NICARAGUA REBELS, IN RETREAT, VIEWED AS A REDUCED THREAT

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403790040-8
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RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
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2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 9, 2012
Sequence Number: 
40
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
March 6, 1986
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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STAT Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403790040-8 ARTICLE AFf- ? iED NEW YORK TIMES ON PAGE 6 March 1986 Nicaragua Rebels, in Retreat, Viewed as. a Reduced Threat By JAMES LeMOYNE $pcW to no MW Yost nom TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras, March 41 - The main Nicaraguan rebel force is in its worst military condition since its formation in 1982, according to several Western diplomats and senior guerrilla officials. The officials, interviewed here in re- cent days, said the Honduran-based in- surgents will need extensive training, new tactics and a possible change of commanders if they are ever again to pose a significant threat to the Sandin.' ista Army. The guerrillas' mass retreat has raised questions about their fighting ability even if they should receive re- newed American military assistance. Forced Out of Nicaragua As many as 10,000 Honduran-based ; rebels, constituting most of the United States-backed guerrilla force, have been forced out of Nicaragua in recent months by supply shortages and im- proved Nicaraguan Army tactics and more sophisticated armaments as well as the insurgents' own ineffective strategy, diplomats and rebel officials say. Many of the those who commented on the rebels' decline noted that it cornea, paradoxically, when dissatisfaction with the Nicaraguan Government is growing at home and abroad. But the rebels have been unable to take advan- tage of this discontent to become a broad-based movement capable of challenging the Sandinistas. "I felt I was look ft at a paralyzed army, maybe a defeated army," said a rebel official who visited the largest guerrilla camp last week. "This is going to take more than $100 million because they are no match for the Sandinistas," added the officer, one of the moyement's most senior offi- cials. He was referring to the $70 mil- lion in military aid and $30 million in nonlethal help that President Reagan is asking congress to provide to the rebels. Interviews with rebel officials, diplo- mats and political leaders in Honduras and Costa Rica over the last three weeks have left an impression of a poorly led guerrilla force that has stumbled after three years of on again, off again United States backing, inter- nal disputes, inadequate training and a record of human rights abuses, as well as little political direction and faltering public appeal. Several of the sources had expresses optimistic views of the guerrillas' abil- ity as recently as last year. In 1984, before Congress cut off mili- tary aid, the rebel forces operated in one-third of Nicaragua. Today, all but a very few have retreated into Honduras, and there is only one remaining active front, in Chontales Department south- east of Managua. Col. Enrique Bermudez, the top mili- tary commander of the main guerrilla group, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, has blamed a shortage of boots and other supplies for the rebels' re- treat. But such explanations have exas- perated American officials, who say that in fact the rebels are demonstrat- ing that they cannot fight a guerrilla war. Several American and rebel officials say they believe the American-backed effort against the Sandinistas could col- lapse this year. 1986 is the year of definition," a sen- ior guerrilla official said in an inter- view. "One way or another, this can't go on as it has before." Sandinistas Relocate Peasants Some of the rebels' problems can be roc to the origins o t e movemen , i was first or aniz in 1 w the he o f f entr n e i ence `Agency and Argentine Army inte r- aence otticers. Reagan Administration officials said at the time that the rebels' chief objec- tive was as the interdiction of arms supplies from Nicaragua to El Salva- dor. The Administration later said the rebels' objective was to "pressure" the Nicaraguan Government into introduc- ing democratic reforms and entering into negotiations with the insurgents. But rebel leaders have long made it, clear that their aim is the overthrow of the Sandinistas. The rebels appear to have more sup- port than their harshest critics con- cede. They have been described as lit- tle more than mercenaries, but in fact most combatants are conservative Roman Catholic peasants from north- ern Nicaragua who reject the Sandinis- tas' leftist program and who have volunteered to fight against it. They have been able to win enough support in the countryside to lead the Sandinistas to forcibly relocate tens of thousands of peasants in the last year from mountainous areas of northern Nicaragua to keep them from aiding the guerrillas. But the rebels have failed to attract the support in urban areas and among the middle class that would enable them to build a political movement, as well as an army, able to reach into the towns and cities. Instead of growing at the rate of 1,000' men a month, as senior Administration officials repeatedly claimed, the rebels concede that their forces are barely growing at all. Instead of fielding an army of 20,000, as Administration offi- cials also claimed, the rebels probably number fewer than 12,000 combatants, according to several rebel and diplo- matic officials. Ex-Guardsmen Are Leaders The Reagan Administration has twice changed the rebel civilian leader- ship, seeking more appealing spokes- men. But the fact that the rebels are widely seen inside Nicaragua and abroad as a purely military force led by former members of the defeated Nicaraguan National Guard and civil- ians who were loyal to Anastasio Somoza Debayle, the Nicaraguan dictator, has been a persistent obstacle to improving their popularity. % The