirk by a vote of 194-9C His
four years as chairman were not particularly
lively, feu important decisions were made and
Foley chose not to he an activist
"The Dennecratic Caucus never should be
what it once was or what it is today in some
legislatures.- he- said after leaving the job
should never make collective judgment, for the
party We left that role several years ago. and
we're- never going hack.-
In 198] the defeat of John Brademas of
Indiana forced Speaker O'Neill to choose a neu
whip Chief Deputy Whip Dan Rostenkowski of
Illinois. first in line for promotion. decided
instead to take over the Ways and Means
Committee. Some Democrats urged O'Neill to
select a whip from among the 1970s Democratic
generation. but O'Neil; yeas looking for par-
liamentary skill in the coming arguments with
House Republicans. Foley was a parliamentary
expert ? was Democratic convention par-
liamentarian in 1980 ? and he got the job
At Home: In the course of little more than
a decade. Foley took over a Republican district.
made himself invincible in it and then let it slip
nearly out of control, It took years of political
repair work for him to gel it under control
again
Initially. Foley wanted to be a judge-. as hi,
father had been. HE spent tuo years as deputs.
prosecutor in Spokane County and a year as
assistant state attorney genera: In 1961 he
moved to Washington. D.C.. t. work for Sen
Henry M Jackson as counsel to the old Senate
interior Committee.
Three years later he was a reluctant con-
gressional candidate, persuaded to run by the
favorable political climate for Democrat,. and
by Jackson. who encouraged him to take a
chance. Foley filed on the last possible day. He
had no primary competition because no other
Democrats wanted to challenge Republican
Walt Horan. who had held the seat since 1942
Thomas S. Foley, D-Wash.
But Horan was ailing at 6f,. and Foley had
fund-raising help from Jackson and Sen War-
ren Magnuson. as well as the advantage of the
Johnson presidential landslide-. He upset the
incumbent in November by 12.000 votes
After 1964. Foley worked hard to keep his
district, and by 1970 Republicans had stopped
running strong candidate, against him
But in 1976 he made a political mistake
Republican nominee Charles Kimball was
killed in an airplane crash the month before the
election. and Foley essentially stopped cam-
paigning That allowed Duane Alton. an un-
known tire dealer from Spokane. to hold him to
5l? percent of the vote.
The 197? result convinced Republicans Fo-
ley was vulnerable. and Alton ran again in 1978.
As Agriculture chairman. Foley had become a
target for resentment over farm issues among
his wheat-growing constituent,. and his lou
profile in the district gave Alton another issue
Even worst for the incumbent Indian tribal
official Mel Tonasket ran as an independent
and took away Democratic rotes
Alton uas an inarticulate candidate. reluc ?
tient even to debate the man he- was challeng-
ing. and his militant conservatism was too
much for many moderate Republican voters.
Yet Foley scraped by with just 4?. percent
Again in 1980. Republicans had high
hopes. Foley's opponent this time was John
Sonneland. a Spokane surgeon who had once
served as state co-chairman of Common Cause.
Sonneland moved to the right. calling Foley a
fiscally irresponsible liberal and airing televi-
sion ads accusing the incumbent of having
voted to allow experimentation on fetuses
The incumbent campaigned hard. stressing.
his more conservative ideas, such as a tax cut
and congressional veto of federal rules. Foley
recaptured most of the vote he had lost to
Tonasket in 197Is. but the GOP tide left him
with the smallest margin of his career. scarcely
Vote-otes
S nn and was back in 198.1'. replacing the
7.000 ( ej
more strident personal attacks with attempts to
convince voters that Foley had placed national
interests above local concerns "Do voters want
I, push someone who is ascending the political
ladder.- Sonneland asked during a debate. "or
someone- who will go to the mat'
Such charges might have succeeded a feu
year, earlier But Foley's renewed attention to
the district had paid oft. and Sonneland"s 198H
failure in a statewide Republie-an sweep had
given him a loser's image among national Re-
publicans. hurting him financially. Foley not
only trounced Sonneland by nearly 2-0,1 in
their mutual home base of Spokane County..
