WHAT FOREIGN POLICY?

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040011-2
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RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
January 26, 2012
Sequence Number: 
11
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
September 14, 1986
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000403040011-2.pdf168.87 KB
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ARTIC~ a eox~oiri ~ ~ Declassified and Approved For Releas H~012~01i UN~ Y 5RDP90-009658000403040011-2 14 September 1986 r ~ ~ at Forei n P olic . g From Libyrx to D~aniloff, Reagan's Ad-Hoc Approach Is Hokum B ~ . Reagan's ad-hociem has its vir- Rea an' f t s t a ra a to pu e p ug an hts old frtend. free Nicholas Daniloff. Offi- When public support eroded for irs reac ion to the So- y vtd Ignsttua toes. When Ferdinand ~~ ~ g came ~ ~~ ~ ~ viet attack was low-key, Hersh HE REAGAN administration United States this writes: "Reagan felt no immediate T hasn't ruled out t d ~ ~' ~~? need to denounce the Soviets or in ll d l vials hope the Daniloff case won't M~erican invdvernent in Lebanon disrupt arms-control talks or the in 1984. Reagan bailed out. It's summit. Oops, Wait a minute. hard to imagine this president get. Scratch that. The Daniloff case is ling involved in a messy, unpopular an affront to human decency. There war like Vietnam. He wouldn't have can be no talk of a trade for Dan- the patience for it. And Reagan has doff. Er, sorry Did we say no trade? accanplished the sleight of hand Perhaps an "interim" trade is ac- that matters mast in foreign affairs; cepcabk. the appearance of strength. Libya's Moammar Gadhafi. is The problem is that the undisci- planning new terrorist attacks pGtkd, ad-hoc style of the Reagan against the United States, and the administration makes it hard to Reagan administration is readying achieve any foreign-Rolicy break- plans for a military retaliation. throughs. It's surprising, in fact, Whoaa! Hold on. Correction. The hoa little this strong sad popular administration isn't planning miG- president hes been able to accom- t i ary act on. InteWgence reports about Libya are inconclusive. President Reagan is finally pre- pared fora "grand compromise" on arms control. He will accept limit on strategic defense in eschattge for deep cuts in Soviet offensive mis- siles. Wait. Sorry. No, he isn't. A trade-off of Star Wars u out of the question. The president remains fully committed to SDL These are the sounds of an ad- ministration spinning its wheels on foreign policy. Indeed, after review- ing the past month's record of statements and retractions on key issues, a reasonable person might ask whether the administration is conducting a foreign policy at all these days. The answer is yes, but it's a strange sort of policy. The Reagan administration's for- eign policy might best be described as "ad-hocism." Far from being the rigid applicatlen of ideology that liberal critip feared, the Reagan foreign policy has proved to be something quite different: an ad-hoc process?vf trial and error, of alter- nating hard-Wx and soft-line state- ments. of proposals that are run up the flagpole to see wbo salutes. It i8 foreign polic~i by public-opin- ion poll, and in many ways, it works. The country is happy. UsuaAy it gets what it Wants. push in nearly sat years, The record of the weak and unpopular Carter administration, by comparison, is full of accomplishments, whether you agree with them or not: the Panama Canal treaty, normalization of diplomatic relations with China, a new SALT treaty with the Soviet Union, a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. The Reagan ad- ministration, >o contrast, has had trouble brokering a relatively sim- ple dispute between Egypt and Is- rael about some beach property in the Sinai desert. The root of these difficulties is the breakdown of the National Se- curity Council system. The NSC is supposed to bring order to the pol- icy process and ensure that the ad- ministration speaks with one voice. But in this administration, the NSC machine hasn't worked to resolve interagency bickering and provide clear and timely presidential deci- sions. case in point is the Reagan administration's perform- ance during the 1983 shoot- down of Korean Air Lines Flight 007. As Seymour Hersh recon- structs the story in his new book, '"fhe Tsrget Is Destroyed," the ad- ministration had difficulty speaking with one voice in the first hours and days after the incident. some other way to seek vengeance .... He didn't have to prove that he could stand up to the Soviets." This initial bw-key response