rebels' most influential military commanders are in fact former Na- tional Guardmen. And a number of the civilian leaders were strong supporters of the Somoza regime. Their past as- sociations have kept more moderate anti-Sandinista exile organizations based in Costa Rica, including the Democratic Revolutionary Alliance led by Eden Pastora G6mez, from uniting with them. The Nicaraguan Democratic Force is managed mainly by three men: Adolfo Calero, Colonel Bermudez and l Aristides Sanchez. According to sev-! eral rebel sources, their leadership isl based on the long Latin tradition of per-iI sonal loyalty rather than loyalty to an' organization or broader principles. "It you criticize the top people they take it as a direct attack on their per- sonal power," said an influential Nica- raguan exile who has lobbied in Wash- ington for the rebels and who thinks they should be given American aid. "It's dangerous to confront them," The Background of Leaders Mr. Calero the former mans er f the Coca- o a com an cars is a businessman w o act ve y e Mr Somoza tat the same time maintained ties wit t e acco in to several NiCaraffURn M le sources r. %finclieZ is a large o re wner who was an a backer of Mr. Somoza. His brother ue , is also a7e_a_CffiW re civilian The main backers or umse an leaders are Nicaraguan exiles in Miami, many of whom were loyal sup- porters of Mr. Somoza or who profited from his Government. Colonel Bermudez served in the Na- tional Gus as did the most erful rrii its ie com w rem 1 him. a colonel was Mr. Siomoza- s last -fil tnTtarv a c o a ~. acco tore sources cross ties wit A. Between 1931 and 1984 he helped oversee a rebel counterintelligence unit commanded by Ricardo Lau, an- other former National Guardsman, that two American officials say killed dozens of people suspected d being leftists. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403790040-8 I Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP9O-00965ROO0403790040-8 Mr. Lau is described by American and Honduran officials as a fanatical rightist and hired killer. The Honduran Army reportedly forced him to leave Honduras late in 1984, but Colonel Bermddez and Mr. Calero have de- fended him in interviews and say they have no reason to condom his actions. In an effort to improve the rebels' political appeal, the Reagan Adminis- tration backed the formation of a now rebel front, known as the United Nica- ragum Opposition, last . DO bi within group has left the guerrilla army eaasatWly in the hands of its old leedacs. Sandiaistae an Emde t Fee Besides their many internal prob. lems, the rebels also have been badly set back by the efficiency d the Saedin- ista security forces. The Sandinista po- lice have arrested many guerrilla porters, rebel ials and Western diplomats. c And the 100,000?man Sandinista Popular Army and militia, trained and, advised in the field by Cuban a4aen, have learned to deploy veteran coen- teri y battalions rapidly by helia~ have been backed by gunships and mobile rocket batteries In; a lethal combination of tactics and firs Power. This materiel, slon; with automatic weapons, mortars and long-range artil- lery, have been Sin-Had bloc by the Soviet Union and Soviet Countries. The rebels have been squeezed to a point where, for the first time in three years, they have not even tried to dis- rupt the economically vital coffee har- vest in Nicaragua despite the fact that many coffee farms lie just across the border from guerrilla bases. Both Western diplomats and rebel of- ficials say the guerrillas need supply planes to re-equip troops inside Nicara- gua, surface-to-air missiles to use against helicopter gunships and mor- tars to counter Sandinista artillery. But even more important, they say, will be thorough retraining in how to wage a guerrilla war and new tactics, including a political program that the rebels understand and can explain to Nicaraguans they meet inside the coun- try. Even with such help, diplomats 'estimate it could take two years for the rebels to become an effective fighting force. To highlight the Nicaraguan guerril- las' incompetence, several diplomats noted that leftist guerrillas in El Salva- dor, with probably fewer than 6,000 men and no secure bases or supply lines, have wrecked the economy and badly blooded the Government army. But they are politically committed fighters who have organized public support and waged a war based on 'genuine grievances. The Nicaraguan rebels have been handicapped as well by factors beyond their control, especially prolonged erude cut- offs in their supplies. Conss American military aid to to a rebels in 1964, forcing them to scrape by on pri. vate donation for a year until Con- gress granted them $27 million in nonlethal aid to be spent by the end of this month, mostly on food, boots, uni- forms and medicine. The help has been slow in coming, the rebels say, and was suspended by the Honduran Government last Octo- ber in an effort to press the United States to make concessions on a num- ber of economic and political issues, a tactic that Honduras could repeat at anytime. Despite such difficulties, rebel offi- cials say that they do not lack guns and bullets and that the shortage in other gear is now being made up in part by supply flights from El Salvador using insistence on receipts for rebel pur- chases has kept the guerrillas from taking the easier step of buying di- rectly from the Honduran Army, which would gladly sell to them, according to sources here. Western diplomats say that Amer. ican nonlethal assistance has had the unfortunate effect of encouraging the guerrillas to sit in their camps, where they receive American-bought food, in- stead of marching into Nicaragua to fight. A senior rebel official echoed the criticism, saying nonlethal help that is not matched by military aid is a curse rather than a blessing. "It gives us enough to hang on, to prolong this so that more Nicaraguans die," he said bitterly. "But it doesn't give us enough to end it. I'd rather have no aid at all than only receive this so- called humanitarian aid." Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP9O-00965ROO0403790040-8