WHY US IS SPLIT ON SOVIET DEFENSE BUDGET

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403530001-9
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RIFPUB
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K
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1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
January 12, 2012
Sequence Number: 
1
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Publication Date: 
February 27, 1985
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OPEN SOURCE
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/12 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000403530001-9 cPP.ISTIAN SCIENCE T'nNITOR 27 February 1985 Why US is split on Soviet defense budget By Brad Knickerbocker Staff writer of The Chnstian Science Monitor Washington There is an air of perennial theater about it. One US government intelligence expert says the Soviet Union spends so much on its armed forces. A Soviet analyst from an- other agency comes up with a different figure. Politically moti- vated officials run with the figures that most fit their preconcep- tions - cut defense spending; no, increase it. And the public is gene Agency (CIA) and the Defense Intelligence AgenciTUM. The CIA says the Soviet military spending rate in recent Years has been relatively flat, increasing ' at about 2 Per-cent annuall . DIA says the annual rate of increase is more like 5 to 8 percent. Why the disparity, and what difference does it make? Both agencies use the same raw intelligence data, -obtained from satellites, spies, and published documents. But there is much room for interpretation. For example, how relevant are fig- ures on Soviet military spending when converted from rubles to dollars? There is no generally accepted conversion rate for the ruble as there is, say, for the British pound or French franc. What is a logical figure for Soviet labor costs, and how can this be compared with what a relatively high-paid US defense worker earns? "Dollars are a poor substitute for capability in evaluating the threat," cautions Richard Stubbings of Duke University, a White House defense spending analyst for 20 years. On evaluating military capability, CIA and DIA officials are more nearly in agreement. Even though there was an apparent SQWdown in r itarv investment from the mid-1970s through the early 1980s. the Soviet Union continued to produce large quantities of military equipment: 1,800 strategic missiles, 5,300 combat aircrak and 15.500 s. ? Harold Brown, US secretary of defense under President Car- ter, once put it this way: "When we build, they build. When we stop, they build." Even though the rate of increase in Soviet military spending Ct-appears to have ned, CIA deputy director Robert Gates told Congress in recently released testimony that "spending lev- els were so high that the defe-n-se establishment was able to con- tinue to mernize its forces and enhance substantially military capabilities." Toes this mean that the Soviet-arsenal is better than that of the US? According to the Pentagon, the United States is ahead of the Soviet Union in 15 of the 20 "most important basic technology areas" and behind in none. The technological gap in weapons that are actually deployed is narrower: US ahead in 17 weapons categories, equal in 10, be- hind in 5. But the Soviet Union apparently is having trouble catching up. "The figures signify serious Soviet shortcomings relative to the United States in the area of basic military technology," writes congressional analyst Richard Kaufman in the quarterly journal Soviet Economy. "Soviet weaknesses in initiating and adopting new technology could become more pronounced as the trend toward increased sophistication of weaponry continues." The US emphasizes its technological edge most controver- sially in the Reagan administration's push for space-based sys- tems to defeat a Soviet nuclear missile attack. But the adminis- tration's military buildup also reflects what military officers, who might have to use the new gear in combat, frequently are beard to say about more conventional weapons: "Quality is better than quantity .:. especially when deployed in large numbers." Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger stresses the size of the Soviet arsenal in defending his record-break- ing budget requests. "The Soviets have maintained an overall numerical advantage in most - categories of conventional forces throughout the postwar. period," he states in his report to Congress for fiscal 1986. '"Sin-:e the mid-1970s they have widened their advantage in nearly every force category by producing major- weapons at rates exceeding those-of the United States and ourNATO allies combined" Critics acknowledge that the ? Warsaw ' Pact arsenal is larger tl pan NATO's. ,But they -say this ignores several thugs While the US is warming up militarily with'China, large numbers of Soviet forces must concentrate on the threat from that direction. . - French forces remain 'independent of NATO com- mand but presumably would not stand idle in the face of a westward push by East Bloc armored and infantry di- visions. The NATO-Warsaw Pact balance also ignore close US military allies in other parts of the world, espe- i "When allies are added in, the US and its allies ex- ceeded the Soviets and their allies in defense spending for-each of the last 15 years," said Richard Stabbings, It is'also generally accepted that the Western alliance - for tills squabbles -- is a genuine grouping of friends who can be counted onsn.,time?of crisis. it is less clear whether, . say, Pohsh'troops would.enthusiastically. take part in an invasion of Western Europe. It; is within this context that intelligence- estimates of Soviet military spending - imperfect as they are - must %.be seen,-these experts say Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/12 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000403530001-9