soon gave way to a cacophony of aides and bureaucrats expressing indignation and urging reprisals. The president eventually decided to turn up the rhetoric. He denounced the Soviets for deliberately shooting down the plane (even though U.S. intelligence reports questioned whether the So- viets had realized it was a civilian airliner) and said that the Soviet ac- tion was worse than their 19?9 in- vasion of Afghanistan. But Reagaa didn't retaliate. Tbia combination of red-twt rhetoric and no mi4tarp risk. seemed to suit the public mood: A similar pattern of changing statements and ad-hoc policy has been evident in the foreign-policy crises of the past month. Consider. ^ The D~axiloJ/ cane. Two days after the KGB seized the American jour- . naGst in Moscow, White House of- ficialssaid the Reagan administration hadn't ruled out the possibility of an exchange to win Datriloff's freedom. The officials added that the admin- istration hoped to avoid an interna- tional incident and disruption of arms-control talks, which were ap- proaching asensitive phase, or the prospective summit between Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorba- chev. Four days later, amid growing public indignation about Daniloff, the line seemed to change. Secretary of State George Shultz said in a speech at Harvard: "Let there be no talk of a trade for Daniloff ....The Soviet leadership must find the wisdom to settle tie case quickly in acoocdance with the dictates of simple human' decency and of civilized national be- havior." Then, last Friday, the hard line seemed to soften as American. officials negotiated the "interim" re? lease of Daniloff and an accused So- viet spy to the custody of their re-~ spective ambassadors. Cac~anue0 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/26 :CIA-RDP90-009658000403040011-2 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/26 :CIA-RDP90-009658000403040011-2 ? Arms Control: Reagan sent a letter in July to Gorbachev that many administration officials described as a breakthrough on arms control They. told reporters that Reagan was final-, ly prepared to accept limitations on testing and depbyment of defensivz weapons as part of a new arms tort` trot agreement. Not so, claimed Secretary of De-~ fense Caspar Weinberger last week. He asserted during a lunch meeting. with journalists that Reagan hadn't agreed to any such "grand compro? miss." He maintained: '"Che grand compromise was more in the minder of certain behokkrs than anything else. It was never something the president considered because he waa never willing to give up strategic defense." Who's right? Those like Weinber- ger who insist that the president will' never give up SDL~ Or the senia administration officials who maintain that the president deeply wants an arms-control agreement with Mos- cow? Both are probably right. Our ad-hoc president wants both things. and apparently feels he doesn't have to choose between them. ^ Libya. The Wall Street Journal created an uproar last month when it reported: "After a lull, Col. Gadhafi has begun plotting new terrorist at-. tacks .. , .And the Reagan admin- istration is preparing to teach the mercurial Libyan leader another les- son. Right now, the Pentagon is com- pleting plans for a new and larger bombing of Libya in case the pres- ident orders it." Oh yeah? Administration officialsc in Washington told The New York Times that "the United States had no hard evidence that Libya was plan= ning new terrorist attacks and they+ flatly denied reports of impending military action against Libya.' Ob Yeah? A senior White House o~iat in Santa Barbara told repoRers for Joucrud stay waa "highly autharita~ five." Oh yeah? Otltcr official slid the adminaaation had in fact bees caught m a partiarlarly inept psycho- lo6ical warfare scheme, one that seemed to frighten the American public more than it did Gadhafi. The Reagan administration's foreign-policy pr~lems stem from the inability of the Rea- gan NSC to speak clearly and ooher~ ently during crises. Ultimately the incoherence reflects Reagan s ov~ failure to control the policy ~~~ or to fmd a national security who can do the dirty work for him.: Seymour Hersh, certainly no f~ri of Henry Kissinger. argues that tt~ former national security advises could teach the Reaganites an impoi~ tant lesson. Says Hersh: "Kisaingb! understood that you have to grab control of communications in tlt~ White House and spear with ooh voice." ; Hasid ~tisw att a~taiate editor of Tl~s WaaMi~ Pb~ is tAe edito-ojtitis Owtloort ~+ettorr. Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/26 :CIA-RDP90-009658000403040011-2