A CLEAR PLAN TO HANDLE TERRORISM STILL ELUDES DIVIDED REAGAN CAMP

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040019-4
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RIFPUB
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K
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2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 27, 2012
Sequence Number: 
19
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Publication Date: 
June 20, 1985
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OPEN SOURCE
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/28: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040019-4 *R?IGLE APPEARED IN Policy Vacuum A Clear Plan to Handle Terrorism Still Eludes Divided Reagan Camp Some Doubt Value of Force; Priority of Saving Lives Leaves U.S. Few Options Successes Go Unpublicized By DAVID IGNATIUS Staff Repo rter of 'Fur WALL STRACUT JOURNAL WASHINGTON-Ronald Reagan. for all his tough talk, has failed to develop a co- herent anti-terrorism policy. The impotence of the U.S. policy has been dramatically demonstrated by the hi- jacking of TWA Flight 847. The seeming in- ability to develop a long-run strategy for dealing with such terrorism largely re- flects the intractable nature of the ter- rorism problem itself, which is as frustrat- ing for Mr. Reagan as it was for Jimmy Carter. But some experts say it also stems from such mundane troubles as bickering among cabinet officers, foot-dragging by . bureaucrats who are skeptical of anti-ter-, the current crisis. But administration offi- rorism efforts, and gung-ho schemes that have backfired. For example. the Pentagon has been consistently skeptical about retaliation and delayed for months developing what one official calls a "menu of targets." That list is finally available, but it is of limited use because it emphasizes targets in Iran. The U.S. assumed that the next terrorist act would come from the same Iranian-backed group that was responsible for earlier ter- rorist attacks against the U.S. But the hi- jackers of Flight 847, it appears, aren't part of that pro-Iranian faction. Terrorism experts criticize the wide gap between the administration's rhetoric and action. But "I don't think anybody has discovered an anti-terrorism policy that works," says former Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger. "The Is- raelis haven't. We haven't. We are all fac- ing a new kind of warfare and we don't know how to deal with it." Different Strain One problem is that the terrorists of the 1980s are different from those of the 1970s, some experts say. The gunmen now are mostly Shiite Moslems, rather than Pales- tinians. And the techniques used against WALL STREET JOURNAL 20 June 1985 Palestinian terrorism a decade a to-such as inte i ence penetration of their o ra- tions and harsh retaliation against e11r- petrators-may not work against e terrorism, officials say they proba- bly lost any chance for a quick rescue mis- sion to free the Flight 847 hostages after the first 48 hours. Such a move was dis- cussed but was ruled out because of techni- cal problems. There is a continuing debate within the administration, however, over whether the U.S. should apply force if the crisis drags on. "The U.S. could mount a raid of sub- stantial size-because that's what it would take-and go into Beirut after the Amal leadership and the people who perpetrated this," says one senior administration offi- cial involved in managing the crisis. Few Options But President Reagan seems deter- mined to seek a peaceful resolution of the crisis that saves the hostages' lives. "I could get mad enough now to think of a couple of things we could do to retaliate, but I would probably be sentencing a num- ber of Americans to death if I did it," Mr. Reagan said at his news conference Tues- day night. Richard Helms a former ambassador Iran and former (;1A director. applauds Mr. Reagan for showing restraint in an ex- asperating situation. He explains: "The President. at this stave, has no useful mili- tary options-in fact. few options of any cials agree that as long as saving hostage lives is the top priority, the U.S. will have limited options in handling terrorist inci- dents. A tougher policy would require the U.S. to subordinate the welfare of the hos- tages to broader national concerns-a painful step for any U.S. president. Yet "these aren't attacks just against the victims, they are attacks against the U.S. and its interests," argues a senior official who advocates a tougher line. New Concern What worries some U.S. officials most at the moment is the possibility that the pro-Iranian "Islamic Jihad" faction, which wasn't part of the initial hijacking, has taken control of some of the prisoners and will use them to bargain for the release of 17 of its members held in Kuwait. Officials fear that this group may hold the three TWA crew members still on board and seven people with "Jewish-sounding names" who were removed from the plane, plus seven Americans kidnapped earlier in Beirut. The fear is that Islamic Jihad might seek to trade these 17 Ameri- cans for the Shiite prisoners in Kuwait and might kill them if any of the Kuwaiti pris- oners are executed. Mr Reagan may yet find a solution to Quarrels within the administration have hindered development of a coherent anti- terrorism strategy. The reaction to the Oc- tober 1983 bombing of Marine headquar- ters in Beirut, for example, was a case study in bickering and indecision. Shortly after the bombing, U.S. intelli- gence identified a terrorist target in Leba- non's a taa VaElley. sere was a top evel debate on Now.983, two weeks after the bombing, about whether to attack the tar- get. But President Reagan was leaving that day on a trip to Korea, so officials de- cided to postpone a decision until he re- turned a week later. When he got back, disagreements be- tween the State Department and the Penta- gon over the operation continued, and the U.S. at the last minute backed out of plans for a joint reprisal raid with France. The French went ahead on their own on Nov. 17. There never has been any American