1599
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Thomas S. 'ploy, D- Wash.
but carried most of the 5th District's rural
counties tor the first time in several elections
19l4 he was up to ;II percent of the votf-
against Spokane City Councilman Jack
Hebner Foley won three-quarters of the vote in
1986
Committees
Majority Leerier
Budget (2n0 of 21 Democrats
Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transachon?
with Iran (3rd of 9 Democrats
Elections
WU General
Thomas S Foleo (Di 121.732 (75%'
Floyd L Wakefield IR; 41.179 (25%
1964 Gametal
Thomas S Foie, (Di 154 98E (70%
Jack Mebne, (R, 643E (30wr
Previous Winning Percentages 1962 (64% 1990 (52%.
1978 (48%1 1976 (58%. 1974 (64% 1972 (91.,..
1970 (67%, 1968 (57% BRE (57`,?' 1964 (53%,
District Vote For President
1994
85,833 (39',
133 109 (60%
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Ilttftlwf Unity Coalition
Year $ 0 $ 0 $ 0
1966 23 73 91 4 40 Se
1905 29 71 9C 3 29 65
19114 3E 57 el 12 37 6E
1913 25 55 83 8 25 5:
1102 35. 51 93 12 40 55
19111 se 45 BC 17 51 4E
S = Supper. 0 < Opciostti:r
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles :19E5
Cui tecie-a subsic, to, wale, Protects 1965 t?
Weaker gur cont-o taws .1986 ?
Cul bazi publiz housing constructior (1986
Aid Nicarag:ra- contras 1986 S.
Imcipse tektite import Smits over Reagar vetc (198E
Block cnemica weapons product*" ;198E
Impose Soutr Africa^ sanctions ?yr %eager veto (1986
1906
Foley CD,
Wakehelo
1994
Foley (D
Hebne, (R)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts Rom PACs
1535.651 6392.701 (73%,
656.516 $2.2e C 4%,
$443540 $293 799 (66`,.'
$51.019 6100 (((2%
Expend-
Mires
$421 477
56 502
$379.651
51.019
Year
1996
1115
1984
1913
1912
1981
Interest Group Ratings
ADA ACU AFL-CIO
75 14 ee
75 10 7E
SO 26 54
85 13 81
65 27 79
55 13 73
CCUS
r
r
55
r
Z
Z
1600
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STAT
-ma
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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT: (Optional) 19 February 1988
Visit to Headquarters by Representative Bill
Mem House Intelligence Committee
c ardson, new
FR John L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
....."'---'.....'.'.
NTENSION
NO.
OCA 88-0378
DATE
I 0 FEB 1Hc,,,
TO: fOfficer designation, room number, ond
building)
DATE
OFFICER'S
INITIALS
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom. Draw a line across column after each comment.)
RECEIVED
FORWARDED
1. Executive Registry
1 0 FEB
1988
_707
bc,
itoL;
2.
3.
Executive Director
4.
5. Deputy Director Director of
Central Intelligence
..
6.
, 7.
& Director of Central
Intelligence
o1b./, -7
4-
* 9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
cAz..0
ii--G
14.
15.
FORM 61 0 USE Famous * U.S. G 00000 ment Printing Office: 11185-494.1134/4111511
. FrilTIMJS
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MEMORANDUM FOR:
FROM:
SUBJECT:
OCA 88-0378
10 FEB 1988
The Director
Di tor of Congressional Affairs
9fJFebruary Visit to Headquarters by
R resentative Bill Richardson, New Member
of House Intelligence Committee
On 19 February 1988 at 9:15 a.m. one of the Democratic
Congressmen just appointed as a Member of the House
Intelligence Committee, Bill Richardson (D., NM), will make a
courtesy call on you in your office and then receive
introductory briefings and an orientation tour of CIA.
This will be his first visit and he appears to be
interested and enthusiastic about his assignment to the House
Intelligence Committee. As he is a relative novice to the
world of intelligence, who possesses considerable political
clout, we will be doing our best to give him a good impression
of the organization and what we do.
Mr. Richardson was born in 1947 in Pasadena, CA and he is
of Hispanic origin. He has been a Member of Congress since
1982 and the major issues he has followed concern the largely
Hispanic and Indian constituency which he represents in New
Mexico. He is said to be - liberal Democrat.
