HITTING BACK IN CENTRAL AMERICA

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8
Release Decision: 
RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
November 13, 2012
Sequence Number: 
4
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
August 6, 1985
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8.pdf104.85 KB
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/11/13: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8 \ ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE A-I.b Philip Geyelin Hitting Back in Central America Speaking privately, U.S. officials deny that President Reagan is spoiling for a swipe at training camps for Sal- vadoran rebel hit teams in Nicaragua.. You can forget the rumors that he is itching to offset the impression of weakness conveyed by failure to re- taliate for the bombing of the U.S. Ma- rine compound in Lebanon, or slaying of Americans in El Salvador last June, or the hijacking of TWA Flight 847. - Quite the contrary, we are told. The recent stiff note. to the Sandinista gov- ernment in Managua means simply what it says: the United States has good reason to think the Sandinistas ' are schooling "terrorists" for attacks on "U.S. personnel" in Honduras and that it had at least a hand in the shoot- ing of the six Americans, including four Marines, in San Salvador. Any more of that sort of stuff will have "serious repercussions" is all the United States was saying. Deterrence, not stage-setting for a show of strength, is all the administration had in mind. I believe it?up to a point. That is, I believe that there is a powerful re- straining force at work in the Reagan administration and that it resides in a high place. It was Ronald Reagan, by his own account, who held back after the Marine bombing. His was the loud- est voice of prudence at the time of the TWA hijacking. It was his concern for "collateral" loss of innocent lives, I'm told, that weighed most heavily against a plan to strike at suspected Nicaraguan training camps right after the killings in El Salvador. That said, the possibility that the administration will feel compelled to conduct a "surgical" U.S. air strike at Nicaraguan targets by no means dimi- nishes. Deterrence is a dicey business. It becomes all the more chancy when you take into account the nature of the forces at work against restraint. WASHINGTON POST 6 August 1985 The Sandinistas say, in effect: Look, no hands. No matter, we say: The in- telligence evidence constitutes a solid case for holding Nicaragua responsible in a general way for future hostile acts against one form or another of the American presence in Central Amer- ica?military, diplomatic, civilian. The crucial question then becomes whether the Sandinistas can be con- vincingly held responsible for even those anti-American terrorists acts that can be traced directly or indi- rectly to Nicaraguan nests for terror- ist training? Obviously, we are not talking about a court of law. But we are talking about possible acts of war and about the prospects for Nicaraguan re- sponses and U.S. escalation, for which there could be a need at some point for a measure of American public un- derstanding and support. The Nicara- guan provocation, then, must not only be real but SA a practical matter it will have to be presentable in a way that will make it look real. This, in turn, presupposes a level of Nicaraguan regimentation over the dirty tricks it sponsors that the U.S. government disavows for its own ac- tivities. Responding to the recent U.S. note, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega said: "Nicaragua has neither practiced nor supported terrorism, nor has it been involved in any terrorist act." More specifically, the Sandinista foreign ministry formally declared that, "Nicaragua rejects any sugges- tion at all of responsibility for what happened. . . in San Salvador or in any other similar situations that occur in that or any other country." You don't have to believe a word of all that to hear an echo in the disclaim- ers of CIA Director William Casey in an interview last June with U.S. News and World Report. He was asked about any connection between his a ency an a car-bombingy a eba- ou ast but iilised Its target, the leaderof an ex- tremist and cone movement. "We e wor to stren en counter- the' terrorist t m tec any operationsnse ves, we y_fere not involved, and no one weriau tiined was involvedthe nese car-bombing operation." overrunent to train them ica support. t e Careful words?careful enou h not to ru e 2142.24 t OU t to ave ha ned: Lebanese counterterronst orces subcontracted, cvair-e m ine to ree- la t? terrorists, int esse sun countetnetrrorism. C c an et out o ? not too out- landi to leve t at ven the na- ture of terronif..DA--da-6----2?i thosewho vho rac- tice it the same co n eG e. case o Tis this at t e11- dinistas are no more capable o con- trollin events they set in train than Bill aSeY claims to be?that an_a rea y precarious a even more Boman pu?ous ic wit revious nva e warm to ana a sinto e nso te ar - mers t res nt s midst the more so sincee reviousintedhr.eats of retaliatMn have one u The result is that almost any new anti-American terrorist incident in the neighborhood, however remote its connection to Nicaragua, could put Ronald Reagan's prudence-in-practire to its heaviest test. Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/11/13: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8