re- taliation for the bomb that killed 241 Amer- ican Marines. Some of the administration's problems involve the technical difficulties of operat- ing so far from home. For example, the U.S. couldn't move its special "Delta Force" commando unit to the Middle East quickly enough last Friday to strike in the first few hours of the hijacking, when a rescue mission would have had the best chance of Success. The only way to be ready in the future, officials say, would be to keep a unit stationed permanently in the Mediterranean, rather than at Fort Bragg, N.C. In hindsight, U.S. officials wonder whether they should have bombed the run- way at Beirut to prevent the TWA flight from landing there-where it would be hardest to mount a rescue operation. Lack of reliable intelligence also con- tinues to hinder the U.S. Former CIA offi- cials say the ro em stems from a ec me in the number of American penetration agents inside terrorist groups-especially inside the Shiite groups that pose the main problem-and from strained relationships wiM many of the Arab virovernments that could Drovide inside information. One former CIA official contrasts the current hiiacking crisis with a successful anti-terrorist operation in 1972. The CIA. e recalls, received information from a ence servicce that Pal- frieen 1Arab in e '" estinians Plann to ifack a TWA ie t bound from Rome to Tel Aviv. The CIA alerted the Italian police, who grabbed the terrorists in a Rome airport lounge as they passed weapons to a colleague arriving from Benghazi- Libya. The TWA plane made its trip without mishap. Continued Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/28: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040019-4 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/28: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040019-4 The administration has tried in recent months to push wary CIA and mi tart' o i- cials into tougher anti-terrorism roams, including clo r links with other nations' spy services. But these efforts have some- times backfired. Preemptive Strikes? The example, resisted for months the areuments by some adminis- tration hard-liners that the U.S. should mount preemptive operations. The a enc viewecTsuc tactics as perilously close to assassination, a tac c that n the CIA into disrepute in the 1970s. Reluc- tant v the agency last December endorsed a new presidential roam that would have the CIA train the Lebanese and other frilly Arab intelligence services to pre- emot terrorists. The plan proved a disaster. The Leba- se service- i e a rest of the coun- n try. had largely disintegrated by ear ix this year. Some of its members decided to un- dertake a preemptive operation of their against own in a car bomb attack March Shiite religious leader med Hussein Fadlallah missed Sheik Fadlallah but killed about 80 others. The CIA insists it didn't have any involvement in the o ration and didn't train those who carried it out. But in the uproar that followed the m ing, the agency retreated from the an to train aTsr r eem tive operations. Administration officials believe that de- veloping a sound anti-terrorism policy has been difficult because elements of such a policy go against the American character. "Our virtues are frequently our vulnerabil- ities." contends Noel Koch, a deputy assis- tant secretary of defense who helps super- vise counterterrorism planning. _ "The value we place on an open society is ex- ploitable. Our respect for human life4s ex- ploitable. And so there is question of how to maintain these values and yet defend ourselves. There are no happy choices available." Unpublicized Successes U.S. officials Insist that the anti-ter- ronsm a ort isn't as bad as it looks. ey point to better transport capability for beta Force: better command and control procedures that reduce the layers of Pen- tagon bureaucracy involved in military op- erations: and better an ing of intelli- gence information, including a new stem that allows anti-terrorism officials to moni- tor raw intelligence immediately ms and assess what in tion is new and ant. important. Officials also claim that the U.S. has helped avert some terrorist operations, in- cluding a recent plot to kill Libyan dissi- dents in the U.S., a plot to blow up the American embassy in Cairo and attacks planned against American facilities in Leb- anon at the time of the U.S. presidential election and inauguration. - "The problem isn't with the administra- tion, it's with the nature of terrorism," says Robert Oakley, the coordinator of the State Department's anti-terrorism pro- gram. "Given the nature of the problem and the way terrorists operate, we won't always succeed in deterring terrorism, and often when we do it can't be publicized. The public is going to be more aware of the failures than the successes." The toughest problem of all, officials say, is developing a long-run strategy to contain the explosion of Shiite terrorism in the Mideast that has followed the Iranian revolution. Israeli anti-terrorism methods that were developed in the 1970s to deal with Palestinian terror don't help much now, they say. "Shiite terrorism is much different than Palestinian," says Fadi Hayek, the spokes- man for the Christian "Lebanese Forces" militia in Washington. "It isn't a political and nationalist movement, it is a religious and transnational movement. It has roots and bases in various countries, which makes it difficult to spot. And because the Shiite community has little political struc- ture, there aren't any pressure points." Penetration and other intelligence-gath- ering techniques don't work well with the Shiite groups because of their loose struc- ture, and intimidation tactics don't work well because the Shiite fighters are in- tensely motivated. The Palestinians, in contrast, tend to have well-structured lead- ership and frequent morale problems. Because the Shiites are sometimes eager for martyrdom, Mr. Hayek notes, "the usual mechanics of political negotia- tion don't apply." Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/28: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040019-4