Attachments:
Tour Schedule
Biographic information
Distribution:
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I - DDCI
I - ExDir
I - DDI
I - ADDO
I - ADDSU
I - Ops Center
I - D/OCA
DD/HA/OCA
(w/atts)
ER (w/atts)
- OCA Record (w/atts)
I - WIF Chrono "
10 Feb 88)
STAT
STAT
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Headquarters Tour
for
Representative Eill Richardson (D., NM)
0915
0930
19 February 1988
Courtesy Call on the DCI
Introduction to the DI
(Dick Kerr)
1000
Ops Center briefing
1030
Introduction to the
DO
1100
Introduction to the
DS&T
(Jim Hirsch)
1130
Walk through library
& auditorium on way
out
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- icepresentauves ana 'carts
Bilatichardson
D?New Mexico, 3rd District
Began Service: 1983
332 Cannon House
Office Building
Washington, DC 20515-3103
[phone]
BIOGRAPHICAL Born: 11/15/47 ? Home: Santa Fe
? Educ.: B. A., Tufts U.; M. A. Fletcher School of Law and
Diplomacy ? Prof.: Business Consultant ? Rel.: Catholic
KEY STAFF AIDES
Name/Position Legislative Responsibility
Melanie Kenderdine Energy Committee; Appropri-
Admin. Asst. ations
Richard Parker
Press Secy.
Jeanne Hesse
Exec. Asst.
(Appts.)
Pablo Collins Energy (Telecommunications Sub-
Lets. Dir. committee)
Stephen Crout
Legis. Asst.
Foreign Affairs, Transportation,
Product Liability
Tara Federici
Legis. Asst.
Education and Labor Committee
Steve Judy Taxes, Veterans, Budget, Banking
Legis. Asst.
Robert Sola
Legis. Asst.
Energy (Energy and Power Sub-
committee) and Interior Commit-
tees; Environment, Native Ameri-
cans, Water
Maggie Hart
Legis. Corresp.
Select Aging Committee; Civil
Service, Health Care, Housing,
Women's Issues
COMMITTEE ASSIGNMENTS
Education and Labor: Elementary, Secondary, and Voca-
tional Education
Energy and Commerce: Commerce, Consumer Protection,
and Competitiveness ? Energy and Power ? Telecommunications
and Finance
Interior and Insular Affairs: National Parks and Public
Lands ? Water and Power Resources
Aging (Select): Housing and Consumer Interests ? Human
Services ? Task Force on Rural Elderly
OTHER POSITIONS
Majority Whip At Large ? Democratic Trade Task Force ? Dem-
ocratic Congressional Campaign Committee ? Congressional
Hispanic Caucus ? Congressional Arts Caucus, Executive Board
? Democratic Leadership Council ? Congressional Border
Caucus ? Congressional Populist Caucus ? Congressional Coali-
tion on Population and Development ? Congressional Rural
Caucus ? Congressional Travel and Tourism Caucus ? Arms
Control and Foreign Policy Caucus ? Congressional Copper
Caucus ? North Atlantic Assembly, Delegate ? Commission on
Security and Cooperation in Europe
DISTRICT OFFICES
U.S. Courthouse
No. Grant & Federal Pl.
Santa Fe, NM 87501
(505)
988-6177
Gallup City Hall
2nd and Aztec Sts.
Gallup, NM 87301
(505)
722-6522
San Miguel County Courthouse
P.O. Box 1805
Las Vegas, NM 87701
(505)
425-7270
Harvey House, 104 - 1st St., S.E.
Helen, NM 87002
(505)
864-1419
Winter 1987-88 ?Congressional Yellow Book
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1
4;11(
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20515
DAN COATS
INDIANA
LD. 9 8- er
S%Q_ ad21,0
CP(Cch"c?
_Q1 0(2,LL
6LJ L--\rt14cr 4.2-
at-
L46,
c?-te
CX4-0-Le?
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?
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Director
FROM: John L. ,\Hedgeron
Directorof Congressional Affairs
SUBJECT: Your Breakf4stMeeting with Representative
Dan Coats (a., IN)
OCA 88-0358
5 February 1988
As I mentioned earlier this week, Congressman Dan Coats
(R., IN) will be your guest for an 0800 breakfast in your
dining room on Tuesday, 9 February. Bob Gates,
Rae Huffstutler and I will attend.
Mr. Coats was born in 1943 in Jackson, Mississippi, and he
was first elected to Congress in 1980 from the Fort Wayne,
Indiana district. He is a lawyer, is characterized as a
serious conservative and spends much of his time on the Select
Committee for Children, Youth and Families, where he is
Ranking Minority Member.
Mr. Coats does not have any specific topics or issues he
would like to raise with you at this meeting. His staff
advises that he remains interested in Central America in
general, and that because of his keen interest in families and
their children due to his position on the Select Committee for
Children, Youth and Families, he might be interested in the
ways in which the CIA provides benefits and assistance to our
employees, especially those overseas or on separated tours.
cc: DDCI
STAT
STAT
STAT
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Distribution:
Orig. - Addressee
1 - DDCI
- EkDir
- A
- ER
DDO
I - DDA
I - D/OCA
I - OCA Record
I - WIF Chrono
DD/HA/OCA
(w/atts)
te
(5 Feb 88)
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STAT
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? , ?
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. ? ? _
?
Indiana - 4th District
4 Dan Coats (R)
Of Fort Wayne ? Elected 1980
Born: May 16. 1943. Jackson. Mich
Education: Wheaton College. B.A. 1965: Indiana U..
J.D. 197].
Military Career Army Corps of Engineers. 1966-68.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife. Marcia Anne Crawford: three children.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1417 Longworth Bldg. 20515: 225-4436.
In Washington: Coats is a serious conser-
vative given to pondering the social implica-
tions of his Christian-based, pro-family poli-
tics. He argues for the need to move beyond
such issues as school prayer and abortion to a
concern for the material welfare of children and
the poor. But his role is limited by his reluc-
tance to depart from the conservative ortho-
doxy and suspicion of government he brought
with him to Congress.
Coats spends much of his time at the
Select -Committee on Children. Youth and
Families, where he is ranking Republican. He
defends programs for underprivileged families
that some conservatives assai: as too expensive.
In 1985. Coats argued for eight controversial
education and health programs for the poor.
"These strands of the social safety net ? from
the Head Start program to prenatal care to
education for the handicapped ? are working
as intended." Coats said.
But when new programs are proposed, he
tends to be against them. Coats has not lost his
conservative wariness, for example, toward fed-
eral involvement in child care services. "I
would be reluctant to support legislation that
encourages that." he says.
One way Coats tries to resolve his dilemma
is to look for non-bureaucratic ways to put
more money in the hands of families. In 1985.
he began talking about a "Tax Fairness to
Families" bill which would raise the personal
exemption from $1.040 to S2.000. "The failure
to adjust the personal exemption for inflation
has affected all taxpayers. but it has hurt
families with children far more than any other
group." Coats said. The tax-revision bill that
became law in 1986 does exactly that, increas-
ing the exemption on a gradual basis. Coats was
not a major player in the tax debate. but his
early efforts helped frame the issue.
Coats has a prize committee assignment at
502
Energy and Commerce, but so far he has not
used it to great advantage. Over his years there.
he has allied with moderates and liberals seek-
ing to protect consumers from price increases
during natural gas deregulation, and with con-
servatives in behalf of cuts in the Amtrak rail
system. In general. though. he has been a
backbencher without major influence.
During his early years in the House. Coats
was identified most with the issue of school
prayer. In 1984. he attempted to attach an
amendment to an omnibus education bill that ?
would have cut off federal aid to schools and
states banning voluntary school prayer. Coats'
amendment was defeated on the floor.
At Home: As GOP Rep. Dan Quayle's
home district representative for three years.
Coats cultivated the role of surrogate congress-
man. He handled constituents' problems per-
sonally. and sometimes stepped in for Quayle
to give a "government is too big" speech.
That role put Coats in a strong position to
take over when Quayle moved up to run for the
Senate in 1980. He had a spot on the ballot just
below Quayle and shared the highly effective
organization both of them had helped build.
A relative newcomer to the district. Coats
had to get past a bitter GOP primary against
two candidates with much stronger local roots.
But he easily surmounted that problem. win-
ning the primary by carrying every county.
In November. Coats smashed Democrat
John D. Walda in Walda's second try. Winning
more votes than any previous candidate. Coats
managed to outpoll Quayle within the 4th.
Three re-election campaigns have pro-
duced no surprises. In 1984. Democrats offered
a credible candidate in Michael Barnard. whose
eight years as a Fort Wayne TV newscaster had
made him a familiar figure. But Coats outspent
him almost 6-to-1. and won 6] percent.
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?
Dan Coats,
?
Indiana 4
Planted in the northeastern corner of
the state-. the 4th is dominated politically
and economically by Fort Wayne. Indiana's
second-largest city. Allen County. which in-
clude!. Fort Wayne. has more than half of
the district's population. The city. with
about 161).0041 people. is the only area in the
4th with more than 2(1.0011. s() it is where
voters in the surrounding nine counties look
for news and commercial needs
Located where the St. Mary's and St.
Joseph rivers meet to form the Maumee.
Fort Wayne has been a transportation and
manufacturing center since the first half of
the 19th century.
International Harvester, once the city's
largest employer, permanently closed its
huge truck assembly plant during the last
recession, eliminating thousands of jobs.
But Fort Wayne has rebounded from the
Harvester shutdown. Employment has
grown at a Magnavox plant making elec-
tronic items for consumers and the military.
and General Motors is under way with a
Northeast ?
Fort Wayne
plant that will put thousands to work build.
ing light pickup truck- near Fort Wayne
General Electric-. a longtime local presence.
still operates several factories.
With a large German ethnic population.
Fort Wayne is a strongly Republican town.
dominated by two conservative newspapers.
Only once in the last 40 years ? in 1964 ?
has Allen County failed to support the GOP
presidential nominee. Reagan won 6t; per-
cent there in 19(+4. The surrounding farm
counties usually vote as consistently for the
GOP as Fort Wayne does.
In the last four elections. every county
in the 4th has gone Republican for all major
contests. Adams is the only rural county
Democrats occasionally manage to carry. In
the southern part of the district. Adams is
influenced by a strongly partisan local
newspaper. the Decatur Datix tienuperat.
Population: 553.698 White 520.079 (94%) &so,
26.626 (5%). Other 2.670 (7%, Spanish origin 7.126
(1%) 18 and over 382.150 (69%). 65 and over 58.015
(10%) Median age 29
Committees
Select Children, Youth and Families (Ranking)
Energy and Commerce (9th of 17 Republicans)
Health and the Environment. Oversight and investigations. Tele-
communications and Finance
Elections
1986 General
Dan Coats (R) 99.865 (70%)
Gregory Alan Scher (D) 43.105 (30%)
1964 General
Dan Coats (R) 129.674 (61%)
Michael H Barnard (G) 82.053 (39%)
Previous Winning Percentages 1982 (64%) 1980 (81%,
District Vote For President
1984 1980 1976
D 70.300 (33%) D 73.695 (33%) D 86.170
R 144.009 (67%) P 128.189 (58%) R 127.446 (58%'
I 16.69.9 (8%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1986
Coats (RI 9291.891 9106.161 (36%, $225157
Scher (D) $20.083 57.600 (38%1 520.082
1984
Coats (R) 5251.237 5108.389 (4350 1213.293
Barnard (D) $38179 $15.590 (415e 536.957
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1986 70 29 84 15 84 16
1985 74 26 81 17 80 20
1984 67 30 92 6 90 10
1983 78 21 881 121 84 16
1982 71 29 84 13 82 18
1901 74 26 86 14 91 9
S = Support 0---- Opposition
I Not elifyble for all recorded votes
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985) Y
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985; 1'
Weaken gun control laws (1988) Y
Cut back. public housing construction 1198? Y.
Aid NI:araguan contras (1986) Y
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto t198? ' N
Block cherruca weapons production i1986. Y
Impose Soo. African sanctions owe- Reagan veto (198?' Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-CIO CCUS
1986 10 82 14 94
1985 20 86 18 86
1984 5 92 0 69
1933 10 87 6 85
1982 30 73 15 73
1981 10 93 20 100
503
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